UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES

INTERNATIONAL UNION OF PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES

PROCEEDINGS OF THE XVI WORLD CONGRESS (FLORIANPOLIS, 4-10 SEPTEMBER 2011)

ACTES DU XVI CONGRS MONDIAL (FLORIANPOLIS, 4-10 SEPTEMBRE 2011)

VOL. 11

Miscellania
Theory, Rock Art and Heritage

Edited by

Luiz Oosterbeek
Cludia Fidalgo

BAR International Series 2659

2014
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Proceedings of the XVI World Congress of the International Union of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences
Actes du XVI Congrs mondial de lUnion Internationale des Sciences Prhistoriques et Protohistoriques

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Series Editors: Luiz Oosterbeek, Erika Robrhan-Gonzalez
Volume title: Miscellania: Theory, Rock Art and Heritage
Volume editors: Luiz Oosterbeek and Cludia Fidalgo

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Table of Contents

The Phoenician Heritage in the Guadalquivir Valley: ancient egyptian material

culture, religious thought and science .............................................................................. 1
Alicia MEZA

Boqueiro of Jatob Grosso, Campo Formoso BA, Brazil:

cognitive archaeology and rock art ................................................................................. 11
Cleberson Carlos Xavier de ALBUQUERQUE;Anne Grazielle Azevedo
de ALMEIDA

Analysis and Characterization of the Micro-biological Colonization of

Rock Shelters with Prehistoric Paintings in Portugal ..................................................... 19
H. GOMES; P. ROSINA; L. SANTOS

Sites with Rock Art in the Serra de S. Mamede, in the Megalithic Landscapes
of the Northern Alentejo ................................................................................................. 25
Clara OLIVEIRA; Jorge de OLIVEIRA

Images and Memory: the case of the field of engravings of Guanchincito

(ca. 1250-1400 ad, Catamarca, Argentina) ..................................................................... 31
Mara BASILE; Norma RATTO

Catalogacin, Restauraciny Conservacin de los Materiales Arqueolgicos

Rupestres del Parque Arqueolgico de Facatativ.......................................................... 39
Guillermo MUOZ CASTILBLANCO

History of the emergence and development New Archaeology,

contemporary theoretical and methodological legacy for
the modern Russian science ............................................................................................ 53
I. SHUTELEVA

Urban Archaeology in So Cristvo City, Ne-Brazil ......................................................... 55

Diogo M. COSTA

The archaeological heritage of the blackoccupancy in So Fancisco do Sul

Santa Catarina, Brazil ..................................................................................................... 61
Fernanda Mara BORBA; Dione da Rocha BANDEIRA

i
Perspectives of archaeological curation: a case study on the laboratory
of archaeology Peter Hilbert ........................................................................................... 69
Daiane PEREIRA

Archaeological sites at Crdobas province, Argentina. A cooperative construction

of a geographical information system (GIS) for management ........................................ 77
Thiago COSTA

Searching for multivocality: public archaeology in urban central Brazil ............................. 83

Renata de GODOY

ii
 Copyright material: no unauthorized reproduction in any medium

IMAGES AND MEMORY: THE CASE OF THE FIELD

OF ENGRAVINGSOF GUANCHINCITO
(CA. 1250-1400 AD, CATAMARCA, ARGENTINA)

Mara BASILE
Conicet, Museo Etnogrfico JB Ambrosetti, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras. Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA),
Argentina
mara_basile@yahoo.com.ar

Norma RATTO
Museo Etnogrfico JB Ambrosetti, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras. Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA), Argentina
nratto@filo.uba.ar

Abstract: In this paper, the field of engravings of Guanchincito, placed in western Tinogasta (Catamarca, Argentina) and associated
to a vast extension of agricultural fields and burials, was analyzed. The registered images respond to the repertoire and visual
resources common of late periods (ca. 1250-1400 AD), with the exception of some referring to the times of the development of the
first millennium societies. Nevertheless, this analysis indicates that they were performed synchronically, allowing our discussion on
the persistence of ideas and images to shape stories, tales, deals and tensions in the frame of the conditions of the Incan domination.
Keywords: Visualization strategies, rock art, landscape, memory, Catamarca-Argentina

Rsum: Cette communication analyse les travaux qui ont t raliss sur les gravures de Guanchincito situes louest de
Tinogasteno (Catamarca, Argentina). Celles-ci sont associes une grande extension des terrains cultivs et aussi des spultures.
En gnral, les images enregistres rpondent des rpertoires et recours visuels qui permettent de les associer aux moments les
plus rcents de loccupation (ca. 1250-1400 AD). Cependant, quelques unes peuvent tre associes des socits plus anciennes,
celles du premier millnaire. Par ailleurs, les analyses indiquent que leurs ralisations ont t synchroniques, ce qui permet de
discuter la persistance des ides et images pour former les histoires, les rcits, les accords et tensions qui ont fonctionn comme des
conditions pour la domination impose par loccupation Inca.
Mots cl: Stratgies de visualisation; Peintures rupestres; Paysage; Mmoire; Catamarca-Argentina

INTRODUCTION
A few years ago, the absence of record of rock art in the
higher valleys, the pre-cordillera, thepuna and the
cordillera of western Tinogasta (Catamarca) was
noticeable. Just at the beginning of the twenty-first
century, in the frame of the Chaschuil Abaucn
Archaeological Project (PACh-A),1 a certain quantity of
representations, performed with different techniques and
on varied supports,started to be documented (Rattoet al.
2000-2002, Ratto and Basile 2009, Basile and Ratto
2010, among others). The results of the analyses carried
out to the present show that, in this region,rock art is
situated in specific places of the pre-cordillera and valley,
working as spatial markers in the circulation routes made
by natural connectors used in the past (Basile 2011, Ratto
2006, Ratto and Basile 2009, among others). Most of
them are not related to the dwelling places of both the
living and the dead (villages, posts or cemeteries). The
only exception is the case of the site of Guanchincito,
1
This is the generic name given to the different projects which have
been financed by scientific-academic organisms (Universidad Nacional
de Catamarca, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Agencia Nacional de
Promocin Cientfica y Tecnolgica, among others) under the direction
of Dr N. Ratto.
different from all the othersiteswith rock art. Its engraved
blocks are associated to agricultural fields of several
hectares with the presence of burials arranged in false
vault cist-shaped structures, all of them altered by
vandalism (Orgaz and Ratto 2012). Most of the images
correspond to the repertoires and visual resources
common of late periods, after the year 1250 AD, for the
regional sequence of western Tinogasta (Basile 2011,
Ratto 1996, Ratto et al. 2000-2002). Nevertheless, other
representations corresponding to rock art of the
development period of the first millennium productive
societies were registered, though in a lesser degree
(Basile 2010, Basile and Ratto 2010, Ratto et al. 2000-
2002, among others), being, not withstanding, contempo-
rary (see below). In this context, our aim is to present the
peculiarities of the rock art in the blocks of Guanchincito
site to discuss its active role as a way of shaping stories,
tales, deals and tensions in the frame of the domination
conditions imposed by the Incan occupation.
We begin this journey stating that the images and their
representation supports, as well as the landscape and
places, were an integral part of the socialization
processes, where the ways of looking and the
construction of beliefs and meanings were defined (Gell

31
 Copyright material: no unauthorized reproduction in any medium
MISCELLANIA THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE
Figure 1. Locational map forsites of Bolsn de Fiambaland principal valleysand provinces mentioned in the text
1998, Pells et al. 2002, Morphy 2009). Thus, the images
and supports had a story, maybe reformulated or
reinterpreted, which circulated from mouth to mouth and
from place to place. We consider that the images add a
quantity of non-material attributes evoking different and
distant spaces and times, touching the senses, motivating
answers and particular interpretations for those sharing a
specific cultural knowledge (Jones 2007). In this way, the
engraved rocks and the burials, both integrated to the
agricultural landscape of Guanchincito, embody multiple
and various temporalities. We believe that they tell of the
social dynamics in which their constructors displayed
images accounting for different moments of the regional
history. Thus, they constitute a mechanism by which
experiences, stories and significant associations were
incorporated to the construction process of the individual
and social memory (Potter 2004). This theoretical posture
gains special relevance with the depopulation-repopula-
tion dynamics which characterized western Tinogasta
from the eleventh to the fifteenth century (see below).
THE REGIONAL CONTEXT: SPATIAL-
TEMPORAL FEATURES OF BOLSN DE
FIAMBAL FROM THE ELEVENTH TO
THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
The archaeological landscape of the region of Fiambal
from the eleventh to the fifteenth century is characterized
32
by the dispersion of its settlements and a low population
density. Ratto and Boixads (2012) suggest that the
social process occurs, in great measure, to the rhythm and
conditions imposed by the moments of environmental
instability causing depopulation and repopulation of the
region. These authors argue that by the year 1000 AD the
valley bottom did not show habitability conditions due to
the presence of intense haulage of pumiceous material of
catastrophic characteristics (Montero et al. 2009, Ratto et
al. 2012b). This made the agro-pastoral groups move to
the higher lands of the western and northern pre-
cordillera, as the valley bottom ecosystems were
seriously damaged, requiring several decades to be
environmentally reconstructed. Just from the year 1250
AD, the valley is repopulated with new groups from the
eastern valleys (Beln) and from the southern province of
La Rioja, moved by the Inca in the frame of their
domination strategy (Figure 1).
Thus, the regional social process is made up by the
substratum of the local populations of the first
millennium, which continued with their lifestyles in the
higher lands, and the incorporation of the practices of the
moved populations entering the valley after the year 1250
AD in the frame of the Incan conquest. These
peculiarities promoted the ways of life of the first
millennium societies to last in time, regardless of the time
periods established for the archaeology of northwestern
Catamarca (Ratto et al. 2004). The result is a socio-
 Copyright material: no unauthorized reproduction in any medium

M. BASILE & N. RATTO: IMAGES AND MEMORY: THE CASE OF THE FIELD OF ENGRAVINGS OF GUANCHINCITO

Figure 2. Spatial distribution of engraved blocks, agricultural fields and burials at Guanchincito site.
Adapted from Ratto et al. (2010)

cultural network characterized by the coexistence of
different practices, constituting a new social space where
different ways of life are spatial and temporally
coetaneous.
In summary, between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries,
different situations converge and have feedback: (a) the
environmental situation, with the deterioration and later
reconstruction of the valley bottom ecosystem; and (b)
the social situation, marked by the political conflicts
ending in the incorporation of the region to the Incan
state.
GUANCHINCITO: VISUALIZATION
STRATEGIES AND ENGRAVED IMAGES
The field of engravings of the Guanchincito site (1.756
MASL) is constituted by 22 blocks of red sandstone
placed on an ancient flooding plateau of the Guanchn
river, tributary of the Abaucn river in the lower area of
the Chaschuil valley, and distributed in an area of 36 ha
(Figure 2).
arranged in false vault cist-shaped structures (Ratto 2006;
Ratto et al. 2010; Orgaz and Ratto 2012). One of the
characteristics of these agricultural spaces is their growth
and extension through time. Moreover, the dwelling
places are placed from 2 to 3 km from these agricultural
landscapes, referring to the societies of the first
millennium as well as the late ones in contact with the
Incan state (Table 1). Therefore, the occupation of this
place spans the period from 700 to 1400 AD,
approximately, according to the available dating. In this
context, we sustain that these agricultural fields sited at
the bottom of the Fiambal valley were used till the year
1000 AD for their later reactivation after the year 1250
AD. This statement is based on the fact that the area was
not apt for human occupation for long decades, owing to
the processes of environmental instability taking place
around the year 1000 of the era. These processes brought
about the desertion of the region until it was reactivated
with a widened agricultural area, when the necessary
environmental conditions were regained after the year
1250 AD (see above).
Visualization strategies of theengraved blocks

This site is placed in one of the pathways connecting
different altitudinal points in a south-north-south sense
inside the Bolsn de Fiambal. It is associated to: (i) a
vast extension of agricultural fields covering an area of
about 60 ha with differential preservation, and (ii) burials
We consider that the production of the images does not
imply the mere adding of a meaning on an empty or mute
surface (Jones 2007), but each supporting structure, its
characteristics and dimensions, play a central role in their
definitions and configurations (Tilley 2004). Thus, it is e

33
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MISCELLANIA THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE

Table 1. Summary of residential and funerary archaeological sites with radiocarbon dates associated
to Guanchincito site

Figure 3. Left: view of engraved blocks in Guanchincito landscape.

Right: view of one of the engraved blocks with agricultural fields walls behind

ssential not only to analyze the images but also the
supporting structures where they are. We agree with
Criado Boado (1999) on the fact that, in the definition of
the different visualization conditions of the images and
their supporting structures, different variables take place:
the dimensions, the intensity of the intervention, the
ground where they are located and the presence or
absence of obstacles that may restrict or favour their
overall view.
In the case of Guanchincito, the place where the engraved
blocks are is open, flat and homogeneous. This relief
determines the lack of differences between the circulation
level of a hypothetical observer and the location level of
the blocks, the heights of which are from 40 to 110 cm.
However, near the red sandstone selected for visual
intervention, there are also others of the same or different
lithology and size, functioning as perception obstacles
and making it difficult to properly see the engraved
blocks.
Each block presents a surface available for modification
with a median of 10.192 cm2. It was observed that only 5
to 10% of it was visually intervened. All the blocks have
only one engraved face, with the exception of two,
presenting three faces. In general, the spatial distribution
is dispersed, being the blocks groupings minimal.
In summary, the Guanchincito landscape consists of an
open space, with no relief variations, containing blocks of
different sizes and lithologies, only some of which were
intervened. The blocks show a scattered distribution in
space. All these related aspects limit the perception
rendering a low visibility and visibilization (sensu Criado
Boado 1999); making it difficult, moreover, the inter-
visibilization among the blocks. Thus, the representations
of Guanchincito are presented as invisible from the
distance for those ignoring their location (Figure 3).
The engraved images
One of the distinctive characteristics of rock art from
western Tinogasta is that it requires the implementation
of methodological strategies of multiple scales to
determine its relative chronological ascription, being
Guanchincito not an exception. This site does not show
enough sedimentation to rebuild and date the contexts
where the blocks were involved, or differences in the
tonalities of the patinas, or evidence of conservation
and/or recycling that can mark different moments of
execution. Neither are their differences in the execution
techniques of these images; all of them have been
engraved by pecking. Consequently, their relative
chronological assignment is carried out by comparing
them with other documented images in: (i) sites with

34
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M. BASILE & N. RATTO: IMAGES AND MEMORY: THE CASE OF THE FIELD OF ENGRAVINGS OF GUANCHINCITO

extra-regional rock art having absolute calibration, and

(ii) other supporting materials (ceramic and textile) from
sites of the region of Fiambal and neighboring areas also
temporally calibrated.

In the 22 blocks of Guanchincito, 256 engraved

representations were registered, among which spirals,
hooks, circles, rectilinear and waving strokes, tracks,
camelids and human figures are noticed (Ratto et al.
2000-2002, Orgaz and Ratto 2012, Basile 2010, 2011).

Some of these images offer diagnostic elements that

allowed to postulate their relative chronological
assignment to certain moments of the regional history of
the first millennium societies as well as those entering the
region after the year 1250 AD (Basile 2011). It is
interesting to notice that of the 26 engraved faces, only 8
show images referring to both moments. The rest of the
faces registered images of the late periods, exclusively.

a) The 90% of the images from Guanchincito correspond

to repertoires of late periods2 (after the year 1250 AD)
documented on various regional and extra-regional
supports. The characteristic representations are, on the
one hand, camelids in strict profile, a tendency
towards shape synthesis and noticeable statics.3 On
the other hand, hooks and primary and compound
spiral strokes are recurrent patterns in ceramic
decoration (Ratto et al. 2007, Basile [2005] 2012,
2011) and textile garments (Michieli 1986, 2000,
among others) (Figure 4a).

b) The remaining 10% consists of representations Figure 4. Examples of imagesrepertoires typical of

referring to repertoires typical of the first millennium
societies (Ratto et al. 2000-2002, Ratto et al. 2010,
Basile 2010). The most emblematic case is that of the
feline figures. This type of images is registered on
ceramic supports recovered in our region between the
years 600 and 1000 of the era, completely
disappearing as a unit in later pottery. However, in the
ceramic collection of later periods, after the year 1250
AD, certain elements (spots, jaws, coiled tails, claws
or prints) felinizing some of the representations are
registered. These figures of felinized animals
(camelids, viscachas, snakes or anthropo-felines) are
incorporated, reinterpreted, to the new aesthetic
preferences that define the later view (Figure 4b).
In this way, we consider that the Guanchincito engravings
are the result of a series of reiterated visual intervention
events through time, with the predomination of images
typical of periods later than the year 1250 AD over those
referring to previous times. These last images, fewer in
number but relevant for their significance, suggest
alternatives about their gestation indicating that they were
engraved by actors: (i) of the first millennium societies or
2
Only one case of an image of possible Incan ascription is also
registered (Ratto et al. 2000-2002).
3
This type of camelid representations are similar to those of the H3
pattern outlined for the neighboring region of Antofagasta de la Sierra
and ascribed to the stylistic modality Confluencia-Derrumbes between
1000 and 1500 AD (Aschero 1999, 2012).
(a) late periods and (b) first millennium societies
displayed on Guanchincito engraved blocks
(ii) of the moved populations that entered the region in
the frame of the Incan conquest, imitating the resolution
ways and history of those first times.
ACCOUNT OF THE GUANCHINCITO
LANDSCAPE THROUGH TIME
The landscape of Guanchincito was constructed
implementing a visualization strategy for the whole site,
with the intention of making invisible the 256 images
displayed in the 22 visually intervened blocks. This
strategy totally contrasts with others carried out in sites
with rock art in the region ascribed to moments previous
to the year 1000 AD. In the latter sites, the images are
shown giving priority to the selection of highly visible
supports, which functioned as signaling structures (Basile
2011, Ratto et al. 2012a). Nevertheless, in Guanchincito
the priority was the search for invisibility, as the
engraved blocks are mixed in the agricultural landscape
with those which are not engraved. In this way, their
localization from a distance renders impossible as all the
images tend to hide, being subtly displayed onlow
visibility supports.

35
 Copyright material: no unauthorized reproduction in any medium
MISCELLANIA THEORY, ROCK ART AND HERITAGE
On the other hand, the 256 images are characterized by
the absence of overlapping, conservation or recycling
evidence and differences in the tonalities of the patinas;
and the similitude of the execution techniques. However,
the mentioned images correspond to theme repertoires
typical of the times of the first millennium societies
(before 1000 AD) and of those moved by the Inca (after
1250 AD). The articulation of both particularities allows
us to sustain that the 256 images refer to a same
execution time, this being when the Fiambal valley was
repopulated by groups from the eastern valleys moved by
the Incan state.
Thus, we state that the 256 images were executed after
the year 1250 AD, complying with the intention of
invisibility that characterizes the visualization strategy of
the site.
We wonder why in the thirteenth century, certain images
emblematic of previous centuries were captured together
with those characteristic of their time. We believe that
this situation indicates that the ideas which they said
images refer to are still in force. In this way, they
account for stories that continue circulating and being
transmitted from a memory in permanent construction.
So, we sustain that all these images result from the
relationship between the populations entering the region
in the frame of the Incan conquest and the local
populations which keep certain previous stories and
tales alive in the context of the new political conditions
of domination. Thus, we interpret the coexistence of
the representations from different moments of the
regional history as a symbolic practice, generating a wide
range of possible relationships between both groups.
These relationships may have been settled by different
strategies such as deals, negotiations and/or resistance.
Even though, to the present state of the research, we
ignore de nuances that these practices may have had, we
agree on Orgaz and Rattos hypothesis (2012). These
authors state that the presence of burials inside the
agricultural space is indicating that the deals prevailed
over the resistance. To this respect, it must be reminded
that the burials correspond to practices of the societies of
the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, for their architectural
configuration as well as the ceramic material and
radiocarbon dating. Likewise, though burials of the first
millennium were not registered, the presence of ceramic
artifacts directly related to burial spaces is revealing; for
instance, a pipe tube and a great quantity of decorated
bowls.
We consider that from the thirteenth century, different
stories, ideas and beliefs converge in the Guanchincito
site, where the engravings are integrated to the
agricultural and burial space. In this way, a meeting place
between the living and the dead was created, where the
shared use of the productive areas prevailed or was
legitimated. It was a landscape in permanent construction,
of great significance, and condensing a memory
materialized in the combination of images from different
moments of the regional history in a political context
marked by the Incan domination strategies.
36
Acknowledgements
We are very grateful to Ana Solari and Jacqueline Rodet
for the help on the translation of the abstract and
keywords to French. In addition we are indebted to Luis
Coll for the time dedicated to the preparation of Figure 1
and to all the PACh-A members who participated in the
record activities on the field. We also want to give thanks
to the coordinators of the session 43 at UISPP congress,
Mila Simes de Abreu and Cris Buco. Any errors or
misinterpretations contained herein are solely our
responsibility.
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