TRANSPORT AND DEVELOPMENT: CONCEPTUA! FR ays, port facilities and inland and feeder fines are added. Inlaid) transporesga) ‘on~ pass through or focus upon places of established polit 7 ‘al significance of economic appartunity, $0 12 changing transport network in part controls, andl 19 part controlled by. the chan tical and cca eraphy of the port hinterlands. As the 5 quence of diagrams indi some pares are prosper. others decline, ard tine connectivity «af she network is gradually increased Tventt m of the series. the madel suggests & ful atiuned 19.2 a> of roads and rail transport nodes, and the diversification of ‘omic activity (incluuin commercial agriculture) and settlement p: (including rapict erinynivation) 1A fourth neocefont! parse involves a substantial omic geo further diversification oF th surface of the Ti! Git menliiend) trveke lini with the founer petro: wemizattion of the transport nal di and terns. industrializatio economic development continu politan power. ‘Ile in the Vind orld county Involves, at Ui stage, elements of falonatization, adaptation and fe investanent Hy response to chanewne, de hint to This model, like all models, is an oversimplified ality. It provides a useful point of view but however, no radical a Hier plas tion of re cocn to discussion ase reinterpr te Taaffe, Morrill and Gould of the relationship between tiansport and deveton- ment, a number of questions may be asked. How, for FAodel ‘The inter velopment withir ¢ devetoping area of the world have heen drawn togetiier ina very well-known ‘model (Figure 24a) first published by three Ameri- resent the real needs of deselapine couattios Father can aut ‘Taalte. Morriil and Gould (Taaffe et than the aspirations of _¢ i 2 al, 1963), The ideas +f contains were orivinally de- How relevant isthe model to. undersianding of rived from rese: 2b shows an ad tion. Interne 2 oos a developing.countey make the transi= elationshipys hewecn transport ind de- tion fom one staze of the model to the eet 7 Naat ‘is the nature of the development process involved? Ho seiupliadin the model, in Ghona and Nigeria, Figure ation to Kast Africa, «\ series of present-day yy, in a hypothetical des model Pear any kt network may gradually “TRInapere_systems under “Cwalvcd? AN Sieh questions aahat @ va evolve fram a pre} vial situation oi develop vod af exterse! political “SWERe Bue whiltever the vance Old intervention ts the of political ind pendence. te interrelationships bety “The model represe.uts sve pataitel evolution of po: and development provide an 6 litical, economic just a ws Vance mi Anierican reiations, the R ih connities, sransport vetvork sicelly and historieaiiy, 11 Sea- the ‘assumption | are rooted, } fons aihough the extern}, maritime element i Processes repesenited is ka gels ignored. The frst of cures 2.4a andl 2.4b suggestFig ‘ual Inaigenous "| ‘commercial eontre\® [High Colonialism o | Naval bas OO “Ber Administrative neontre THIRD WORLD toding Pal (eo River A Overseas shipping ae Coostal shiping © Metropolitan # esidontory © Superimposed TRANSPORT ~~ Track — Roa ar Railway ‘CONNECTIONS: — Expressway Feeder road ++++ Abandoned railway we 23 The Rimmer mods)‘i tea) 0 we Dhore a waty Wiltiaans, AE : UK. prublene at study Group. | ' ne of British Goosrapher ra:nable fucure: the Gosene iS 192s 5 aE Transpo many di physical velopm lp Hoyle and Rikad kkeonw asta, “ite ae various global referen as edi INTRODU ‘Transport isan that exist bet terns of social economic deve countries, inv litical negoti vironmental ¢ economies re ated transpot contentious. however, inl rudimentary cilitate cor proved tran (Hoyle, 199 ‘Transpor2 D DEVELOPMENT: AMEWORKS sé Smith TRANSPORT AN CONCEPTUAL FR: Brian Hoyle and Jo Bs plovide 0 ke) mg and operations of many other systems at many different scales, and is an epitome of the complex relationships that exist between the Fiscal environment, patterns of social and poliaal actit), and levels of economic de- velopment, Viewpoints on relationships betwee IansPert and development continue 10 evolve. This chapter focuses on transport as @ social facility and as an economic enabler at Through an analysis of selected models of various levels: within the transport speci nr? global relevance, through discussion of @ variely of scales, modes and contexts, and with peference to exiled interprets the concept of ransDOTt 0s @ PETES Rasa rather than ‘a5 a direct stimulus to economic development or spatial change. to the understandi INTRODUCTION many different scales. At one extreme, interconti- nental transport provides essential communication between the advanced and the developing worlds. ‘At the other extreme, local transport to rural mat= kets in many parts of the Third World is a component in changing dynamic socio-econ structures (Barke and O'Hare, 1984; Mabogunje, 1989; Todaro, 1989). Viewpoints on relationships tween transport and development, at various lt evels in the development spectrum, continue to (Gauthier, 1968; Hilling, 1996, Hoyle, 19 Leinbach ef al., 1989; Simon, 1996; Ullim ‘Transport is an epitome of the complex relationships that exist between the physical environment, pat terns of social and political activity, and levels of economic development. In advanced and developing countries, investment in transport is a matter for Po- litical negotiation, ceonomic calculation and ene vironmental consideration (Adams, 1981). Modern economies require, and assume. relatively soph ated transport systems: yet changes are frequently contentious. A majority of the world’s peoples: however, inhabit reas underprovided with even rudimentary lorms of transport, and tbe need t0 fa omic developinent by providing fim verwhelming cilitate econ proved transport services is often 0) (Hoyle, 1994; Owen, 1987). i ‘Transport systems provide a key to the under standing and operation of many other systemsPERN TRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY COMERS, at Various level BRE a seta OVO of developmental il Sims Of a ecteted range of mode at he pivotal role of es ongoing globalization of economic aa ret ee ample, in the emergence of world svt) POF ae ‘orld cities and in the ee ci 48-40 economic enable: - rat Bae. the interpretation rests on adic an Permissive factor rather 7 ae Ss to economic development While the tin rt anc vos cation as Space-adjusting technolos foe by and affecting the globalization pr me a i ae Tange of examples. On this basis, a num- relevant cases are examined in a detail in Chapter 3. a Tegional economi politan ar THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS Five Essential Ideas Relationships between transport and development are underpinned, in one sense, by five essential * ideas, whatever theoretical frameworks are intro- duced, or whatever specific modes of transport or level of development under discussion might be. Historical perspectives The first is the continuing relevance of historical di- ‘mensions, in two senses. Firstly, theoretical ideas and concepts about the transport-development rela- tionship have a long pedigree, and current thinking on this subject is informed by an appreciation of the ‘evolution of ideas in the past. Secondly, all existing “transport networks have been inherited from the re- cent or more distant past, and not infrequently were designed to serve purposes rather different from | those they are now expected to fulfil. Transport his- tory. like transport engine Leansport 66 omics. is essentially complen 2 tary to transport ge of transport systems should bear in gaind the costly process of adaptation 10 present-day aad te resent-dat ie able requirements. Jay and foresee: Nodes, networks and systems A second essential idea centres on she critical role Of transport nodes in the context of the. regions national and international transport systems which they serve. Transport is fundamentally a question of nodes, links, networks and systems, Links between places, by a single mode or a variety of modes, and over shorter or longer distances, encourage the emergence of significant nodes where links converBe for where modes change, A pattern of links and nodes produces a network, a physical arrangement of transport facilities; and the design, development ‘and management of that network requires a multi- faceted transport system, which is ultimately both @ response to demand and an expression of tech= nological capability and economic resources, Early work by Kansky (1963) and by Haggett and Chorley (1969) elaborated the essential foundations of these perspectives. Cities, as nodes within multimodal transport sys~ tems, fulfil critical role on an inter-urban basis, a8 well as experiencing the problematic complexities of intra-urban mobility. Similarly, by linking water borne and land transport systems, seaports are welll placed to act cither as uenerative foci of deyelop- ment diffusion or, alternatively, as parasitie nodes drawing off resources from hinterlands and restrict ing economic growth. Modes, choices, intermodalism and flexibility A third basic idea concerns the links between dif ferent conventional transport modes — roads, rail- ‘ways, air and sea routes, canals and pipelines. Three. dimensions are significant. Firstly, the relative signifi- cance of different transport modes is a dynamic as- pect of the transport provision in any cou rTRANSPORT ANI area, and today often [ocuses particularly on road! rail competition and the declining importance of railways. Historically, railways provided the pioneer transport arteries in many world areas, but over time: roads have proved move flexible and more competi tive as well as proviclin door transport. Althot creasing worldwide, s)pecialized ni more convenient door-to- rail track mileage is ine works such as Ur ban rapid-transit systems are increasingly popular, and rail modernizatio as a good investment generally lost their arterial role Secondly, it is important to consider the degree of intermodal choice avai or society. The selection of a specific ior a particular purpose depends upon a factors including the range of modes available, their relative cost, safety factors and convenience. In some areas, however. rekitively few moles are avail- able and therefore choices are severely restricted. Very broadly, a relative lack of intermodal choice s less-developed countries and areas, parts of the world schemes are frequently seen railways have nevertheless able to an individual, group ransport mode inge of character while people in more usually have a much wider choice a stiictive impact of limited transport availability is a major factor affecting the development process in poor countries, while conversely the availability of a wide range of modes facilitates socio-economic pro- ress in more prosperous regions. Thirdly, modern transport systems depend in- creasingly on the concept of intermodalism, the movement of goods from ori to destination in sealed containers by means of {wo or more transport modes (e.g, rail/road, road/rail/sea, rail/sea/rail). In- troduced by the so-called container revolution of the cdvanet lable, ‘The re- 1960s, the concept of intermodalism and the use of - multimodal transport methods together facilitated “the rapid spread of containerized transport mettox throughont much of the global transport syst (Hayuth, 1987), and by the 1990s had effeetiy volutionized iste be ics. Although t induced a ral coastal ports ane thei! “iusitonaaele D DEVELOPMENT: CONCEPTUAL FRy forelands. ®S inland! container-handling es termed “dry ports”) hi (sometimes termed “dry ports”) have assu importance: creasit Deregulation and privatization In the past two decades there has been a major worldwide move away from transport serviees that are heavily regulated by government, by controlling service patterns and charges, and operated by” nationalized or municipally owned companies. to- wards deregulaied or liberalized transport services operated by privately owned companies. This policy reflects neo-liberal “New Right” views that the, Sate) s ons designed 10 ensure fair competi the safe operation of transport services (Green, 1987). Deregulation, which has affected all modes of twansport. has been underpinned by the theory of contestalle markets, which contends that competi: on, through the free entry of new (private) oper alors into a transport market. is the key mechanism for improving efficiency and for providing cheay I more innoyative Lransport services (Ban mol ¢ al., 1982; sce also Chapter 4). In practi \ Port markets have, not been contest regulation has often resulted control by a single transport cor uses of monopoly power such Poor-quality services can be co regulation oe afeRN TRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY. Pranchising, of serviv by competitive tendering J eanitiact 4 4 Het hay sometimes proven 10 be @ More successful method of introd forves into the f ee franc iia OF Greater London's local bus services, ample, is regarded by most successful than fall ¢ Britain (Kennedy Privatizatioy HN continues un ee Unabate for a lixed-per provisioy ae ion of transport services people as more egulation in the rest of Great 1995). ay most. pti ies have proved to be orientated than theit ‘decessors aind so there have been oo aut nalization. Full deregulation, ® More controversial policy and there Tguments favouring partial liberalization ation especially where Could be detrimental to tamsporuee transport com, publicly owned p few calls for re. however are strony. or re-regul Holistic approaches It is important to emphasiz _ fifthly, that transport systems are dynamic wholes, and that their evolu- tion and operation should ultimately be perceived and analysed in this context. In order to understand how any system operates today, what its problems are and how it might be improved, it is usually helpful to know how it has originated, grown and’ developed. Transport history, like history in gen- eral, is not bunk; it is part of human inheritance, and helps us to appreciate the potentialities and the limitations of the transport systems we have today or are planning for the future (Kessides, 1993; Ni jkamp and Reichman, 1986). Transport policy, however, is often fragmented, especially in compet ve market economies, and integrated transport systems are often regarded as unattainable in a world where individual transport modes, and el- ements within them (such as specific railway or road haulage companies or ports), operate in a competitive environment in which the demand for transport is ultimately unpredictable, In most cases, of course, individual transport modes were developed separately. both spatially and over time, and this partly explains why transport policy is often fragmented and why intermodal approaches vn and mereased utientn policies. however, there ure Jems may be alleviated sin Factors Involved ij and Develoniian bony fotor a nvelvad al ships between transport and development presenl-day transport system of # eonniamm cjnnot normally be explained by one fa Explanations can usually be found, ho series of interrelated factors, Some of the mi portant factors are indicated in Figure 21 shows how transport systems of various economic, stances; b} conditions. : Figure 2.1 emphasizes that these factors @ transport in different ways, influencing each othe well as affet political and demographic technological changes; and by. ing transport systems directly and indi tivity, Each factor may operate in posliveyes tive or neutral way; each may affect transport | dilferent scales, from the local to the global; and basic dimensions ~ time and space ~ are invol Examples of some of these factors at differen of activity are given In considering the relative importance of affecting transport in a particular country geographers not only use general models emphasize the diversity of place, and th combination of factors, whieh help to ex eeeJs ECONOMY > INTERNATIONAL. POLICIES, a 2 HISTORY ; Some factors inuencing the development of transport systems and the transportidevelopmen Figure 21 This principle applies equally to advanced and less: developed countries. The Vance Model MODELS OF GLOBAL RELEVANCE vn_ransport and di Atcempts to general jobal scale have tes ment relationships a! ‘a number of spatial mosiels, Whilst th siderable debote on the iterpretation of sic jes, a degree of consistency is apparent underlying factors. Most auree th fern owes much to the emergen sinDERN, TRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY Emironvental Historical Technologic! Poli Sails/drainage 7 [atone Roads Koierpr oe ee ‘Administration Regional —_fAltitude/ Colonies _Reilwoys Trade [Crop environments Continental Distance Colonialism Sea routes Indepenclence Global Oecart ean Energy Neo-colonialism Interdependence : Air transport Prices Felecommunications Demand level Toble 2.7, Some exomples of foctors involved in the development of transport syst consume anufsctured products from a rapidly in- are limited but all are externally orientated, a process that results in linear patterns both along the coast and stretching into the interior ‘The fourth stage of the model is characterized by the development of internal trade and an internal manufacturing industry. Despite the lessening of mercantile Ucs with Britain after 1783, the spatial impact of the first three stages remains strong. The initial points of attachment with Europe assume an independent status and, in turn, form the nodes from which the interior is settled. Competition between the various coastal settlements resulted in a number first by water, then ‘of east-west penctration route: by rail. The growth of internal nodes is also the res~ alt of their long external links to the coast and Ue timately, Europe. The final stage of the model is reached when internal trade dominates North ‘America and is matched by a mature transport and urban system in Europe. Although North vAmerica f was eventually to lead the world in transport de- 2 yelopments, the historical evolution is still apparent in bot its Wansport network and its urban system. om + The Rimmer Model oe bac . 7 An Mlicrnative and complementary perspective is provided by Rimmer (1977) who outlined the de TACT velopment of a hybrid transport system in less: developed countries, derived from the colonization process by which metropolitan powers used revolt: arn on eene aa am tiSfary modes of transport to penetrate Tmdigenous systems and to gain, both political control and cultural and economic dominance, The resultant Fe structuring of resource use, patterns of cireulation. organization and outlook transformed the indige= nous system, and instituted an interdependent rela= : tionship. in_which_the_colonizing_power 10-82 We substantial @xtent controlled a two-way exchange OF tpouals anid services. This process eventually yielded & in which hybrid transport system in developing countries em taining both indigenous and imporjed glem@nsie— often inadequarel ated Using tegngi from Brookfield (1972, 1975), Rimmer Kent phases in the evolving ouships between metropolitan and Third sport terms (Figure 2:3): fo interte World countries in tra 1, A pre-contact phase involved no links between a Vhird World country and a distant power in the advanced world, Within the Third World country, ‘limited network of tracks, together with navig- able waterways, supported/a relatively restricted socio-economic and political system. c | 2. An early colonial phase, secondly, involved the establishment of direct contacts by sea between advanced and developing countries but did not produce radical changes in Third World societies, ‘Enropeans being largely content to dominate sea transport routes and to establish foothold settle= ‘ments such as trading posts and garrisons. 3, A third phase of high colonialism involved more fundamental changes including the introductionTRANSPORT AND DEVELOPMENT: CONCEPTUAL FRAS North America ~ fae cf AttachmentTanstosrcrogedrny ¥ ¢ ‘ s jransport innovation allowed populations to dé: egntialize away frown the city core, Large-seale urbs begat Lo emerge especially along the trans routes catering for the working- and middle: narkets. AS Figure 2.9 indicates, a star-shaped tan area began to replace the circular outline of fl walking city. Ln parallel, commuter rail services al > jnter-urban links allowed further decentralizat to beads of settlemen's along major tran form, typified by stage A in the Hartshor® (Fiaiire 2.5). Today. many older cilestBtega “this AmipriNG Gon dhe past, offen, as in Europes within walled city centre, where everything i within walking distance. Not until the advent of trol SS ley sand rail technologies in the late nineteenth cen —* tury could urban residents itr major eities. live “beyond walking distance from their place of work: a opie: the fixed-rail and electric streetcar era * ‘the date nineteenth century, m e- routes: ee ailable to everyone at arate Tn stage C of the model, rd transport bei feaeettevigrew in size, fuelled by industriaiaation, make its impact, Between 1420 and’ 1)30 cia a | | Walking Horsecar Outer beltway and suburban downtowns esac, aeae TRANSPORT AND DEVELOPMENT: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS - SS oA hack ‘ort Development: the ation and had little impact om Seap' owed wealthy families Anypo't Model : In contrast, the : used mainly for re city structure although they al to move further from the city centre. flexibility offered by buses allowed them {0 chal- Jenge streetcars from the 1920s onwards, and PY the 1950s the transition to buses for public mass transit was almost complete. However, buses never domi- vated the urban transport scene to the same extent Peatrectears, especially in the USA. As compelli0? penreen buses and cars intensified, bus servicht found themselves unable to com density suburbs with their networ Buses became increasingly confines density central city areas and major arterial high- sways (stage D). In larger. older cities dominated by fail, overcrowding op the commuter rail, ines prompted the search for alternative modes of travel to work. The car, which offered a greatly improved siternative to either bus, streetcar or Fal, Was nok confined to rail corridors or major arterial roads and began to open up interstitial areas for suburban de- velopment, The decentralized form of development fist ercated by mass transit was the perfect environ ment for the car, which rapidly came to dominate tn transport sties, much atention $ VER 19 urban problems. but seaports are ‘often ignited in favour of Pris, railways and other land-basee mods/ 7 the pivotal position of seaports, like taat of alnportsy hin intermodal transport systems is indispensable (Bird, 1980, 1983). ‘The term cityport is sometimes sed to emphasize the interdepende rce of urban and transport forms and functions in Joce tions where port facilities provided the original raiso: d’étre of urban settlement (Hoyle and Pinder, 1981) TA port, a5 a node in a multimodal taMsPort ofS: tem, fulfils critical functions and the relative eller: ency with which it does so can become a positive, — eutral or negative factor in develo yment, FOS Fe fect changing economic, political a id technological Gieumstances over time and on different scales (Hoyle and Hilling, 1984) Ports an port cites Rave played a major role in developmes' throughout the modern world, often as gateway settlements from. the standpoint of a colonizing por er or as windows on a wider world for the societies and economies of coastal and interior zones (Blat.. 1993), Imperial {the model in the USA, the page cites - frony Ate WS the nineteenth ontury ~ were eritical nods in te establishment of evelopment of metropolitan areas with highway Both transport networks and urbsn systems, helping networks that permitted virtually random access 19 develop dependent territories yithin a globalizing : Meeen. any wo poinis. This Jed to further des leganamny. Thess Key elements 1ormally provided aien not just of residential and use bul of 5 foundation. stones cr continuing Importance ate ‘and indusirial growth, Many of these context of present-day urban and transport systel The growth of ports is basicaly affected by they formed « strony contrast to the declining factors: the land situation and tre water tual inner-eity areas, Ultimately such restructuring ted and the fan site and the water site. The couaeaa so char | patterns yp: Gig, the physics! conditions of ul fie ica by the growth of “edge provides the initial stimulus to dé cities” (Garreau, 1991). Although planning regula- in the oth er tions limited the scale of decentralization in British temeh cities, the same trends were apparent. Urban trans dd more ubiqe pete in the lowe ks of local roads. dt the high- urban travel. In the final stage Eo} poste1945 freeway boiling programme allowed the sncentrated in the outer beltways where port had become cheaper, faster uuitous, greatly enhancing the intensity of movement. fn the prac sats later chapters in {his situation - the “book illustrate, urban transport has created en~ _velopme ie . - vel vt in tt “tirely new spatial patterns. 2 ns eeTRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY © situation affects relationships with major shipping routes. The prosperity of a port ultimately depends. however, upon the efficiency with which it is able respond (o demand and the degree to which itisable to enhance its competitive position, ‘The concept of hypothetical Anyport was intro- duced by Bird (1963) in the context of British sea- ports, a5. a pattern and standard against which to compare the actual development of individual mem bers of a port complex. Each historical stage in the development of Anyport involves a change in layout, and thus the way in which the present pattern of port facilities has evolved may clearly be seen ‘The six eras of the original model (Table 2.2a) re- ficet the emergence of a modern seaport node from primitive origins through the development of margi= nal quays, docks, deep-water berths and specialized quayage. Individual ports have not always followed this sequence precisely or at the same rate, ‘The model outlines a general sequence, but also allows attention to be drawn to unusual or unique features in individual cases. Table 2.2 The Anyport model {0} Summary of the gener a modified form to describe the evolution of the p system on the Indian Oces coasts of the East AfFE” cl theme of the development of a major British port ‘The Anyport model hay heen suecessolly wed Tabl i 1083 2b outlines the growth of ports inthis syster from an ancient dhow tralfic era through successive and sometimes overlapping eras involving light erage, deep-water and specitired quayet tial velopment of modern container terminals, [ni Betiiem Gependent socio-economic and political factors ‘affecting the level and pattern of port growth in spe cific locations ‘The growth and development of ports clearly volve the interplay of many variables. Some fe operate ata local scale, such as those associated with port sites; others, such as the distribution of rainfall, — population or feeder road systems, indicate regional ‘conditions within a hinterland; while continental and. global systems, often technological, political OF Fra Terminated by ih ‘Overflowing of the port function from the primitive nucléus of he port, oF eee tone ect he doing part cin “Margit i Change from a simple continuous line of quays ee Fe ey elobaration rer of dock or the exponsion of the harbour 1V._ Dock elaboration pening of 8 dock with single Ines uavoae ' i ir i il 1s in water 2 V, Slilsvreas Gyan alo ae entweetept nc ot espn Source: Bird (1963, 34). é -{b) Summary othe gener theme of he development of « major Eost African port ny Terminated byeconomic in nature. involve wider cireumstanees and. changes. Ports do not grow in isolation, but in re sponse to chang ities and demands in- opportu volving different times, areas, seales and int ‘They provide one set of dynamic, competitive instru= ments through which a country’s external relations are conducted (Hayuth. 1985; Hilling, 1969; Hoyle 1d Charlier, 1995). All ports, whether studied indi- vidually or collectively, clemonstrate the critical role of the port function in national and regional econ~ omic development, and the need to maintain and enhance each port's competitive position when look- ing towards the and! and maritime transport systems of the twenty-first century the Airport as Multimodal High-Speed Hub Major elsewhere but also volving as multimodal ‘irports, primarily in Europe These are predicated upon the eomple= ind high-speed train (HST) as the two transport modes most capable of shrinking. the friction of distance. The key model, France’s train fi grande vitesse (TGV). is less a very rapid but essen= tially conventional train system as a new mode of transport offering « conipetitive produet with patterns ofaccess very similar to those of air transport (Gutiér- rez et al., 1996). The TGV, moreover, cannot be viewed in isolation, but rather as a transport mode ‘added value when it interfaces with other tems (Thompson, 1995). Although ment concentrated on cily centre the most recent network addi Ww smainports’ mentarity between ai early TGV develop city centre links tions include the bypass !oute around Pas inks the existing lines (and eventually beyond) and serves Europe's third bus Charles de. Gaulle at Rossy, Addit GY in siuthorn Pare ts MBER airport at Orly — shih canker ance sates Leesa TRANSPORT AND DEVELOPMENT: CO} come the first of a new wave of Ei airport hubs. Although many airports in Europe at are served by conventional rail intermodal airport interchange is very d concept is central to the European Cor plans to develop an integrated Trans-E ‘Transport Network (TETN). A multimodal a hub represents a rationalization of the econo cial and environmental benefits to be ach consolidating traffic flows, a terminal senger loads can be broken up by the most mode (Varlet, 1992), Althoush France has eveloped HST network of any dal high-speed airport hub Amsterdam, — Dusseldorf, Cologne-Bonn and Milan Malpensa, orated within this network, which will not be pleted until after 2010. tee Clearly, this particularly European approé ‘marked implications for the concept of th a mainport. Two in particular ca sstly, the development of the with its modal shift potential off tackling the major ground tr Jems that bedevil large ait which the HST is the most attractive cd airport hub(ODERN TRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY nodes. networks and systems, and: significance for transfer passe i i ; fer passengers. Intercontinental that attise when passengers, for example, can transfer directly t0 the {errestrial high-speed system, rather than having 10 destination or une conventtonal bokages to high belwes ai network von speed rail termini in city centres. velopment, and wider aspects of Ultimately, a successful integration of road, con- _ cieties in advanced and less-developed ec ventional rail, high-speed rail and air transport considered here, with reference to approy modes at airports could produce a succession of amples. More detailed case studies sophisticated mainports across Europe at which — these principles are presented in Chapter pia regional, national, international and global traffic flows are all scamles egrated a (Graham, 1995) (Figure 2.6). Te ae lie Railways:and Deyveleoiay complex are provided by (i) the airport-HST- autoroute-conyentional national/regional rail inter change, with its regional, national, international and global focus, and (ii) the city-centre railway te minus, orientated primarily towards intra-urban, re gional and national traffic, together with limited international services. The conventional airport- central station rail link remains a fundamental el ement in the model, linking the multimodal airport interchange to the city-centre termini, In sum, the model arguably offers a more rational approach 1 the problem of scarce airport capacity than does the Railways and development in Africa construction of new runways. It is, however, one that Railways provide an important means of modert is limited to denscly urbanized regions that can sus- cl tain high-speed rail networks. transport throughout Africa and their distributio and operation have been closely related to both fisieat and economic Uevelépments (Figure 24 NETWORKS AND THEIR ‘Their initial impact was profound, since they off SPATIAL IMPACTS the first real alternative to head porterage, was slow and labour-intensive (Hilling, 1996) contrast-to the traditional system, railways i elficieney and reduced the cost of transport Of alt the transport modes. caitwaye Ra the greatest influence on the establishment of. patterns at a regional scale. Not only were they § integral part of the Industrial Revolution, But the! development also coincided with the growth of ropean empires in Africa. Asia and Latin Am Consequently, they have played @ erucial role im development process in both advanced and les developed societies. The experience of Africa, rope and Japan is examined here wre particularly concerned Transport geographers ai be observed between with the relationships that can Inerationg! Naignal Regional Local Global Intemational National Regional Pe ioe oon Hagn Sed rat es py ne ot Cent ston irri nk raisoiregoral multimodal, igh-ypeedaipor' mainport i ee bec ai as Sa Figure 2.6 A model ofoRT AND DEVELOPMENT: CONCEPTUAL TRANSP' \ hee wal eine < potas enAFASO Port Gentil Pointa Noiro Cabin Atlantic Ocean nt a rope ee ae siete Figure 2.7. Railways and ports in Sub-Saharan Africa, yy suited 10 the movement of bull ied the opening up of a modern ed many of the de- were particulat! goods, They facilita commercial economy and init velopment patterns that an ‘The majority of African ra arly twentiethMODERN TRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY and an oil pipeline system, an international railwa from a coastal port to ea iieailocked country. ee re ciao neural in lies The eB tranapane a Country i ene element in a amltinvodsl ancing were olen fly poli oe cece (Creer 19520). Euan ye corse sorie ae Bc siciiness e itor emer at and poverty (Pirie, 1982), "Their eli Sica (Gali. spatial pater of «inca whi sess the most comprehensi , Soul At zones of seaman Nit 20005 km track, much of which is elected, ae- trae atthe pense of en eae counts for nearly one-third of the total track length accepted that modes ae in sub-Saharan Africa. I is the only Affi ican ra hw sh a ne vallways tee : y African railway problems, While they enjoyed network fo exhibit a grid rather than a linear ie pattern, ‘The fragmented nature of African rail networks as a whole has generated numerous : . meee us proposals for fur +r extensions and linkages. At a continental scale, constraints, Many state systems depend on ou plans have been proposed to link the existing linear technology while financial constraints on mat railways and end the isolation of several landlocked _ governments, which own and operate the ma states. This would require an estimated 15.000km of the network, have resulted ih severe under new railways and the integration of the various (Gleave, 1992a). Moreover, railways in sub-Sahar gauges that Africa has inherited from the colonial Africa have been a major victim of the polit ical period of railway construction (Siddall, 1969). Con- rest that has afflicted many parts of the conti sequently, such plans are extremely unlikely tocome (Gibb, 1991). to fruition. Even more modest proposals, of which Engineered (a high standard, «rail Line esi ps there are many, are unlikely to progress beyond the vide a transport link of yery considerable ‘capacit} feasibility stage (Mwase, 1996). In reality, sub- and, used properly, transport at very low cost (Hil Saharan Africa’s railway network is more likely to jing. 1996), Unfortunately, many African railwa contract, Many lines are operating at low capacity achieve less than their optimum, Only the South AE and have good roads running in parallel, In this con- rican system ranks technically and operationally text, the World Bank and the International Mone- among the most modern in the world. Else tary Fund have targeted a number of Jines for the debt crisis and the subsequent Structural A closure with the aim of reducing public spending as _ ment Programmes have compounded the prol part of Structural Adjustment Programmes. Conse inherited from the colonial period. Investm y new developments will require strong track has been affected by reductions in governt traction expenditure while restrictions on imports hay (as in Sierra Leone) is likely to continue, ulted in a shortage of spare parts and new 1 Tis now widely accepted that, while railways may stock. ‘To a limited extent, the impact of st be'a necessary condition for development, their exis- grammes has been ofiset by international le tence is not a guarantee that it will follow. The as- railway rehabilitation. However, since railways sumption that now or ‘extended railways actively capital-intensive, they ae most vial promote development was questioned in the 1960s are intensively used. Unfortunately, (O'Connor, 1965), and a distinction drawn in this low population densities and limited “context between the inivial provision of ways offer ideal he elaboration of “transport facilities and t! port systems (Hoyle, 1970). More ing the early part of the wentieth century, f subsequently faced increasing competitio road transport. In attempting to meet th tion, they are often operating under consi quently, an economic justification, whilst network conttobe fess important thin that which they currently full. High-speed rail networks in Europe and Jopan The earliest phases of railway building in advanced societies were associated! with industrial expansion and emerging urban systems. Unlike Africa, rail net works emerged which were highly interconnected and incorporated most, if not all, of the urban hier arehy. The subsequent contraction of these railway networks from the 1960s onwards has been even more marked than in developing countries However, in contrast to Attica, railway tcrtinology industriai societies has continued to evoie, with consequent repercussions for spatial patterns. In particular, the development of high-speed trains and their associated networks is ha both urban systems Purape, the Bar V0 an impact on nal development in snd North America The spatial consequences that have arisen from this sequence of initial expansion, contraction and new technology are apparent in Japan (see Figure 83). Concentrating on urban _ accessibility, Murayama (1994) shows that the traditional urban system, linked by coastal shipping and a primitive road system, was completely reorganized by the emergence of the railways. which created new con- tly increased the speed of existing, nections and links. Between 1910 and 1960 concentrated invest- Japan resulted in re-, ment in rail construction in J ‘ ‘ duced travel times: for example, the journey time from Tokyo to Osaka Fell from 11 hours in 1926 te Ghours 30 minutes in 1961, The i accessibility encouraged the unity of the Japanese urban system, which incor” Phe increase in inter-city ure $3). The Shinkansen his been in three routes (Tokyo-Fukoka, Tokyo ‘Tokyo-Niigata), creating an east-west: Travel times between Tokyo and Osaka reduced by, over half to 2hours Elsewhere savings are even greater, journeys between Tokyo and such oe Hiroshin ikuoka and Sendai, Cities on the —— Shinkansen lines have gained the greatest locational | advantage while non-Shinkansen cities in remote fe are yet lo searched, strong evidence already exists for the con- other cities. Gutiérrez et al, (1996) bi changes in relative location are also expected European high-speed network, currently beit veloped (see Figure 13.1). The Commission of pean Communities has placed great emphasis on # Nial to the ael nctwork, which is viewed as esse ment of # Single Market and to the problet gional development. The Commission arg truly free European market will be d open and flexible network in which efficient connection all regions. Moreover, the high-speed ne improve the accessibility ofJERN TRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY Shours while long Soul be ea LanEet Joumeys of 1500 to 2500 km Overnight in 8 to 12 hours (Com- munity of European Railw: Sa ae paler, 1989), As Spieker- trast, the deficiency in road Hirioking contigo. Themen Mets Europe is a countries Ws Fee ae andeviving a Space brought about be wench, the contraction of development (Owen, 197) Man eae Ls i high-speed train is far tries have struggled to find, ihe eat from continuous. U : . Undoubtedh Palle brodakt alee Ys peripheral regions even basic lev é ae ight closer to the centre, but only hae ee oes regions whic! rk or } it fi hich are on the network or well connected o it will benefit, As in Afri ; e ansport in less-developed countries t Africa, the net Te Road a a work will cre- ; ate islands of greater accessibility which will in fact | ae be favour the major conurly cts b !ajor conurbations and the c e peso th f 1e corridors be- ween them. Regions outside this new organization ing oes nn Hations (Starkie, 1982), ‘Asin the developed world, rod (rant poe ame Bree Neel ie unless they are va nes en and universal mode of transport in I ae eetecnetncie. (Pinacaca connected developed countries. Both national governmen Men IRC rine icarcidersbie | es 1991, 1992), and international agencies have invested heavily Brg Se eelepdicot of ae isa for the the transport sector and road building has taken the Brpeeieliy idiperipheral countries a ac major share, Early road developments focused om agi a end Spain. As Duna as Britain, resource-rich areas, many of which had been initially Fe seve oryucdl. tne undon-Smith and opened up by the railways. In this respect; #088 57 Sea Cioink Fe easement ones uilding often duplicated the spatial patieHis) lm Be ee iee ee pavons to Europe, but established by the railways and connected interior mc ia, pronase jorks in conjunction areas to the major ports. More recently, road net= ¢ high-speed network could also result in works have been expanded as national leaders have: reater isolatis Be aclstion. attempted to open up previously isolated and unex ploited regions, to encourage economic develoP Accessibility and Diffusion: ment and to promote national integration (Airey, Road Network Devel = 1985; Filani, 1993). During the 1970s emphasis” jepnisnt) shifted away from the major trunk roads towards the ‘Although railways made a major contribution to the expansion of secondary rnd feeder roads, especially as (Barwell et al., 1985; ‘Mwase, 1989), industrialization process, modern motor transport, in the rusal area with its flexibility and adaptability, now dominates By 1977.99 per cent of the total length of roads the transport systems of most countries. More than proieels funded by the World Bank were rural roads any other mode, road transport has improved the ‘The spatial impact of such policies has been very” mobility and accessibility of the majority of the varied, New trunk routes are few and their impact, world’s population (Hilling, 1996). Despite its uni whilst often substantial, yersality, it is also responsible for some cof the great- such as the Amazon basin in Brazil (Hilling, 1996) est contrasts in development that ave emerged However, continual advances in road-building tee during the twentieth century. In the ‘developed nology have resulted in road improvements Qh world, the rapid expansion of moto: transport after leading to realignment. The road-building © 1950 exposed the deficiencies of a onventional road gramme that followed Nigeria's oil boom from | network, In response, the Vaedustrialized nations in- to the early 1980s has been particularly well vested in«new limited-access highways specifially mented, Salau and Buba (1984) showed how th designed to carry large volumes of high-speed traffic, alignment of the Zaria 10 Kano road in nor Motorway networks were constructed throughout Nigeria resulted in reorganized marketing Europe and Anglo-America forthe purpose of ink tunities and a substantial shift im populatinew route. However, as Porter (1995) has illustrated, such developments can have dettiment especially on local feeder roads and off-road com. munities. The differential impacts of feeder road: whilst location-specific, have In general, their impact has been greatest where a marketable surplus exists, as in Kenya where a pro- gramme to provide 14000 km of access roads was linked to the increased production of staple com- modities such also been highlighted. coffee, tea and sugar. However such roads have had little impact on other rural sport needs including the fetching of water and fuelwood. Recent research has questioned the continuing sustainability of road programmes in the developing, countries since many, especil and Asian countries, are finding it increasingiy diffi- cult to maintain their existing road network. Econ- omic Structural Adjustment Programmes imposed by the International Monetary Fund have had ser- ious implications for road transport. Road: main- tenance in particular has been underfunded: by the ate 1980s it was estimated that 90 per cent of Nigeria’s unpaved roads were in poor condition. Shortage of foreign exchange and currency devalua- tion have limited the imports of new vehicles and essential spare parts. In Ghana 70 per cent of the vehicle fleet was found to be inoperative by 1983 wing toa lack of imported spares: def of road fransport pros ye existing vision ie modilication. International agencies are increasing research into new initiatives in road maintenance which are ltbour- rather than capital- intensive, With low levels of yehicle ownership in “both urban and rural areas, greater emphasis is being placed on encouraging nous vehicle manufact d transport such as_ bicycles and animal-power i ly accepted that there is transport, It is now widely direct causal relationship between transport pr sion and development and that new roads “missive rather than automatic e transport Road transport in developed countries Although road transport had come to dominate the transport systems of industrial societies by the 1960s, network evolution has continued and long-distance, high-capacity, limited-access road networks now form a major feature of such (ransport systeins, The Interstate Highway System in the USA and Euro- pean motorway networks indicate the scale of capi tal investment that has occurred since the 1960s. Understanding the development implications of the road nétwork improvements has been of major in= terest fo trawsport geographers, Early studies of the Interstate Highway System (IHS) concentrated on viewing the network as a graph consisting of a collection of nodes and link= ages, and assessed accessibility through connectivity measures (Garrison, 1960; Garrison and Marble, 1974), Since these initial measures were rather gen- eral, the results in terms of the relationship between the network and locational shift were inconclusive, In view of the capital expenditure required for motorway building and the network's strategic transport planning, interest in assessi long-term role has generated a search for alter approaches. e ‘The IHS has emerged from public ; efforts over several decades and ha the transport system of the USA. the growth of indige-' for which ure and intermediate forms of realMODERN TRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY resulted in less-costly movements of goods and, in the first decade of the system's existence, highway ton-miles of freight increased by more than 60 per * cent. The negative impact has fallen upon the rail- ways where freight share declined from 50 to 25 per cent between 1950 and 1990, although rising again more recently. Although the environmental impact of the THS is not very well documented, the con- struction industry has produced some well-known case One example is that of Glenwood Canyon, Colot ado, where construction was delayed for more than 20 years while a less harmful route than that orig- inally proposed was designed for a segment near the Utah border. This segment ultimately cost more than $490 million and has two 4000 foot tunnels and. 40 bridges (Briggs, 1980; Hamilton, 1988). The literature surrounding the THS includes a series of very interesting studies which reveal pacts on neighbourhoods and central business dis- 's (CBDs) (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989) in metropolitan areas such as Los Angeles (Lowry, 1988), San Francisco and Washington, DC, as well as the growth of suburban nucleations. In a regional development contest, the IHS has had an uneven impact. One major question is whether public-sector infrastructure is a key determinant of produetivity. A recent.study has examined the degree to which state highways provicle productivity benefits beyond each state’s borders (Holtz-Eakin and Schwartz, 1995), ‘Although state highways, and the HHS, are designed with interstate linkages in mind, no evi- dence was found of ignificant productivity spillovers. On the other hand the IHS has had an important influence upon commuting patterns to employment (Fisher and Mitchelson, 1981; ~ Mitchelson and Fisher, 1987), on economic activity ‘surrounding many interchanges (Moon, eens strongly related to the industrial “filtering down process into non-metropolitan areas (Cromley and ch, 1981). studies of environmental impact mitigation neresting case study. in ic restructuring an Miami (Figure 2.8), ‘1, © 1600-mite fi siete mile fink tn. Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Gaara Florida. As much as 15 pet cent of eapital spe on manufacturing in the USA occurs within this ridor. OF special significance is the fact that 25 cent of Japanese investments are located here, industrial clustering, which includes Mazda, ‘Toyota and Komatsu as well as Ford, General § tors, GTE, Lockheed, Honeywell, Citicorp and) other major US firms. is explained by branch plant development, inereasedl 1c Hance on suppliets, just in-time manufacturing, heavy subsidies from ual states, abundant blue-collar, non-unionized Tae bour and high land availability at minimum cost. Within the realm of automobile manufacturers and suppliers, the 1-75 and 1-65 are known as the “kan- ban” highways or the equivalent of “just-in-time” highways (Rubenstein, 1992). In fact of the 20 motor vehicle assembly plants started between 1980 and 1991, 16 were built within 100 miles of the corridors. Fragmentation of the US motor vehicle market has occurred as manufacturers produce a diversity of goods for consumer use. New assembly plants appear and supplier networks evolve. The THS. given large-scale population redistribution, as well as labour problems and costs, has served this frag- mented market and has essentially redefined the process of automobile assembly and distribution in the USA. Linneker and Spence (1991) and Spence and Lin neker (1994) have used market potential measures of accessibility to evaluate changes induced by the motorway network in Britain (Figure 2.9). By the ie 1990s the national strategic road network, which had been incrementally built over the previous 35 year consisted of 3000 km of motorway and 12500 km of trunk roads (Smith, 1992). Prior to the building ofFigure 28 Fapanese move" Y Senurves: Moon (1 ra1ERN TRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY — enone oe Figure 2.9. The United Kingdom motorway network Although it is accepted that motorways influence accessibility, at present, the relationship with econ- omic development is less clear (Damesick er al., 1986). In addition, road building and the continued growth of road transport are beginning to create other concerns, especially in densely populated parts «Gf Europe, There is a growing consensus that road remem capacity cannot be continually inereased to mateh) the forecast growth in demand, Congestion has reached unacceptable levels in many industrial so cieties and road construction can exacerbate the problem by generating new traffic flows. Above alls is creating @ greater environmental awareness ards further road climate for policy changes tow road eebuilding. Concerns over gl over global warming are be ning to influe e ‘ce transport policies in the developed nations: for example, Britain has severely eum plans to expand and upgrade the motorway network during the 1990s, Jominant in the twen uiled is tread could become more CONC USIONS nd e Is considered a tange of eas examples chosen torillustraie the relationships b tween transport and development at scales ranging from sub-national to global All such theories and case studies demonstrite whe permissive re ture of transport i faceted contexts in whic! transport systems operate in both advanced and developing societies. All con- firm the importance of the historieal dimension in understanding the spatial form of present-day net works and the processes that have ereated them. Above all, case studivs reflect the:evolutionary na- ture of the relationship between transport and de velopment (i.einbach, 1995) ‘The dynamie nature of transport systems has played, and will continue to fulll, an important role of spacial change, Throughout the process and >> mm the developiiet in the pre greater part of hume slow and laborious history, transport has been a The ainewenth and 1 been characterized by twentieth centuries sapid: technolopical ob sntces. tionized the transfer el | lion, ‘Voday, the Wee transfer of information is virtually instintineous. air transport has effestively reduces! ths, vigil to a plobat village, and efficient avultinedal pviworks have streamlined: ids movement. Such «hinges both reflect oad en- age pocio-cconomie «7olutiony But cist esi similated and aslaptes! i order to promote overall onal development | “most advanced 50 neon best achieved by bal which fave reyolu- iF nformas ple, goods rather than models of the ono more such views and called for specific” approach to transport mitriou, 1995), This has resulted 1 orientated approach towards the fur ment of Uansport systems and Lowards dey processes in the Third World. There are : of development, A foous on the role of transport as a social, economic and politi derpins Iwo contrasting spatial patterns, 1 the twentieth century transport modes hav an increasing ability to overcome physical ba and to reduce the friction of distance. quence, the world is beconsing « smaller by intercontinental and global networ will continue in the twenty-first cent other hai:d, global inequalities in deve never been greater. While advan ph a majority of the world’s pee with even rudimentary forms ¢ (eantport i ineqqualiti major role to an ue regional and globalSelection 22 Transport Expansion in Underdeveloped Countries A Comparative Analysis E. J. Taaffe, R. L. Morrill, and P. R. Gould in the economic growth of underdeveloped countries a critical factor has been the im- provement of internal accessibility through expansion of a transportation network. BES ck ‘om its beginning at once @ continuous process of spatial diffusion and an irreeular or sporadic process influenced bY many specific economic, social, or political forces. In the present [work] both processes are examined as they have been evident in the growth of modern transportation facilities in several underdeveloped areas. Certain broad regularities underlying the spatial diffusion process are brought to light, which permit a descriptive generalization of an ideal-typical sequence of transportation development. The relationship between transportation and popu- Jation is discussed and is used as the basis for examination of such additional factors as the phy sical environment, rail competition, inter- mediate location, and commercialization —-~pyroughout the study, Ghana and Nigeria are ed as examples.’ SEQUENCE OF TRANSPORTATION DEVELOPMENT Fi 22-1 presents the authors’ interpretation —sraideal-typical sequence of transport de- velopment. The first phase (AL consists of a scattering of small ports and trading posts alone the seacoast. There is little lateral inte connection except for small indigenous fishing craft and regularly scheduled trading vessels. ind each port has an extremely limited hinter- Wath the emergence of major lines of 4 Fig JRANSPORTATION GEOGRAPHY “Gc onquanh ea) Review, vou $3. 1963. pp. 803-529. Reprinted by per penetration (B), hinterland transportal costs are reduced for certain ports. Mi expand oth at the port and at the Inte center. Port concentration e1 i illustrated by the circles Bee a routes begin to focus onthe major ports interior centers (C). These feeder routes gi rise to a sort of hinterland piracy that pert the major port to enlarge its hinterland atl expense of adjacent smaller ports. nodes begin to develop along the main of penetration, and as feeder developr continues (D), certain of the nodes, exem fied by Nand become focal points form feeder networks of their own. Interior com centration then begins. and N i the hinterlan side. As the feeder networks continue tod velop around the ports. interior centers, & main on-line nodes. certain of feeders begin to link up (E cornection should theoretically continue unt all the ports, interior centers. and main nodes 4 are linked. It is postulated that once this levels consists of the deveiopment of national trun line routes or “main streets” (F). In a sense, this is the process of concentration repeate but at a higher level. Since certain centers grow at the expense of the others. the res will be a set of high-priority linkages among the largest. For example, in the diagram thes best rail schedules, the widest paved road and the deisest air traffic would be over P,-1, and P,—P, routes: Tt is probably most realistic to Unink of the mission of the authors and dito!PspEcIFN: PONE M AREAS. mae YH {QUENCH MANSHON DEVELOPER Fentire sequence as a process rather than as a series of discrete historical stages.? Thus at a Hiven point in time a country’s total transport (pattern may show evidence of all the phases. Lateral interconnection may be going on in one region at the same time that new penetra- Hin fines are developing in another, both Ghana and } century and the end of the nineteenth were populated by the ihdigenous people wound + European trading station or fort. Many of the people engaged in trade with the Europese and served as middlemenTor trade with the pea interior, a function jealously guarded Tor oe centuries against European encroacamenl PLA Penetration lines to the interior were weakly XV developed, but networks of circuitous bush trails connected the small centers to their re- stricted hinterlands. River mouths were im- é portant, particularly in the Niger delta, but with a few exceptions during the early periods of European encroachment the rivers did not develop as the main lines of thrust when peneFig. 22-3 Major transport facilities, Ghana, (Generalized {rom several maps in Gould The Development of the Transportation Pattern in Ghana) tration began. Most of these early trading centers have long since disappeared, de- stroyed by the growth of the main ports, or cise they linger on as relict ports, with visits of occasional tramp steamers to remind them of their former trading heyday Be PHASE: PENETRATION LINES NCENTRATION ortant single phase in of an underdevel- gence of the first THE SECOND AND PORT col Perhaps. the most impor the transportation history i mel ype country is the el amie penetration Tine from the sen Siero? Later Dnt tration Hin Tr to RANSPORTATION atoanah MAJOR TRANSPORT FACILITIES Railroads as the trunk-line routes for more highly veloped transportation networks. Thre cipal motives for building lines of pene have been active in the past: (1) the des connect an administrative center on coast with an interior area for polit military control: (2) the desire to reach: fon; (3)the desire tive has been the strongest. Polit tary control dominated official th often as a directand tl nation: e teed the steel nN enly after careful surveys and inter- nents have virtually guaran: haul of a bulk commodity to amortize the loans r juired for construction. The development of a penetration line sets inmotion « series of spatial processes and re- adjustments as the comparative locational advantages of all centers shift, Concentration of port activity is particularly important, and AhePOrtS at UNE MBATA of the earliest pene- tration lines are usually the ones that thrive at the expense of their neighbors (Fig, 22-2). Typically, one or wo ports ina country domi- mate both import and export traffic, and often the smailer ports have lost their functions in external commerce In Ghana several interesting variations on the penetration theme appear (Fig. 22-3). The desire to reach Kumasi, capital of a then ag- pressive Ashanti, formed the essentially mi ftary-political motive for the first penetration toad, which followed an old bush track, spo- ically cleared whenever the local people were goaded into activity. The road was built ftom Cape Coast. and although it is still im- portant as one of Ghana's main north-south finks, the port function of Cape Coast de- Jined as Sckondi ineresed in importance. xt impetus came with the build- fag of the rail penetration line to Kumasi at turn of the century, after which adjacent 0 ch as Axim, Dixcove, Adjua_Shama, Wg ae Eqmina suffered a rapid decline Traffic. The Pra and Ankobra Rivers, east d west of Sekondi. which were formerly of me significance as avenues of penetration, experienced marked traffic decreases. initial motive for the western railroad wa narily mineral production (the gold @Tarkwa), and secondarily provision of id connection for administration betwee seacoast ind a troublesdme intermal een: of population The eastern railroad: pet slower in developing, partly as 4 pesult of the interruption of the First World Yar od of smallpox outbreaks in the railroad Cups The link between Kumasi and Acgya was iol com pleted until 1923, twenty yeas afier the Sekondi-Kumasi link. Connection with the rapidly expanding cocoa areas north of Acui was the immediate reason for this line, under lain by the political desire to connect the iead- ing city, Accra, with Kumasi, the main popu- lation and distribution center in the interior. As in the case of Sekondi-Takoradi, Accra’s- importance increased steadily at the expens of adjacent ports as the railroad penetrated inland. The two penetration lines forming the sides of the rail triangle were now complete. and a _ considerable amount of subsequent transpor- tation development of the country was based on these two trunk lines. Penetration north of Kumasi was entirely by road. despite grand railroad plans at one time. There were no minerals to provide an economic incentive for railroads, and the bi separated the rail-triangle area from densely settled north, acted as a detert Penetration north of Kumasi, built ee istrative ly |390 yeti from the) Hohoe cocon areata endi 2 oa area growing urban ort, Of yams to the rapidly renee eat, CoRtets of the south, but its lar eee the northern border hinged in Stra uit on political motives that were very Taens immediately before the United Na- rea ebiscite and Togo’s resultant political atiliation with Ghana, The original road Cone al triangle and Accra to the Hohoe desire . . Were associated with a political Sra e one Shak with British Tosoland, s an economic desire to prevent the diversion of this area’s cocoa traffic to the Port of Lomé in then-French Togoland. The process of penetration and port concen- tration in Nigeria (Fig. 22-4) was markedly similar to that in Ghana; the main difference or BENIN IGEOGAE REV. OCT. 126 “Fig. 22-4 Major transpi Development of Nigeria”) ort facilities, Nigeria. (Adapted from Map 1 in "| lay in the greater emphasis 6 development and the subseque of economic development in the initial motives wer cal than economic; for even tl tration to the north via the NI the Royal Niger Company had | as well as economic motives. IN might be regarded as analogous t© Both are important interior cente predate European settlement and WI later connected to the main ports by ™ tration lines. The chief differences, are the vastly greater distance betw and the coast and the greater widthspeciFic PROL puilding of sail penetration lines in Nigeria. jarticularly the eastern railroad, ‘The line from Port Harcourt was started in 1913 and was connected with the important Enugu coal- Fields three years later. This port serves also asthe principal outlet for the tin output of the Jos Plateau. ‘The connecting of agricultural regions to the coast, though nota strong initial 9 penetration motive, was apparently associated with the linking of the northern and southern lines. As in Ghana, the rail penetration lines form the basis for the entire wansportation net- york, The only area of extensive road pene- tration is in the northeast, from the railroad at Jos and Neuru to Maiduguri. The main notive for establishing tarred roads and large: scale trucking services was the attraction of the Lake Chad region to the northeast. How- ter, the Maiduguri region is now being con Frected by rail (o the main network, despite the reommendation of a mission of the Interna- actu final Bank fur Reconstruction and Develop- Ient, which felt that roads could more effi- ently accommodate the expected increase traffic. In the southeast there is no effective ead or rail penetration line © Port concentration has been marked. The deline of the delta ports began with the bulld- fag of the rail penetration fine from Lagos and Pras accentuated by the building of the eastern fine and the concomitant growth ‘of Port He E In 1958 these two major ports ac Rrinted for more than three-quarters of Ni 's export and import trade. HE THIRD PHASE: FE TERAL iNTERCONNE ess of port concentration feeder networks of certain center and tap the hinterlands of their neighbors. A: feeder networks become stronger at the in terior centers and intermediate nodes some. of them link and thereby interconnect th original penetration lines.” Figs. 22-' quence of road development in Ghana Trem 1922 to 1958. The shading represents toad mileage density as recorded in a series of grid celle of 283 square miles superimposed on a. 22.6, and 22-7 present 4 Sasa highway map. In 1922 Ghana had just entered = the phase of lateral interconnection, with east-west linkages both in the south, along, the coast, and among the centers of the north. and with an extensive feeder network steadily drawing more and more of the smaller popu= lation centers into the orbit of Kumasi. De- velopment in the southwest was weak, owing. to railroad competition and to a deliberate policy of maintaining an economic road Bap between Sekondi-Takoradi and Kumasi. Th gap was finally filled in 1958, and only is the southwest beginning to realize its gt potential in cocoa and. timber, By 1937 la interconnection had become more ‘The connections east and west of Tamal vide a good example of links b t mediate nodes, The 1-20-mileFigs. 22-5-22-7 Road in Gould, The Development of the Tran 109)393 tration lines. and the similarity to soutliy est ten Ghana is strong. Areas totally inaccessible by road are still numerous, particularly in the barren middle zone and along the periphery of the country. To the political geographer the eneral weakness Of the linkages between the Kumasi. Urban geographers will analogy to the process of inter= between major radial roads con- ntl business district aiteral interconnection process juve |. Only a few areas are i Only ew ae Easter, Wesco a ie il Soon ea by the expanding, | BEG) Bettini aie mmete is, in fact. a Soe ne chiensity = egleat Viana that the general pal- iern of accessibility by road in Nigeria in 1953 ie similar to that of Ghana in 1937—hardly surprising in view of the much larger size of Nigeria, the longer distances. and the lower eveloped since 1937 and already out toward one another, Marked amples occur in the north between Tamale, ndi, and other northern popukation centers. : ‘ad in the south in the developing and ex. Per CARMSSE base from which the greater triding nodes around Kumasi and east of the pal Gia development Tun cae Volta River it gs clear from the regularity of the progtes- 7 4e FOURTH PHASE: HIGH-PRIORITY gon of the highway-density patterns that LINKAGES @ exrapolation of the density maps to some fiture date would be reasonable. In a sense The phase following the development of a the map sequence is a crude predictive device. fairly complete and coberent network is diffi- For instance, the probability of an increase cult to identify, and a variety of labels might road miles for any area between two nodes be applied to it. Certainly the most marked than that for a comparable area characteristic of the most recent phase in the ewhere, cases studied is the dominance of road over In Nigeria « busically similar pattern had railroad. A common theme throughout the Trig, 22-8), with many of evolution of the transportation system in of high accessibility in the _ Ghana and Nigeria, and also in the other ex- uth linking laterally to form an almost con- amples studied, has been the steady rise in the tquous high-density strip, broken only by the importance of road traffic, which first comple- ger River near Onitsha. Lines of penetra- ments the railroad, then competes with it. n linking the north and south across the and finally overwhelms it. However, the evi- n middle zone, a feature clearly brought dence available seems to indicate that this by the map, are relatively weakly devel- occurs irrespective of 1 ne trar ei ‘lateral linkage is well development, and it is 3 Ghana. Only the Ka n d pe h agric eas wh & greaterTRANSPORTATION GFOGHAPHY. © Victoria Fig. 22-8 Road density in Nigeria, 1953. (Compiled from sheets of the 1:250,000 map series published by the Federal Survey Department, Lagos) from areas with well-developed transportation systems jnterior centers. intermediate nodes, and ports do not develop at precisely the same rate. As some of these centers grow more rapidly than others, their feeder networks be- come intensified and reach into the hinter- lands of nearby centers. Ultimately certain interior centers and ports assert a geographic minance over the entire country. This cre- don | disproportionately large demand for ates tronspo tation between them, and since some transport facilities already exist, the new demand may take such forms as the widening of roads or the introduction of jet aircraft. In NIGERIA ROAD DENSITY 1953 MILES PER GRID CELL OF 268 SCUARE MILES | EBB More than 60 E=321 to 40 | sito FEI to | i aitoo [Jo wo P general, transport innovations are first to these trunk routes. For example, it United States the best passenger rates, ules, and equipment are usually ini ghichssana routes such as New cago. In underdeveloped countri priority linkages would seem to be le to develop along an export along a route connecting twe cerned in internal exchang developing in th density, ‘agos ma t-haul/ 52 B.S. Hojle Positive steps are tal : Boal eps a: ake to maxim he tty fs coiectil aging the geographical coincidence levelopmel Preeariemanuasing the erograpticl coinedebes Oem THE GROWTH OF RAIL NETWORKS icy Brie cae the decision to build a major rail try belongs generally tothe phase of inal transport provion and is Frequently of greater longer sigieane than any other ransport development. Such a railway tends to control the overall pattern of a country’s tend to, Cone eat untry’s expanding transport network and thereby to influence profoundly the pattern of its cco! i considerable length of s ceonorale) REED ea sath of time; this is especially important in those less- developed a sped countries which depend largely upon a single rail artery Penetrating inland from a major port. Less significance is generally attached 10 roa, branch always and minor ports ince although | these may individually represent considerable capital investment the basic transport system of an area is not significantly disrupted if a decision to elaborate in a particular locality proves wrong and has to be reversed. Only when road/rail competition over long distances becomes intensive and a major railway loses its economic predomi- nance, as in Ivory Coast and Sierra Leone, does the close association between an arterial railway and the economic geography of an area begin to disintegrate. ‘The geographical analysis of the changes involved in such situa: tions constitutes an interesting area of research. Related studies have been undertaken, for example, within the Transport Research Pro- gramme of the Brookings Institution (Fromm, 1965; Wison, 1966). syst Africa the impact of recent rail extensions in Uganda has been analysed by "Connor, 19652, East Afri is now provided with: a railway system unified both physically and administrative inking the three countries of Uganda, Kenya and Tanzani ane vtion was provided by the East African Railways and Harbests aaancsvarration in 1948; all sections of the system were Physical finsed by 1963. The system is based ypon two rll arteries, epee tively linking Mombasa with the Lake Victoria basit and Ugi ay ar es Salaam with Lakes Vitoria and Tanganyika (ie ‘The elaboration of the system has been de 1963), and is discussed here in the | com: framework. ae ‘ ki| a hs B.S. Hoyle Transpdre and Econ # represeats an application of this model to the East linked more firmly wit 1969, Figore 34 Indian Ocean than with African oa f the model represents conditions over & period ivory and other goods The fist =e be y ane century. The diagram shows a Loe routes significant in fr te Bs, largely isolated from one another andp® " periods, the transport Paliery ‘shown ‘* ys g historical ptecedents of modern syst ie zenith of the period of Arab trading activity b 1893-1914 _) “emporium of Zanzibar, from the outports © “pradiated inland as far as western Wganiearant Sip Well beyond the confines of present-day East tion of transport routes upon Zanzibar et this ea inant role of the port in the economic and xii entire area, and involved a sharp decline in the fort as lausunsnie, of mainland trade centres, A more detailed ¥ f century transport is contained in Ho | | Tanzanian transport axis initiated by the Zaiaiba F s re-emphasised in stage (c) by the Dar ‘ i ileled in Kenya by the MOmtbas: two rail arteries, together with the less sugs So Have subsetjuently influenced profound ae development and economic expansion ia ‘FE the spheres of mineral exploitation. cash er | and urban settlement. Since all three lines wer <\ | __ political rather than economic motivation: } = late upon the likely present-day pate = ert had the railways been diffe 7, Stages (@) to (¢) of the model thus pesetibed earlier as initial transpor: , phasis on stage (c). Stages (d _ broad phase identified aa Z ha & @ =< “rate po.008 Tuvin forty services HHH Hallways Bet *oiegy raiways rica: an anpliiion of the Fia.’-—ttorel-Gould “eatont netork deoelonmiann fe: B.S. Hoyte MP ——_% major extensions of the rail ne y ssnas. respeaaively he rail networks to the west and ee These developments had v: eon? line, designed to crac 2iN8 economic refevanke The Miware uly becé Se new pany ls Obigstive.(and was lifted in 1963) arty Because the new port mere EBs as ied in 196) Paced thei The reine Port Of Lindi to the north, with its rond-feeder a vantage crPoint is elaborated in O*Connor, 19656. The principal TOTS SoU RGVG link ie\that ‘rolling stock may. be moved as required between cash crop freight which is handled, The Uganda extensions, built Tespectively to transport copper from the west and cotton from the north, do not yet appear to have attracted a significant volume of other traffic, and together provide the main body of contemporary , evidence from East Africa that transport elaboration within an ~ established economic system 1s not likely to accelerate development unless further steps are taken to utilise more fully the facilities pro- vided (O'Connor, 19654). The final stage of the model indicates the intensification of surface transport along the Kampala-Nairobi- Mombasa axis (now obyiously well-established as ‘main street, East Africa’), reflects the introduction of train-ferry services on Lake Vietoria, and shows the contemporary transport extensions towards Zambia from Dar es Salaam. A Tanzania-Zambia railway authority Was constituted in October 1968 (Griffiths, 1968). This southern branch of the East African transport network is rapidly becoming a major international axis in its own right, and is already identified by an oil pipeline and a major road; the decision to construct a Tan-zam an. railway based on Chinese surveys and loans was taken in November 1969. These developments are clearly related not only to the Zambian situation but also to specific agricultural development schemes} and Africa's transport system and many and economy of the area. In the pre-ra "was channelled into limited arteries I “tmaritime transport system; other origin and destination. Nevertheless, th established modes of access to and African interior and this influenced the railways. These in turn, with their later el: infrastructure upon which the modern econ graphical terms, the specific location of the in the transport network (particularly the Fé strongly influenced the location and economic that are heavily involved in the cash economy (Fil Port of East Africa's bulk agricultural p a Cotton, sisal and tea) and the export of miners soda ashi are very largely dependent upon rail true that road feeder lines are important i areas, and that road/rail competition for transp intensifying, the rail arteries have in a sense Such areas. Areas of East Africa without transport but with considerable economic } Parts of southern Tanzania) have been relativel have not generally emerged as economic core -solonial period or subsequently, In the Made carlier between initial t "Elaboration it does not follow that | eats il encourage the emer historical relationship between tra _ feonomie growth is very clear. potential coal and iron ore developments in southern Tanzania, Pro- posals for the construction of a 600 Mw hydro-electric power station in southern Tanzania were also announced in 1969. Thus a close relationship between the broad pattern of East +t The construction of an oil pipeline from Mombasa via Nairobi to Kampala. is under consideration in the context of East African inter-state discussions on transport problems. 1 On agriculture inthis area, see Jatzold, 1967.58 B. S. Hovle jiebies be regarded, ss development ae gene, et can thus Africa has successivel throughout the dinderdeveloped world, as an ‘essential pre-condition Se waa ee BE for meodernieeepeaic Ba amt ‘ess-developed country ports ae See mete assumera offence ee Crs process, and the stage of, paiitel specialisec t attained is to considerable degree @ goes. x tion of the port Problems of congestion and cargo-handling te economic developmen ons tmencure ofthe cxpeciy end degree of sophistica facilities available. The are today attempting the context of rapid facilites avaiehtenew their port systems im tof oF Fee y of maritime transport exemplified Py the Same : pe acehnology Of Maritime IFANSPOF CAT ties: logical, political and economic factors which | ‘ontainers and the increasing size emi ini “ ate these changes at an nee ee in phys a , Which has been discussed elsewhere, 18 ‘Two main problems affect the further d&vslo closely rel less-developed countries African seaport group, and both are changes in th increasing use oF © thus ther have the opportunity to incorpor ey caectee romeo! Port erowth aa Toa Se facilities with actual and estimated traffic demand a : Lae range of related questions involving congestion in ely serve to Widen the gap between t seasonal nature of traffic flows, the applicatic and the effects of delays upon economic d The basic question is that of acquiring These problems may be illustrated by the East African seaport group, sources at the right time and in the most profi which. comprises five terminals handling ocean-going vessels t0- ‘Mombasa and Dar es Salaam extensions to gether with a number of minor coastal ports (Hoyle, 19675). Mom- quayage have recently been made, stimul basa is predominant; in ‘968 it handled 68 per cent of the total f ing Zambian traffic. The second traffic of the mainland seaports (East "African Railways and Harbour Adaptation of East African ports to mi ‘Administration, 1969). Dar es Salaam is the ‘chief port for Tanzania, [J | handling, including the increasing unit and the ports of Tanga, Zanzibar and Mtwara are relat ely minor. containers, the elaboration of specialis ‘Together, the five ports andled 14-2 million tons of shipping and and the physical amelioration of the h 8-1 million tons of cargo in 1968.t The port grouP forms a dynamic a hierarchy, which has experienced successive efas of concentration i aiffasion of activity slong the coast, and now shows a very marked emphasis upon the port of Mombasa a5. centre of sustained port dominance, A wseful discussion of Nigerian seaports in this petext is Ogundana, 1970. Although the modern ports 7aly widely in terms of equipment and the volume of cargo handled, there is 2 fundamental smiarity in their pattern of development which may be expressed by .cans ofthe Anyport model. “Anyport isa hypothetical srt which represents the common experience of the port group a a whole (Hoyle, 1968). From its original function as a shelter for Arab: sailing dhovs trading around the Indian Ocean, Anyport in East tunity would mer poorer countries. East African seaports 4 These figures record level of traffic low through the 5 «CORA ci sng fh in ee Barbour Suer Canal, (See East Africun Railways aAs 0 B.S. Hoyle volume and the very varied nature of East African trade, dominated by [bulk agricultural exports and imports of ‘consumer. goods pee en expressed about the reduced labour require- which unitised systems would involve in the context of East Africa’s chronic unemployment prob é East African exports are already effiiently hanted io balk and relatively few benefits would acer Sad edt a containerised import cargoes accrue from further unitisation; but charges, and National Trading Corporation, say cresuteee ine unitisation of imports by establishing wholecle arveiteoon centre inland. The first ntding 1 ishing wholesale distribution centres Wiacieavagin. pee cargoes despatched from Britain to an Ear Gees es ‘ation arrived in July 1968 and were handled s iners Ltd. (a subsidiary of the Express Trans- port Company), meee berths in East Africa are suitable for the tty ners pia forms of unitised cargo although problems are rom the shortage of transit space near the quays. It may be argued that the use of containers might effectively reduce Congestion at Mombasa and Dar es Salaam without necessarily in- volving any further insmediate increases in berth accommodation, and in this respect whilst new methods complicate the forward planning of port development they nevertheless improve consider- ably the long-term prospects of the deep-water terminals. Prospects for the three smaller East African terminals are less assured, however, since, although Mtwara may secure a share in Zambian traffict and benefit from the growing emphasis on southern Tanzanian develop- ment, the possibilities for expansion at the lighterage ports of Tanga and Zanzibar are limited and their traffic seems likely to suffer a continued relative decline as the very uneven distribution of East African maritime trade between the five seaports becomes increas- ingly marked, In 1968 Mombasa and Dar es Salaam together handled 94-8 per cent of the total cargo traffic of the four mainland seaports (East African Railways and Harbours, 1969). With these considerations in mind, it would seem to be in East Africa’s interests to develop an intermediate technology rather than to attempt to establish a complete container programme which the area cannot afford and which is in any case inappropriate in the present stage of development. The basis of successful container ts reached Mtwara by road (via Tunduma) from Sep- Zambian copper: tarbber 1967, but teased In late 1968 due 10. poor road conditions. Transport and Economic Growth in fions in advanced economies is the : erisow of manufactured goods in quant “vant to the East African traffic situation, but ve efficiency considerably without He pean ~ capital expenditure which cont ae of methods of unitisation must be based "stances, and in East Africa these indicate that a m ‘on cargo palletisation and pre-slinging equipment but that the construction of specialised container ‘mated cost of £2 million to £3-5 million each) is not ‘proposition. Nevertheless, the port authorities must their investment programme with great care so that f veloped for use by conventional ships can be converted specialised container vessels at a later date with minim ‘and expense. Three of the deep-water berths recently t basa (see footnote on page 59) are designed to facilitat as container berths. ee CONCLUSION - Hance (1967a) has emphasised ‘the great power p42 quicken ine economic pulse of eziony "transport media are vital factors in the economic developed countries. In most such countries _ developed without any overall plan, and frequently t ofa road or a railway has been a political issue rather than a ic2 B.S. Hoyle - rudy 10 PvE vqecommendation « poll 1 fares, an the Is become ins and the 2.7), For example ing for raw materials, produced to the sole market Cents per unit in transport co in from A, but none for shipP! a point midway between A and 27). Am industry locating at ‘material and only 45 cents per unit for shipping 3's finished products. An industry Woeating between A and B saves Jess because of the taper, The Rae eater shipping raw materials 20 miles is 27 cents as is the _ cost for shipping finished products, so that the total transport 608" 54 ‘cents, xs shown in the table and the graph. As the situation becomes met Complies xl such things as multiple raw-material sources, weight-losing Raw materials and unequal rates for finished products and raw materials axe introduced agdiaatadeniagss shift back and forth between market and raw-materials he tapered structure itself, how- ever, pees tly fav jint rather than intermediate locations. hicrmediate loeations are favored at a break-of-bulk point, port, sailto-hiehway trai point, or where rail lines Isamst be transferred at Hlonal teraninal costs could is, as shown in Figure sted with « break ofRate per Tol Distonce lOsmlle tana eo from A block Of Agglomeration Economies ‘The impact of transportation UBOR A affected markedly by the existence Of some extent, economies of agglomeration #7 seale associated with lowered unit-eosts 2 SUE interested in external economies of Seales how with the internal savings possible 28 & glomeration anomiy oF extn with the advantages experienced by firm ere with the proximity of other firms an agglomeration tends to attract 3 that particular industry. A large labor poo astry is more likely to develop, andl the mation exchange among firms will De ° 10 20 30 20 30 rd Boni i a po 3 ; < a iomies also oceur when dissimilar ‘ : ee Se : transactions, acting partially ai Fig. 28, Locational Effects of Break-of-Bulk. An intermediate location could tially as consumers of each dae ihe lower cost location if a breakof bulk is necessary and goods must be | firms itself accelerates the riers of the same ‘able to share in the transferred either from one mode to another or between ca’ Frode, ws inthe case of a break in vail gauge. This is illustrated in the graph, Specialized services, reséa which is based-on Table 2.4. on citrus fruit shipped from California are a good example. Rate groups become larger as the major market of the northeastern United States is approached, which in effect reduces the per-mile rate for cities in the groups in order to meet Florida’s competition. A more extreme example FF competition was the case of wine rates from California, when the whole tastern section of the country was blanketed to compete with the im- ported wine lat usually entered the country through Eastern Seaboard. ports, It cost no more to ship California wine to New York than it did to St. Lor1 rampant sri! Procenet (j=. Fig. 2.9, Ciowlar and Cumulative Causation. This applies Guten Murda idee of circular and. cumulative Mint growth As each new firm locates is it has an initial roa et pemis the city to reach a new set of thresholds amd ty ultpler feet tht Pemal market, thereby increasing the probability of, il Srna i ce ass proces reinforced by the efits of the inert Foe ne ie Oe ity invention or innovation. From Allan R. Pred, fermaion on the Bodies spen-Indusral Growth, 1600-1914, The Regional ‘Sience Studies Series (Cambridge: The M.LT. Press, 1960) p. 2 ram by ‘ausation to urban. ‘a social process tends to become cums Because of such circular eavsation, erated rate.”? lative and often to gather speed at an aces red applies this idea to urban. and Figure 2.9, As each new: created both by the firm and by ment tend to increase in local services, tssociated activities. This inorease will then cat ti increases in a new set of related activities, which in tu thisd round, and so on. This multiplier effect enables the city to af rdustrial growth, as shown in Minn locates in a city, a series of new demands are its labor force. Production and employ- construction, and a wide range of e a second, sinaller round 1 will cause a tain a sre nk besveen agglomeration on bec ran Wheta Fe en te clan one te Sa fc enzo 1 ee en coe shreby pom Contos, Ts a a te expense oe aga i artes ncond O ls o et et fewween carriers for the large ta Been et tendency 10 firther #9oe agi seats centers as well 3s betes Wan Idealized Process of Transport Den “Although no consistent spatial mode) ol tame Spilable ntcpresent, certain regulasties Have ty Selena), as in Figure 2.10. Four phases in hey |) Srork development are shown in the diagrams: serrenen rorrs. The initial phase (A) of eyelopment is marked by a number of small ports Watered slong the seacoast. Each port has an extreme “Gnd there are few connections among. the port. Se fre weakly connected to each other and 9 ization of production and each point is istence agriculture. al. Majo fF Bea interior points. Markets ‘centers, and. region {hin ot Uiesholdsthat i, its local markets will expand enough to i call for addit fare new to the ‘whole process in Creased intensity of the possiblity: of the tu seinforce the ent ‘oj cireular and cumulative causation. Pheahers. 10ST), 1 Me foc lndosn i aes ‘ 4) Sain Sarit ‘inns in existing industries as well as industries that "The entry of every new firm or industry sets the "In addition, Pred points out that the in- on-flow associated with this process enhances ment and adoption of innovations, which in : canst Myrdal, Re Landy and Poor, Workl Perspectives, 16 (New Yor Be. in Allan, Ko Pred, The Spatial Dunamies ofEmergence of high-priority rank lines 3 Penetration ines and port a Fig. 2.10. Idealized. Process of Transport Development. The diagram shows Jour phases in the typical development of a transport network. An initial phase of scattered ports is followed by the development of afew penetration lines an the beginnings of concentration on a few ports. The nest phase is one of inter- connection of the penetration lines, followed by the emergence of certain high priority trunk lines. After Edward J. Taaffe, Richard L. Morrill, and Peter Gould, “Transport Expansion in_Underdeveloped Countries: A Comparative Analysis,” Geographical Review, 53 (1963), 504. s i ed ‘As this interconnection continues, there is a tendency toward increas Specialization and toward an expansion of markets for urban centers. The Fesult is-an intensified competition between cities, The cities most suc ceasful an competing, over this network experience further agglomeration ceonomies and generate. in turn, demands for improved transportation to each 0 4 ae mORITY LINKAGES. The fourth phase (D) is the development arose iahades boca ae aa | r \ f linkages will be the outcome I ped during the interconnection roads, the heaviest (raffie and ules. In some cases the en enEiig the initial penetration lines Hab: cities along their routes. In ote? & are newer connections that relleet the Ii urban centers, Is to Ph. which may 1 penetration route SOME PAIPINCAL EXAMPLES phases of transport network developmen an example by Peter Ripanies of Hie pi Zealand. Rimmer also noted that ebastl comitant of the seattered:port stages THe Penetration lines that accompany ‘most parts of the world. The emergend from the seacoast to the intevion is perhaps th in the transportation history of an undérdevelo ment typically evolves around the penetration 1 lines around which the interconnected networks vations for penetration lines have been both political the case of Ghana, the political-military motive was sti 4 short rail line to an interior administrative center, highvvay extension, the Great North Road, to a town € earlier as the capital of the Northern Ter So. lines became conspicuous loci of s is correspondingly less evidence, Figgu = process at work in Ghana fro | senting road densities, expand. _ © lines in 1910 to one doming © is also less evidence for the f fact that many countries © due to the relative from the examination of ages requires that thj sytial Processes lop from outlying nodes in frontier zones Brazil. The four-phase nd preliminary way of ‘or a better understanding definitions of ender" Hy ault-up networks, as 38 yping,process. F W to provide more precise terrelationsbips. The Develinems US: Transportation os @ Spatial Proves tion has been marked not only, anspor te 1e evolution of shifting s msbles, together with accompanyig sets of Hinterland: a HEmAPe: is the networks for the diflerent modisiof transportation developed from scattered ports through penetration lines vem with a superstructure of high-priority regional specialization and urbaniza- tion developed. The remainder of this chapter consists of & condensed. Survey of the eoltion of US. transportation as an example of the com. plex and intertwined nature of these spatial processes. For purposes of this discussion, transportation development has been arbitrarily divided into four eras: Local Transport, Trans-Appalachian, Railroad Dominance, and the present Era of Competition. The developinent of U S, transportat aes rests, but also by the fo « strongly interconnected trunk lines, a concomitant pattern of 1 Locat. maxsromt The Era of Local Transport that preceded the completion of the Erie Canal and the Trans-Appalachian railroads was i marked by conditions similar to those in the initial phase of the four-phase model. There were many small ports, inland centers were poorly con: hrected with each other, port hinterlands were restricted, and regional specialization was mir I, 'A network of small canals east of the Appalachians provided a few weak interconnections among certain Eastern Seaboard cities. The agti- Culture that developed around those canals was diversified usually and focused on the needs ofthe nearby cities. Agriculture was carried on i areas such as New England despite poor soil and poor climatic conditions, Specialization was similarly restricted on the other side of the Appala | ‘hians, even though there vas much agricultural land suitable for effective grain [yrming. Prices were low in the Ohio country and there was no incentive t0 shift from substence- to cash-farming since the farmer could | thot dispose Of his grain surplus, ® me There were some eonections between the a the interior before the Bre Canal, but these conn y renitous ater roulgtavolved shipping gain fron ‘his lisesi fe conn 2 SS atopy °F gets 3 “Fig. 2.13. Probable Export Flow in trunk line of the Midwest before the the Ohio and its tributaries 10PORT CONCENTRATION - a NEW ZEALAND GHANA TRADE VALUE WN THOUSANOS ©F POUNDS STERLING (BASED ON 3911 vaLues) @ 2000 - 15909 1911 é 1960 Fig 211 Port Cumcenteation in New Zealand from Peter J Changin Status of New Zealand Seaports, 1853-1 i ation of American Geo , 57, Ne h 50by oa he a 1990 ame. = 2 rears, eo 3 Saas Bs fact aS 3 Stes a 2 Ak uh 0 133 a 125 alla 3531 That dors ol ors hol vp hy es fe Sots Canad, Shipp n Canad |Or— exporting 636 quantities of rains, ores and “rest arity of exported and exported goods. It lows thatthe effetenes of Quire por is mar see S eX SSK ental Java Jepara Cirebon © => a!_Pekalongan RS Semerang Purwokerto —— National Highways O Cap’ Provincial Highways = Q Mac cwns ee Railways, Tovincial Boundaries Figure 3.3 Highways, railways and ports in Java Re oe msRN TRANSPORT GEOGRAPHY mBN ENE TORT GEOGRAPHY 1969 South Chine Sea tT . ce | | Oe AD | S i {