More than a Declaration of Peace: the Plains Indian Pipe and Calumet Ceremony

Kirsten Thompson
Jeffrey Blomster/ Candace Greene
 Few objects possess the cultural significance of the Plains Indian pipe stem and bowl

known as the calumet. Since prehistoric times, prior to European contact, the pipe has had

numerous and varying roles in American Indian culture. The pipe has been utilized in social,

political and economic interactions, while the bowl and its stem are the central symbols of

multiple rituals including the calumet ceremony. Pipe trade, cultural contact and exchange, and

the expansion of the calumet ceremony over much of Plains territory continue to be relevant

archaeological topics still today. Throughout early European and colonial contact, the pipe and

the calumet ceremony were believed to ensure peaceful interactions between both intertribal and

Indian and white settler meetings. To comprehend the language of the pipe and the calumet

ceremony was to successfully and peacefully pass through otherwise hostile territory. In short,

early emphasis of the pipe as merely a peace pipe ignored the many other dimensions and roles

of these symbolic objects and simplified their cultural significance.

Multiple states of anthropological theory are reflected in the way that pipes and rituals

were interpreted through time. During the 19th century, ethnographic objects tended to be looked

at from an evolutionary perspective. According to Morgans (1877) divisions of human culture

into savagery, barbarism and civilization, American Indians could be seen as noble savages.

The carving of pipes was discussed as a simple task which could be done with perfect ease

and could scarcely have required a day to complete (McGuire 1899:572-3). Less decorative

pipes were also described as primitive, while the focus on the calumet pipe ritual frequently

described an elaborately decorated calumet, with no attention given to the complex role of the

pipe within the ceremony (McGuire 1899).

Later towards and throughout the 20th century, many adopted the Boasian notion of

historical particularism by trying to understand material culture within its own context. Rather

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than generalizations of pipe activity, tribal differences in pipe design and pipe use in rituals were

compared in a way that looked for influences possibly deriving from cultural diffusion. The new

focus in the Plains was on the volume and direction of pipe trade (Murray 1983). Boas (1887)

also advocated for ethnological objects to be understood in accordance with their ethnic

groupings and tribal differences. The focus on tribal attribution continues to challenge those that

work with American Indian material culture today, including pipe bowls and stems, Native

garments and many other objects that were used and exchanged in daily life (McLaughlin 2003).

Early in the 20th century, Malinowski (1944) discussed the functional role of the material

apparatus. Such objects or technologies were involved in meeting economic, social, educational

and political needs. Though the calumet was originally associated solely with peace by

Europeans and whites, in Plains culture the pipe was involved in many social, economic and

political activities, and the pipes function changed according to each activity. The numerous

roles of the pipe are now frequently discussed in ethnographic accounts of American Indian

culture. Pipes and tobacco were used for medicinal purposes and smoking was used to counter

hunger and thirst and to focus the smoker intellectually and spiritually (Rafferty and Mann

2004). Pipes were also utilized as objects of exchange, creating alliances for peace, trade and

war (McLaughlin 2003, Hall 1997). Some pipes were occasionally used in the torture and

execution of enemies, while others were utilized for personal cleansing and recreation (Rafferty

and Mann 2004:145). Such a functional approach focused on the numerous roles of the pipe but

disregarded the pipes larger ritual context.

Later in the 20th century and continuing today, pipes are discussed as religious and

political symbols, with attention paid to how American Indians understand and interpret social

roles and rituals involving the pipe (Noder 1999). For symbolic anthropology, the focus on

3
religious and political symbolism requires the incorporation of native oral history and involves

the interpretation of the symbolic meanings of cultural objects and those ceremonies that are

focused around them (Geertz 1973). With pipes, tobacco smoke is regarded as being pleasing to

supernatural powers and spirits (Murray 1983). Therefore, pipes played a prominent and often

central role in numerous rituals. Tobacco smoke was used as an offering to the spirits, a

purifying agent, [and] a sacramental substance, capable of transcending boundaries to unify

peoples and spiritual powers (McLaughlin 2003:206). American Indians today compare the

role and origin of the pipe in spiritual rituals to the role of the bible in Judeo-Christian religions,

and insist that to misunderstand either is to misunderstand the belief system (St. Pierre and Long

Soldier 1995). As a political symbol, the pipe worked as a mediator. Since supernatural help

was needed in order to enact political treaties, smoking was also essential during this process,

and all parties were required to participate fully (King 1977).

The most well-known role of the pipe was as a gift. Mausss (1990) concept of ritual gift

exchange is reflected in the American Indian process of trading pipes. It is believed that ritual

gift giving in American Indian cultures derived from indigenous diplomatic practices

(McLaughlin 2003:33-4). Primarily, early ritual gift exchange secured tribal trade alliances.

Besides smoking and trading pipes, sedentary and nomadic people of the Plains exchanged

produce for meat and skins, which in turn, linked the economies of the Plains, Great Basin and

Plateau cultural areas (Brown 1989:313). The role of the pipe at this time was to preserve peace

for the period of trade. Pipes did not make friends out of enemies, but the smoking and exchange

of pipes allowed trading allies to be safe while doing business (Blakeslee1981, Murray 1983,

Brown 1989). During European contact it was the presentation of wampum belts, not calumets,

that were traded for food, tobacco and cloth to signify a peaceful relationship (Brown 1989). It

4
was not until later, during the colonial era, that pipes became the essential gift in diplomatic gift

exchange between American Indians and whites (Ewers 1986, King 1977). However, in all

cases, for the American Indian it was the smoking process that consecrated new relationships

(Druke 1977), and this event, according to Mauss (1990), should have been a prestation, creating

obligations for all participants. Between whites and American Indians these obligations were

also signified by the signing of treaties, though neither of these agreements was frequently

upheld by the parties involved.

When attempting to study the archaeological elements of the American Indian pipe the

only surviving evidence of early pipe usage and rituals is the stone carved pipe bowl (Blakeslee

1981). The stems, which are the more sacred, symbolic and individualizing element of the pipe,

are fragile and do not survive long. Therefore, in the Plains the stone pipe bowl, most often

fashioned out of catlinite, must be used to reflect the movements of people, trade contacts and

ritual exchanges that took place (Brown 1989:316). Catlinite, a stone material named after

George Catlin and mined out of Minnesota varying in color from red to pink and grey, was the

most commonly used stone for making calumet bowls in the Plains region (Ewers 1979). Still,

every catlinite pipe found does not signify a calumet or the presence of calumet ceremonies for a

particular region. This is especially true for bowls found originating in the 19th century since

pipe exchange between American Indians and whites had become increasingly secularized

(Brown 1989). The shape of pipe bowls must also be considered when archaeologically making

a connection between a bowl and a calumet stem. For the Plains regions, elbow pipes were the

most commonly used calumet bowls (King 1977, Murray 1983, Ewers 1986). Frequently, elbow

pipe bowls were found in graves as burial goods. For many reasons, however, the value and

significance of pipes found in graves cannot be known (Brown 1989). Once the pipe bowl is

5
removed from its original ritual context and its associated calumet stem the function and

meaning of the bowl changes. Therefore, all that can be stated with certainty is that the

presence of a catlinite pipe bowl on a site suggests that some sort of ceremonial activity had

once occurred (Brown 1989:317).

Pipes and pipe practices are often discussed in a processual manner. There is frequently a

cultural evolutionism approach, suggesting that American Indian cultures change in patterned,

predictable ways. As Ewers (1979) points out, all pipe forms typologically derived from tubular

pipes. Also, Plains pipe bowls are often described as being part of five distinct categories:

tubular, Micmac, elbow, prowed pipes with flaring bowls and calumets (Ewers 1986). Pipes that

do not fit into these five categories are explained as occasional creations of ingenious and gifted

carvers of different tribes over a long period of years (Ewers 1986:51). Comments such as

these would suggest that pipes have progressed in a cross-culturally predictable manner, allowing

for universal laws (see Binford 1989) to be applied. Throughout pipe literature there is also a

focus on cultural changes occurring due to outside contact, and as Trigger (1989) discusses this is

common with a processual focus. Cultural changes are emphasized in terms of contact with

other American Indian groups through exchange of materials and techniques, and most

commonly, change is discussed in terms of contact with Europeans and colonizers. Frequently,

the introduction of metal tools is discussed as the catalyst for larger, more elaborate bowls

(Murray 1983). In addition, the widespread availability of metal after colonial contact is also

discussed as playing a major role in metal inlay pipe decoration (Blakeslee 1981), even though

metal inlay has been found on pipes made in the early 17th century, prior to French contact

(McLaughlin 2003). Finally, some archaeologists argue that the French played a large role in the

rapid spread of the calumet ceremony, which they believe spread as a nativistic movement,

6
utilized by American Indians to regain a feeling of balance during the colonial expansion

(Turnbaugh 1979, Brown 1989).

In the past few decades, ethnohistory has also been incorporated into the archaeological

study of the calumet stem (Blakeslee 1981, Brown 1989). Ethnohistory, as defined by Fowler

(1985), is the interpretation of historical and ethnographic documents from an anthropological

perspective. Ethnohistory attempts to recognize the biases of history and those that recorded it.

By using ethnohistory in combination with archaeology, Blakeslee (1981) and Brown (1989)

attempt to explain the cultural distribution of the calumet stem and the calumet ceremony.

However, using nearly the same data and information, the two men arise at different conclusions.

Blakeslee (1981) focuses on the role of the stem in cementing alliances for trade and warfare,

while Brown (1989) believes the widespread territory that once practiced the calumet ceremony

represented a rapid nativistic movement of the pipe ritual. It is this focus on the cultural

movement of the pipe and the accompanied rituals that points to the problematic issues of trade

and cultural exchange which ultimately prevent the possibility of definitive interpretations and

pipe attribution. The predominance of regional rather than tribal styles, the pervasiveness of

trade and exchange, and the scarcity of comparative materials make tribal identification of early

19th century Plains pipes nearly impossible (McLaughlin 2003:212). Furthermore, the nature of

their use dictated that pipes were frequently transferred inter-tribally and cross-culturally

(McLaughlin 2003). Ultimately, the incorporation of historical accounts of exchange and

ceremony may help to explain and expand on these issues which are otherwise unsolvable when

using a strict processual approach.

Another issue which is rarely, if ever, discussed in archaeological accounts of the calumet

is the role of women in both the making of pipes and their participation in ceremonies. The

7
focus is instead primarily on the carving of the bowl and stem. However, the decoration and

detail given to the stem, though always discussed as sacred and symbolic, and even classified as

more important than the bowl (King 1977, Ewers 1986), is never discussed as being womens

work. Still, it is known that Plains communities valued the industry and skills of women in their

abilities of porcupine quillwork and bead decoration (Penney 2004). In fact, the creation of

finely decorated items, particularly those intended for ritual use, represented the highest status of

feminine achievement (119). The more traditional, processual accounts of pipes are useful;

however, the denial of the female role in relation to the symbolic pipe distorts history and

removes women from the many ceremonies and social interactions pipes are involved in. An

implied ranking of activities places the role of decoration, which today is a primary reason for

displaying objects such as pipes in museums, as less important than the carving and shaping of

bowls and stems. Such a ranking scheme misrepresents the cultural reality of womens

achievements (Spector 1991). While pipe making is always pointed to as a specialized craft

(Ewers 1986), womens roles are rarely discussed. Due to the fact that much research still uses

original contact accounts in the descriptions of pipes and ceremonies, it is believed that the

majority of the attention is directed towards the male uses of pipes and the male roles in

ceremonies because little was originally recorded about womens roles (St. Pierre and Long

Soldier 1995). Furthermore, the role of Christianity and early anthropological patriarchy can be

viewed as reducing the religious importance of American Indian women, while also disregarding

their spiritual role and social status (Paper 1988, St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995). As the pipe

was a symbolic and central object in Plains culture, a more gendered archaeological approach

that focuses equally on womens roles in relation to the calumet stem and ceremony could help to

uncover the historical and cultural significance of American Indian women.

8
 As discussed previously, American Indians exchanged goods and services as their main

form of communication when meeting with both whites and other tribes (McLaughlin 2003).

When pipes were traded or given to Europeans after a calumet ceremony, the pipe worked as a

passport throughout territories (Penney 1992). In a political context, smoking the pipe

solemnized diplomatic proceedings and enacted obligations on both sides (McLaughlin 2003).

In the 19th century, Plains pipes more literally became linguistic symbols when carvers began

using the medium as an expression of social commentary, carving pipe bowls to express attitudes

towards whites, women and other social circumstances such as beliefs towards the liquor trade

(Ewers 1986). There were many levels of communication that the pipe established, including

person to person, group to group, and from the group or individual to the supernatural or

spiritual world (Rafferty and Mann 2004:145). Linguistically, the role of pipes as sign systems

and the calumet ceremony as a performative ritual can be examined.

Using semiotics, pipes can be seen as signs and as a system of objects defined in relation

to one another by both what they are and what they are not (Culler 1986). Besides their uses in

rituals and ceremonies, pipes were often sent intertribally for forming alliances, declaring war

and enacting obligations. Consequently, pipes could be returned to symbolize broken bonds or

dissatisfaction with current relationships (McLaughlin 2003). Different colors of paint could be

added to a pipe stem to indicate different intentions of pipe exchange. For example, blue was

emblematic of peace while red signified an alliance for war (Ewers 1979). After the pipe was

accepted the paint would be removed from the pipe and the stem could again be used for other

purposes. In order to understand the meaning and value of the pipe exchange, the cultural

context had to be understood as well (Culler 1986). Contrary to the European belief, pipes were

not merely a flag of truce, protecting the owner under all circumstances (McGuire 1899:508).

9
As de Saussure pointed out, social practices, such as the exchange of pipes, are highly codified

and it is the relationships of the semiotic systems that determine meaning (Culler 1986:117). The

social and cultural dimensions of pipe exchanges became a type of pidgin language between

Europeans and American Indians (McLaughlin 2003). Europeans had to learn the ritual language

of the pipe, and the understanding of this cultural knowledge was indispensable for diplomatic

and social meetings between Europeans and American Indians. Also, if language can be looked

at as a system of signs then symbolic rituals can be studied in the same manner (Culler

1986:105). The actions prior to pipe rituals and exchange, therefore, were equally important to

the semiotic system. Europeans and opposing tribes were obligated, when arriving in rival

territory, to make an offering of tobacco, which could be seen as an indication of a peaceful

relationship. This action could ease tension and express gratitude (McLaughlin 2003). Without

such a peaceful offering travelers could be met with open hostility and such an impression would

remove the possibility of the pipe exchange and the calumet ceremony (Blakeslee 1981).

When looking at the calumet ceremony and other Plains rituals that involved the pipe as

the symbolic center, the use of performance theory can help to explain these actions and the

subsequent interpretations. Though Austins (1962) speech act theory may have been

ethnocentric, he and Searle (1976) both pointed out that language is social action. Such an

approach to language gave the individual agency, as each performer could change the cultural

state for all those involved in a performative act. Bauman and Briggs (1990) then built upon the

idea of language as action by stressing the qualities and degrees of performance involved with

language. Bauman (1977) states that there is always an element of skill involved in performance

acts as the performer must understand how to convey a complex, symbolic cultural product. The

emergent act is then judged as successful or unsuccessful according to cultural standards

10
(Bauman 1977). Beeman (1993) distinguishes ceremonies and rituals as semi-performative as

they are not directly affected by audience evaluation. However, Turner (1986) unifies the

institutions of drama and ritual in a similar fashion as Singers (1972) cultural performances.

Singer includes ritual, rites and ceremonies with the more Western performative examples of

plays, concerts and lectures (Singer 1972:71). Cultural performances therefore create events by

using mediums of song, dance and action to create public presentations. Also, due to the

reflexive nature of cultural performances, they are heightened occasions for all those involved

(Beeman 1993).

The main components of the Plains calumet ceremony included gift exchange, feasts,

dance, long harangues and an offering of a calumet to smoke (Brown 1989). Also, in order for

the calumet ceremony to be successful all parties had to participate fully (King 1977). In the

case of the calumet ceremony, the role of the pipe was as a symbolic instrument that allowed an

agreement to be made, and Europeans understood this role of the pipe (Murray 1983). However,

there were many other ceremonies which incorporated the pipe including rituals for adoption,

naming of children, sweat lodge alliances and medicinal purposes. These many roles were

misunderstood due to the early European belief of the pipe as a universal symbol of importance

and peace. A key element to performance comprehension involves knowing the context and

being able to actively contextualize and entextualize the actions (Briggs and Bauman 1992).

With the essentialized view of the calumet as a peace pipe, the inability to contextualize and

entextualize the symbolic actions of the pipe may have made those ceremonies that Europeans

were not actively involved in incomprehensible to them.

As Tambiah (1985) pointed out, rituals are always linked to status and the interests of the

participants. Therefore, again, rituals are open to contextual meanings. On the Plains, the

11
widespread importance of smoking and its involvement in rituals deeply impressed white

participants (Murray 1983). However, many ceremonial pipe stems were not perforated and thus

could not be smoked. Yet, this element was rarely discussed in European and colonial accounts

of calumet ceremonies. Also, in most ritual accounts, only male participant roles were discussed

even though calumet ceremonies were not exclusively performed by adult males (St. Pierre and

Long Soldier 1995). Tambiah (1985) also discusses the use of patterning and redundancy which

help rituals to convey meaning and enforce the proper ceremonial structure to the audience.

Often, pipe ceremonies were described as tedious sequences prescribed by ritualistic etiquette

(Murray 1983:91). The emphasis was placed on the circular seating arrangements and the

individual smoking techniques that were prescribed by tribal rules. These elements were seen as

opposite of white customs involving smoking and therefore were given a primitive innate quality.

These techniques were then copied by Europeans throughout the rituals in order to enact or build

upon the desired alliance. Still, there were unspoken sacred symbolic actions that smoking

solidified which Europeans either did not fully understand or care to maintain (Jackson 2003).

To American Indians, declarations became morally binding when accompanied by the smoking

of a pipe (Turner 2006). In a political context, smoking represented taking responsibility for

ones words and actions, and the smoke, as a witness, would then carry the words to the spirit

world, making one equally accountable to the spirits (Paper 1988, Jackson 2003). Because these

rituals took place in public, the political agreements and the ceremony were witnessed, judged

and legitimized by the audience and consecrated by the pipe ceremony (Druke 1977). As every

performance is intentional, aiming to be effective (Beeman 1993), the key element of audience

evaluation (Bauman and Briggs 1990) is emphasized in the public aspect of the calumet

ceremony.

12
 Pipes raise many anthropologically compelling issues. As objects that have been made

continuously since pre-historic times, they are of clear importance to the cultures they were and

are still part of today. Though still utilized for cultural rituals, pipes are also objects which exist

in museums, on display for visitors to learn from and admire. Because smoking a pipe was

frequently part of the ceremonial process of unifying the human and spiritual worlds, some

people of Native ancestry are displeased with the displaying of pipes in museums as works of art

and sculpture (Penney 2004:119). Pipes, therefore, are greatly affected by anthropological

interpretation and representation, and these symbolic objects point to the fact that collection and

exhibition processes in museums are not neutral acts (Karp and Lavine 1991). Museums do not

merely house dead objects. They represent a collection of cultures and cultural knowledge

(Williams et al. 2005). It is this duty, not to properly display the objects, but to accurately

represent the culture that points to the significance of anthropological and archaeological

interpretation.

It is important for the future studies of pipes and native cultures in general, to continually

remember the role of women in American Indian culture and the role of the native voice in the

field of anthropology and archaeology. When interpreting original ethnographic accounts, the

biases of the authors must be recognized. For a large majority of original accounts, womens

roles have been deemphasized or entirely erased (St. Pierre and Long Soldier 1995). In

archaeology, the role of native oratory and American Indian spirituality has never truly been

considered relevant for the field (White Deer 1997). Still, pipes are culturally symbolic objects

that are imbued with immense social and spiritual power, and anthropologists and archaeologists

must work in collaboration with natives, and not solely from archival sources, to fully understand

and appreciate the significance of the calumet.

13
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