Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Andrew Leahey
Drexel University
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 1
Abstract
This paper seeks to examine the link between certain internet content preferences preferred by
voters and non-voters. It utilizes quantitative data, gathered by means of a survey, to attempt to
draw a link between a content preference of news and policy-research and positive voter status
(voter). It builds on existing research in three specific schools of thought:; the first examines
digital equivalence to old media standards, the second looks at the role of the internet in
mobilizing typically uninvolved populations, and the third most plausible avenue seeks to
confirm that the internet is most useful as a tool for the already politically predisposed.
Since its widespread adoption and subsequent ubiquity, internet access and use has
strongly correlated with voter involvement; however, the mechanism behind this correlation is
unknown. Recent campaigns, such as the 2008 U.S. elections have seen political parties utilizing
the internet in new ways to mobilize their members and inform constituents of their policies.
There are competing schools of thought as to what possible mechanisms of action may be at
play. Nickerson (2007) eliminates digital equivalence to old media standards as a possible
solution, finding that campaign funds spent on e-mail campaign promotion in place of direct mail
methods were largely wasted. Even when the source of the e-mail was an acquaintance of the
A second school of thought, typified by Ward, Gibson & Lusoli (2003),find the internet
to be, at best, capable of making the political process accessible to a broader audience, but not
increasing the percentage of the audience that will ultimately become involved. Studies done in
this area seem to indicate the internet is serving a role as a tool for political mobilization, but it is
Polat (2005) examines the question raised by the aforementioned second school and
found that the internet increases an individual’s access to political information, but not the
finds the internet to serve most usefully as a tool for those significantly dispersed geographically.
Finally, as an extender of the public sphere, Polat (2005) finds the internet lacking; it merely
Despite these extensive studies of how the internet may affect with voter involvement,
there has not been a conclusive study of internet use and specific content preferred by voters
versus non-voters. It is an open question whether specific internet uses, such as news aggregation
or policy information, contribute to voter involvement. Understanding the internet habits of non-
voters could provide blueprints for methods that would be conducive to reaching uninvolved
individuals. Information regarding how non-voters utilize the internet could be invaluable to
political parties, allowing them to tap in to the vast reserves of the uninvolved.
This study attempts to show the method by which internet use varies between voters and
non-voters by administering a survey that gathers data regarding voter involvement, internet
access, and specific internet behaviors. It examines the correlation between respondents that
report utilizing their internet access predominantly for news and current event tracking, or policy
research, in relation to the individual’s voter engagement. This study attempts to contribute to the
overall understanding of what specific internet behaviors and uses correlate with increased voter
involvement.
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 4
An informed citizenry is the bulwark of democracy. The most revolutionizing force for
informing the public in modern times is, unquestionably, the internet. Holding both of these
premises up as true, the conclusion that the internet is a powerful contributor to political
involvement must be true as well. Just how the internet is being utilized to inform and mobilize
the citizenry is not well understood; the internet content preferences of voters, as opposed to non-
voters, may very well lend an understanding to how the internet helps motivate political
involvement. My thesis is that there should be a substantial difference in the content preferences
of voters, preferring to utilize the internet for news, party and policy research, and non-voters,
who shy away from this content. There are three discrete schools of thought that illuminate the
The first, Old Media 2.0 proponents, seek to compare the internet as analogous to older
media for political mobilization; that is to say, they seek out internet-based mobilization methods
that have clear links to a traditional counterpart to see if voters are any more likely to receive this
content. These studies could accurately be referred to as studies of Old Media 2.0; their logic
entails studying the effectiveness of political campaigns that seek not to revolutionize the
mobilization process, but merely to trade expensive atoms for cheap bits.
The second, The Involvers, see any measurement of the effectiveness of the internet for
found that voters among typically uninvolved subgroups and non-voters in those same subgroups
have significantly different internet content preferences, perhaps a link between content
The third school of thought, and the one I find most compelling, are The Echo
Chamberists. They conclude that the internet has thus far served only as a mechanism for
increased involvement of those already politically motivated. They see the internet as not
increasing the number of people participating in the political process, but merely increasing the
level to which the already politically-involved can participate; namely through discussion and
socialization. I find the logic of these scholars and their line of reasoning the most compelling, as
they best understand the multi-faceted and multi-dimensional nature of the internet, and broaden
I will now examine each school of thought, some of its key concepts and theories, and
cite key authors involved in each. I will then follow each with a brief analysis of their studies,
and the overall concepts of the works cited. I have placed these schools in order from least
Nickerson (2007) conducts experiments that conclude that campaign emails have no
positive effect on turnout; even when the correspondence comes from a “sender [that] is a trusted
source that existing literature suggests should be maximally persuasive ... These experiments
strongly suggest that political campaigns employing email as a get out the vote tool are wasting
their time” (p. 377). These experiments clearly conclude that it is not the internet as a
communications platform that is serving to involve the citizenry. In other words, the politically
motivated may tend to subscribe to campaign-related email newsletters, but merely sending these
Krueger’s (2006) findings are consistent with this theory. He sought to look at politically
involved citizenry and, post-hoc, ascertain whether they had been contacted by their political
party via email; his study was an interesting complement to Nickerson (2007), seeking to
examine the question from the opposite direction. Krueger’s (2006) findings conclude that
internet skills and existing political interest are the correlating factors with successful internet
mobilization (p. 772); neither email correspondence, nor other methods of campaign
communication were good predictors of voter status. Politically interested individuals with
sufficient internet skills will seek out ways to involve themselves via new media while the
While Krueger’s (2006) conclusion is that internet campaign communication does not
correlate with increased civic involvement for the previously uninvolved, he bases this
conclusion on survey data regarding what percentage of the sample group with a high civic
participation score had received online political messages; specifically campaign emails. This
does nothing to illuminate what other content preferences the highly civically involved may
gravitate towards. Simply measuring the number of voters that have received campaign emails
only ascertains the efficacy of those types of campaigns; so all that can be concluded is what
The proponents of Old Media 2.0 would conclude that the internet is a vacuum for
campaign dollars. When utilized in a manner identical to the methods that have “worked” for
traditional campaigns, the internet does not provide the return on investment they are accustomed
to. The flaw in their logic lies in the fact that, as previously stated, while their studies claim to
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 7
identify the role the internet as a whole plays in increasing voter turnout, they in fact are only
examining the effectiveness of mass emailing campaign literature. The possibility remains that
there is a substantial difference between the content preferences of voters and non-voters. If this
is the case, the evidence points towards the failure of internet mobilization efforts being due to
those efforts being concentrated on the already highly civically involved. Perhaps previous
The second school of thought seeks to ascertain the correlation between certain content
preferences and voter involvement by examining groups typically not well represented. The
Involvers are best represented by Ward, Gibson & Lusoli (2003); they state “Whilst the internet
does not universally lower the costs of participation, it may bring some new individuals and
groups in to the political process – notably young people” (p. 667). Their study examined various
political parties in the United Kingdom, surveying their constituents and requesting information
as to how the individuals became affiliated with the party; in one case, with the Liberal
Democrats, a full third of young respondents indicated that the website played a significant role
in their recruitment (Ward, Gibson & Lusoli, 2003, p. 663). This seems to indicate that, for at
least for typically uninvolved populations, content preferences amongst voters may tend towards
party research.
This theory is backed up by the work of Karlsen (2010); in his study he finds that more
than “one quarter of the most inexperienced voters visit party websites” (p. 47). Meanwhile, he
found internet news consumption to correlate only with increased socioeconomic status, and not
political involvement or lack thereof. This seems to correlate with Ward, Gibson & Lusoli’s
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 8
(2003) findings that party research is the chief content preference for the politically
inexperienced internet consumer. This has serious implications for the role of party websites in
the mobilization process, as the most uninformed and politically inexperienced users are
This second school of thought, The Involvers, clearly believe the internet to play a role as
involving the uninvolved; that is to say, it can give the opportunity for participation to
individuals who have not previously operated within the political process (Stanley, J. W., &
Weare, C., 2004). Their research illuminates a link between the politically involved and an
internet content preference of party research. The possibility remains, and indeed some of the
data seems to indicate, that these individuals simply possess an interest in the political process
and also happen to prefer the internet as their method of research. In other words, it does not
mean the internet is creating active participants of passive observers, but instead that some active
participants utilize the internet to first become involved. If that is the case, the content
preferences of these individuals should be listed as the preferences of voters, if not excluded
from the survey altogether. They represent a subset of the community that will be voting,
possessing a political interest and a motivation to civic involvement; their non-voter status is
merely a side-note and, listed as the preference of a non-voter, would confound the data in any
Many of the issues I raise in this aforementioned second school, those believing the
internet to be a powerful tool for involving the previously uninvolved, are answered by scholars
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 9
who see the internet as having thus far only served as a mobilizer and source of information for
the politically predisposed. I find this particular school of thought to be the most plausible. It’s
most compelling research to date is that of Polat (2005); he sought to ascertain the role of the
internet “as an information source, as a communication medium and as a virtual public sphere”
(p. 435). As an information source, Polat (2005) finds that access to information is increased
with access to the internet, but the cognitive ability to absorb the material is not (p. 441).
Therefore a major caveat to his findings is an admission that it is possible that, even if political
With the major caveat of potential cognitive shortcomings, Polat (2005) sees many of the
same problems with the first two schools of thought as I have already mentioned. He
Polat (2005) further acknowledges that all dimensions are not equally well disposed to
conveying a political message (p. 446). He finds that the most serviceable method of
communications for political messages on the internet is that of the group dialog, by extension
this implies that members of the group are already politically involved and are merely seeking a
medium to facilitate organization and discussion. Polat (2005) also finds the internet as a
political process, such as information gathering through opinion polls and surveys; this again
favors those who have signed up to receive, and are predisposed to respond to, this information –
Finally Polat (2005) sought to examine the internet in its role as an extender of the public
sphere. In this role, he finds the internet lacking. Polat (2005) sees the internet as providing a
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 10
segment of society who are already of the socioeconomic class most conducive to political
involvement, with an additional medium through which to express their political opinion and
support their political views (p. 449); this research is backed up by the aforementioned work of
Karlsen (2010). Furthermore he understands the internet to be too segmented and disparate to
generally contribute to a centralized conversation on political matters (p. 449). In this way, Polat
(2005) finds the current mechanisms of internet mobilization utilized by political parties to be
lacking in the area of involving the uninvolved; they are, as previously stated, preaching to the
choir.
Backing up Polat (2005) in his assessment of the internet as an echo chamber is the work
of Lupia & Philpot (2005), who found that “the mere existence of online opportunities to obtain
political information is not sufficient to engage the uninvolved” (p. 1133). Their research found
that, while just having internet access does not seem to correlate to increased likelihood of voter
status when socioeconomic factors are controlled for, specific website frequency does seem to
correlate with self-reporting of “political interest”. This statistically confirms what could
logically be assumed, that there are subsections of the internet where the demographic is
overwhelmingly voter, and other subsections where this is not the case. Lupia & Philpot (2005)
found online news to be one such place where voters are over represented. Voters are clearly
harboring specific content preferences that are substantially different from their non-voter
counterparts.
This third school of thought, exemplified by the work of Polat (2005) and Lupia &
Philpot (2005), would seem to point to the internet thus far as serving, at best, a resource for the
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 11
members of the population that are already politically motivated. I find this conclusion
compelling, and thus warranting further research. I believe building on this conclusion, and
narrowing down the scope of the study to ascertain exactly what types of content the already
motivated user, as well as the unmotivated user, will gravitate towards, would be invaluable.
There has already been some research in to the area of content preference of the voter, with party
research as being one example; however, an examination of the content preferences of the non-
voter, and an analysis of what makes the content of the voter unappealing to the non-voter,
would be useful in discovering channels by which parties and politicians can reach these
individuals. If the internet is currently only being used as a mechanism for increased
involvement for the already involved, what content preferences do the uninvolved harbor? If we
can illuminate the content preferences of the politically uninvolved user, perhaps a more targeted
Conclusion
A vacuum is present in the existing literature; a study must be undertaken to locate the
politically uninvolved within the geography of the internet. In order to effectively campaign to
non-voters, the “internet swing-states” must be identified. The study should utilize a survey that
seeks to ascertain the content preferences of individual non-voters. If all the current methods of
internet mobilization have only been preaching to the choir, where must the communication be
Furthermore, we must ascertain what specifically about the content preferred by the
Polat (2005) surmises, it may otherwise be a matter of these mediums simply not being well
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 12
suited for individuals not possessing a keen interest in political matters, or it may be another
issue entirely. A definitive answer to these questions could prove extremely useful in shaping
future political campaign’s internet presence, structuring ways of conveying political news, and
Methods of Study
The hypothesis this study seeks to test is that there is a positive correlation between the
independent variable, voter status, and the dependent variable of an individual’s internet use. The
connection between the variables is expected to be statistically significant, and also bidirectional,
with voter status being a good predictor of content preference, and content preference being a
The existing literature and statistical data contained therein has pointed towards receiving
campaign information via email being a poor predictor of voter status (Krueger, 2006);
conversely, voter status has been found to be a poor predictor of the receiving of such campaign
promotions (Nickerson, 2007). Some link between voting blocks of typically uninvolved
populations, namely the young, and the internet as a mechanism of mobilization has been found
by Ward, Gibson & Lusoli (2003), but it is not well understood. The data seems to point towards
policy research through official party channels as being the content preference of the young
voters, but this was more tangential information derived from the survey’s population, conducted
on Liberal Democrat party members in the UK, than an aim of the study itself.
In the previous literature the internet has been found to be most serviceable for political
purposes in ways that heavily favor the already politically involved. Polat (2005) found tertiary
aspects of the political process to be most well received on the internet, namely surveys, opinion
polls, and questionnaires. The politically involved are over-represented in these areas as they
have likely signed up to receive, and are most likely to respond to, such requests.
The claim to be tested by this study is that individuals with a positive voter status tend to
utilize the internet to inform their political knowledge. This claim can be extrapolated from, so as
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 14
to assert that the internet is in fact informing the voting public to a great extent. The voting
public is seeking out information to inform their vote online, and individuals looking to ascertain
policy information for upcoming elections are following through and voting in those elections.
The claim, therefore, is that the internet as a mechanism of informing the public on policy issues
is in something of a positive loop with voter status. If the non-voter can be located within the
broader geography of the internet, and introduced in to this loop, the outcome will be an increase
The chief instrument of this study is a single stage survey questionnaire, administered to
6666 individuals across the United States, at random, with randomness insured by selection from
the population list being chosen by a random number table; a large-N approach to a quantitative
study. Consideration was given towards implementing a stratified random sampling, wherein age
was broken down in to separate subgroups; this approach was ultimately abandoned as further
understanding of the research topic concluded that controlling for the age of respondents was
unnecessary when the survey questionnaire contained questions assuming the respondents
utilized the internet. Furthermore, a micro chasm of the role that certain internet content is
playing on informing the public at large was the ultimate goal, and therefore an inclusion of all
The total number of individuals surveyed, 6666, reflects an estimated expected response
rate of 75% with a response number of 5000 required for confidence in the data. The 75% figure
is conservative, and stems from the survey itself being brief, containing only ten (10) total
questions and taking no more than five minutes to complete. A field test of the survey will be
The survey itself utilized questions tested and used by the Pew Internet and American
Life Project, by the Pew Research Center, in a survey from March 2010. This helped to insure
the validity of the survey and the questions contained therein; that is, it best insured that the
survey questions were in fact gathering the data they were intended to. The individual questions
utilized for the survey can be found in the appendix, along with citations where available,
indicating the survey title and year from which the question was sourced. They are of the
categorical variety, measuring positive and negative responses to a series of questions. First, the
Thinking back to the 2008 presidential election when Barack Obama ran against John
McCain...A lot of people tell us they didn't get a chance to vote in the 2008 presidential election.
How about you...did things come up that kept you from voting, or did you happen to vote? (Pew,
2010)
Following the assessment of voter status, a series of questions intended to convey internet
content preferences follows. As previously stated, these questions can be found in the appendix.
The survey will be mailed out to addresses selected at random, across the United States.
The first correspondence with the sample group will be an advance letter informing them of the
survey, and requesting their participation. The survey itself will be followed by the advance letter
after one week (7 days). Five days following the mailing of the survey, a follow-up card will be
mailed asking again for the individual’s participation. Finally, three weeks (21 days) following
the survey, a hand-written letter will be mailed to all non-respondents, along with a self-
addressed stamped envelope, requesting their participation for a final time. This should provide a
sufficient response rate to meet the 5000 individual sample size requirement.
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 16
We can make a series of predictions with regards to how the data should cluster. There
should be a statistically significant portion of the respondents to the survey indicating a positive
to the question of voter-status also indicating a positive response to utilizing the internet to
inform their voting decisions. Furthermore, there should be a number, smaller than the mean, of
the positive voter respondents indicating that they primarily use the internet for “entertainment”
purposes. In essence, the data should trend towards voters indicating a use of the internet for
research purposes and tending to utilize the internet, in general, for something other than
“entertainment”.
INTERNET CONTENT PREFERENCES: NON-VOTERS VERSUS VOTERS 17
References
Pew Internet & American Life Project. (2010). Pew Research Center.
Karlsen, R. (2010). Online and Undecided: Voters and the Internet in the Contemporary
Norwegian Election Campaign. Scandinavian Political Studies, 33(1), 28-50.
Lupia, A., & Philpot, T. (2005). Views from Inside the Net: How Websites Affect Young
Adults' Political Interest. The Journal of Politics, 67(4), 1122-1142.
Pew Internet & American Life Project. (2010). Pew Research Center.
Polat, R. K. (2005). The Internet and Political Participation: Exploring the Explanatory
Links. European Journal of Communication, 30(4), 435-459.
Stanley, J. W., & Weare, C. (2004). The Effects of Internet Use on Political Participation:
Evidence from an Agency Online Discussion Forum. Administration & Society, 36(5), 503-527.
Ward, S., Gibson, R., & Lusoli, W. (2003). Online Participation and Mobilisation in
Britain: Hype, Hope and Reality. Parliamentary Affairs, 56(4), 652-668.