7

Brunislav Marijanovi
Uvod
Introduction

15 Brunislav Marijanovi
Jokina glavica prapovijesni grobovi
Jokina glavica prehistoric graves

49 Karla Gusar
Jokina glavica ranosrednjovjekovni grobovi
Jokina glavica early medieval graves

83 Ivana Anteri, eljana Bai, Elia kori, imun Anelinovi

Rezultati antropoloke analize osteolokog materijala
s tumula Jokina glavica prapovijesni grobovi
Results of the anthropological analysis of the osteological
remains from the tumulus of Jokina glavica prehistoric graves

89 Mario laus, Mario Novak, eljka Bedi, Vlasta Vyroubal

Antropoloka analiza starohrvatskog kotanog
uzorka s tumula Jokina glavica
Anthropological analysis of the early croatian skeletal
sample from the KrnezaJokina glavica site

101 Karla Gusar, Dario Vujevi

Duevia glavica
Duevia glavica

135 Ivana Anteri, eljana Bai, Elia kori, imun Anelinovi

Rezultati antropoloke analize grobova
s tumula Duevia glavica
Results of the anthropological analysis of the osteological
remains from the tumulus of Duevia glavica

149 Karla Gusar, Dario Vujevi

Matakova glavica
Matakova glavica

173 eljana Bai, Ivana Anteri, Elia kori, imun Anelinovi

Rezultati antropoloke analize grobova
s tumula Matakova glavica
Results of the anthropological analysis of the osteological
remains from the tumulus of Matakova glavica

177 Brunislav Marijanovi, Karla Gusar

Zakljuak
Conclusion
Brunislav Marijanovi
Uvod
Odjel za arheologiju Sveuilita u Zadru u okvi-
ru nastavnog programa, posebice onoga dijela
obuhvaenog kolegijem Metodologija arheo-
lokih istraivanja, ve dulji niz godina provodi
redovitu terensku nastavu za studente svih go-
dina studija, koja se u pravilu odrava tijekom
svibnja i lipnja u tekuoj akademskoj godini.
Neka danas dobro poznata i iznimno znaajna
arheoloka nalazita na zadarskom podruju
istraena su upravo u okviru tog programa i
zahvaljujui sudjelovanju zadarskih studenata
arheologije.1
Tijekom terenske nastave 2007. i 2008. pro-
vedeno je iskopavanje skupine od tri tumula na
podruju dva neposredno susjedna sela - Krne-
ze i Podvrja kod Zadra - koji su u lokalnoj to-
ponimiji poznati pod nazivima: Jokina glavica,
Duevia glavica i Matakova glavica.2 Uz vodi-
telja, u iskopavanju su sudjelovali dr. sc. Dario
Vujevi, doc. dr. sc. Karla Gusar i mr. sc. Josipa
Baraka, asistenti na Odjelu za arheologiju.3
Tumuli su smjeteni u prostranom polju
s june strane Ljubake kose i u svojem su se
okruenju jasno isticali kao najizrazitije to-
pografske pojedinosti. Premda meusobno
razdvojeni i udaljeni nekoliko stotina metara
(udaljenost izmeu Jokine glavice i Duevia
glavice iznosi 300 m, Jokine glavice i Mata-
kove glavice 280 m, te Duevia glavice i Ma-
takove glavice 400 m), zbog ega bi se mogli
1 Ovdje navodim samo neka meu brojnim tako provedenim iskopavanji-
ma: viegodinje iskopavanje u Ninu - Sv. Kri, neolitikom nalazitu Crno
vrilo, ranokranskoj crkvi u Podvrju, prapovijesnom tumulu na kornici
kod Privlake, liburnskim nekropolama na Ljubau itd.
2 Tumuli se nalaze na privatnim posjedima Ratka Zekanovia, te obitelji
Duevi i Matak. Iskreno zahvaljujemo vlasnicima, ijom je susretljivou i
ljubaznou omogueno ovo istraivanje.
3 Preliminarno izvjee o rezultatima iskopavanja objavio je B. Marijanovi;
B. MARIJANOVI, 2010; pojedinane priloge objavili su i K. Gusar i K. Gusar
D. Vujevi; K. GUSAR, 2008, 198-202; K. GUSAR, 2009, 169-181; K. GUSAR
D. VUJEVI, 2009, 339-356.
Tumuli iz Krneze
i Podvrja kod Zadra
Tumuli from Krneza and
Podvrje near Zadar
Introduction
The Department of Archaeology of the Universi-
ty of Zadar has been organizing field practice for
students of all study years for a number of years
as a segment of the teaching program, particu-
larly its part encompassed by the course of lec-
tures entitled Methodology of archaeological
research. The field practice usually takes place
during May and June in the actual academic
year. Some well known and very important ar-
chaeological sites in the Zadar region were ex-
plored within this program owing to participa-
tion of the archaeology students from Zadar.1
During the field practice in 2007 and 2008
excavation of a group of three tumuli was car-
ried out. These tumuli, which were known in lo-
cal toponymy under the names Jokina glavica,
Duevia glavica and Matakova glavica, were
situated in the area of two neighbouring villag-
es of Krneza and Podvrje near Zadar.2 Besides
the research leader, Dario Vujevi, M.Sc., Karla
Gusar, Ph.D., and Josipa Baraka M.Sc., assist-
ants at the Department of Archaeology took
part in the excavation.3
The tumuli were situated in a spatious field on
the southern side of Ljubaka kosa and they were
recognizable in their environment as the most
prominent topographic details. Although they
were several hundreds meters apart and mutually
separated (distance between Jokina glavica and
Duevia glavica is 300 m, between Jokina glavi-
1 I will mention only some of such excavations: years-long excavations in
Nin Sv. Kri, Neolithic site of Crno vrilo, early Christian church in Podvr-
je, prehistoric tumulus in kornica near Privlaka, Liburnian necropoles at
Ljuba, etc.
2 The tumuli were situated on private properties of Ratko Zekanovi, and Du-
evi and Matak families. We would like to express our sincere gratitude to
the owners whose benevolence and kindness made this research possible.
3 Preliminary report on the excavations results was published by B. Marija-
novi; B. MARIJANOVI, 2010; separate articles were published by K. Gusar
and K. Gusar D. Vujevi; K. GUSAR, 2008, 198-202; K. GUSAR, 2009, 169-
181; K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 339-356.
8
doimati i kao posve samostalne i meusobno
neovisne formacije, tumuli su ipak tvorili po-
sve koherentnu prostornu i sepulkralnu cjeli-
nu. Nijedan tumul pojedinano, a ni skupinu
u cijelosti, nije mogue povezati s bilo kakvom
drugom arheolokom formacijom ili pojavom
koja bi vremenski i kulturno korespondirala s
vremenom njihova podizanja; sl. 1.
Nijedan od istraenih tumula nije zateen
u svom izvornom obliku i posve intaktan, ali
recentnija oteenja, koja su prije iskopavanja
bila vidljiva samo na njihovim perifernim dije-
lovima i nastala iskljuivo ratarskim aktivno-
stima, nisu pridonijela veim devastacijama.4
Razumije se, neki od najmlaih grobova time
su vjerojatno u cijelosti uniteni ili djelomice
oteeni, pogotovo s obzirom na prilino plitke
grobne jame u najmlaem sloju ukapanja, ali
to danas nije mogue sa sigurnou utvrditi.5
Premda meu istraenim tumulima posto-
je i neke ozbiljnije razlike u osnovnom ritusu
prakticiranom u primarnim grobovima, a sta-
novite razlike vezane su i za kasnije pokope, sve
tumule povezuju i sljedee osnovne znaajke:
_ Svi istraeni tumuli pripadaju srednje ve-
likim formacijama ove vrste, s prosjenim
promjerom izmeu 12-18 m i visinom izmeu
1,8-3,0 m. Premda, kako sam to ve naglasio,
tvore koherentnu cjelinu, tumuli su podignu-
ti na odreenim, rekao bih i prilino ujedna-
enim meusobnim udaljenostima. Njihove
pojedinane udaljenosti nisu tako naglaene
da bi to upuivalo na posvemanju samostal-
nost i meusobnu neovisnost, niti su tumuli
prenaglaeno prostorno zbijeni da bi mogli
imati karakter i znaenje nekropole u pravom
smislu. ini mi se da je takvim rasporedom i
meusobnim udaljenostima naglaena indi-
vidualnost svake humke i osobe zbog koje je
podignuta, s jedne strane, ali i da je, s druge
strane, istodobno sugerirana i sociokulturna
povezanost svih pokopanih.
_ Korpus svih tumula tvorio je iskljuivo ze-
mljani nasip, formiran od zemlje iz neposred-
nog okruenja, i u osnovnom postupku njiho-
va podizanja nema nikakvih bitnih razlika; sl.
4 Prema informacijama koje donosi J. Beloevi na povrini tumula Jokina
glavica bili su vidljivi brojni ulomci keramike i pojedinani humani ostat-
ci; J. BELOEVI,1980, 59.
5 Prema informacijama J. Beloevia s ovog podruja potjee jedan primje-
Brunislav rak srednjovjekovnog oruja, ali podatak nije bio provjerljiv; J. BELOEVI,
Marijanovi 1972, 125-138.
ca and Matakova glavica 280 m, and between
Duevia glavica and Matakova glavica 400 m),
because of which they might seem as completely
autonomous and mutually independent forma-
tions, tumuli nevertheless formed quite coher-
ent spatial and sepulchral whole. None of the tu-
muli, nor the entire group, can be related to any
other archaeological formation or phenomenon
which would correspond chronologically or cul-
turally to the period of their construction; fig. 1.
None of the excavated tumuli was found in
its original form and completely intact, but re-
cent damages, which were visible only in their
peripheral parts prior to the excavation and
were formed due to agricultural activities, did
not cause larger devastations. 4 Some of the
latest graves were probably completely or par-
tially destroyed by these activities, particularly
having in mind quite shallow grave pits in the
latest burial layer, but at present that is impos-
sible to determine with certainty. 5
Although there are significant differences in
the main rite used in primary graves of the ex-
plored tumuli, and there are certain differences
between later burials as well, all tumuli are con-
nected by the following basic characteristics:
_ All explored tumuli belong to medium sized
formations of this type, with an average diam-
eter between 12-18 m and height between 1,8-
3,0 m. Although they form a coherent unit, as
emphasized previously, tumuli were raised at
certain, quite uniform mutual distances. Their
mutual distances are neither so great to indicate
absolute autonomy and mutual independence,
nor are the tumuli so densely distributed to have
the character and meaning of the necropolis in
the true sense of the word. In my opinion such
distribution and mutual distances emphasized
individuality of each mound and each individual
it was raised for, on one hand, but at the same
time it suggested socio-cultural correlation of all
the buried persons, on the other hand.
_ Corpus of all tumuli was made of earthen fill,
containing soil from the immediate surrounding.
There are no significant differences in the basic
manner of their raising; fig. 2-4. Certain differ-
4 According to information from J. Beloevi on the surface of the tumulus
of Jokina glavica were many pottery sherds and individual human rema-
ins; J. BELOEVI,1980, 59.
5 According to information from J. Beloevi a specimen of medieval we-
apons originates from this area, but information could not be verified; J.
BELOEVI, 1972, 125-138.
 9

Sl./ Fig. 1
Prostorni odnos
tumula u Krnezi
The spatial
relationship of the
tumulus in Krneza:
1. Jokina glavica;
2. Duevia glavica;
3. Matakova glavica

Tumuli iz Krneze
i Podvrja kod Zadra
Tumuli from Krneza and
Podvrje near Zadar
10
Sl./ Fig. 2 2-4. Odreene razlike postoje samo u nainu
Jokina glavica: izgled
prije iskopavanja
polaganja humanih ostataka na osnovnoj ra-
Jokina glavica, view zini pokapanja. Sudei prema pojedinanim
before the excavation nalazima kremenih artefakata u nasipu tumula
fotografija / photographs
by K. Gusar Jokina glavica, pri njegovom je podizanju dje-
lomice destruiran dio depozita koji bi mogao
Sl./ Fig. 3
pripadati znatno starijoj, vjerojatno neolitiko/
Duevia glavica:
izgled prije eneolitikoj, naseobini.6 Zemlja upotrijebljena
iskopavanja za nasipanje tumula izrazito je kisela, zbog ega
Duevia glavica, su antropoloki ostatci iznimno slabo sauvani.
view before the
excavation _ Svi su tumuli sadravali primarne, odnosno
fotografija / photographs prapovijesne, i sekundarne grobove, a podi-
by B. Marijanovi
gnuti su u vremenskim okvirima iju donju
granicu ini bronano doba, a gornju prijelaz
iz kasnog bronanog u starije eljezno doba i
poetak starijega eljeznog doba.7
_ Premda u korpusu nasipa nije bilo mogue
uoiti nikakve tragove sekundarnih zahvata
na osnovnoj (prapovijesnoj) razini ukapanja,
u tumulu Duevia glavica treba raunati na
primarni pokop i jo dva kasnija prapovijesna
pokopa. Naime, na dnu tumula, na samoj zdra-
vici, na povrinama bez ikakvih drugih nalaza
i konstrukcija bile su vidljive izgorjele i po-
sve usitnjene kosti za koje je specijalistikom
6 Danas nije mogue ni naslutiti prostor na kojemu je takva aglomeracija
mogla postojati.
7 Istina, datumi 14C iz mlaeg prapovijesnog groba na Duevia glavici znat-
no su vii od ovog vremenskog okvira, to bi posredno sugeriralo jo vii
datum za primarni grob u tom tumulu. Meutim, treba naglasiti da nije-
dan od tih grobova nije sadravao komparativnu arheoloku grau koja
bi se mogla iskoristiti za provjeru dobivenih datuma. U tom je kontekstu
vana i injenica da datumi potjeu iz groba ija se konstrukcija podudara
s tipinim liburnskim grobnim konstrukcijama koje nedvojbeno pripadaju
eljeznom dobu. Budui da u ovome trenutku nije mogue sa sigurnijim
uporitem govoriti o predliburnskim korijenima kasnijih tipinih liburn-
skih grobnih konstrukcija, visoko datiranje mlaeg pokopa na Duevia
Brunislav glavici treba uzeti s rezervom. Usporediti poglavlje K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI
Marijanovi o Duevia glavici.
ences are reflected only in the manner of deposit-
ing human remains on the basic level of burying.
Judging from the individual finds of flint artifacts
in the tumulus fill of Jokina glavica, a part of de-
posit which may have belonged to a consider-
ably earlier Neolithic/Eneolithic settlement was
destroyed. 6 Soil used for raising the tumulus is
extremely acid, which resulted in exceptionally
poor preservation of anthropological remains.
_ Each tumulus contained primary, i.e. pre-
historic, and secondary graves, and they were
raised in chronological framework lower bor-
der of which is represented by the Bronze Age,
and the upper by the transition from the Late
Bronze to Early Iron Ages and the beginning of
the Early Iron Age. 7
_ Although in the tumulus fill one could not
discern any traces of secondary interventions
on the basic (prehistoric) level of burials, in
the tumulus of Duevia glavica there was a
primary burial and two later prehistoric buri-
als. Namely, at the bottom of the tumulus, on
the bedrock, on the surface without any other
finds or constructions, tiny bones were found
which proved to be human after anthropologi-
6 At present it is impossible to assume the area in which such agglomerati-
on may have existed.
7 Admittedly 14C dates for the younger prehistoric grave on Duevia glavica
are considerably higher than the proposed chronological framework, whi-
ch would indirectly imply an even higher date for the primary grave in this
tumulus. However it is necessary to emphasize that none of these graves
contained comparative archaeological material which may have been used
for controlling acquired dates. In that context it is important to notice that
dates correspond to grave whose construction was identical to the typical
Liburnian funerary structures which definitely belong to the Iron Age. Sin-
ce at present it is impossible to discuss pre-Liburnian roots of later typical
Liburnian funerary structures, high dating of the later burial on Duevia
glavica should be accepted with caution. Cf. article K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI
on Duevia glavica.

antropolokom analizom utvrena humana
pripadnost,8 pa one zasigurno odreuju i pri-
marni pokop. Kako je u viem dijelu korpusa
istoga tumula, gotovo u samom sreditu, otkri-
ven jo jedan grob bez priloga, ali sa znaajka-
ma liburnskog naina pokapanja i liburnskom
grobnom arhitekturom, posve je sigurno da je
u ovom sluaju provoeno i kasnije pokapa-
nje; sl. 5.9 Antropolokom analizom, meutim,
utvreno je da sauvani humani nalazi u istoj
grobnoj konstrukciji ne pripadaju samo jednoj
osobi, nego dvjema, pokopanima s odreenim
vremenskim razmakom,10 zbog ega se oito
mora raunati s dva sukcesivna pokapanja u
istoj grobnoj konstrukciji. Na temelju tog na-
laza nije mogue izvesti nikakav zakljuak i o
eventualnim drugim, moda liburnskim grobo-
vima u tom tumulu, ali ni takva mogunost nije
posve iskljuena.
_ Osim spaljenih ostataka koji oznaavaju pri-
marni grob u Duevia glavici, takav nain po-
kapanja sigurno je ustanovljen u tumulu Joki-
na glavica na ijem su dnu otkrivene etiri are
sa spaljenim ostatcima, poloene u zajedniku
plitku jamu bez ikakvih drugih konstruktivnih
elemenata. Bronani nakit pronaen u arama
pohranjen je nakon spaljivanja, jer ne poka-
zuje nikakva oteenja uzrokovana izlaganjem
visokoj temperaturi. Sudei prema okolnosti-
ma nalaza, poloaju svih ara na samom dnu
tumula, te tipolokim znaajkama ara i bron-
8 Usporediti antropoloku obradu humanih ostataka.
9 K. GUSAR, 2008; K. GUSAR, 2009; K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 339-356. Uspo-
rediti i poglavlja K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI o Duevia glavici i Matakovoj glavici.
10 Usporediti poglavlje I. Anteri et al. o Duevia glavici.
11
cal analysis, 8 so that they definitely mark the Sl./ Fig. 4
Matakova glavica:
primary burial. Since in the higher part of the
pogled na poetku
same tumulus corpus, almost in the center, iskopavanja
another grave without grave goods was dis- Matakova glavica,
covered, with characteristics of the Liburnian view at the
beginning of the
burial ritual and Liburnian grave architecture, excavation
it is quite certain that in this case later inter- fotografija / photographs
ment took place; fig. 5.9 However, anthropo- by B. Marijanovi
logical analysis revealed that the preserved hu-
man remains in the same funerary structure do
not belong to one, but two persons, which were
not buried simultaneously.10 Therefore we have
to consider two successive burials in the same
funerary structure. On the basis of this find it is
impossible to reach any conclusion about pos-
sible other, perhaps Liburnian graves in the tu-
mulus, but such option is also possible.
_ Except for cremated remains which mark the
primary grave on Duevia glavica, this type of
burial was confirmed in the tumulus of Jokina
glavica at the bottom of which were four urns
with cremated remains, laid in a common shal-
low pit without any constructional elements.
Bronze jewelry which was found in urns was
deposited after the cremation since it does not
exhibit any damages caused by exposure to
high temperature. Judging from the circum-
stances of the find, the position of the urns at
the basis of the tumulus, and typological char-
acteristics of the urns and bronze offerings, we
can assume with great degree of certainty that
8 Cf. anthropolgical analysis of human remains. Tumuli iz Krneze
9 K. GUSAR, 2008; K. GUSAR, 2009; K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 339-356. CF. i Podvrja kod Zadra
chapters by K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI on Duevia and Matakova glavica. Tumuli from Krneza and
10 Cf. anthropological analysis of human remains. Podvrje near Zadar
12
Sl./ Fig. 5 anih priloga, s velikom se vjerojatnou moe
Duevia glavica:
prapovijesni i
pretpostaviti da je rije o istodobnom pokopu,
srednjovjekovni a mogue je pomiljati i na neku drugu poveza-
grobovi nost pokopanih osoba.
Duevia glavica,
_ S velikom se vjerojatnou moe raunati na
prehistoric and early
medieval graves istovjetan ritus i u primarnom grobu tumula
fotografija / photographs Matakova glavica. Meutim, za razliku od pret-
by D. Vujevi
hodna dva, u kojima na razini primarnih poko-
pa nije ustanovljeno postojanje nikakvog kon-
strukcijskog zahvata, u ovom je tumulu posto-
jala konstrukcija u obliku dosta pravilne kru-
ne platforme, obrubljena krupnijim amorfnim
kamenjem sloenim u suhozidnoj tehnici, dok
joj je unutranjost bila ispunjena oblutcima. U
sreditu platforme otkriveni su ostatci prapo-
vijesne keramike posude, moda are. Kako
je kasnijim pokapanjem, koje je dovelo do sta-
novitog preoblikovanja ak i izvornog korpusa
tumula, oteena i primarna konstrukcija, a
pretpostavljena ara razbijena, mogui spaljeni
ostatci pokopane osobe nisu sauvani; sl. 6-7.
_ Osim primarnih i mlaih prapovijesnih po-
kapanja, u svim istraenim tumulima usta-
novljeni su i sekundarni recentniji pokopi. Na
tumulu Matakova glavica pokapanje je vie-
kratno provoeno tijekom kasnoantikog raz-
doblja i u ranom srednjem vijeku. Jedna od
kasnoantikih grobnica, postavljena u samom
sreditu tumula, dovela je do ve spomenutog
oteenja primarnoga prapovijesnoga groba;
Brunislav
Marijanovi sl. 6. Izuzimajui grob br. 4 s nalazom jednog
this was a simultaneous burial. It is also pos-
sible to consider some other relations between
the buried individuals.
_ We can assume with great degree of cer-
tainty that identical rite was used in the pri-
mary grave of the tumulus of Matakova glavi-
ca. However, as opposed to the previous two
tumuli, in which there were no constructional
interventions at the level of primary burials,
in this tumulus was a construction in form of
a quite regular round platform, encircled with
large amorphous stones arranged in drystone
wall technique, whereas its interior was filled
with pebbles. Remains of a prehistoric ceramic
vessel, possibly an urn, were discovered in the
center of the platform. As primary construc-
tion was destroyed by later burials, and the
assumed urn broken, possible remains of the
buried individual were not preserved; fig. 6-7.
Later burials also resulted in certain reshaping
of the original corpus of the tumulus.
_ In addition to primary and later prehistoric
burials, in all explored tumuli were also sec-
ondary, more recent burials. On the tumulus of
Matakova glavica deceased persons were bur-
ied repeatedly in Late Antiquity and in the Ear-
ly Middle Ages. One of the late antique graves,
placed in the very center of the tumulus, caused
mentioned damage to the prehistoric grave; fig.
6. Except for grave 4 which yielded an atypi-

atipinog eljeznog noa i eljezne krike,11 u
kasnoantikim grobovima iz tog tumula nisu
pronaeni nikakvi prilozi, a tom ih je vreme-
nu mogue pripisati iskljuivo prema odlikama
grobne arhitekture. U tumulima Jokina glavica
i Duevia glavica svi recentniji pokopi pripa-
daju iskljuivo ranom srednjem vijeku, a zbog
viekratnog pokapanja veina je najmlaih
grobova manje ili vie oteena. Sve otkrivene
ranosrednjovjekovne grobove mogue je staviti
u vremenski okvir 7.-9. st.12
Iskopavanje skupine tumula u Krnezi i Pod-
vrju zapoelo je na tumulu Jokina glavica go-
dine 2007., a dovreno na tumulima Duevia
glavica i Matakova glavica 2008.
Osnovno metodoloko polazite njihova
iskopavanja podrazumijevalo je standardnu
podjelu korpusa tumula prema koordinatnom
sustavu na etiri kvadranta, koji su iskopavani
odvojeno, uz zadravanje kontrolnih profila, a
sva daljnja variranja osnovnog metodolokog
pristupa uvjetovana su prilagodbama onim
zahtjevima koje su postavljale ranosrednjovje-
kovne grobne cjeline, disperzirane i sukcesivno
otkrivane u razliitim kvadrantima; sl. 4-6, 8.
Posve je jasno da zbog rasporeda, razliitih po-
loaja i sveukupnog broja tih grobova, kontrol-
ni profili nisu mogli biti idealno sauvani u svim
svojim veliinama od poetka do kraja iskopa-
11 K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 342, T. III, 2.
12 K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 339-356. Usporediti i poglavlja K. GUSAR D.
VUJEVI o Duevia glavici i Matakovoj glavici.
13
cal iron knife and an iron ring,11 there were no Sl./ Fig. 6
Matakova glavica:
grave goods in late antique graves from this tu- prapovijesna
mulus. They can be ascribed to Late Antiquity grobna konstrukcija
i kasnoantike
only on the basis of the grave architecture char-
grobnice
acteristics. In the tumuli of Jokina glavica and Matakova glavica,
Duevia glavica all more recent burials belong prehistoric burial
structures and late
exclusively to the Early Middle Ages, and due antique graves
to repeated burials most of the latest graves fotografija / photographs
were more or less damaged. All discovered ear- by D. Vujevi
ly medieval graves can be dated to the period Sl./ Fig. 7
from the seventh to ninth centuries. 12 Matakova glavica:
Excavation of the group of tumuli in Krneza prapovijesna grobna
konstrukcija
and Podvrje started in 2007 on the tumulus Matakova glavica,
of Jokina glavica in 2007, and it was ended on prehistoric burial
structure
the tumuli of Duevia glavica and Matakova
fotografija / photographs
glavica in 2008. by B. Marijanovi
The basic methodological principle of the
excavation implied standard division of the tu-
mulus on the basis of coordinate system into
four quadrants which were excavated sepa-
rately with maintaining control profiles, and all
further variations of the basic methodological
approach were caused by adaptations to the
demands of early medieval grave units which
were dispersed and discovered successively in
different quadrants; fig. 4-6, 8. It is clear that
control profiles could not be ideally preserved
from the beginning to the end of the excava-
tion due to distribution, different positions and
Tumuli iz Krneze
11 K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 342, T. III, 2. i Podvrja kod Zadra
12 K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 339-356. CF. chapters by K. GUSAR D. VU- Tumuli from Krneza and
JEVI on Duevia and Matakova glavica. Podvrje near Zadar
14

Sl./ Fig. 8 vanja. U svim su tumulima najprije istraeni ra-
Jokina glavica:
nosrednjovjekovni grobovi, odnosno svi grobo-
pogled poslije
iskopavanja vi koji ne pripadaju primarnoj razini ukapanja,
srednjovjekovnih a potom je provedeno istraivanje i najniih di-
grobova jela korpusa s pripadajuim grobovima. Posve
Jokina glavica, view
je jasno da su bolje ili slabije sauvani elementi
after the excavation
of medieval graves grobnih konstrukcija ili konture grobnih jama
bili osnovni kriteriji za meusobno razluiva-
Sl./ Fig. 9
Jokina glavica: pogled
nje pojedinanih pokopa i definiranje sigurnih
poslije iskopavanja grobnih cjelina. Ti su kriteriji dosljedno pri-
srednjovjekovnih mjenjivani posebice pri istraivanju najmlaeg
grobova
Jokina glavica, view sloja pokopa, kako bi se na taj nain otklonila
after the excavation mogunost pripisivanja zasebnim grobnim cje-
of medieval graves
linama pojedinanih dijelova kostura disloci-
fotografija / photographs
by K. Gusar ranih zbog recentnijih oteenja povrinskog
dijela korpusa i periferije tumula. Isti kriteriji
primijenjeni su i u onim sluajevima u kojima
su zbog izrazito kiselog tla svi dijelovi kostura
propali, a sauvani su samo grobni prilozi koje
je bilo mogue povezati s konturama grobnih
jama ili ostatcima grobnih konstrukcija. Svi su
grobovi oznaavani prema redu otkria.
total number of these graves. In all tumuli me-
dieval graves were excavated first, i.e. all graves
which did not belong to the primary level of
burials, and then the lowest parts of the corpus
with belonging graves were excavated as well.
It is quite clear that the elements of funerary
structures, in better or poorer state of preser-
vation, and contours of grave pits were basic
criteria for distinguishing between individual
burials and for defining certain grave units.
These criteria were applied consistently par-
ticularly in the excavation of the latest burial
layer, in order to eliminate the possibility of
connecting the defined grave units with sepa-
rate skeletal remains dislocated due to recent
damages of the part of the tumulus corpus and
its periphery. The same criteria were applied in
those cases in which skeletons were complete-
ly destroyed due to extreme soil acidity, only
grave goods were preserved which could be re-
lated to the contours of grave pits or remains
of funerary structures. All graves were marked
according to the course of discovery.

Brunislav
Marijanovi
Brunislav Marijanovi
Kako to sam u uvodnom dijelu ve naglasio,
iskopavanje skupine tumula u Krnezi i Podvrju
zapoelo je 2007. na Jokinoj glavici i to je jedini
tumul koji je dao posve intaktne prapovijesne
grobove, pa je njegova vrijednost u tom smislu
i najvea. No vrijednost otkrivenih grobova ne
zadrava se samo na toj injenici. Otkriveni gro-
bovi posebno su znaajni zbog toga to su to prvi
pouzdani primjeri takvog naina pokapanja na
ovome dijelu istonog Jadrana i njegova zalea,
koji ne pripadaju cetinskoj kulturi niti se s njom
na bilo koji nain mogu povezati,1 s jedne strane,
niti ih je mogue posve jednostavno usporedi-
ti sa slinim primjerima iz liburnske funeralne
prakse, s druge strane.2 Pritom ne mislim samo
na pokapanje pod grobnim humkom, nego na
itav ritus primijenjen pri pokapanju, a to znai
obred spaljivanja, polaganje spaljenih ostataka
u are i njihovo pokapanje pod humkom te ti-
poloke znaajke uporabljenih ara i priloenih istics of the used urns and deposited decorative
ukrasnih predmeta. U tom kontekstu znaajno
je naglasiti da najranije poznate primjere spa-
ljivanja pokojnika i pokapanja u arama s ovog
podruja, a i ireg istonojadranskog prostora,
i grobove iz Jokine glavice dijeli velik vremen-
ski raspon, te da izmeu tih pojava nije mogu-
e uspostaviti nikakve kulturne ili druge veze. S
druge strane, ni poznati primjeri slinog naina
pokapanja kod Liburna, osim malobrojnosti, ne
podudaraju se s grobovima iz Jokine glavice.
Prema svim svojim bitnim odrednicama, prapo-
vijesni grobovi iz Jokine glavice najblii su poja-
vama karakteristinim za kulturu arnih polja,
neovisno o tomu na koji se nain mogu inter-
pretirati i kojem razdoblju prapovijesti pripisati.
No, to e se iz daljnjeg izlaganja jasno vidjeti.
1 I. MAROVI-B. OVI, 1983, 204-205.
2 S. KUKO, 2010.
JOKINA GLAVICA
prapovijesni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
prehistoric graveS
As mentioned in the introductory part, exca-
vations of the group of tumuli in Krneza and
Podvrje started in 2007 on Jokina glavica
which is also the only tumulus yielding intact
prehistoric graves, so that its significance is the
greatest in that sense. Furthermore, importance
of the graves surpasses this fact. Discovered
graves are particularly important because they
represent the first reliable example of such bur-
ial rite in this part of the eastern Adriatic and
its hinterland, which do not belong to the Cetina
culture an cannot be related to it in any way, on
one hand, 1 nor can they be compared to similar
examples from the Liburnian funerary practice,
on the other hand.2 I do not refer only to burials
under mounds, but the entire rite accompany-
ing the burial, meaning cremation ritual, depos-
iting cremated remains in urns and their burial
under a mound, as well as typological character-
objects. In that context it is important to em-
phasize that the earliest examples of cremation
of the deceased persons and burying in urns
from this region, and the wider eastern Adri-
atic region, and graves from Jokina glavica are
separated by great chronological gap. Cultural
or any other connections cannot be established
between these phenomena. On the other hand,
known examples of similar burial rite in Libur-
nia do not correspond to graves from Jokina
glavica, except in scarcity. According to all im-
portant characteristics, prehistoric graves from
Jokina glavica were closest to the phenomena
characteristic of the Urnfield culture, regardless
of their interpretation and dating. This will be
clearly presented in the further discussion.
1 I. MAROVI-B. OVI, 1983, 204-205.
2 S. KUKO, 2010.
16
U skupini istraenih tumula recentnija su
oteenja, prouzroena agrikulturnim aktivno-
stima, najvidljivija upravo na Jokinoj glavici,
koja je zbog toga najmanje sauvala svoju pr-
votnu veliinu i oblik. Oteenjima su najvie
bili izloeni rubni dijelovi; oteenja su smanji-
la masu nasipa, pa su i mekano zaobljene linije
korpusa, uobiajene za ovu vrstu nalazita, na
Brunislav
Marijanovi taj nain dobile neto otrije obrise. Zbog toga
In the group of explored tumuli recent dam-
ages, caused by agricultural activities, were
most clearly visible exactly on Jokina glavica
whose original appearance and size were af-
fected the most. Peripheral parts were dam-
aged most heavily diminishing the fill mass
and causing somewhat sharper contours of the
corpus instead of soft, rounded lines which are
usual for this type of site. This definitely caused

je jedan dio sekundarnih grobova, onih koji pri-
padaju ranom srednjem vijeku, a ukopanih u
rubnim dijelovima tumula, zasigurno propao.3
Sva ta oteenja, meutim, nisu mogla dovesti
do dramatinih razlika izmeu idealnih i isko-
pavanjima verificiranih arheolokih potencijala
Jokine glavice. Razvoj vegetacije, koja je u novi-
je vrijeme pokrila itavu povrinu tumula, zasi-
gurno je pridonio djelominom oteenju povr-
inskog dijelu nasipa, ali nije mogao prouzroiti
smanjivanje visine nasipa, nego se odrazio samo
na oteenja najmlaih grobnih konstrukcija i
pripadajuih humanih ostataka. tovie, vegeta-
cija je mogla samo pridonijeti sprjeavanju ero-
zije i zadravanju kompaktnosti nasipa koja je
naruena oteenjima njegovih rubnih dijelova.
S obzirom na sve reeno, jasno je da visina
tumula od oko 3,00 metra i njegov promjer od
18,00 m, kako je izmjereno na poetku iskopava-
nja, ne odgovaraju stvarnim vrijednostima pra-
povijesnog nasipa, ali sam miljenja da nijedna
od navedenih veliina ne moe dramatino od-
stupati od onih izvornih. Gotovo sam siguran da
su u tom smislu minimalna ak i odstupanja u
promjeru nasipa, a da su najvea ona u korpusu
nasipa poevi od ruba prema njegovu sreditu.
Korpus tumula je ujednaen i vrlo kompak-
tan, a formiran je od zemlje iz neposrednog
okruenja. U nasipu nije bilo nikakvih konstruk-
cija, ni na perifernom ni u sredinjem dijelu.
tovie, mjestimice pronaeni amorfni komadi
kamena pripadaju iskljuivo dislociranim dije-
lovima srednjovjekovnih grobnih konstrukcija.
U kontrolnim profilima vidljivi su proslo-
ji zemlje razliite konzistencije i kvalitete, no
oni nemaju nikakva stratigrafskog znaenja
jer nisu pokazatelj i izraz nikakvih sukcesivnih
aktivnosti provoenih na tom mjestu, nego su
iskljuivo posljedica pedoloke neujednaeno-
sti u okruenju iz kojeg je donoen materijal za
formiranje nasipa; sl. 10. Tumul je podignut u
jednom mahu, bez veih vremenskih zastoja i
kasnijih dogradnji. Iskopavanje tumula, kako
je to naglaeno u uvodnom dijelu, provedeno je
prema metodolokim standardima koji vrijede
za ovu vrstu arheolokih nalazita.
Prapovijesni su grobovi otkriveni na osnovi
tumula, odnosno na razini s koje je provedeno
nasipanje i formiranje njegova korpusa. Svi pr-
3 Usporediti poglavlje K. GUSAR o srednjovjekovnim grobovima s Jokine glavice.
17
devastation of some of the secondary graves Sl./ Fig. 10
Jokina glavica:
belonging to the Early Middle Ages, dug in the
presjek tumula
peripheral parts of the tumulus.3 However all Jokina glavica,
these damages could not result in dramatic dif- section of the
ferences between the ideal and actual archaeo- tumulus
logical potentials of Jokina glavica. Growth of Sl./ Fig. 11
vegetation which recently covered the entire Jokina glavica:
surface of the tumulus definitely contributed to poloaj
prapovijesnih ara
partial devastation of the surface part of the fill, na osnovi tumula
but it could not be reflected in the decrease of Jokina glavica:
its mass but only in the damages of the latest position prehistoric
funerary structures and the belonging human urn on the basis
of the tumulus
remains. Furthermore, vegetation could have
only contributed to prevention of erosion and
keeping the compactness of the fill which was
disturbed by devastation of its peripheral parts.
Considering all the aforementioned it is clear
that the height of the tumulus of about 3,00 m
and its diameter of 1,80 m at the beginning of
the excavations, do not correspond to the ac-
tual dimensions of the prehistoric fill, but in my
opinion none of the mentioned sizes can differ
dramatically from the original ones. I am almost
sure that even deviations in the fill diameter are
minimal, and that they are greatest in the fill
corpus starting from the edge towards its center.
The tumulus corpus is uniform and very
compact, made of soil from the immediate sur-
rounding. There were no constructions of any
kind in the fill, neither in the peripheral part,
nor in the center. Furthermore, amorphous
stones which were found at places belong ex-
clusively to the dislocated parts of medieval fu-
nerary structures.
Interlayers of soil of different consistency
and quality are visible in the control profiles.
However they have no stratigraphic importance
because they are not an indicator or expression
of some successive activities happening at this
place but a consequence of pedological uneven-
ness in the area from which soil for the fill was
brought; fig. 10. The tumulus was raised at
once, without greater chronological delays and
later additions. Excavation of the tumulus, as
mentioned in the introduction, was carried out
on the basis of methodological standards valid
for this type of archaeological sites.
Prehistoric graves were discovered at the
basis of the tumulus, i.e. at the level from which jOKINA GLAVICA
prapovijesni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
3 Cf. chapter by K. Gusar on medieval graves from Jokina glavica. prehistoric graves
18

Sl./ Fig. 12
Poloaj
prapovijesnih ara
na osnovi tumula
Position of the
prehistoric urns
on the basis of
the tumulus

Sl./ Fig. 13
Poloaj
prapovijesnih ara
na osnovi tumula
Position of the
prehistoric urns
on the basis of
the tumulus
fotografije / photographs
by B. Marijanovi

votni grobovi u tom tumulu, kako je ve istaknu-
to, sadre spaljene humane ostatke pohranjene
u etiri are. Premda zbog recentnijih oteenja
nije mogue sa sigurnou odrediti izvorni pro-
mjer tumula, pa prema tome ni utvrditi njegovo
priblino sredite, ipak je posve vjerojatna pret-
postavka da su are bile poloene i grupirane
upravo u tom dijelu osnove tumula; sl. 11.
Sve su are poloene u plitku zajedniku jamu
nepravilna oblika, ukopanu na samoj osnovi tu-
mula. Dno jame pokriveno je tanjim slojem vrlo
sitnog ala, koje je upotrijebljeno i za zatrpava-
nje ara sve do njihova otvora, pa je tako i grob-
na jama u cijelosti ispunjena alom. are nisu
imale nikakve poklopce, nego je na njihov otvor
poloena ovea amorfna kamena ploa, ime su
are zatvorene i osnovni in pokapanja dovren.
Jedino su na aru br. 3 umjesto jedne vee polo-
ene dvije manje ploe; sl. 12-22. Ni oko grobne
jame, ni u nasipu tumula nisu ustanovljeni ni-
kakvi tragovi obreda ili nekih drugih postupaka
povezanih s inom pokapanja. Po svemu sudei,
nasipanje tumula provedeno je odjednom ili ba-
rem bez duih prekida u tom postupku.
Osim ostataka spaljenih osoba u svim su a-
rama pronaene razliite vrste bronanog na-
Brunislav
Marijanovi kita, koji je oito priloen nakon provedenog
the tumulus was raised. All primary graves in
the tumulus, as previously stated, contain cre-
mated human remains deposited in four urns.
Although the original diameter of the tumulus
could not be determined due to recent dam-
ages, or its approximate center, it is more than
likely that the urns were laid and grouped ex-
actly in this part of the tumulus basis; fig. 11.
All urns were laid in a common shallow pit
of irregular form, dug into the basis of the tu-
mulus. The bottom of the pit was covered with a
thin layer of small pebbles which were used for
covering the urns all the way to their openings
so that the grave pit was filled with small peb-
bles. Urns did not have lids, but a large amor-
phous stone slab was placed over their open-
ings, which closed the urns and ended the basic
burial ritual. Two smaller slabs were put on the
urn no. 3 instead of one larger; fig. 12-22. There
were no traces of rituals or some other proce-
dures related to the act of interment around the
grave pit or in the tumulus fill. It seems that
the tumulus was raised at once, or at least with-
out longer interruptions in the procedure.
Besides cremated burnt remains, various
types of bronze jewelry were found in all urns
which were evidently deposited after the cre-

spaljivanja, jer nijedan priloeni predmet nije
deformiran ni na bilo koji nain oteen zbog
izlaganja visokoj temperaturi.
Polaganje ara na osnovi tumula, njihova
oita prostorna homogenost, odnosno naglae-
no grupiranje na maloj povrini, ujednaenost
pogrebnog rituala te odsutnost bilo kakvih tra-
gova kasnijih zahvata u korpusu tumula, pogo-
tovo u onome njegovu dijelu koji bi bio relevan-
tan za utvrivanje stratigrafskih odnosa meu
arama - to bi doputalo barem teorijsku mo-
gunost njegova sukcesivnog nasipanja, a sa-
mim time i mogunost naknadnih pokapanja
- nedvojbeno nameu zakljuak da su sve are
u ovome tumulu poloene istodobno, odnosno
da je u ovome sluaju rije o tipinom primjeru
skupnoga groba s etiri istodobno provedena
pokopa. Na isti zakljuak upuuje i opa tipolo-
ka ujednaenost upotrijebljenih ara, neovisno
o manjim razlikama u nekim pojedinostima,
kao to su stanovite specifinosti u oblikovanju
drki ili pak ukras izveden samo na jednoj od
njih. Osim toga, s obzirom na istovrsnost ritusa
i istodobnost pokapanja, sklon sam vjerovati
kako je u ovome sluaju rije o skupini vrlo bli-
sko povezanih osoba. O prirodi tih veza mogu-
e je iznijeti razliite pretpostavke i spekulaci-
19
mation since they do not exhibit deformations
or any damages caused by exposure to high
temperature.
Depositing urns at the basis of the tumulus,
their evident spatial homogeneity, i.e. empha-
sized grouping in a small area, uniformity of
the funerary ritual, and absence of any traces
of later interventions in the tumulus corpus,
especially in the part relevant for determining
stratigraphic relations between the urns, which
would enable at least theoretical possibility of
its successive raising, and thereby possibility of
subsequent burials, point to conclusion that all
urns in this tumulus were deposited simulta-
neously, i.e. that in this case we have a typical
example of a collective grave with four simulta-
neous burials. General typological uniformity
of the urns, regardless of the small differences
in some details such as certain particularities
in the modeling of the handles or an ornament
executed on only one specimen point to the
same conclusion. Furhermore, considering the
identical rite and simultaneous burials, I am
inclined to believe that in this case we have a
group of closely related persons. Various hy- jOKINA GLAVICA
potheses and speculations can be proposed prapovijesni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
on the nature of these relations, including the prehistoric graves
20
je, ukljuujui i onu o uoj ili daljoj rodbinskoj
povezanosti pokopanih. Premda mi ta mogu-
nost djeluje vrlo privlano, treba naglasiti da je
takva povezanost u ovome trenutku upitna,4 te
da je problematian i broj pokopanih osoba, o
emu e biti govoreno u daljem izlaganju, jer
rezultati antropoloko-forenzinih istraivanja
sugeriraju drukije interpretacije.5
Tipoloke znaajke nalaza
Homogenost pokopa u Jokinoj glavici, kako
sam to ve naglasio, odreena je u prvom redu
prostornom povezanou i naglaenim grupi-
ranjem ara na maloj povrini, ujednaenou
pogrebnog rituala te odsutnou bilo kakvih in-
dicija o sukcesivnom pokapanju, ali u jednakoj
mjeri tipolokim odlikama ara i s njima pove-
zanih priloga. S obzirom na to, ini mi se da je
tipoloke i stilske odlike grae i njihovu ana-
lizu, ukljuujui i komparativne pokazatelje,
najbolje prikazati u cjelini, jer e na taj nain
biti najlake vidljivi svi elementi bitni za vre-
mensku i kulturnu determinaciju nalaza, kao i
oni koji su povezani s prostorno irim i povije-
sno vanijim kulturolokim pitanjima.
_ ara broj 1 krukolikog je oblika s ljevkasto
suenim vratom i razgrnutim obodom, te nagla-
eno profiliranim prijelazom iz vratnog segmenta
u rameni. Par okomitih trakastih drki pravokut-
na presjeka postavljen je na ramenu are; T. I, 1.
Osim humanih ostataka u ari je pronaena
jedna masivna bronana igla, poloena na sa-
mom vrhu. Premda je u sredinjem dijelu tijela
blago svijena, a pri vrhu posve iskrivljena, na
igli nema nikakvih deformacija prouzroenih
izlaganjem visokoj temperaturi, to posve ja-
sno ukazuje na njezino prilaganje nakon pro-
vedenog obreda spaljivanja. U istom pravcu
govori i njezin poloaj na vrhu are.
Igla je izraena od masivne ice okrugla pre-
sjeka i ujednaene debljine u itavoj svojoj dui-
ni, osim neposredno uza sam vrh. Vrat i gornji
dio tijela su pseudotordirani, a donji je dio po-
sve gladak; T. I, 2a-b. Masivna glava lukoviasta
oblika u donjem je i gornjem dijelu ukraena s
4 Pokuaj utvrivanje rodbinske povezanosti pokopanih osoba preko DNK
analiza, proveden na Klinikom zavodu za patologiju, sudsku medicinu i
citologiju KBC-a Split, zbog slabe sauvanosti humanih ostataka nije dao
Brunislav nikakav rezultat.
Marijanovi 5 Usporediti poglavlje I. Anteri et al. o Jokinoj glavici.
one about more or less close kinship ties of the
deceased persons. Although this possibility
seems very appealing it is necessary to men-
tion that such relations are questionable at the
moment,4 and that even the number of buried
persons is problematic, which will be discussed
in the continuation, as the results of anthropo-
logical-forensic analysis suggest different in-
terpretations. 5
Typological characteristics of the finds
Homogeneity of burials in Jokina glavica, as
emphasized before, is determined primarily by
spatial relations and pronounced grouping of
the urns in a small area, uniformity of funerary
ritual, and absence of any indications of suc-
cessive burials, but also by typological charac-
teristics of the urns and related finds. There-
fore it seems to me that typological and stylistic
characteristics of the material and their analy-
sis, including comparative indicators, should
be presented as a whole because in that way
all elements important for chronological and
cultural determination of the finds will be most
easily visible, as well as the ones related to spa-
tially wider and historically more important
questions.
_ Urn number 1 is pear-shaped with funnel-
shaped narrowed neck and everted rim. Tran-
sition from the neck to the shoulder segment
is emphasized. A pair of vertical strap-handles
with rectangular cross-section is on the shoul-
der of the urn; Pl. I, 1.
In addition to human remains, a massive
bronze pin was found in the urn, at its top. Al-
though it is slightly bent in the middle part of the
body, and completely crooked at the top, there
are no deformations on the pin caused by expo-
sure to high temperature which clearly points to
its deposition after the cremation ritual. Its posi-
tion at the top of the urn supports this thesis.
The pin was made of massive wire with
round cross-section, of uniform thickness
throughout its length, except immediately near
its tip. Neck and the upper part of the body
4 An attempt to determine kinship ties of the buried persons over the DNA
analyses conducted at the Department of Pathology, Court Medicine and
Cytology, within Clinical Hospital Split, yielded no results due to poor pre-
servation of the human remains.
5 Cf. anthropological analysis.
 21

Sl./ Fig. 14
ara br. 1
Urn no. 1

Sl./ Fig. 15
ara br. 1
Urn no. 1
fotografije / photographs
by B. Marijanovi

jOKINA GLAVICA
prapovijesni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
prehistoric graves
22
were pseudo-twisted, and the lower part is
very smooth; Pl. I, 2a-b. Massive bulbous head
is decorated in the lower and upper part with
two narrow incised strips, filled by using the
technique of sticking, which border the central
decorative field with a motif of running spiral
strip; Pl. I, 2c-d. To be precise, motif of the run-
ning spiral strip was formed by four symmetri-
cally distributed concentrical circles connected
with slanted strip-like tangents. In the middle
of the narrowest circle is a clearly visible dotted
concavity; Pl. I, 2c-d.
_ Urn number 2 is larger than the aforemen-
tioned, it has a well-proportioned spindle-like
form with an emphasized belly and widely
everted rim which, surprisingly, was not placed
horizontally; Pl. II, 1a-b. A pair of vertical,
massive strap handles with rectangular cross-
section was placed on the shoulder of the urn
which was decorated with a wide incised strip
filled with a row of hanging and a row of stand-
ing triangles. Triangles were distributed in such
a manner as to form a narrow zig-zag strip. In-
terior of each triangle was filled with parallel
slanted lines laid in the same directions in all
triangles. Remains of white incrustation were
preserved in the incised lines; Pl. II, 1a-b. Or-
nament is very harmonious, executed precisely
and neatly without significant deformations
in the individual motifs and composition as a
whole. Since motifs, and the entire composi-
tion were fashioned minutely, and partially
preserved white incrustation indicates rich
coloristic and artistic achievement, this urn
might be interpreted as a luxurious funerary
product. All the more so because true decora-
tion appears only on this urn, except for certain
decorative phenomena on the urn number 3.
Only one object was found alongside hu-
man remains, laid on the top: a luxuriously
fashioned bronze fibula. Although it was found
disassembled in the urn, and its pin is slightly
Sl./ Fig. 16 dvije uske urezane vrpce, ispunjene ubodima, bent, due to exceptionally good state of pres-
ara br. 2 ervation and absence of any deformations, we
Urn no. 2 koje omeuju sredinje ukrasno polje s moti-
can state with certainty that fibula was not ex-
vom tekue spiralne vrpce; T. I, 2c-d. Tonije,
Sl./ Fig. 17 posed to high temperature i.e. that it was re-
motiv tekue spiralne vrpce postignut je s etiri
ara br. 2 moved prior to the cremation ritual, and it was
Urn no. 2 simetrino rasporeene koncentrine krunice put back in the urn in the ritual of depositing
fotografije / photographs
by B. Marijanovi
povezane ukoso poloenim tangentama izvede- cremated remains of the person it belonged to.
nim u obliku vrpce. U sredini najue krunice The fibula is massive, made of thick wire
jasno je vidljivo tokasto udubljenje; T. I, 2c-d. with oval cross-section, of uniform thickness

_ ara broj 2 veih je dimenzija od prethod-
ne, ima vrlo skladan vretenasti oblik, s nagla-
enim trbuhom i iroko razgrnutim obodom,
koji, meutim, nije vodoravno postavljen; T.
II, 1a-b. Par okomitih, masivnih trakastih drki
pravokutna presjeka postavljen je na ramenu
are, a rame je ukraeno irokom urezanom
vrpcom ispunjenom redom viseih i redom sto-
jeih trokuta. Trokuti su komponirani tako da
u praznom meuprostoru formiraju usku cik-
cak vrpcu. Unutranjost svih trokuta ispunjena
je paralelnim kosim crtama poloenim u istim
smjerovima u svim trokutima, a u urezanim cr-
tama sauvani su ostatci bijele inkrustacije; T.
II, 1a-b. Ukras je vrlo skladan, izveden precizno
i uredno, bez znaajnijih deformacija u pojedi-
nanim motivima i kompoziciji u cjelini. Kako
su motivi, a i kompozicija u cijelosti pomno
izvedeni, a mjestimice sauvana bijela inkru-
stacija ukazuje na bogato koloristiko i likovno
rjeenje, ovoj bi se ari mogao pripisati karak-
ter luksuznoga pogrebnog produkta. To prije
to je, izuzimajui stanovite dekorativne poja-
ve na ari broj 3, ukraavanje u punom smislu
rijei provedeno samo na ovoj ari.
Uz humane ostatke pronaen je samo jedan
predmet, poloen na samom vrhu: luksuzno izra-
ena bronana fibula. Premda je u urni prona-
ena rastavljena, a i igla joj je neznatno svijena,
zbog iznimno dobre sauvanosti i odsutnosti bilo
kakvih deformacija, sa sigurnou se moe tvrditi
da fibula nije bila izloena visokoj temperaturi,
odnosno da je uklonjena prije obreda spaljivanja,
te da je u urnu poloena pri obredu polaganja
spaljenih ostataka osobe kojoj je pripadala.
Fibula je masivna, izraena od debele ice
ovalna presjeka i ujednaene debljine itavom
svojom duinom osim na petlji kope gdje je
ica raskucana i stanjena u pravokutni presjek;
T. II, 2a-b. Petlja je formirana viestrukim uvi-
janjem, a zavrava malim vodoravnim spiralnim
diskom; T. II, 2a-b; T. III, 2-3. Sedlasti dio luka
zavrava s dvije nejednake petlje, od kojih je ona
prema glavi fibule formirana uobiajenim zavi-
janjem, dok je ona prema nozi posve prikrivena
posebnim zadebljanjem izvedenim pri kasnijoj
doradi fibule; T. II, 2a-b; T. III, 2-3. Na bone
strane luka dodana su jo dva, jednako masivna
lana luka, izgledom i izradom posve podu-
darna osnovnom, te zajedno s njim stvaraju ilu-
23
throughout its length except the loop of the fib-
ula where a wire was thinned into a rectangular
cross-section; Pl. II, 2a-b. The loop was formed
by multiple twists, and it ends in a small, hori-
zontal spiral disk; Pl. II, 2a-b; Pl. III, 2-3. Sad-
dle-shaped part of the bow ends in two differ-
ent loops, the one close to the head-end of the
bow was formed by regular twisting, whereas
the one close to the foot was hidden by a spe-
cial thickening modeled in the finishing proc-
ess, Pl. II, 2a-b; Pl. III, 2-3. Two equally mas-
sive pseudo bows, identical to the main bow
in appearance and modeling, were added to the
lateral sides of the bow. These bows make an
illusion of triply articulated bow of the fibula;
Pl. II, 2b; Pl. III, 1. Ends of fake bows were cut
obliquely, thinned and modeled minutely so
that they fit very well on the oval corpus of the
main bow making it only slightly thicker. They
are fastened to it by bronze rivets; Pl. III, 1, 3-5.
All elements of the threefold bow of the fibula
were pseudo-twisted except for a loop close to
the head of the fibula and the zone of mutual
fastening of the main and lateral parts; Pl. III, 1.
Thickening on the loop close to the foot of the
fibula was decorated with bundles of shallowly
incised motifs, oriented in different directions
on the opposite sides of the loop; Pl. III, 3, 5.
Bow segments towards the foot and the pin
of the fibula were decorated with horizontal,
parallel shallow incisions which successfully
imitate pseudo-twisting of the saddle-shaped
parts of the bow; Pl. IV, 1-2.
Massive pin of the fibula has an oval, almost
circular cross-section. It tapers evenly from the
head to the tip, and the body is rhomboidally
widened only in the part in which it connects
with the bow of the fibula; Pl. II, 2a; Pl. IV, 4.
Two identical disks were fixed on the neck of
the pin, with four round perforations on each,
executed in cross-shaped disposition. Disks
were fastened to the pin symmetrically so that
perforations on disks overlap; Pl. II, 2a-b; Pl.
IV, 4. The third and largest disk, visible only in
the form of a ring, makes a round basis for at-
taching two symmetrical calottes which make a
hollow head of the pin. Such technical solution
resulted in an illusion of a spherical head with
central annular reinforcement, Pl. II, 2a-b; Pl. jOKINA GLAVICA
IV, 3-4. Both calottes were decorated with four prapovijesni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
rows of nub-like protrusions which develop on prehistoric graves
24
Sl./ Fig. 18 ziju trostruko ralanjenog luka fibule; T. II, 2b;
ara br. 3
Urn no. 3 T. III, 1. Krajevi lanih lukova odrezani su uko-
so, istanjeni i pomno oblikovani pa vrlo dobro
Sl./ Fig. 19
ara br. 3
nalijeu na ovalni korpus osnovnog luka i samo
Urn no. 3 ga neznatno zadebljaju, a za njega su privreni
fotografije / photographs bronanim zakovicama; T. III, 1, 3-5.
by B. Marijanovi
Izuzimajui petlju prema glavi fibule i zonu
meusobnog uvrivanja osnovnog dijela s
bonim dijelovima, svi su elementi trodijelnog
luka fibule pseudotordirani; T. III, 1.
Zadebljanje na petlji prema nozi fibule ukra-
eno je snopovima plitko urezanih motiva, ori-
jentiranih u razliitim pravcima na suprotnim
stranama petlje; T. III, 3, 5.
Krakovi luka prema nozi i igli fibule ukrae-
Brunislav
Marijanovi ni su vodoravnim, paralelno izvedenim plitkim
their rounded surfaces in a regular rhythm and
precise crafting making round motifs similar
to the motif of concentrical circles. The highest
and lowest row were made separately from the
others, whereas the central two were mutually
connected. The biggest nubs are in the lowest
row, near the base of the calottes, and the small-
est, quite discreet, are on their tops. Nubs in two
central rows have uniform size; Pl. IV, 3-6.
_ Urn number 3, is of approximately same
size as the aforementioned, and it is also typo-
logically very similar to it. However due to em-
phasized belly, the spindle-shaped form char-
acteristic of urn no. 2 is not as pronounced; Pl.
V, 1. On the other hand, shallowly incised line
at the transition from the neck to shoulder seg-
ment makes it similar to urn no. 1, though the
transition from the neck to shoulder segment is
not defined and emphasized but gradual. How-
ever typological peculiarity of this urn in rela-
tion to the aforementioned urn and all others is
expressed mostly in a pair of exceptionally mas-
sive, vertical handles placed at the transition
from the shoulder to belly. Practically these are
double strap handles with round cross-section,
completely apart in the lower root, connected in
the upper root and joined into an organic whole
by a horizontally placed discoid ending. The
handles were decorated with wide, shallow hori-
zontal channels; Pl. V, 2a-b Only one find was
found in this urn alongside human remains: a
massive bronze pin.
Although it is slightly deformed like a wave
throughout its length, the pin does not exhibit
any damages caused by exposure to high tem-
perature, which in this case also clearly indicates
that it was deposited after the cremation ritual.
The pin was made of massive wire with
round cross-section, of uniform thickness
throughout its length, except in the upper part
which is strongly thickened and twisted. The
neck is very short, discreetly annularly shaped.
Its thickness corresponds to thickness of the
larger part of the body and it effectively empha-
sizes small biconical head; Pl. V, 3a-b. It seems
that modeling of the upper part of the pin was
carefully planned in order to emphasize the
head and reduce certain disproportion in rela-
tion to the body.
_ Urn number 4, corresponds to urn no. 1 in
terms of size, but typologically it is much closer
 25
urezima koji uspjeno oponaaju pseudotordi-
ranje sedlastih dijelova luka; T. IV, 1-2.
Masivna igla fibule ovalna je, gotovo kru-
nog presjeka i ravnomjerno se stanjuje od gla-
ve prema vrhu, a tijelo je romboidno proireno
samo na dijelu na kojem se povezuje s lukom
fibule; T. II, 2a; T. IV, 4. Na vratu igle uvrena
su dva jednaka diska, s etiri krune perforacije
na svakom, izvedene u krinoj dispoziciji. Dis-
kovi su na iglu uvreni simetrino pa se per-
foracije na diskovima poklapaju; T. II, 2a-b; T.
IV, 4. Trei i najvei disk, vidljiv samo u obliku
prstena, ini krunu osnovu za koju su privr-
ivane dvije simetrine kalote koje formiraju
uplju glavu igle. Takvim tehnikim rjeenjem
postignuta je iluzija kuglaste glave sa sredi-
njim prstenastim ojaanjem; T. II, 2a-b; T. IV,
3-4. Obje kalote ukraene su s etiri niza brada-
viastih ispupenja koja se u pravilnom ritmu i
preciznom izvoenju razvijaju po njihovim zao-
bljenim povrinama i niu u krune motive sli-
ne motivu koncentrinih krunica. Najvii i naj-
nii niz izvedeni su odvojeno od ostalih, dok su
dva sredinja meusobno povezana. U svakom
pojedinanom nizu ispupenja su ujednaenih
veliina, ali se njihova veliina po pravilnom ri-
tmu mijenja iz jednog u drugi niz. Najkrupnije
su bradavice u najniem nizu, odnosno uz baze
kalota, a najsitnije, posve diskretne, one na nji-
hovim vrhovima. Bradavice u dva sredinja niza
imaju ujednaenu veliinu; T. IV, 3-6.
_ ara broj 3 priblino je iste veliine kao i
prethodna, a i tipoloki je s njom vrlo bliska.
Ipak, zbog izrazito naglaenog trbuha vretena-
sta forma karakteristina za aru br. 2 slabije je
uoljiva; T. V, 1. S druge strane, plitko urezana
linija na prijelazu vratnog u rameni segment u
odreenom je smislu povezuje i sa arom br. 1,
premda prijelaz iz vratnog segmenta u rameni
nije profiliran i naglaen nego postupan. Me-
utim, tipoloka posebnost ove are, ne samo
u odnosu na prethodnu nego i na sve ostale,
najvie se oituje u paru izrazito masivnih, oko-

Sl./ Fig. 20 Sl./ Fig.21 Sl./ Fig. 22

ara br. 4 ara br. 4 ara br. 4
Urn no. 4 Urn no. 4 Urn no. 4 Tumuli iz Krneze
i Podvrja kod Zadra
Tumuli from Krneza and
fotografije / photographs by B. Marijanovi Podvrje near Zadar
26
Sl./ Fig. 23 mitih drki postavljenih na prijelazu ramena u
are poslije
konzervacije trbuh. Praktiki se radi o dvojnim trakastim
Urns after conservation drkama okruglog presjeka, posve razdvojenim
fotografije / photographs
by B. Marijanovi
u donjem korijenu, a u gornjem spojenim i u
organsku cjelinu povezanim vodoravno polo-
enim diskoidnim zavretkom. Drke su ukra-
ene irokim, plitko izvedenim vodoravnim
kanelurama; T. V, 2a-b. I u ovoj je ari, uz hu-
mane ostatke, pronaen samo jedan predmet:
masivna bronana igla.
Premda blago valovito iskrivljena itavom svo-
jom duinom, igla ne pokazuje nikakve posljedice
prouzroene izlaganjem visokoj temperaturi, to
i u ovome sluaju posve jasno ukazuje na prilaga-
nje nakon provedenog obreda spaljivanja.
Igla je izraena od masivne ice okrugla pre-
sjeka i ujednaene debljine u itavoj svojoj du-
ini, osim na gornjem dijelu, koji je naglaeno
zadebljan i tordiran. Vrat je izrazito kratak, dis-
kretno prstenasto profiliran, a debljinom po-
dudaran debljini veeg dijela tijela, pa efektno
naglaava malu glavicu bikonina oblika; T. V,
Brunislav
Marijanovi 3a-b. Stjee se dojam da je profilacija gornjeg
to urns number 2 and 3. The rim is distinctly
everted, and massive horizontal handles with
cross-section which is more rounded than oval
were placed on the belly; Pl. VI, 1.
A fragment of a bronze object made of
smooth massive wire with round cross-section
was deposited in the urn with cremated human
remains. There are no deformations caused by
exposure to high temperature on the preserved
part. The object which might correspond to a
fragment of a simple bronze bracelet was dam-
aged intentionally before it was deposited in
the urn in the ritual of burying the person it
belonged to; Pl. VI, 2. Considering the condi-
tion of the find, nothing can be said about its
typological characteristics.
Besides the mentioned finds, another ob-
ject was found in the tumulus fill which cannot
be directly related to the urns considering its
stratigraphical position high above them. The
find was out of context and completely isolated,
and it was found when medieval graves were
excavated. It was a massive bronze pin which

dijela igle pomno promiljena upravo zbog isti-
canja glave i ublaavanja stanovitog nerazmje-
ra u odnosu na tijelo.
_ ara broj 4 veliinom se podudara sa arom
br. 1, ali je tipoloki znatno blia arama broj 2
i 3. Obod je izrazito razgrnut, a masivne vodo-
ravne drke vie krunog negoli ovalnog presje-
ka postavljene su na trbuhu; T. VI, 1.
Uz spaljene humane ostatke u aru je po-
loen dio bronanog predmeta izraenog od
glatke masivne ice okruglog presjeka. Na sa-
uvanom dijelu nisu vidljive nikakve deforma-
cije prouzroene izlaganjem visokoj tempera-
turi, a predmet, koji bi mogao odgovarati dijelu
jednostavne bronane narukvice, oteen je
namjerno prije prilaganja u aru, u obredu po-
kapanja osobe kojoj je pripadao; T. VI, 2. S ob-
zirom na stanje nalaza, o njegovim tipolokim
znaajkama nije mogue iznijeti nikakav sud.
Osim navedenih nalaza u nasipu tumula pro-
naen je jo jedan predmet koji se, s obzirom na
stratigrafsku poziciju visoko iznad pokopanih
ara, s njima ne moe dovesti u izravnu vezu.
Nalaz je bez ikakvog konteksta i posve izoliran,
a pronaen je prilikom istraivanja srednjovje-
kovnih grobova. Rije je o masivnoj bronanoj
igli koja se veliinom i stilsko-tipolokim odlika-
ma gotovo posve podudara s bronanom iglom
iz are br. 1. Manje razlike u odnosu na nju po-
stoji samo u dva elementa ukrasa. Prvo, sre-
dinji ukrasni motiv ini prava tekua spiralna
vrpca, a ne njezina imitacija, kao na igli iz are
br. 1. I drugo, tekua spiralna vrpca ispunjena je
nizom kratkih, koso poloenih zareza; T. VI, 3a-
c. Podudarnost s iglom iz are br. 1 oituje se i u
blagom svijanju njezina sredinjeg dijela i pot-
punom svijanju vrha. Kako ni na ovoj igli nema
nikakvih drugih deformacija, oito je da ni ona
nije bila izlagana visokoj temperaturi.
Obje navedene okolnosti ine mi se iznimno
znaajnima za pokuaj razjanjavanja pozicije
i smisla ovog nalaza u nasipu tumula. Naime,
posvemanja izoliranost i odsutnost bilo ka-
kvih signifikantnih tragova koji bi upuivali na
obred proveden tijekom nasipanja tumula, ja-
sno ukazuju da prisutnost ovog nalaza u nasipu
nije povezana s nekim specijalnim radnjama,
nego je igla ovamo dospjela iz nekih drugih ra-
zloga. S druge strane, kako su tipoloka i stilska
podudarnost te igle i primjerka iz are br. 1 do te
mjere naglaene da se u njima moe prepozna-
27
is almost completely corresponding in terms of
size and stylistic-typological characteristics to
the bronze pin from urn number 1. Only two
ornamental elements reflect smaller differenc-
es in relation to it. Firstly, the central ornamen-
tal motif consists of a true running spiral strip,
not its imitation as on the pin from urn no. 1.
Secondly, running spiral strip is filled with a
row of short, slanted notches; Pl. VI, 3a-c. Cor-
respondence with the pin from urn no. 1 is re-
flected also in slight bending of its middle part
and complete bending of its tip. As there are
no other deformations on this pin, it is evident
that it was not exposed to high temperatures.
Both mentioned circumstances seem very
important in an attempt of clarifying posi-
tion and meaning of this find in the tumulus
fill. Namely complete isolation and absence of
any significant traces which would point to a
ritual performed during the raising of tumu-
lus, clearly indicate that its presence in the
fill was not related to some special activities,
but it got there for some other reason. On the
other hand, since typological and stylistic cor-
respondence of this pin and the one from the
urn no. 1 is so emphasized that handwriting
of the same workshop center can be recognized
in them, and I would even add a signature of
the same caster, it is very likely that these two
examples actually make a pair of pins. If that
is correct, then it is possible that one specimen
was accidentally forgotten in the burial proce-
dure, and therefore it was deposited later when
the tumulus was raised.
Although there are certain typological dif-
ferences and variations in details between the
urns, and the deposited jewelry in the urns is
of different types, entire material as a whole
makes a homogenous stylistic-typological, and
as it seems, chronological unit, which corre-
sponds to general circumstances of the finds,
i.e. simultaneous cremation ritual and ritual of
burying the cremated remains.
Namely regardless of the mentioned smaller
differences, it is evident that all urns from Joki-
na glavica are very similar, and urns 2, 3 and
4 are typologically almost identical. The great-
est differences are exhibited in the shaping of
handles and variations in their positions on the jOKINA GLAVICA
urn. Besides, urn no. 1 has a sharply modeled prapovijesni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
transition from the neck to shoulder segment prehistoric graves
28
ti rukopis istog radionikog sredita, a rekao
bih i potpis istog ljevaa, vrlo je mogue da
ta dva primjerka zapravo ine jedan par igala.
Ako je to tono, onda je mogua i pretpostav-
ka da je jedan od dva primjerka posve sluajno
izostavljen u postupku pokapanja, pa je zbog
toga priloen kasnije pri nasipanju tumula.
Premda meu pojedinim arama postoje
stanovite tipoloke razlike i variranja u poje-
dinostima, a i nakit priloen u are razliitih
je vrsta, gledano u cjelini, cjelokupan fundus
grae ini homogenu stilsko-tipoloku, a rekao
bih i vremensku cjelinu, koja je posve primjere-
na opim uvjetima nalaza, odnosno istodobno
provedenom obredu spaljivanja i obredu poka-
panja spaljenih ostataka.
Naime, neovisno o naznaenim manjim ra-
zlikama, iz navedenih tipolokih odlika vidljivo
je da su sve are iz Jokine glavice tipoloki vrlo
bliske, a are 2, 3 i 4 tipoloki gotovo podudar-
ne. Gledano u cjelini, najvee se razlike oituju
u oblikovanju drki i variranja njihove pozicije
na ari. Osim toga, ara br. 1 ima otro profili-
ran prijelaz vratnog segmenta u rameni, koji je
kod ostale tri neposredan i vrlo blag. Napokon,
rameni segment are br. 2. ukraen je bogatim
likovnim i koloristikim rjeenjem. Ipak, sve
navedene razlike ne drim ni velikima ni po-
sebno znaajnima za osporavanje konstatacije
o njihovoj tipolokoj koherentnosti.
Polazei od opih tipolokih odlika ara, a
uzimajui u obzir posvemanju skromnost isto-
vrsnih nalaza na zadarskom i istonom jadran-
skom podruju s kojima bi se nalazi iz Jokine
glavice mogli vrsto povezati, te openito skro-
man fundus keramikih nalaza iz prihvatljivih
vremenskih okvira na istom podruju, posve je
jasno da su mogunosti tipolokih usporedbi
nalaza iz ovoga tumula s drugim odgovaraju-
im nalazima na ovome podruju vrlo skromne.
Jedna posuda s ukrasom gotovo istovjetnim
s onome na ari br. 2 potjee iz Nina (oko crkve
sv. Kria), ali se ne radi o ari niti o posudi upo-
rabljenoj za te potrebe.6 Diskoidni zavretak na
drkama are br. 3 mogao bi se, moda, uspo-
rediti sa slinim zavretkom jedne drke koja
potjee s istoga nalazita.7 U irem tipolokom
smislu usporedba je mogue i s dvije posude s
Brunislav 6 . BATOVI, 1970, sl. 20.
Marijanovi 7 Ibid. sl. 38.
which is very immediate and mild on the re-
mainig three urns. Finally shoulder segment of
urn no. 2 is decorated with rich coloristic and
stylistic composition. However I believe that
all mentioned differences are neither great nor
important for disputing statement about their
typological coherence.
Starting from the general typological char-
acteristics of urns, and taking into considera-
tion scarcity of identical finds in the Zadar and
eastern Adriatic region to which finds from
Jokina glavica may be related, as well as gener-
ally modest repertory of ceramic finds from ac-
ceptable chronological framework in the same
region, it is clear that possibilities of typological
comparisons of finds from this tumulus with
other corresponding finds are very limited.
A vesel with decoration almost identical to
the one on urn no. 2 was found in Nin (near the
Church of Holy Cross), but it was not an urn or
vessel used for such purposes. 6 Discoid ending
on the handles of urn no. 3 might be compared
to similar ending of a handle which was found
at the same site.7 In wider typological sense
comparison is possible with two vessels from
the necropolis drijac, marked as graves 2 and
7, one of which had a ceramic lid. However ac-
cording to information by . Batovi none of
them contained human remains which is why
the author interpreted them as cenotaphs.8
Similar form with pronounced belly and nar-
rowed neck appears on urns from graves 4 and
13 in Nadin.9 Finally, a vessel, perhaps function-
ing as an urn from the primary grave in the tu-
mulus of Matakova glavica might be compared
to general typological characteristics of the
urns from Jokina glavica.10 These are almost all
possibilities of comparison of typological char-
acteristics of the urns from Jokina glavica with
known ceramic finds in the northern Dalmatia
region. However, in opinion of some scholars,
typological characteristics of known urns from
this region have analogies in the Liburnian
pottery, primarily in large funerary pots, with
tubular or conical neck and covering vessel
6 . BATOVI, 1970, fig. 20.
7 Ibid. fig. 38.
8 Ibid. 42. The author refers to situation from the area of Solana (salt works)
where identical vessels were used for burying newborns.
9 S. KUKO, 2009; S. KUKO, 2010, fig. 15-16. Three ceramic urns (gr. 4, 13) in
mound 13 from Nadin with 19 graves (9-6 centuries BC) are the first example
of cremation in the Liburnian funerary context from the Early Iron Age.
10 K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 3, fig. 8. T. 6/1. CF. chapters by K. GUSAR D.
VUJEVI on Duevia and Matakova glavica.

nekropole drijac, oznaene kao grobovi 2 i 7,
od kojih je jedna imala keramiki poklopac. Me-
utim, prema podatcima koje donosi . Batovi,
nijedna nije sadravala humane ostatke, zbog
ega ih je autor interpretirao kao kenotafe.8
Slian trbuasti oblik sa suenim vratom imaju
i are iz grobova 4 i 13 u Nadinu.9 Napokon, s
opim tipolokim odlikama ara iz Jokine gla-
vice mogla bi se usporediti jo i posuda, moda
u funkciji are, iz primarnoga groba u tumulu
Matakova glavica.10 Time su gotovo posve iscr-
pljene mogunosti usporedbe tipolokih zna-
ajka ara iz Jokine glavice s poznatim kerami-
kim nalazima na podruju sjeverne Dalmacije.
Dodue, prema nekim miljenjima, tipoloke
znaajke poznatih ara s ovoga podruja ima-
ju analogije u liburnskoj keramici, u prvom
redu u velikim grobnim loncima, s cjevastim
ili stoastim vratom i s poklopnom zdjelom
za sahranu novoroenadi.11 Meutim, una-
to tomu, ini mi se da je ovdje vrlo znaajna
tipoloka srodnost s odgovarajuim primjerima
izvan liburnskoga kulturnog ambijenta.
Naime, nasuprot ovako skromnim moguno-
stima tipolokog povezivanja na uem podruju
kojem pripadaju are iz Jokine glavice, ve je
na prvi pogled veoma uoljiva njihova manja ili
vea tipoloka slinost s keramikim oblicima
istovrsnog ili slinog karaktera (u svakom slu-
aju s nalazima iz razliitih grobnih konteksta)
na vrlo irokom prostoru i u razliitim kultur-
nim krugovima (Rue, V. Gorica, Dalj/Vukovar,
Terni II, Este II, Bologna I-II, Rim II, Cumae I,
Pontecagnano IA) koji pripadaju vremenskom
rasponu 10./9.- 8. st. pr. Kr.12
Drugim rijeima, ope tipoloke znaajke
ara iz Jokine glavice pokazuju vidljive dodir-
ne toke sa arama kulture polja sa arama, i to
poglavito njezinim skupinama s podruja sjeve-
8 Ibid. 42. Autor se referira i na situaciju s iskopavanja na podruju Solane,
gdje su istovrsne posude sluile za pokapanje novoroenadi.
9 S. KUKO, 2009; S. KUKO, 2010, sl. 15-16. Tri keramike are (gr. 4, 13) u
humku 13 iz Nadina, s 19 grobova (9-6. st. pr. Kr.), prvi su primjer incineracije
u liburnskom funerarnom kontekstu iz starijeg eljeznog doba.
10 K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 3, sl. 8. T. 6/1. Usporediti poglavlje K. GUSAR
D. VUJEVI o Matakovoj glavici.
11 S. KUKO, 2011. (u tisku).
12 H. MLLER-KARPE, 1959., T. 16 A/8; T. 18 A; T. 24 A/9, B/8, C/7; T. 43 A; T.
45 A, B; T. 62 S; T. 71 E/gr. 361; T. 78 O; T. 81 D/9; T. 108 H; T. 112 D/6; 94 C;
S. GABROVEC, 1983, 59. sl. 6/27; B. DAGOSTINO - P. GASTALDI, 1988., 101-
103, l. I; K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1983, T. LXXXIX/14; T. XCI/1, 2, 10, 15-16; itd.
Prema miljenju S. Kuko Nadinske neukraene are oblikom su srodne i hi-
starskoj grobnoj keramici, vrevima za vodu, iz 9-8.st. pr. Kr., s meandro-spiral-
nim motivima u bijeloj inkrustaciji, s razvraenim obodom, ali sa znatno niim
koninim vratom. Histarski oblik are dio je spomenute iroko rasprostranjene
tipologije posuda od kasnog (10/9.-8.st. pr. Kr.) urnefelder svijeta Podunavlja
(Dalj,Vukovar), preko Balkana do srednje i june Italije (Sala Consilina) u 9-8.st.
pr. Kr., te istovremenog zapadnojadranskog kruga. S. KUKO, 2010. (u tisku).
29
for burials of newborns.11 In my opinion, de-
spite that fact typological similarity with corre-
sponding examples outside Liburnian cultural
ambiance is very important.
Namely despite modest possibilities of ty-
pological comparisons in the limited region
to which the urns from Jokina glavica belong,
what is evident at first sight is their typologi-
cal similarity with pottery forms of identical or
similar character (in any case with finds from
various funerary contexts) from a very wide re-
gion in different culural circles (Rue, V.Gorica,
Dalj/Vukovar, Terni II, Este II, Bologna I-II,
Rim II, Cumae I, Pontecagnano IA) belonging
to the chronological range from the 10th/9th to
8th centuries BC. 12
In other words general typological charac-
teristics of the urns from Jokina glavica exhibit
evident similarities with urns of the Urnfield
culture, particularly its groups from the region
of north-western Croatia nad eastern Alpine
region. Discoid endings similar to those from
urn no. 3 are present e.g. on urn with three
handles in grave IV/1 from Nesactium,13 but it
is a phenomenon which is related to consider-
able chronological span and wide spatial scope,
as emphasized by K. Mihovili. 14
Of course we should sustain from linear con-
clusions and direct relating of the urns from
Jokina glavica with the Urnfield culture as a
whole or some of its territorial manifestations,
primarily because at present there are no other
finds which would support possible stronger
connections of these cultural circles with the
area where finds from Jokina glavica belong.
When discussing other finds, i.e. finds from
the urns, there is no doubt that the fibula from
urn no. 2 is particularly interesting. Fibula be-
longs to a group of two-part serpentine fibulae.
In basic typological sense it can be compared
to several examples of such fibulae known
11 K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 342, T. III, 2.
12 H. MLLER-KARPE, 1959., T. 16 A/8; T. 18 A; T. 24 A/9, B/8, C/7; T. 43 A; T.
45 A, B; T. 62 S; T. 71 E/gr.361; T. 78 O; T. 81 D/9; T. 108 H; T. 112 D/6; 94 C;
S. GABROVEC, 1983, 59. fig. 6/27; B. DAGOSTINO - P. GASTALDI, 1988, 101-
103, l. I; K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1983, T. LXXXIX/14; T. XCI/1,2,10,15-16; etc.
According to the opinion of S. Kuko Undecorated urns from Nadin are si-
milar by their form to Histrian funerary ceramics, water jugs, from the 9th-8th
cent. BC, with meander-spiral motifs in white incrustation and everted rim,
but with considerably lower conical neck. Histrian type of urn was a part of
widely distributed typology of vessels from the late (10/9-8 cent. BC) Urnfi-
eld world of the Danubian region (Dalj, Vukovar) over the Balkans to central
and southern Italy (Sala Consilina) in 9-8 cent. BC and contemporary western jOKINA GLAVICA
Adriatic circle. S. KUKO, 2010 (in press). prapovijesni grobovi
13 K. MIHOVILI, 2001, fig. 55. JOKINA GLAVICA
14 IBID. 74. prehistoric graves
30
rozapadne Hrvatske i istonoalpskog prostora.
Dodue, diskoidni zavretci slini onima sa are
br. 3 postoje npr. na ari s tri drke u grobu IV/1
iz Nezakcija,13 ali se radi o pojavi koja, kako to
naglaava i K. Mihovili, zauzima znaajan vre-
menski raspon i iroki prostorni opseg.14
Razumije se, ovdje treba zadrati odreene re-
zerve prema linearnom zakljuivanju i izravnijem
povezivanju ara iz Jokine glavice s kulturom ar-
nih polja u cijelosti ili s nekom od njezinih terito-
rijalnih manifestacija, u prvom redu zbog toga to
u ovome trenutku ne postoje drugi nalazi koji bi
dodatno podupirali eventualno vre poveziva-
nje podruja tih kulturnih krugova s podrujem
kojemu pripadaju nalazi iz Jokine glavice.
Kada je rije o drugim nalazima, odnosno
prilozima iz ara, nema nikakve dvojbe da iz-
dvojeno mjesto meu njima zauzima fibula iz
are br. 2. Fibula pripada skupini dvodijelnih
zmijastih fibula i u osnovnom se tipolokom
smislu moe usporeivati s vie primjeraka ta-
kvih fibula poznatih iz razliitih sociokulturnih
sredina srednjega i sjevernog Jadrana, a potom
i s primjercima koji potjeu s japodskoga kul-
turnog prostora, ukljuujui i zapadnu Bosnu.
Kao to je dobro poznato, na istonojadran-
skom podruju nalazi takvih fibula potjeu iz
gr. 7 iz Nina15, Benkovca,16 Novalje,17 Jablanca,18
Klaenice,19 Griana kod Vinodola,20 Garice,21
a s izvanjadranskog prostora iz Kompolja22 i
Drvara,23 kojima treba dodati i srodne primjer-
ke s apeninskog podruja24 i Slovenije.25
Ovdje ostavljam po strani iru raspravu o
podrijetlu dvodijelnih zmijastih fibula, o emu
su ve izreena brojna miljenja poevi od H.
Mller-Karpea, G. Merharta, K. Kiliana, R. Bi-
i-Dreksler26 do D. Glogovi i B. Teran,27 budu-
13 K. MIHOVILI, 2001, sl. 55.
14 IBID. 74.
15 . BATOVI, 1976, sl. 8, br. 2; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. I, 4; D. GLOGOVI, 2003,
Tafel 47, 359.
16 . BATOVI, 1981, T. 2, br. 2; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. II, 2; D. GLOGOVI, 2003,
Tafel 47, 360.
17 D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. II, 3.
18 . BATOVI, 1976, sl. 6, br. 1; . BATOVI, 1980, 32, T. V, 20; . BATOVI, 1981,
sl. 8, br. 35.
19 D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. II, 5; sl. 1, br 1; D. GLOGOVI, 2003, Tafel 47, 355.
20 . BATOVI, 1980, 32, T. VII, 2; . BATOVI, 1981, sl. 2, br. 3; . BATOVI, 1983,
310, sl. 20, br. 17; T. XLV, 3; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. II, 6; sl. 1, br. 2; GLOGOVI,
2003, Tafel 47, 357. a spirale alla fine della staffa, che sono le pi spesse e che, senza dubbio, si
21 R. DRECHSLER-BII, 1962, T. II, 3; D. GLOGOVI, 2003, Tafel 47, 356.
22 . BATOVI, 1980, 32, T. X, 5; . BATOVI, 1983, T. LV, 9; R. DRECHSLER-BII,
1983, 385, T. LV, 9; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. II, 2.
23 B. OVI, 1976, 127, sl. 58; . BATOVI, 1980, T. X, 4.
24 Usporediti: . BATOVI, 1976, karta 2; D. GLOGOVI, 1988., 8-11 s citiranom
literaturom; D. GLOGOVI, 2003, Tafel 65.
25 S. GABROVEC, 1983, sl. 9, br. 23; B. TERAN, 2009, sl. 2. br 1.
26 H. MLLER-KARPE 1959; G. v. MERHART, 1969; K. KILIAN, 1973.
Brunislav 27 D. GLOGOVI, 1988; D. GLOGOVI, 2003; B. TERAN, 2009. Za pregled
Marijanovi ostale literature usporediti citirane autore.
from various socio-cultural communities from
the central and northern Adriatic, and also
with specimens from the Iapodean cultural
area, including western Bosnia. In the eastern
Adriatic region such fibulae were found in gr.
7 from Nin15, Benkovac,16 Novalja,17 Jablanac,18
Klaenica,19 Grian near Vinodol,20 Garica,21
and also in Kompolje22 and Drvar23 concerning
the regions out of the Adriatic. There are also
some similar examples from the Apennine re-
gion24 and Slovenia.25
I will leave aside comprehensive discus-
sion about the origin of two-part serpentine
fibulae in which scholars like H. Mller-Karpe,
G. Merhart, K. Kilian, R. Bii-Drechsler,26 D.
Glogovi and B. Teran27 participated since the
example from urn 2 does not offer any new
possibilities in that sense. On the other hand,
my aim was not to address this problem but to
try to determine the position of the fibula from
Jokina glavica.
. Batovi took a very firm view about the
origin of two-part serpentine fibulae in the Li-
burnian cultural area considering them to be
undoubted products of the Liburnian cultural
area.28 He dated their formation and develop-
ment to the chronological range from the 10th
15 . BATOVI, 1976, fig. 8, no. 2; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. I, 4; D. GLOGOVI,
2003, Tafel 47, 359.
16 . BATOVI, 1981, T. 2, no. 2; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. II, 2; D. GLOGOVI, 2003,
Tafel 47, 360.
17 D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. II, 3;
18 . BATOVI, 1976, fig. 6, no. 1; . BATOVI, 1980, 32, T. V, 20; . BATOVI,
1981, fig. 8, no. 35.
19 D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. II, 5; fig. 1, no. 1; D. GLOGOVI, 2003, Tafel 47, 355.
20 . BATOVI, 1980, 32, T. VII, 2; . BATOVI, 1981., fig. 2, no. 3; . BATOVI,
1983, 310, fig. 20, no. 17; T. XLV, 3; D. GLOGOVI, 1988., T. II, 6; fig. 1, no. 2;
GLOGOVI, 2003., Tafel 47, 357.
21 R. DRECHSLER-BII, 1962, T. II, 3; D. GLOGOVI, 2003, Tafel 47, 356.
22 . BATOVI, 1980, 32, T. X, 5; . BATOVI, 1983, T. LV, 9; R. DRECHSLER-BII,
1983, 385, T. LV, 9; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, T. II, 2.
23 B. OVI, 1976, 127, fig. 58; . BATOVI, 1980, T. X, 4;
24 Cf. . BATOVI, 1976, map 2; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, 8-11 with cited biblio-
graphy; D. GLOGOVI, 2003., Tafel 65.
25 S. GABROVEC, 1983, fig. 9, no. 23; B. TERAN, 2009. fig. 2, no. 1.
26 H. MLLER-KARPE 1959; G. v. MERHART, 1969; K. KILIAN, 1973; R. DRE-
CHSLER-BII, 1962.
27 D. GLOGOVI, 1988; D. GLOGOVI, 2003; B. TERAN, 2009. Cf. cited aut-
hors for an overview of the remaining bibliography.
28 Da questo periodo sono anche le fibule serpeggianti a due pezzi con disco
sono sviluppate nella cultura liburniaca prime della terza migrazione, e da
qui, durante o dopo di questa migrazione, si sono estese sporadicamente nel-
la cultura japodica e picene, poi nel Italia meridionale. . BATOVI, 1976,
34. Serpentine two-part fibulae with two loops and foot extension into a
spiral disk continue their existence from the Late Bronze Age and last in the
first phase of the Iron Age, when they spread from the Liburnian region into
the Iapodean culture and across the Adriatic to Italy where they lasted until
the 8th century getting flat instead of spiral disk. . BATOVI, 1981, 20. He
expressed the same opinion in other works as well; . BATOVI, 1980, 32,
44 ff.; . BATOVI, 1983, 310-311.

i da primjerak iz are 2 u tom smislu ne prua
nikakve nove mogunosti. S druge strane, moj
cilj i nije baviti se tim problemom, nego samo
pokuati odrediti mjesto fibule iz Jokine glavice.
O porijeklu dvodijelnih zmijastih fibula na
liburnskom kulturnom podruju vrlo je deci-
dirano miljenje iznio ve . Batovi smatraju-
i ih nedvojbenim produktom liburnskog kul-
turnog prostora,28 a njihov nastanak i razvoj
stavio u vremenski raspon 10.-9. st. pr. Kr.29
Slinog je miljenja i B. ovi, koji jedini za-
padnobosanski nalaz ovoga tipa, ali i nalaze s
japodskoga kulturnog prostora dovodi u vezu
s jadranskim uzorima.30
Bavei se problematikom zmijastih fibula,
a na tragu njihove uobiajene podjele u ko-
joj se jedan njihov dio definira kao jadran-
ski tip (fibule s rombinom sredinom luka
i diskom na nozi), te radova K. Kiliana i G.
v. Merharta, D. Glogovi s pravom upozorava
na razliitosti u nizu pojedinosti kod pozna-
tih primjeraka dvodijelnih zmijastih fibula
s liburnskoga kulturnog prostora i drugih
kulturnih podruja na kojima se javljaju. U
tom kontekstu, kao jedan od vanih eleme-
nata razdiobe uzima i tipoloke odlike njiho-
vih igala. Slijedom tog pristupa ponajprije
se zadrava na fibulama ija igla ima kugla-
stu glavicu sa iljkom, navodei da su igle s
kuglastom glavicom i iljkom zajedno s or-
namentom preuzete iz kulture arnih polja
sjeverne Hrvatske i Slovenije i posredstvom
japodskog podruja primijenjene kod dvo-
28 Da questo periodo sono anche le fibule serpeggianti a due pezzi con disco
a spirale alla fine della staffa, che sono le pi spesse e che, senza dubbio, si
sono sviluppate nella cultura liburniaca prime della terza migrazione, e da
qui, durante o dopo di questa migrazione, si sono estese sporadicamente nel-
la cultura japodica e picene, poi nel Italia meridionale. . BATOVI, 1976.,
34. Zmijolike dvodijelne spone sedlastog luka s dvije petlje i s produetkom
noge u spiralni disk nastavljaju se iz kasno bronanog doba i traju u I fazi e-
ljeznog doba, kada su s liburnskog podruja proirene u japodsku kulturu i
preko Jadrana u Italiju gdje traju do u 8. st. poprimajui tada umjesto spiral-
nog ploasti disk. . BATOVI, 1981, 20. To je miljenje autor zastupao i u
drugim radovima; . BATOVI, 1980, 32, 44 i d.; . BATOVI, 1983, 310-311.
29 Te fibule razvijale su se od 10. do 8. st. iz fibula u obliku violinskog gudala,
najprije na liburnskom podruju, u 10. i 9. st. i odatle se, naknadno, u 9. st.
rairile na japodsko podruje, u srednju i junu Italiju. . BATOVI, 1976, 34.
Usporediti i: . BATOVI, 1980, 32, 44 i d.; . BATOVI, 1983, 310-311. U
tom kontekstu autor je npr. fibule iz Griane i Klaenice datirao u kasno
bronano, a fibule iz Jablanca i Nina u starije eljezno doba.
30 Veina, po konstrukciji i tehnikim odlikama, starijih primjeraka ovih fibula
naena je na teritoriju Liburna, a samo pojedini primjerci u njihovom nepo-
srednom susjedstvu u dananjoj Lici i u zapadnoj Bosni Prenijet sa liburn-
skog teritorija u njegovu je zaleu, postao je ubrzo veoma omiljen kod susjed-
nih Japoda. Japodski majstori napravili su od njega povodei se svakako
za lokalnim ukusom jo komplikovanije i dekorativnije varijante nakita i
izraivali ga u velikom broju primjeraka. B. OVI, 1976, 126-127.
31
to 9th centuries BC.29 B. ovi had similar
opinion as he related the only western Bosnian
find of this type, and finds from the Iapodean
cultural area to the Adriatic models.30
Discussing subject-matter of serpentine
fibulae, regarding works by K. Kilian and G. v.
Merhart and the usual division in which some
of them are defined as the Adriatic type (fib-
ulae with rhombic center of the bow and disk
on the foot), D. Glogovi rightfully emphasized
differences in many details on known examples
of two-part serpentine fibulae from the Libur-
nian cultural region and other cultural areas in
which they appear. In that context, she studied
typological characteristics of their pins as one
of the important elements of the division. First
she paid attention to fibulae pin of which has a
globular head with a point, stating that pins
with globular heads and points together with
the ornament were accepted from the Urnfield
culture of northern Croatia and Slovenia and
through mediation of the Iapodean region
they were used on two-part serpentine fibu-
lae. 31 However as for the two-part serpentine
fibulae with a pin ending in a globular head and
short cork-shaped extension (Klaenica) she
believes, as well as for the example from Osor,
that it might be import from the circle of proto-
Villanovan culture or the Veneto region.32 As
for the two-part serpentine fibulae pin of which
ends in a bulbous head (Garica, Griana, No-
valja) she emphasizes that the pins are charac-
29 These fibulae developed from the 10th to 8th centuries from the violin bow fi-
bulae, at first in the Liburnian region in the 10th and 9th centuries and thence
they spread subsequently to the Iapodean region, and central and southern
Italy. . BATOVI, 1976, 34. Cf. also: . BATOVI, 1980, 32, 44 ff.; . BATOVI,
1983, 310-311. In that context the author dated fibulae from Griana and
Klaenica to the Late Bronze Age, and fibulae from Jablanac and Nin to the
Early Iron Age.
30 Most of the earlier examples of these fibulae (judging from construction and
technical characteristics) were found in the Liburnian territory and only cer-
tain examples in their immediate vicinity in present-day Lika and western
Bosnia... After it had been taken from the Liburnian territory to its hinterland
it soon became very popular in the neighbouring Iapodean region. Iapodean
masters developed it definitely in order to indulge local affinities into more
complex and decorative variants of jewelry and produced it in great number
of examples;B. OVI, 1976, 126-127.
31 Observations of D. Glogovi refer to specimens from Drvar, Nin, Benkovac and
Kompolje for which she assumes origin from the same workshop center whi-
ch may have been located in the Liburnian region or the immediate hinter-
land. Most likely this workshop connected various earlier jewelry forms from the
Urnfield culture of northern Croatia and Slovenia (pin form, foot spiral, rhombic
or foliate bow) and applied them in the manufacture of serpentine forms which
became popular in the northern Adriatic regions.; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, 10.
32 Most likely fibula from Klaenica is of the same origin which is the only one of
our fibulae with a globular head and short cork-shaped extension. This type
of pin is represented on some serpentine fibulae from central Italy: e.g. pin
from grave 148 in Terni, fibula from Cuma (grave no. 6) and fibulae from gra-
ves 116 and 130 from Terni have round incisions on the bow as well as fibulae
from Klaenica. Mentioned graves from Umbria belong to phase Terni II (9th
century BC). Fibula from Klaenica might be somewhat older, considering the jOKINA GLAVICA
spiral disk at the foot which reflects, according to Merharts theory, as well prapovijesni grobovi
as on the fibula from Grian, tradition of the Urnfield culture jewelry of the JOKINA GLAVICA
Danubian region and the north western Balkans. D. GLOGOVI, 1988, 14. prehistoric graves
32
dijelnih zmijastih fibula.31 Meutim, to se teristic of the third phase of the Urnfield cul-
tie dvodijelnih zmijastih fibula s iglom koja ture of northern Croatia.33
zavrava kuglastom glavicom i kratkim epa- After emphasizing that exact dating of ser-
stim nastavkom (Klaenica), miljenja je da pentine fibulae in Primorje and Kvarner was
bi, kao i primjerak iz Osora, mogla biti im- complicated due to deficient information about
port iz kruga protovilanovske kulture ili iz the circumstances of the find, D. Glogovi con-
bliskoga venetskog podruja,32 dok za dvodi- cludes: Serpentine two-part fibulae which
jelne zmijaste fibule ija igla zavrava lukovi- appear in the culture of the Early Iron Age in
astom glavicom (Garica, Griana, Novalja), Liburnia are a result of intensive contacts of
naglaava da je rije o iglama karakteristi- the eastern and western Adriatic coast, and the
nim za trei stupanj kulture arnih polja sje- form itself was created on the Apennine Penin-
verne Hrvatske.33 sula, which is testified by the development con-
Naglaavajui da je tono datiranje zmi- tinuity of the Italian serpentine fibulae. Prod-
jastih fibula na Primorju i Kvarneru oteano ucts of the assumed local workshop are fibulae
zbog manjkavih podataka o okolnostima na- of the so-called Adriatic type from Nin, Drvar
laza, D. Glogovi zakljuuje: Zmijaste dvo- and Benkovac, probably also fibulae from
dijelne fibule koje dolaze u kulturi starijeg Garica, Bilaj and Kompolje. Initial impulse for
eljeznog doba u Liburniji rezultat su inten- more massive use might have come from the
zivnih kontakata istone i zapadne jadranske Italic import which is recorded in Klaenica
obale, a sam je oblik nastao na Apeninskom and Osor. In Picenum serpentine fibulae with
poluotoku, o emu svjedoi kontinuitet razvo- rhombic bow and disk on the foot belong to the
ja talijanskih zmijastih fibula. Proizvodi pret- first phase of the Picenian culture (9th cent. BC)
postavljene domae radionice su fibule tzv. so that per analogiam our fibulae of the Adriat-
jadranskog tipa iz Nina, Drvara i Benkovca, ic type might be dated to the same period. Spi-
vjerojatno fibule iz Garice, Bilaja i Kompolja. ral at the foot should be observed as an expres-
Poetni impuls za masovniju upotrebu dao je sion of conservativism which continues, con-
moda, italski import koji je zabiljeen u Kla- sidering that the fibula from Drvar was dated
nici i Osoru. U Picenumu su zmijaste fibule s to the eighth century BC. There are no adequate
rombinim lukom i diskom na noici tip prvog analogies for the fibula from Grian, so that it
stupnja picenske kulture, a to je 9. st. p. n. e., might be somewhat earlier local product made
te bi se tako po analogiji mogle datirati i nae after Italic models.34
fibule jadranskog tipa, a spiralu na noici It is quite clear that fibula from urn no. 2 on
ocijeniti kao izraz konzervativizma koji traje Jokina glavica can be compared to the men-
i dalje, s obzirom da je fibula iz Drvara dati- tioned examples of two-part serpentine fibu-
rana u 8. st. p. n. e. Fibula iz Griana nema lae only regarding basic typological elements.
potpuno adekvatnih analogija, tako da bi ona Due to its design, construction and techni-
mogla biti neto raniji domai proizvod raen cal characteristics it is quite lonely example of
prema italskim predlocima.34 technically much more complex and decora-
tively more imaginative solution whose manu-
facture must have demanded exceptional skill.
31 Zapaanja D. Glogovi odnose se na primjerke iz Drvara, Nina, Benkovca
We might say that it represents an example of
i Kompolja, za koje pretpostavlja podrijetlo iz istog radionikog sredita luxurious decorative object, not only within
koje se moglo nalaziti na podruju Liburnije ili neposrednog zalea. Ta
je radionica, po svemu sudei, povezala razne starije forme nakita iz kulture finds assemblage from Jokina glavica, possi-
arnih polja sjeverne Hrvatske i Slovenije (oblik igle, spirala na noici, rombi-
ni ili listasti luk) i primijenila ih kod izrade zmijastih oblika, oblika koji dolazi u bly tailored to the demands of the orderer.
modu u krajevima uz sjeverni Jadran.; D. GLOGOVI, 1988, 10.
32 Vjerojatno je iste provenijencije i fibula iz Klaenice koja jedina od na- Considering that possibility, it would be unjus-
ih fibula ima iglu s kuglastom glavicom i kratkim epastim nastavkom.
Taj tip igle imaju neke zmijaste fibule iz srednje Italije: tako npr. fibula iz
tified to expect closer correspondence with any
groba br. 148 u Terniju, fibula iz Cume (grob br. 6) i fibule iz grobova 116 i of the known finds of serpentine fibulae. This
130 Ternija imaju krune ureze po luku kao i fibule iz Klaenice. Spomenuti
grobovi iz Umbrije pripadaju stupnju Terni II (9. st. p. n. e.). Fibula iz Klae- definitely complicates the question of its prove-
nice mogla bi biti neto starija, s obzirom na spiralni disk na noici, to po
Merhartovoj teoriji odraava, jednako kao i kod fibule iz Griana tradiciju
nakita kulture arnih polja Podunavlja i sjeverozapadnog Balkana. D.
GLOGOVI, 1988, 14.
Brunislav 33 IBID., 10. 33 IBID., 10.
Marijanovi 34 IBID., 16-17. 34 IBID., 16-17.

Fibula iz are br. 2. na Jokinoj glavici, po-
sve je jasno, samo se u osnovnim tipolokim
elementima moe usporediti s navedenim
primjercima dvodijelnih zmijastih fibula. Po
svojem dizajnu, konstrukciji i tehnikim od-
likama ona je posve usamljen primjer tehniki
znatno sloenijeg i dekorativno matovitijeg
rjeenja, za iju je izradbu zasigurno bilo po-
trebno vrhunsko umijee. Moglo bi se rei i da
je primjer luksuznog ukrasnog predmeta, ne
samo u cjelini nalaza iz Jokine glavice, izrae-
nog moda i prema posebnim zahtjevima na-
ruitelja. S obzirom na tu mogunost, bilo bi,
ini mi se, posve neopravdano oekivati bliu
podudarnost s bilo kojim od poznatih nalaza
zmijastih fibula. To, dakako, uvelike oteava
odgovor na pitanje njezine provenijencije, a
potom i pitanje kronolokog poloaja, posebi-
ce s obzirom na dosta irok vremenski raspon
unutar kojega se stavljaju drugi nalazi dvodi-
jelnih zmijastih fibula. Stoga mi se u ovom tre-
nutku ini i bespredmetnim traiti precizniji
odgovor na pitanje uega kulturnog ili radio-
nikog sredita za koji ovaj nalaz treba vezati.
Jedno je, ini mi se, sigurno. Zbog tehnike
sloenosti, inovativnosti u dizajniranju, ka-
kvoe izradbe i bogatog ukrasa, ne moe se ra-
unati sa sreditem bez due tradicije u izrad-
bi bronanog nakita.
Slina je situacije i s njezinom kronolokim
pozicijom. Profilacija luka i njegovo ukraava-
nje, kao uobiajena komparativna polazita u
tom smislu, ovdje nisu od velike pomoi. Meu
navedenim primjercima dvodijelnih zmijastih
fibula posve neznatne mogunosti usporedbe
postoje s primjercima iz Klaenice i Benkovca,
i to samo zbog krunog presjeka ice i spiralno
narezanih sedlastih dijelova luka koji podsje-
aju na pseudotordirani luk fibule iz are br.
2. Urezani ukras na fibuli iz Kompolja posve
je drukije koncipiran, a urezi na kraku pre-
ma glavi fibule iz Bilaja posve su zanemariv
komparativni element. No, ak i kada bi se u
obzir uzeli i ti krajnje oskudni elementi, ostaje
injenica da navedeni primjerci zauzimaju ra-
zliite vremenske pozicije u rasponu od kasno-
ga bronanog do kraja eljeznog doba. S druge
strane, urezani ukras koji oponaa tordiranje
nije osjetljiva pojava ni na vremenskoj ni na
prostornoj razini, pa sam po sebi ne pridonosi
rjeavanju ovog pitanja.
33
nance, and then also its chronological position,
particularly in relation to quite wide chrono-
logical range to which other finds of two-part
serpentine fibulae were dated. Therefore at
present it seems pointless to try to determine
cultural or workshop center in which this ob-
ject was made. In my opinion one thing is for
sure. Due to technical complexity, innovation
in design, quality of manufacture and rich
ornament, it was definitely produced in the
center with long tradition in the production of
bronze jewelry.
Situation with its chronological position is
quite similar. Molding of the bow and its deco-
ration, as usual comparative starting points in
that sense, are not helpful in this case. Among
the mentioned examples of two-part serpen-
tine fibulae there are only minor possibilities of
comparison with examples from Klaenica and
Benkovac, only because of round cross-section
of the wire and spirally cut saddle-shaped parts
of the bow which resemble pseudo-twisted bow
of the fibula from urn no. 2. Incised ornament
on fibula from Kompolje is quite differently
composed, and incisions on the extension to-
wards the head of the fibula from Bilaj are quite
negligible comparative element. Even if we
would consider these utterly modest elements,
the fact is that the mentioned specimens take
different chronological positions in the range
from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the Iron
Age. On the other hand, incised ornament imi-
tating twisting is not sensitive neither chrono-
logically nor spatially, so it is irrelevant regard-
ing this question.
Other element which might be considered
in an attempt to determine precise chronologi-
cal position of the fibula from urn no. 2 spiral
extension of its foot is not satisfying. A disk
shaped in that way might be a reflection of still
strong influence of the Urnfield culture jewelry of
the north-western Balkans and the Danubian re-
gion which would indirectly support dating of the
fibulae from Griana and Klaenica to the Late
Bronze Age. 35 Dating of the fibulae from Jablanac
and Nin to the Early Iron Age36 leaves the same
possibility for the fibula from Jokina glavica.
jOKINA GLAVICA
prapovijesni grobovi
35 Cf. note no. 41. JOKINA GLAVICA
36 Ibid. prehistoric graves
34
Ni drugi element koji bi se mogao uzeti u ob-
zir pri pokuaju utvrivanja preciznije kronolo-
ke pozicije fibule iz are br 2 spiralni produe-
tak njezine noge ne daje posve zadovoljavajui
oslonac. Naime, iako bi tako oblikovan disk mo-
gao biti izraz jo uvijek jakog utjecaja nakita kul-
ture arnih polja sjeverozapadnog balkana i Po-
dunavlja, to bi posredno podupiralo i datiranje
fibula iz Griane i Klaenice u kasno bronano,35
stavljanje fibula iz Jablanca i Nina u starije elje-
zno doba36 ostavlja takvu mogunost i za fibulu
iz Jokine glavice.
to se tie igle koja u tehnikom smislu ini
poseban konstruktivni element pa se moe
promatrati i kao odvojeni tipoloki indikator,
problem je jo sloeniji.
Igle s kuglastom glavom u razliitim su ina-
icama prilino esta i rairena pojava u razli-
itim kulturnim krugovima kasnoga bronanog
i poetka eljeznog doba.37Ovu iglu meutim
nije mogue nikako usporeivati s tim tipovi-
ma igala, i to zbog najmanje dva razloga. Prvo,
njezina kuglasta glava nije izlivena zajedno s
tijelom, nego je nastala kasnijim dodavanjem
dviju kalota privrenih za diskoidnu glavu.
Drugo, ni dva manja diska na njezinu vratu
nisu izraena istodobno s iglom, nego su kasni-
je privrena.38 Prema tome, u osnovi se i ne
radi o igli s kuglastom glavom i diskovima na
vratu, nego o igli s diskoidnom glavom. Teko
je, meutim, rei u kojoj bi se mjeri ona mogla
usporeivati s pojedinim primjercima pozna-
tim u razliitim varijetetima i iz razliitih kon-
teksta u pojedinim skupinama kulture polja sa
arama: Susek,39 Orolik,40 Sarva,41 Krupae.42
Moda bi u tom smislu bolje mogle poslu-
iti dvije gotovo istovjetne igle, jedna iz are
br. 1, a druga iz nasipa tumula, koje pripa-
daju tipu igala s lukoviastom glavom i pse-
udotordiranim vratom, a za obje je posebno
karakteristian ukras: urezana tekua spi-
rala. Dobra analogija tim iglama mogao bi
35 Usporediti biljeku br. 41.
36 Ibid.
37 . BATOVI, 1981, sl. 2 br. 9, 12; sl. 10 br. 43; R. DRECHSLER-BII, 1983, T. LV,
11, 15; K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973, sl. 4, br. 7, 12; sl. 5 br. 6-7; sl. 12 br. 1-4;
K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1983, sl. 35, br. 5; sl. 36, br. 7; T. LXXXIX, 8; K. VINSKI-
GASPARINI, 1983a, T. XCII, 8; S. GABROVEC, 1983, 57, T. IX, 8; itd.
38 Meu iglama s liburnskog podruja poznat mi je samo primjerak iz Draga-
lia s naknadno dodanom probuenom glavom, ali ona pripada tek fazi Vb
liburnske kulturne skupine, pa se ve zbog toga, a posebice zbog tehni-
kih razloga ne moe uzeti u obzir.
39 K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973, T. 1 br. 10.
40 IBID., T. 6 br. 14.
Brunislav 41 IBID., T. 26, br. 12.
Marijanovi 42 IBID., T. 100 br. 11; K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1983a, T, XC, 4.
The problem is even more complicated re-
garding the pin which is a separate constructive
element so that it can be observed separately.
Pins with globular heads in different vari-
ants represent quite common and widespread
phenomenon in different cultural circles of the
Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron
Age.37 However this pin cannot be compared
to these types of pins for at least two reasons.
Firstly, its globular head was not cast together
with the body but it was formed by subsequent
adding of two calottes fastened to the discoid
head. Secondly, two smaller disks on its neck
were not made simultaneously with the pin, but
they were fastened subsequently. 38 According-
ly this is actually not a pin with globular head
and disks on the neck but a pin with discoid
head. It is difficult to say to what extent it could
be compared with certain examples known in
different variants and from different contexts
in some groups of the Urnfield culture: Susek39,
Orolik40, Sarva41; Krupae42.
In that sense perhaps it would be better to
refer to two almost identical pins, one from urn
no. 1, and the other from the tumulus fill, which
belong to the type of pins with bulbous head
and pseudo-twisted neck, and both have char-
acteristic ornament: incised running spiral.
Good analogy for these pins might be an exam-
ple from Krk dated to the Late Bronze Age, 43
but they could also be compared to the pin from
grave 9 in Dobova which belongs to its second
phase (Ha A2) according to S. Gabrovec, which
is best defined by the pins with bulbous heads
and thickened necks.44 Pin from grave 77 in Do-
bova45 might be considered in the same context
primarily because of the decoration consisting
of a double wavy line resembling ornaments on
the pins from Jokina glavica, as well as a pin
from grave 68 in Pobreje,46 which are, accord-
ing to S. Gabroves distinct representatives of
37 . BATOVI, 1981, fig. 2 no. 9, 12; fig. 10 no. 43; R. DRECHSLER-BII, 1983,
T. LV, 11, 15; K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973, fig. 4, no. 7, 12; fig. 5 no. 6-7; fig. 12
no. 1-4; K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1983, fig. 35, no. 5; fig. 36, no. 7; T. LXXXIX, 8;
K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1983a, T. XCII, 8; S. GABROVEC, 1983, 57, T. IX, 8; etc.
38 Among pins from the Liburnian region I know only of a specimen from
Dragali with subsequently added perforated head but it belongs to the
phase Vb of the Liburnian cultural group, therefore it cannot be taken into
consideration, and also due to technical reasons.
39 K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973, T. 1 no. 10.
40 IBID., T. 6 no. 14.
41 IBID., T. 26, no. 12.
42 IBID., T. 100, no. 11; K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1983a, T, XC, 4.
43 . BATOVI, 1983, T. XLV, 6.
44 S. GABROVEC, 1983, 57, T. VIII, 11.
45 IBID. 57, T. IX, 8.
46 IBID. 57, T. XI, 7.
 35

Sl./ Fig. 24
Rezultati
radiokarbonske
analize antropolokih
ostataka iz are br. 1
The results of
radiocarbon analysis
of anthropological
remains from urn no. 1

biti jedan primjerak s Krka datiran u kasno
bronano doba,43 ali bi se jednako tako mogle
usporediti i s iglom iz groba br. 9 iz Dobove
koji pripada njezinom drugom stupnju (Ha
A2) prema S. Gabrovecu, koji najbolje defini-
raju igle s lukoviastom glavicom i zadeblja-
nim vratom.44 U taj bi se kontekst, ponajprije
zbog ukrasa u obliku dvostruke valovite linije
koji podsjea na ukrase na iglama iz Jokine
glavice, moda mogla staviti i igla iz groba 77
the Dobova-Rue group of the Ha B1 period, 47
and identically decorated specimen from grave
I/1910 of Velika Gorica. 48 We must not for-
get the pin from the hoard of kocjan (Muja
jama) which belongs to the later horizon of the
hoards of the Urnfield culture.49 Possibility of
relating pins with bulbous heads from Jokina
glavica with examples of the Dobova-Rue and
Gorica groups seems important because in
the kocjan hoard there is a good analogy for

47 IBID. 57. jOKINA GLAVICA

48 K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973, T. 102 no. 16; K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1983, fig. prapovijesni grobovi
43 . BATOVI, 1983, T. XLV, 6. 36, no. 8. JOKINA GLAVICA
44 S. GABROVEC, 1983, 57, T. VIII, 11. 49 IBID. 82, fig. 9, no. 14. prehistoric graves
36
u Dobovi,45 igla iz groba 68 iz Pobreja,46 koje
su, prema S. Gabrovecu, izraziti predstavnici
Dobovsko-ruke skupine Ha B1 stupnja,47 te
jednako ukraeni primjerak iz groba I/1910
iz Velike Gorice.48 Ovdje ne treba zaboravi-
ti ni iglu iz kocjanske ostave (Muja jama),
koja pripada mlaem horizontu ostava kultu-
re polja sa arama.49 Mogunost povezivanja
igala s lukoviastom glavom iz Jokine glavi-
ce s primjercima Dobovsko-ruke skupine i
skupine Gorica, ini mi se znaajnom i zbog
toga to u kocjanskoj ostavi postoji vrlo do-
bra analogija i za iglu iz are br. 3 na Jokinoj
glavici.50 U tom kontekstu nije bez znaenja
ni injenica da iz iste ostave potjee i jedna
dvodijelna zmijasta fibula koju S. Gabrovec,
zajedno s jo nekim nalazima, stavlja u kon-
tekst irih jadranskih veza,51 a tu e vjerojat-
no pripadati i fibula iz arnoga groba iz Pre-
ne opredijeljenog u stupanj Ha B 1-2.52
Vrlo blisku analogiju za istu iglu pred-
stavljaju dva primjerka igala iz groba V-25
u Nezakciju53 koje K. Mihovili, na temelju
analogija sa sjevernoitalskog i slovenskog
podruja, svrstava u tamonju mlau fazu I.
stupnja (Ha B1), jo vezanu za srednjoeurop-
sku kulturu arnih polja.54
Tipoloke odlike svih nalaza iz Jokine glavi-
ce, posebice ara, igala s lukoviastom glavom i
igle s bikoninom glavom, zajedno s navedenim
mogunostima usporeivanja s istovrsnim na-
laza u razliitim kulturnim krugovima kulture
polja sa arama, uz neto naglaenije elemente
slinosti s nalazima na podruju sjeverozapad-
ne Hrvatske i istonoalpskom prostoru, suge-
riraju stanovitu povezanost pokopa u tom tu-
mulu i zajednica s tog dijela rasprostranjenosti
kulture polja sa arama. Meutim, o naravi te
povezanosti u ovome je trenutku teko iznije-
ti odreen sud. Jednako je tako teko iznijeti i
decidirano miljenje o vremenskoj pripadnosti
nalaza, odnosno pripisati ih kasnom brona-
nom dobu ili poetku eljeznog doba.
45 IBID. 57, T. IX, 8.
46
47
IBID. 57, T. XI, 7.
IBID. 57.
48 K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973, T. 102 br. 16; K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1983, sl. 36,
br. 8.
49 IBID. 82, sl. 9, br. 14.
50 IBID. sl. 9, br. 16. Moda bi se u taj kontekst mogla staviti i igla iz groba 6
Dobove; S. GABROVEC, 1983, T. IX, 15.
51 IBID. sl. 9, br. 23.
52 B. TERAN, 2009, sl .2/1.
Brunislav 53 S. GABROVEC - K. MIHOVILI, 1987., T. XXX, 18-19; K. MIHOVILI, 2001, 61, T. 43.
Marijanovi 54 K. MIHOVILI, 2001, 12-13.
the pin from urn no. 3 from Jokina glavica.50
In that context it is important to mention that
another two-part serpentine fibula was found
in the same hoard which was interpreted, to-
gether with some other finds, in the context of
wider Adriatic connections.51 Fibula from the
urn grave from Prena dated to the Ha B1-2
period probably belongs to the same context. 52
A very close analogy for the same pin can
be found in two pins from grave V-25 in Nes-
actium 53 which are classified by K. Mihovili,
on the basis of analogies from north Italic and
Slovenian region, into the later stage of the first
phase (Ha B1) of that region, still related to the
Central European Urnfield culture. 54
Typological characteristics of all finds from
Jokina glavica, particularly urns, pins with bul-
bous heads and a pin with biconical head, togeth-
er with mentioned possibilities of comparisons
with identical finds from different circles of the
Urnfield culture, with somewhat more promi-
nent elements of similarity with finds in the re-
gion of north-western Croatia and eastern Alpine
area, suggest certain relations of burials in this
tumulus and communities from that part of the
Urnfield culture distribution. However nature
of these relations is difficult to comprehend at
present. It is equally difficult to determine precise
dating of the finds, i.e. to ascribe them to the Late
Bronze Age or the beginning of the Iron Age.
Doubts in dating the graves from Jokina
glavica are not completely resolved by the date
acquired by using the method of exact dating.
Namely sample for radiocarbon dating taken
from urn no. 1 gave, in my opinion, somewhat
lower 14C date than the one suggested by com-
parisons and conventional chronology; fig. 24.
Instead of chronological range of 820-760 BC a
date closer to the beginning of the 9th century
than its end seems more plausible. Namely al-
though cremation ritual in the Liburnian cul-
tural area might be observed as a certain con-
tinuation, or even a consequence, or a direct
extension of late urnenfelder circle so that cre-
mation ritual would illustrate its acceptance by
parts of the communities in the wider northern
50 IBID. fig. 9, no. 16. Pin from grave 6 from Dobova might belong to the
same context; S. GABROVEC, 1983, T. IX, 15.
51 IBID. fig. 9, no. 23.
52 B. TERAN, 2009, fig. 2/1.
53 S. GABROVEC - K. MIHOVILI, 1987, T. XXX, 18-19; K. MIHOVILI, 2001, 61, T. 43.
54 K. MIHOVILI, 2001, 12-13.

Dvojbe u datiranju grobova iz Jokine gla-
vice ne razrjeava posve ni datum dobiven
metodom egzaktnog datiranja. Naime, uzo-
rak za radiokarbonsko datiranje uzet iz are
br. 1 daje, po mome miljenju, neto nii 14C
datum od onoga koji sugeriraju komparacije
i konvencionalna kronologija; sl. 24. Umjesto
vremenskog raspona 820-760 BC realnijim
mi se ini datum koji bi se vie pribliavao
poetku 9. st. nego njegovu kraju. Naime,
premda se ritual spaljivanja na liburnskom
kulturnom podruju moe promatrati i kao
stanovit nastavak, pa i posljedica, ili ak i
izravan produetak kasnog urnenfelder kru-
ga prihvaenog u dijelovima zajednica na i-
rem sjevernojadranskom prostoru i njegovu
zaleu, cjelina ritualnog konteksta, tipolo-
kih znaajka ara i priloenog nakita sugerira
mogunost i neto drukijeg rjeenja. Razu-
mije se, nema nikakvih vrstih argumenata
koji bi ukazivali na faktiku prisutnost no-
sitelja urnenfelder kulture, ali jednako tako
nema ni posve sigurnih uporita za posve-
manje iskljuivanje te mogunosti, barem u
posve minimalnom i u sociokulturnom smi-
slu krajnje beznaajnom opsegu.
Na kraju, moram se zadrati i na pitanju
broja pokopanih osoba i njihovih meusobnih
odnosa.
Antropoloka analiza provedena u Zavo-
du za patologiju, sudsku medicinu i citologiju
KBC-a u Splitu ponudila je zakljuak o ostat-
cima najmanje 8 osoba razliita spola i uzra-
sta: dvije odrasle ene, etvero djece, te dvije
odrasle osobe kojima nije bilo mogue odrediti
spol. Promatrana pojedinano po arama, ana-
liza daje sljedeu sliku:
_ ara br. 1: najmanje tri osobe, i to: jedna
odrasla osoba neodreena spola i dobi te dvoje
djece (jedno dijete do godine dana, a drugo di-
jete mlae od deset godina);
_ ara br. 2: osoba enskog spola, starosti 25-
35 godina;
_ ara br. 3: najmanje dvije osobe, i to: jedna
odrasla ena i jedno dijete mlae od 10 godina;
_ ara br. 4: najmanje dvije osobe, i to: jedna
odrasla osoba neodreena spola i dobi te jedno
dijete starosti 5-15 godina.
Moram odmah naglasiti da su ovakvi rezul-
tati antropoloke analize ne samo neoekivani
nego i posve iznenaujui. Kako meutim i ne
37
Adriatic region and its hinterland, the unity of
the ritual context, typological charcteristics of
the urns and deposited jewelry suggest possi-
bility of somewhat different solution. Of course
there are no strong arguments indicating actual
presence of the representatives of the Urnfield
culture, but there are also no certain support-
ing points for complete elimination of that pos-
sibility, at least in minimal and socio-culturally
quite insignificant scope.
Finally I have to discuss the number of bur-
ied persons and their mutual relations.
Anthropological analysis which was con-
ducted in the Department of Pathology, Court
Medicine and Cytology, within Clinical Hospi-
tal Split indicated that at least eight persons of
different ages and genders were buried in the
tumulus: two adult female persons, four in-
fants, and two adults whose gender could not
be determined. If we observe each urn individ-
ually we get the following picture:
_ Urn no. 1: at least three persons including
one adult of undetermined gender and two in-
fants (a child up to one year old, and the other
child under the age of ten);
_ Urn no. 2: a female person, at the age of 25-
35;
_ Urn no. 3: at least two persons including
one adult of undetermined gender and a child
under the age of ten;
_ Urn no. 4: at least two persons including
one adult of undetermined gender and a child
at the age of 5-15.
This simple and mechanic adding up of the
mentioned results shows that the remains of
eight persons of different ages and genders
were deposited in four urns, without any evi-
dent pattern of their grouping. I have to em-
phasize that the results of the anthropological
analysis observed in that way might seem not
only unexpected and surprising, but also hard-
ly understandable. Of course, as I do not intend
to question the exactness of identification pro-
cedure of the cremated remains and their dis-
tribution in the urns, the only remaining pos-
sibility is to try to resolve in some other way
the evident discordance between the number
of buried persons and number of urns as the
jOKINA GLAVICA
main and most important indicator of the ac- prapovijesni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
tual number of cremated and buried individu- prehistoric graves
38
pomiljam dovesti u pitanje egzaktnost prove-
denog postupka identificiranja spaljenih ostata-
ka i njihove zastupljenosti u arama, ostaje mi
da oigledan nesklad izmeu ovako utvrenog
broja pokopanih osoba i broja ara kao osnov-
nog i najvanijeg indikatora stvarnog broja spa-
ljenih i sahranjenih osoba, pokuam razrijeiti
na neki drugi nain. U vezi s tim, ini mi se da bi
bilo mogue spekulirati na sljedei nain.
Budui da polaganje ara na osnovi tumu-
la, njihova oita prostorna homogenost, od-
nosno naglaeno grupiranje na maloj povr-
ini i ujednaenost pogrebnog rituala suge-
riraju istodobnost pokapanja, o emu je ve
bilo govora, posve je racionalno pretpostavi-
ti da je na isti nain proveden i prvi dio ri-
tuala, odnosno istodobnim spaljivanjem svih
pokopanih osoba. Ako je ta pretpostavka to-
na, loginom se ini i vjerojatnost da su sve
osobe spaljene na jednom zajednikom spa-
litu, a ne na parcijalnim i posve razdvoje-
nim spalitima. Ta je mogunost vana zbog
toga to, sama po sebi, ne ostavlja gotovo ni-
kakva prostora posve sigurnom razdvajanju
spaljenih ostataka i njihovom odvojenom
pohranjivanju u zasebne are. Pri takvoj mo-
gunosti ukupan broj pokopanih osoba ne bi
morao biti tako visok kako to proizlazi iz an-
tropoloke analize, a utvrena spolna i dob-
na struktura doputale bi meusobno pove-
zivanje ostataka iz pojedinih ara. U tom bi
kontekstu mogla biti indikativna injenica da
su djeji ostatci identificirani u arama broj
1, 3 i 4. Kao to je to iz izloenih podataka
vidljivo, ostatci u arama br. 1 i br. 3 pripa-
daju djejem uzrastu ispod deset godina, to
bi ostavljalo mogunost njihova meusob-
nog povezivanja i pripisivanja istom djetetu.
S obzirom na dosta irok dobni raspon (5-
15 godina) u koji su stavljeni djeji ostatci iz
are br. 4, nije nemogue da i oni pripadaju
istom djetetu. Drugom djetetu (do jedne go-
dine starosti) pripadali bi ostatci iz are br.
1. Ako je ta kalkulacija tona, to bi znailo da
u tumulu nije pokopano etvero djece, nego
samo dvoje. Pri takvoj mogunosti namee
se potreba meusobnog povezivanja i ostata-
ka enskih osoba identificiranih u arama br.
2 i br. 3, te meusobnog povezivanja spolno
i dobno neidentificiranih osoba u arama br.
Brunislav
Marijanovi 1 i br. 4. Na taj nain dobivamo ostatke uku-
als. It may be possible to speculate about this
problem in the following way.
Since simultaneity of the burials is suggested
by depositing urns on the tumulus basis, their
evident spatial homogeneity, i.e. pronounced
grouping in a small area and uniformity of the
funerary ritual, which was mentioned before, it
seem reasonable to assume that the first part of
the ritual was carried out in the same way i. e.
by simultaneous cremation of all deceased per-
sons. If this hypothesis is correct, it seems logi-
cal that all persons were cremated at a common
pyre, not partial or separated pyres. This possi-
bility is important because it, per se, does not al-
low definite separation of cremated remains and
their separate depositing into individual urns.
In that case the number of buried persons need
not be so high as it comes out from simplified
interpretation of the results of anthropological
analysis, and determined age and gender struc-
ture would allow mutual connections between
the remains from the individual urns. In that
context the fact that infant remains were identi-
fied in urns number 1, 3 and 4 may be indicative.
As the presented data indicate, remains in urns
no. 1 and no. 3 belong to children under the age
of ten leaving a possibility of their mutual con-
nections and ascribing them to the same child.
Considering quite broad age range (5 15 years)
of the infant remains from urn no. 4 it is not
impossible that they also belonged to the same
child. Remains from urn no. 1 would belong to
the second child (up to one year old). If this cal-
culation is correct, this would mean that only
two children were buried in the tumulus, not
four. In that case there is also the need to mutu-
ally relate remains of female persons identified
in urns no. 2 and no. 3, and remains of unidenti-
fied persons regarding gender and age in urns
no. 1 and no. 4. In that way we have the total
of four persons two of which were children (one
less than a year old, and the other under the
age of ten), and the remaining two were adult
persons one of which was a female whose age
was estimated at between 25 and 35 whereas
the other person may have been male. In other
words, in the case of burial in Jokina glavica we
might have a family tomb with four buried fam-
ily members: parents with two children. This is
suggested by the total number of urns, depos-
ited jewelry which corresponds to the number

pno 4 osobe, od kojih su dvoje djeca (jedno
starosti do jedne godine, a drugo mlae od
10 godina), a druge dvije odrasle osobe od
kojih je jedna enska starosti 25-35 godina,
dok bi druga bi mogla biti mukog spola.
Drugim rijeima, u sluaju pokopa na Jo-
kinoj glavici moglo bi se raditi o obiteljskoj
grobnici s etiri pokopana lana: roditelji-
ma s dvoje djece. To sugerira i ukupan broj
ara, priloeni nakit, koji brojem, vrstama i
veliinom odgovara pretpostavljenom broju
odraslih osoba, a nadasve raspored ara u
zajednikoj grobnoj jami.
Naime, premda meu arama postoje
odreene tipoloke razlike, u ovome kontek-
stu te razlike ne drim ni velikima ni poseb-
no znaajnima. Puno znaajnijima ine mi se
razlike u veliinama ara, koje po mojem mi-
ljenju nisu sluajne. tovie, rekao bih da u
tom pogledu postoji i odreena simetrija, po-
gotovo ako se promatra u kontekstu njihova
rasporeda u tumulu. Naime, etiri pronaene
are ine dva para, veliinom gotovo podu-
darnih ara, i to: are br. 2 i 3 ine par veih,
a are br. 1 i 4 par vidljivo manjih; sl. 24. Pro-
matrane same za sebe, razlike u veliinama
ne moraju imati neko posebno znaenje i do-
ista mogu biti i posljedica iste sluajnosti.
Meutim, kao sam ve naglasio, drim da ih
u ovome sluaju treba promatrati i u kontek-
stu njihova rasporeda u tumulu koji takoer
pokazuje odreenu simetrinost, to bi moglo
podrazumijevati i odreenu smislenost u nji-
hovu rasporeivanju i naglaavanju razlike
u veliinama. Naime, are nisu rasporeene
posve pravilno, ali se ne moe tvrditi ni da su
poloene slobodno, bez ikakva reda ili kaoti-
no. Uz oigledu namjeru njihova grupiranja
u homogenu cjelinu vidljiva je i elja za sta-
novitom pravilnou koja sugerira etvero-
kutnu shemu. U takvoj shemi are zauzimaju
pozicije vrhova nepravilna etverokuta. Osim
toga, u toj poziciji dvije vee are odreuju
jednu, a dvije manje are drugu, i to suprot-
nu stranu etverokuta; sl. 11-13. Ve taj ras-
pored i meusobni prostorni odnos sugerira
neku ideju i smislenost u njihovu osnovnom
rasporeivanju. Posebno je pitanje njihova
suodnosa jedne prema drugoj i dublje me-
usobne povezanosti pri polaganju u grobnu
jamu. Taj je suodnos mogue promatrati i pre-
39
of adults regarding number, types and size, and
most of all regarding the urns distribution in a
common grave pit.
Namely although there are certain typo-
logical differences between the urns, in this
context I do not consider them neither big
nor particularly important. Differences in size
of the urns seem more important as they are
not accidental, in my opinion. Furthermore, I
would even state that there is a certain sym-
metry in that sense, particularly if observed in
the context of their distribution in the tumu-
lus. Four recovered urns make two pairs of al-
most identical vessels in size: urns no. 2 and 3
make a pair of larger urns and urns no. 1 and 4
a pair of visibly smaller urns; fig. 24. Observed
separately, differences in sizes need not have
some special meaning and they may be a con-
sequence of pure coincidence. However as I
emphasized before, I believe that in this case
they should be observed in the context of their
distribution in the tumulus which also exhibits
certain symmetry, which might imply certain
intention in their distribution and emphasiz-
ing difference in sizes. Namely urns were not
distributed completely regularly, but it cannot
be said that they were arranged freely, with-
out a plan or chaotically. Alongside evident
intention of their grouping into a homogenous
whole, an attempt to achieve certain regularity
suggesting quadrangular scheme is also rec-
ognizable. In such scheme urns take position
of angles of an irregular quadrangle. Besides,
in that position two larger urns determine one
side, and two smaller urns the other, opposite
side of the quadrangle; fig. 11-13. This distribu-
tion and mutual spatial relations suggest an
idea and intention in their basic distribution.
There is also the question of their interrela-
tions and deeper mutual relations at the time
when they were deposited in the grave pit. This
interrelation might be observed in relation to
axes placed in the directions of main spatial de-
terminants. If that interrelation was observed
on the basis of axis North South, then one
whole would comprise urns no. 1 and 2, and the
other urns no. 3 and 4, meaning that each pair
would contain one larger and one smaller urn.
On the other hand, if mutual relations of urns jOKINA GLAVICA
would be observed on the basis of axis East- prapovijesni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
West, then one whole would comprise urns no. prehistoric graves
40
ma osima postavljenim u pravcima glavnih pro-
stornih odrednica. Ako bi se taj suodnos proma-
trao prema osi Sjever-Jug, onda bi jednu cjelinu
tvorile are br. 1 i 2, a drugu are br. 3 i 4, to zna-
i da bi svaki par tvorila jedna vea i jedna manja
ara. S druge strane, ako bi se meusobni odnosi
ara promatrali prema osi istok-zapad, onda bi
jednu cjelinu tvorile are br. 2 i 4, a drugu are br.
1 i 3, to bi znailo da jedan par ine dvije vee,
a drugi par dvije manje are; sl. 12-13. Razumije
se, neovisno o naelu prema kojem bi se provelo
finije meusobno povezivanje ara, odmah se po-
stavlja pitanje meusobnih odnosa izmeu osoba
iji su spaljeni ostatci pohranjeni u vee prema
osobama za ije su ostatke odreene manje are.
ini mi se da prethodno iznesena mogunost o
ukupnom broju pokopanih, spolna i doba struk-
tura te mogua rodbinska povezanost sugeriraju
i odgovor na to pitanje. U vezi s tim, ovdje u jo
jednom spomenuti da se ara br. 2 istie svojim
finim i dosta bogatim ukrasom, te da zanatske i
druge znaajke priloenog nakita znatno nadilaze
sline vrijednosti priloga iz ostalih ara. Na ovoj
razini injeninog stanja i dopustivih spekulacija,
to bi bili krajnji dosezi u pokuaju razumijevanja
simetrinosti u veliinama i prostornom raspo-
redu ara iz Jokine glavice. Razumije se, prava
je teta to sauvani humani ostatci nisu prui-
li nikakve mogunosti kvalitetnih i potpunijih
analiza koje bi s utvrivanjem tone ili priblino
tone dobi, spola i genetske veze svih pokopanih
osoba zasigurno pridonijele i boljem razumije-
vanju ovdje samo naznaenih pitanja. Ipak, uza
sva ogranienja koja u ovom trenutku nije mo-
gue prevladati, postojee razlike u veliinama i
sam raspored ara drim posljedicom razlonoga
i smislenog postupanja utemeljenog prema ne-
kom razlikovnom naelu.
Isto tako, moram ponovno naglasiti kako
mi se vjerojatnost pokapanja skupine vrlo
blisko povezanih osoba u ovome sluaju ini
vrlo visokom, a njihova ua ili dalja rodbinska
veza vrlo moguom. Polaganje ara na osnovi
tumula, njihova oita prostorna homogenost,
odnosno naglaeno grupiranje na maloj povr-
ini, ujednaenost pogrebnog ritusa, opa ti-
poloka ujednaenost upotrijebljenih ara, te
tipoloka ujednaenost priloga takvu vjerojat-
nost jednostavno sugeriraju.
Brunislav
Marijanovi
2 and 4, and the other urns no. 1 and 3, mean-
ing that each pair would contain two larger and
two smaller urns; fig. 12-13. Regardless of the
principle of forming mutual ties between the
urns, there is the question of mutual relations
between the persons whose cremated remains
were deposited into larger urns with the persons
whose remains were placed in smaller urns. In
my opinion, previously mentioned possibility of
the total number of buried persons, gender and
age structure as well as possible kinship ties sug-
gest answer to the question. In relation to that,
I will mention once more that urn no. 2 stands
out by its delicate and quite rich decoration, and
that artisanal and other characteristics of the
deposited jewelry significantly surpass similar
characteristics of the offerings from other urns.
At this level of factual situation and permissible
speculations this is all that can be done in an at-
tempt of understanding symmetry in sizes and
spatial distribution of urns from Jokina glavica.
Unfortunately preserved human remains did
not offer any possibilities of quality and more
complete analyses which would definitely con-
tribute to better understanding of mentioned
questions by determining exact or approximate-
ly correct age, gender and genetic relations of
all buried persons. However with all limitations
which presently cannot be overcome, I consider
differences in sizes and distribution of the urns a
consequence of reasonable and meaningful pro-
cedures based on a certain differing principle.
I have to emphasize once more that possi-
bility of burying a group of very closely related
persons seems more than likely at present, and
their more or less close kinship ties seem quite
possible. Depositing urns on the tumulus ba-
sis, their evident spatial homogeneity, i.e. pro-
nounced grouping in a small area, uniformity
of the funerary ritual, general typological uni-
formity of used urns and typological uniform-
ity of offerings simply suggest such possibility.
 41

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niino, Ljubljana, 2008.

K. GUSAR
2009 Ranosrednjovjekovni grobovi iz humka Jokina glavica u
selu Krneza, Zbornik o Luji Marunu, 2009.

jOKINA GLAVICA
prapovijesni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
prehistoric graves
42

tabla I

ara br. 1 / Urn No. 1

a b

c d

fotografija / photographs by B. Marijanovi

 43

tabla II

ara br. 2 / Urn No. 2

1a 1b

2a

2b

fotografija / photographs by B. Marijanovi

44

tabla III

2 3

4 5

fotografija / photographs by B. Marijanovi

 45

tabla IV

1 2

3 4

5 6

fotografija / photographs by B. Marijanovi

46

tabla V

ara br. 3 / Urn No. 3

a
2
b

a b
 47

tabla VI

ara br. 4 / Urn No. 4

c d

fotografija / photographs by B. Marijanovi

Karla Gusar
Zasebnu sepulkralnu cjelinu Jokine glavice,
znatno brojniju od prapovijesne, ini skupina
srednjovjekovnih grobova sekundarno uko-
panih u povrinski sloj prapovijesnog humka.
Njihovo iskopavanje provedeno je u dvije istra-
ivake kampanje, 2007. i 2008., pri emu je
otkriveno 18 grobnih cjelina, to sa 4 prapovi-
jesne are koje ine primarne grobove, daje 22
grobne cjeline u ovom humku.1
Srednjovjekovni grobovi otkriveni su u naj-
viem dijelu nasipa, a prvi ukopi zamijeeni su
ve pri raiavanju raslinja i skidanju humu-
snog sloja formiranog tijekom duljeg razdoblja.
Grobne jame ukopane su sloj svjetlije zemlje,
a njihove je obrise najee definiralo amorfno
kamenje poredano uz rubove ukopa (T. I.,1).
Kako je tijekom minulog vremena korpus
tumula pretrpio stanovita oteenja, vrlo je
vjerojatno da otkriveni grobovi ne odraavaju
i njihov stvarni broj, nego je realno pretposta-
viti da je ukupan broj srednjovjekovnih poko-
pa mogao biti i neto vei. Meutim, malo je
vjerojatno da je mogua destrukcija bila veeg
opsega i da je bitno promijenila odnos izmeu
otkrivenoga i mogueg broja pokopa.
Ukupno je otkriveno 18 ranosrednjovjekov-
nih grobova.2 Prema konstrukciji moemo ih
podijeliti na grobove u obinoj zemljanoj raci
(grob 15) i u drvenom lijesu (grob 18) (sl. 1),
dok su najbrojnije zastupljeni grobovi s kame-
1 Istraivanja su provedena u sklopu terenske nastave iz kolegija Metodo-
dologija arheolokih istraivanja pod vodstvom B. Marijanovia, a dijelom
u sklopu znanstvenog projekta Srednjovjekovno arheoloko nasljee june
Hrvatske, voditelja A. Ugleia. Prva kampanja istraivanja provedena je
u razdoblju od 9. svibnja do 11. lipnja 2007., a druga od 8. svibnja do 15.
svibnja 2008. lanove strune ekipe inili su J. Baraka, D. Vujevi i K. Gusar
s Odjela za arheologiju, diplomirani arheolozi S. Mara, . Vrki i apsolvent
arheologije J. Popovi.
2 K. GUSAR, 2008; 2009. Premda se u poetku smatralo da se radi o 19 grobova,
zbog slabe sauvanosti grobne arhitekture i osteolokih ostataka naknadno
je ustanovljeno da kosti iz groba 12 zapravo pripadaju grobu 9, odnosno da je
rije o jednom te istom ukopu, te da je do sada na ovom lokalitetu pronaeno
18, a ne 19 grobova (kako je naznaeno u numeraciji na planu groblja).
JOKINA GLAVICA
ranosrednjovjekovni grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
Early Medieval graves
A group of medieval graves which were dug in
the surface layer of a prehistoric mound as sec-
ondary burials represents a separate sepulchral
unit of the site of Jokina glavica. Their excava-
tion was conducted within two research cam-
paigns, in 2007 and 2008, when 18 grave units
were discovered, making the total of 22 grave
units in this mound together with 4 prehistoric
urns as primary graves.1
Medieval graves were discovered in the high-
est part of the fill, and the first burials were
noticed as soon as vegetation was cleared and
humus layer which was formed over a longer
period was removed. Grave pits were dug in a
layer of light-colored soil, and their contours
were most often delineated by amorphous rocks
placed near the edges of the burial (Pl. I,1).
Since over the course of time the tumulus suf-
fered considerable damage, it is more than likely
that the discovered graves do not reflect their ac-
tual number. It is reasonable to suppose that the
total number of medieval burials could have been
greater. However it is less likely that possible de-
struction was of greater scope and that it could
have significantly changed relation between the
discovered and possible number of burials.
Total number of discovered early medieval
graves is eighteen.2 On the criterion of con-
struction we can classify them into graves in a
common earthen pit (grave 15) and wooden cof-
1 Excavations were conducted within field practice in the course Metho-
dology of the archaeological research under the leadership of B. Marija-
novi, and also partly within a scientific project Medieval archaeological
heritage of southern Croatia under the leadership of A. Uglei. The first
research campaign was conducted from May 9 to June 11, 2007, and the
second one from May 8 to May 15, 2008. Professional team consisted
of the following participants: J. Baraka, D. Vujevi and K. Gusar from the
Department of Archaeology, archaeologists S. Mara, . Vrki and an ABD
student J. Popovi.
2 K. GUSAR, 2008; 2009. Although in the beginning it seemed there were 19
graves, due to poorly preserved grave architecture and osteological re-
mains it was determined subsequently that bones from grave 12 actually
belong to grave 9, i.e. that it is one and the same burial, and that 18, not
19 graves were found at this site (as marked on the cemetery plan).
50
Sl./ Fig. 1
Grob 18 u
drvenom lijesu
Grave 18 in a
wooden coffin
Sl./ Fig. 2
Grob 2 s kamenom
grobnom
arhitekturom
Grave 2 with stone
grave architecture
nom grobnom arhitekturom (grobovi 1-14, 16-
17, 19) (sl. 2). Jedini grob u obinoj zemljanoj
raci najveim je dijelom uniten te ne moemo
govoriti o njegovu obliku (grob 15) (T. IV.,1).
Jedinstveni primjer ukopa na ovom humku
predstavlja grob 18, kod kojeg je pokojnik bio
poloen u drveni lijes, koji se na alost nije ou-
vao, ali su se prilikom istraivanja jasno ocrta-
vali njegovi obrisi nastali truljenjem drveta (sl.
1, T. IV., 3). Kako uz lijes nisu pronaeni e-
ljezni avli, vjerojatno je bio povezan drvenim
klinovima. Meu grobovima s kamenom kon-
strukcijom razlikujemo grobove s djelomi-
nom i one s potpunom upotrebom kamena za
izradu grobne arhitekture. Kod grobova s dje-
lominom upotrebom kamena u dva je sluaja
rije o samo jednom kamenu, koji se nalazio uz
glavu (grob 16) (T. IV.,2) ili uz rame pokojnika
(grob 19) (T. IV., 4), dok se vie neobraenog
kamenja nalazio uz gornji dio tijela (grob 14)
(T. III., 3), ili nepravilno poslagano oko veeg
dijela pokojnika (grob 13) (T. III., 2). Grobovi s
potpunom kamenom arhitekturom su brojniji,
ovalnog su ili paetvorinastog oblika, a graeni
su od dva ili tri reda uslojenoga neobraenog
karla
gusar kamenja. Kod tri groba pronaene su kame-
fin (grave 18) (fig. 1) whereas graves with stone
grave architecture were the most numerous
(graves 1-14, 16-17, 19) (fig. 2). The only grave
in a common earthen pit was devastated for the
most part so that its form cannot be discussed
(grave 15) (Pl. IV,1). A unique example of burial
in this mound is represented by grave 18 in which
the corpse was laid in a wooden coffin which was
unfortunately not preserved, but its contours re-
sulting from wood decay were clearly visible (fig.
1, Pl. IV,3). Since there were no iron nails next
to the coffin it was probably fixed with wooden
pegs. Among the graves with stone construction
we can distinguish the ones with partial and full
use of stone in grave construction. Regarding the
graves with partial use of stone in two cases there
was just one stone located near the head (grave
16) (Pl. IV,2) or the shoulder of the deceased
(grave 19) (Pl. IV,4) whereas several undressed
stones were located next to the upper part of the
body (grave 14) (Pl. III,3), or they were arranged
irregularly around the bigger part of the corpse
(grave 13) (Pl. III,2). Graves with full stone archi-
tecture are more numerous, they are oval or rec-
tangular, built in two or three rows of arranged
undressed stones. Stone spolia were found next

ni spoliji. U dva groba kao spoliji su ugraeni
ulomci kamenih rvnjeva (grobovi 9 i 17) (sl. 3,
T. II., 1, 3), a u jednom (grob 8) (sl. 4, T. II., 1)
kameni klesanac koji je izvorno pripadao leze-
ni sjeverne crkve ranokranskoga kompleksa
u Podvrju, udaljenog od ovog humka nekoliko
stotina metara zrane linije.3 Grobovi su ori-
jentirani SZ-JI, s manjim ili veim otklonima,
ovisno o poloajima grobova, odnosno o tome
jesu li se nalazili u sreditu humka ili na njego-
voj periferiji. Kod svih grobova zamijeeno je
da se radi o pojedinanim ukopima kod kojih
su pokojnici u grobove polagani na lea, s ru-
kama ispruenim uz tijelo.
Zanimljiv primjer ukopa nalazimo kod gro-
ba 13, gdje su na kostur bila poloena dva vea
neobraena kamena, jedan na prsa, a drugi na
trbuh (T. III., 2). Ova pojava zabiljeena je i na
nekropolama Nin-drijac i Kai-Maklinovo
brdo.4 Na ranim slavenskim grobljima te se po-
java obino dovodi s vezu s vampirizom.5 Iako
je rije o tragovima ranih slavenskih vjerovanja
kojima nije uvijek mogue utvrditi toan smi-
sao, obiaj poklapanja pokojnika veim kame-
njem (naroito u predjelu glave, prsiju, bedara
i koljena) tumai se vjerovanjem da je umrla
osoba bila vampir, te je se na taj nain poku-
3 K. GUSAR, 2009, 171.
4 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 79; 2007, 31.
5 Z. KRUMPHANZLOV, 1961, 544-547.
51
Sl./ Fig. 3
Grob 17 s ulomcima
kamenih rvnjeva
Grave 17 with
fragments of stone
grindstones
Sl./ Fig. 4
Grob 8 s klesancem
iz ranokranskog
kompleksa
Podvrje-Glavine
Grave 8 with dressed
stone from an early
Christian complex
in Podvrje
to three graves. Fragments of stone grindstones
(grave 9 and 17) (fig. 3, Pl. II, 1,3) were built in
two graves as spolia, and in grave 8 (fig. 4, Pl.
II,1) there was a dressed stone which originally
belonged to a lesene of the northern church of
an early Christian complex in Podvrje, several
hundreds of meters distant from this mound in a
straight line.3 Graves lie in the NW-SE direction,
with smaller or greater deviations, depending
on the positions of the graves, i.e. whether they
were located in the center of the mound or its pe-
riphery. In all graves were individual burials in
which the deceased person was laid on the back
with extended arms.
Grave 13 represents an interesting example
of a burial in which two large undressed stones
were placed on the skeleton, one of them on
the chest, and the other on the belly (Pl. III,2).
This phenomenon was noticed at the necropo-
les Nin-drijac and Kai-Maklinovo brdo.4
Mentioned phenomenon is usually related to
vampirism at early Slavic cemeteries.5 Though
these are traces of early Slavic beliefs which are
difficult to interpret correctly, custom of bury-
ing the deceased under a large stone (particu-
larly in the area of head, chest, thighs or knees)
is explained by a belief that the deceased per-
JOKINA GLAVICA
ranosrednjovjekovni
3 K. GUSAR, 2009, 171. grobovi
4 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 79; 2007, 31. JOKINA GLAVICA
5 Z. KRUMPHANZLOV, 1961, 544-547. Early Medieval graves
52
ava onemoguiti da ponovno ustane iz groba.6
No budui da je ovaj obiaj na starohrvatskim
grobljima relativno rijedak, objanjenje ove
pojave za sada treba ostaviti otvorenim.
Skeleti unutar svih grobova izuzetno su loe
ouvani te za vei dio pokojnika nije bilo mogu-
e utvrditi spol; na osnovi ouvanih ostataka,
pak, antropolokom je analizom utvreno da je
rije o tri enske i dvije muke osobe te o jed-
nom djetetu.7
Vano je istaknuti da su na humku Jokina
glavica pronaena dva sloja ranosrednjovje-
kovnih grobova (T. I.; T. II.,1; T. III.,1). Oito
postojanje ovih slojeva vidljivo je u smjetaju
grobova, odnosno u preklapanju njihovih polo-
aja. Gornjem sloju pripadaju grobovi 2, 4, 5, 6,
9, 10 i 17, ispod kojih su se nalazili 13, 14, 18 i 19.
Neki od grobova donjeg sloja bili su presloje-
ni jednim novim ukopom8 ili dvamaukopima,9
a u sluaju groba 14 uoeno je da su se iznad
njega nalazila ak tri groba.10 Gornjem sloju,
bliem povrini, pripada 12 grobova (grobovi
1-11, 17) u kojima su osteoloki ostatci iznimno
loe sauvani, a u potpunosti nedostaju u ak
7 grobova (T. II., 1). Grobovi ovog sloja ima-
ju kamenu grobnu arhitekturu, a istom sloju
pripadaju i ve spomenuti grobovi s kamenim
spolijima. Unutar tog sloja nalazi su rijetki, te
su pronaeni u samo dva groba (grobovi 10 i
17). Donjem sloju pripada 6 grobova (grobovi
13-16, 18 i 19), a meu njima nalazimo ukope u
obinoj zemljanoj raci, u drvenom sanduku, te
s kamenom grobnom arhitekturom (T. III., 1).
U etiri groba uz pokojnike su pronaeni grob-
ni prilozi (grobovi 13, 14, 16, i 18).
Unutar grobova gornjeg, odnosno prvog
sloja, nalazi su zabiljeeni u samo dva groba.
U grobu 10 uz loe ouvane osteoloke ostat-
ke enske osobe djelomino ograene s tri reda
neuslojenog kamena, pronaeni su neukraeni
prsten-vitica i par jednojagodnih naunica (T.
III., 1). Prsten je izraen od bronce, ima presjek
u obliku slova D, a krajevi mu prelaze jedan
preko drugog (T. V., 3). Naunice su srebrne,
imaju glatku kariku krunog presjeka, a na do-
njem je dijelu uplja bikonina jagoda u koju
6 Z. KRUMPHANZLOV, 1961, 546-547.
7 Antropoloku analizu osteolokih ostataka iz ranosrednjovjekovnih gro-
bova proveo je M. laus s Odsjeka za arheologiju Hrvatske akademije zna-
nosti i umjetnosti (M. LAUS, 2008).
8 Iznad groba 18 nalazio se grob 10, a iznad groba 19 grob 17.
karla 9 Iznad groba 13 pronaeni su grobovi 6 i 9.
gusar 10 Grobovi 2, 4 i 5.
son was a vampire, and that it is an attempt
to prevent him/her from returning from the
grave.6 However, since this custom is rather
rare at early Croatian cemeteries, question of
this phenomenon remains open.
Skeletons in all graves are poorly preserved
so that gender could not be determined for most
of the deceased. Anthropological analysis of the
preserved remains revealed that there were three
female skeletons, two males and an infant.7
It is important to emphasize that two layers
of early medieval graves (Pl. I; Pl. II,1; Pl. III,1)
were found at the Jokina glavica mound. Exist-
ence of these layers is reflected in the distribution
of graves, i.e. in overlapping of their positions.
Graves 2, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10 and 17 belong to the upper
layer, and graves 13, 14, 18 and19 were beneath
them. Some of the graves from the lower layer
of graves were superposed by one8 or even two
burials,9 and there were as much as three graves
above grave 14.10 Twelve graves (graves 1-11, 17)
belong to the upper layer, closer to surface, with
extremely poorly preserved osteological remains.
In seven graves bones are completely lacking (Pl.
II,1). Graves of this layer have stone grave archi-
tecture, and the mentioned graves with stone
spolia belong to the same layer. Finds were rare
in this layer, they were recovered from only two
graves (graves 10 and 17). Six graves belong to the
lower layer (graves 13-16, 18 and 19) comprising
burials in a common earthen pit, in a wooden cof-
fin, and with stone grave architecture (Pl. III,1).
Grave goods were found next to skeletons in four
graves (graves 13, 14, 16, and 18).
Finds were recovered from only two graves
from the upper i.e. first layer. A simple undeco-
rated finger ring and a pair of single-beaded ear-
rings (Pl. III,1) were found in grave 10 together
with poorly preserved osteological remains of
a female person partially enclosed with three
rows of unarranged stones. The finger ring was
made of bronze, with a D-shaped cross-section
and overlapping ends (Pl. V,3). The earrings
are silver, with a smooth ring which is round
in cross-section, and at the lower part is a bi-
conical bead into which the ring was inserted
6 Z. KRUMPHANZLOV, 1961, 546-547.
7 M. laus from the Department of Archaeology of the Croatian Academy
of Sciences and Arts conducted anthropological analysis of osteological
remains from the early medieval graves (LAUS, 2008).
8 Grave 10 was above grave 18, and grave 17 above grave 19.
9 Graves 6 and 9 were found above grave 13.
10 Graves 2, 4 and 5.

se uticala karika (T. V., 1-2). Po sredini jago-
de nalazi se okomito reljefno rebro, a isti ukras
ponavlja se i na krajevima jagoda.
Grob 17 ima djelomino sauvanu arhitek-
turu, koja se sastoji od dva reda uslojenoga ne-
obraenog kamenja i tri ulomka kamenih rv-
njeva (sl. 3, T. II., 3). Unutar groba pronaene
su kosti lubanje osobe neutvrenog spola, a po
sredini groba nalazili su se bronani prsten-
vitica te dva mala ulomka neidentificiranoga
eljeznog predmeta koji se zbog djelovanja
korozije razlomio. Prsten je jednostavan, neu-
kraen, zatvorenog koluta i polukrunog pre-
sjeka (T. V., 4).
Drugom, donjem, sloju pripadaju etiri gro-
ba u kojima su uz pokojnike pronaeni nalazi i
prilozi kakvi se pojavljuju i u drugim starohr-
vatskim nekropolama poganskog horizonta na
podruju Dalmacije.
U grobu 13 pronaen je skelet enske
osobe djelomino ograen jednim redom
nepravilnog kamenja (T. III., 2). Jedan vei
kamen bio je postavljen na prsa, a drugi
na trbuh pokojnice. U grobu su pronaeni
par srebrnih kariica, ogrlica od staklenih
perli, fragmenti bronane ice i jedna ke-
ramika posuda (T. VI). Gotovo na samoj
povrini groba iznad lijevog ramena ske-
leta pronaeno je nekoliko ulomaka bron-
ane ice, od kojih su bolje sauvana samo
dva (T. VI., 1-2). Raeni su od tanke ice,
a izgledom najvie podsjeaju na bronane
naunice s karikom povijenom u petlje iz
kojih vise lanii. Kod ovog tipa naunica
donji dio karike svijen je u tri do pet pet-
lji iz kojih vise lanii od spiralno uvijene
ice. Srebrne kariice naene uz lubanju
pokojnice ovalnog su oblika, jedan im kraj
zavrava kukicom, a drugi uicom (T. VI.,
3-4). Ogrlicu pronaenu u predjelu vrata
pokojnice ini niz sitnih plavih perli od sta-
klene paste u obliku kolutia i jedna vea
jajolika perla ute boje, koja se vjerojatno
nalazila na sredini ogrlice (T. VI., 5). Iznad
zdjelice pokojnice nalazio se grobni prilog
u vidu keramike posude malih dimenzija
izraene na spororotirajuem lonarskom
kolu (T. VI., 6). Posuda je neukraena, ima
kratki vrat, profilirani obod koji se izvija
prema van i tijelo koje se lagano iri prema
trbuhu. Na dnu ima dvostruki otisak oso-
53
(Pl. V,1-2). A vertical relief rib is in the middle
of the bead, and the same ornament appears at
the bead ends.
Grave 17 has partially preserved architec-
ture consisting of two rows of arranged un-
dressed stones and three fragments of stone
grindstones (fig. 3, Pl. II,3). In the grave were
skull bones of a person of undetermined gen-
der, and in the middle of the grave was a simple
undecorated bronze finger ring, and two small
fragments of an unidentified iron object which
was broken due to corrosion. The finger ring is
simple, undecorated, with a full ring and semi-
circular cross-section (Pl. V,4).
Four graves belong to the second, lower
layer. Grave goods and accessories from these
graves correspond to finds from other early
Croatian necropoles of pagan horizon in the
Dalmatia region.
Skeleton of a female person which was par-
tially enclosed with a row of irregular rocks
was found in grave 13 (Pl. III,2). One large
stone was placed on the chest of the deceased,
and the other on the stomach. A pair of silver
circlets, necklace made of glass beads, bronze
wire fragments and a ceramic pot were found
in the grave (Pl. VI). Several fragments of
bronze wire (only two fairly well preserved)
were found above the left shoulder of the skele-
ton, almost at the surface of the grave (Pl. VI,1-
2). They were made of thin wire, and they re-
semble bronze earrings which have a ring with
loops and hanging chains. This type of earring
usually has the lower part of a ring twisted into
three or five loops with small hanging chains
made of spirally twisted wire. Silver circlets
found next to the skull of the deceased are oval
in shape, one terminal ends with a hook and
the other with a loop (Pl. VI, 3-4). Necklace
found at the neck area consists of a row of tiny
blue beads made of glass paste in shape of rings
and a great ovoid yellow bead which was prob-
ably in the middle of the necklace (Pl. VI,5).
Above the pelvis was a small ceramic pot made
on a slow-rotating potters wheel (Pl. VI, 6).
The pot is undecorated, with a short neck, pro-
filed everted rim and body expanding towards
belly. At the base it has a double impression of
a potters wheel axle. It is important to mention JOKINA GLAVICA
ranosrednjovjekovni
that this is the only pot found within a grave in grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
this mound, and that it differs from all other Early Medieval graves
54
vine lonarskog kola. Vano je napomenuti
da je to jedina posuda naena unutar groba
na ovom humku, te da se oblikom i dimen-
zijama izdvaja od ostalog keramikog ma-
terijala s ovog lokaliteta. Osim spomenutih
nalaza i priloga dodatnu kronoloku deter-
minaciju ovog groba potvruje radiokar-
bonska analiza osteolokih ostataka koja
navedeni ukop smjeta u razdoblje od 770.
do 900. godine (sl. 5).11
Sl./ Fig. 5
Rezultati
radiokarbonske
analize osteolokih
ostataka iz groba 13
Results of the
radiocarbon analysis
of osteological
remains from
grave 13
U grobu 14 djelomino ograenim jednim
redom nepravilnog kamenja pronaen je ske-
let odrasle osobe, a uz njega i nekoliko grobnih
priloga (T. III., 3). S desne strane pokojnikova
struka pronaeno je kresivo u obliku lire za-
jedno s etiri kremenia (T. VII., 1-5), a sva je
vjerojatnost da su se nosili u torbici ovjeenoj o
pojasu. Nie od kresiva, uz desni kuk pokojni-
ka, naen je dobro ouvan eljezni no (T. VII.,
7). Ima ravni hrbat, otricu koja se svija prema
vrhu i trn na koji se naticao drak. Uz no je
pronaeno eljezno ilo kvadratnog presjeka s
uicom u gornjem dijelu (T. VII., 6). Iako an-
11 Analiza kostiju iz groba 13 provedena u Radiocarbon Laboratory Pozna
karla u Poljskoj (Poz-21016) pokazala je starost uzorka 118530BP, a kalibrirana
gusar datacija sa 87,7 % vjerojatnosti iznosi 770-900 AD (OxCal 3.10).
ceramic finds from this site by its shape and
dimensions. Besides the mentioned finds and
grave goods, an additional chronological deter-
mination of this grave is confirmed by radio-
carbon analysis of osteological remains dating
the mentioned burial to the period from 770 to
900 (fig. 5).11
A skeleton of an adult with some grave
goods was found in grave 14 which is partial-
ly enclosed with a row of irregular rocks (Pl.
III,3). A lyre-shaped firesteel with four flints
was found on the right side of the deceased per-
sons waist (Pl. VII,1-5). It is most likely that
they were carried in a belt purse. A well pre-
served iron knife was found near the right hip of
the skeleton, lower than the firesteel (Pl.VII,7).
It has a straight back, a cutting edge bending
towards the top and a tang for attaching a han-
dle. An iron awl with square cross-section and
a hook in the upper part was found next to the
knife (Pl. VII,6). Though anthropological anal-
ysis could not determine the deceased persons
gender, it seems that a male person was buried
11 Analysis of bones from grave 13 was conducted in Radiocarbon Laboratory
Pozna u Poljskoj (Poz-21016) indicating the age of the sample of 118530BP,
and calibrated dating with 87,7% probability was 770-900 AD (OxCal 3.10).

tropolokom analizom nije bilo mogue usta-
noviti spol pokojnika, prema grobnim prilozi-
ma, a osobito kresivu, moe se zakljuiti da je u
ovom grobu bio pokopan mukarac.12
U grobu 16 naen je skelet enske osobe ko-
joj se uz desnu stranu lubanje nalazio jedan ka-
men (T. IV., 2). Jedini prilog je eljezni predmet
naen uz lijevu bedrenu kost, za koji je teko sa
sigurnou odrediti radi li se o nalazu eljeznog
noa ili nekoj drugoj eljeznoj alatki. Predmet
je izduenog oblika, na jednom se kraju znatno
suava, a presjek mu je pravokutan (T. VIII., 1).
U grobu 18 pronaeni su ostatci mukog
skeleta koji je bio pokopan u drvenom lijesu
od kojeg se sauvao obris (T. IV., 3). Ovaj tip
groba pojavljuje se na nekoliko ranosrednjo-
vjekovnih dalmatinskih nekropola.13 Uz desnu
nogu skeleta nalazio se eljezni predmet duine
oko 30 cm, sauvan samo u tragovima. Kako je
uz njega pronaena i jedna bronana zakovica
(T. VIII., 2), mogue je da se radi o ostatcima
noa i okova korica, kakve nalazimo i na dru-
gim starohrvatskim nekropolama Dalmacije u
8. i 9. stoljeu.14 Radiokarbonska analiza oste-
olokih ostataka nije dala znaajan rezultat, jer
se u kostima nije sauvalo dovoljno kolagena da
bi se mogla odrediti starost uzorka.15 Takoer
treba istaknuti da je neposredno uz ovaj grob, s
njegove june strane, pronaena keramika po-
suda. Trbuastog je oblika s razvraenim obo-
dom, a raena je na spororotirajuem runom
lonarskom kolu (T. VIII., 3). Loe je peena,
oker-crvenkaste boje sa sivim mrljama, a na
dnu joj je kruni otisak osovine kola. Iako je po-
suda pronaena neposredno izvan groba, treba
je dovesti u vezu s pogrebnim obiajima, jer je
slina pojava do sada ustanovljena i u starohr-
vatskom groblju uz humak Materiza kod Nina.16
Grobni nalazi i prilozi otkriveni na ovom loka-
litetu uklapaju se u openitu sliku dalmatinskih
grobalja starohrvatskog razdoblja. Zastupljeni su
nalazi nakita meu kojima se pojavljuju kariice,
jednojagodne naunice, jednostavno neukraeno
prstenje i jedna ogrlica od staklenih perli. Zatim
su tu prilozi utilitarnih predmeta poput noeva,
ila, kresiva s kremenjem i kultne keramike.
12 D. JELOVINA, 1968, 27-28; J. BELOEVI, 1980, 119; M. PETRINEC, 2009,
184.
13 J. BELOEVI, 1980; 75; 2007, 26-27; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 108.
14 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 118; 2007, 285; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 178.
15 Kosti iz groba 18 analizirane su u laboratoriju Beta Analytic u Miamiju.
16 J. BELOEVI, 1973, 238.
55
in this grave judging from the grave goods, par-
ticularly firesteel.12
A skeleton of a female person was found in
grave 16. A rock was found next to the right side
of the skull (Pl. IV, 2). The only grave good was
an iron object found next to the left femoral
bone of the skeleton. It is quite difficult to dis-
cern whether it is an iron knife or some other
iron tool. The object is elongated, tapering to-
wards one end, with rectangular cross-section
(Pl. VIII,1).
In grave 18 were the remains of a male skel-
eton which was buried in a wooden coffin whose
outline were preserved (Pl. IV, 3). This type of
grave appears at several early medieval Dalma-
tian necropoles.13 An iron object about 30 cm
long, preserved only in traces, was found next
to the right leg of the skeleton. Since a bronze
rivet (Pl. VIII,2) was found next to this object, it
is possible that these were the remains of a knife
and of a fitting of a sheath, common finds at oth-
er early Croatian necropoles in Dalmatia in the
8th and 9th centuries.14 Radiocarbon analysis of
osteological remains did not give any valid re-
sults since there was not enough collagen in the
bones in order to determine the age of the sam-
ple.15 It is necessary to emphasize that a ceramic
pot was found next to this grave, by its southern
side. It is a squat pot with an everted rim, made
on a slow-rotating potters wheel (Pl. VIII,3). It
is poorly fired, ochre-reddish with grey spots,
and at the base it has a round impression of a
potters wheel axle. Though it was found outside
the grave, it should be related to funerary cus-
toms since a similar phenomenon was noticed
at the early Croatian cemetery near the Materiza
mound near Nin.16
Grave goods and accessories discovered at
this site correspond well to the general pic-
ture of the Dalmatian cemeteries of the early
Croatian period. Among them there are jewelry
finds such as circlets, single-beaded earrings,
simple undecorated rings and a necklace made
of glass beads. There are also grave goods be-
longing to utilitarian objects such as knives,
awls, firesteel with flints and cult pottery.
12 D. JELOVINA, 1968, 27-28; J. BELOEVI, 1980, 119; M. PETRINEC, 2009,
184.
13 J. BELOEVI, 1980; 75; 2007, 26-27; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 108. JOKINA GLAVICA
14 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 118; 2007, 285; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 178. ranosrednjovjekovni
15 Bones from grave 18 were analyzed in the Beta Analytic Laboratory in Mi- grobovi
ami. JOKINA GLAVICA
16 J. BELOEVI, 1973, 238. Early Medieval graves
56
Unutar grobova gornjega, prvog sloja zabi-
ljeeni su malobrojni predmeti koji pripadaju
iskljuivo nakitu, a to su par jednojagodnih
naunica (gr. 10) i dva jednostavna bronana
prstena-vitice (gr. 10, 17). Primjerke jednoja-
godnih naunica u raznim varijantama nalazi-
mo na nizu starohrvatskih grobalja Dalmacije,
Like, Primorja i Istre.17 Naunice sline ovima
iz groba 17 na podruju sjeverne Dalmacije re-
gistrirane su na nekropolama Sv. Kri i drijac
u Ninu, Mastirinama u Kaiu te na Crkvini u
Galovcu.18 O jednojagodnim naunicama dosta
se raspravljalo u arheolokoj literaturi, te se
uglavnom tumae kao tipian starohrvatski na-
kit prisutan u veini starohrvatskih nekropola.
Njihovom datacijom prvi se pozabavio Lj. Ka-
raman, koji smatra da se te naunice javljaju u
9. i 10. stoljeu, s mogunou trajanja i tijekom
11. stoljea.19 Usprkos tome to veina autora
koji su se bavili tom problematikom smjeta
ove naunice u razdoblje od 9. do 11. stoljea,20
ue datiranje poetka njihove pojave i dalje je
predmet znanstvenih rasprava. Kao poetna
toka smatra se kraj 8. stoljea21 ili poetak 9.
st.,22 dok je veina ipak miljenja da je rije o
drugoj polovini 9. stoljea.23 Problem datacije
javlja se takoer i kod prstenja, jer su u ovom
sloju naena samo dva jednostavna bronana
primjerka kakvi se takoer javljaju u dalmatin-
skim nekropolama prvoga i drugog horizonta.24
U grobu 10 pronaen je prsten preklopljenih i
zalemljenih krajeva, dok prsten iz groba 17 ima
zatvoren kolut. Najranije datirano je slino pr-
stenje iz nekropole Nin drijac poganskog
horizonta 8. i 9. stoljea, dok su ovakvi nalazi u
nekropolama drugog horizonta puno brojniji.25
U grobovima donjeg, drugog sloja pojavlju-
ju se raznoliki prilozi i nalazi, te meu njima
osim nakita nalazimo predmete svakodnevne
upotrebe i keramiku. Naunice su zastupljene
17 Dalmacija: D. JELOVINA, 1976, 97-99; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 208-212; Lika: Z.
VINSKI, 1949, 25-26, 33-35; S. ERCEGOVI, 1960; D. JELOVINA, 1963, 114,
118; Primorje: D. JELOVINA, 1963, 114-115, 118; . CETINI, 1998, 62-64;
Istra: B. MARUI, 1987, 77, 79.
18 J. BELOEVI, 1999, T. XX/3-4; 2007, T. LXVI/11-12; D. JELOVINA, 1982, gr. 7,
37; J. BELOEVI, 1993, T. XXI/3-4; T. XXII/1-2, 4-5, 7-9.
19 LJ. KARAMAN, 1940, 78; 1956, 130.
20 D. VRSALOVI, 1968, 86; J. BELOEVI, 1968, 236; 1987, 159; D. JELOVINA,
1976, 98, 99; D. JELOVINA - D. VRSALOVI, 1981, 113; . KRNEVI, 2000,
282; V. SOKOL, 2006, 233, 243, 246-247, 251; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 210-212.
21 M. ZEKAN, 1996, 46-47.
22 D. JELOVINA, 1976, 99; D. JELOVINA - D. VRSALOVI, 1981, 113.
23 J. BELOEVI, 1987, 159; 1999, 142; R. JURI, 1987, 270; . KRNEVI, 2000,
282; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 211.
24 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 94; D. JELOVINA, 1976, 107-108.
karla 25 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 94, T. XXXVI/5; 2007, Sl. 5/1, T. LIII/7, T. LVIII/19; D. JELO-
gusar VINA, 1976, 107.
Within graves of the upper, first layer there
were few objects belonging exclusively to jew-
elry such as a pair of single-beaded earrings
(grave 10) and two simple bronze finger rings
(graves 10, 17). Examples of single-beaded ear-
rings in different variants can be found at many
early Croatian cemeteries in Dalmatia, Lika, Pri-
morje and Istria.17 Earrings similar to the ones
from grave 17 were found at the necropoles Sv.
Kri (St. Cross) and drijac in Nin, Mastirine in
Kaiu, and Crkvina in Galovac.18 Single-beaded
earrings were often discussed in the archaeolog-
ical literature and they were usually interpreted
as typical early Croatian jewelry represented at
most early Croatian necropoles. Lj. Karaman
was the first one to consider the dating of these
earrings. He believed that they appeared in the
9th and 10th centuries, with possible duration
during the 11th century.19 Despite the fact that
most authors who dealt with this subject-matter
dated these earrings to the period from the 9th
to 11th centuries,20 a more precise dating of their
appearance is still subject of discussions. Late
8th21 or early 9th22 centuries are considered to be
starting points but most authors agree that they
appeared in the second half of the 9th century.23
Problem of dating is also present with the finger
rings, since only two simple bronze examples of
the common type were found in this layer which
appear in the Dalmatian necropoles of the first
and second horizon.24 A fingerrring with over-
lapping and soldered ends was found in grave
10, whereas the finger ring from grave 17 has a
closed ring. The earliest dating of similar finger
rings is from the Nin drijac necropolis of
the pagan horizon of the 8th and 9th centuries
whereas similar finds are far more numerous in
the necropoles of the second horizon.25
Various grave goods and jewelry appear in
the graves of the lower, second layer. In addition
17 Dalmatia: D. JELOVINA, 1976, 97-99; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 208-212; Lika: Z.
VINSKI, 1949, 25-26, 33-35; S. ERCEGOVI, 1960; D. JELOVINA, 1963, 114,
118; Primorje: D. JELOVINA, 1963, 114-115, 118; . CETINI, 1998, 62-64;
Istria: B. MARUI, 1987, 77, 79.
18 J. BELOEVI, 1999, T. XX/3-4; 2007, T. LXVI/11-12; D. JELOVINA, 1982, gr. 7,
37; J. BELOEVI, 1993, T. XXI/3-4; T. XXII/1-2, 4-5, 7-9.
19 LJ. KARAMAN, 1940, 78; 1956, 130.
20 D. VRSALOVI, 1968, 86; J. BELOEVI, 1968, 236; 1987, 159; D. JELOVINA,
1976, 98, 99; D. JELOVINA - D. VRSALOVI, 1981, 113; . KRNEVI, 2000,
282; V. SOKOL, 2006, 233, 243, 246-247, 251; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 210-212.
21 M. ZEKAN, 1996, 46-47.
22 D. JELOVINA, 1976, 99; D. JELOVINA - D. VRSALOVI, 1981, 113.
23 J. BELOEVI, 1987, 159; 1999, 142; R. JURI, 1987, 270; . KRNEVI, 2000,
282; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 211.
24 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 94; D. JELOVINA, 1976, 107-108.
25 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 94, T. XXXVI/5; 2007, fig. 5/1, T. LIII/7, T. LVIII/19; D. JELO-
VINA, 1976, 107.

parom jednostavnih kariica iz groba 13 koji-
ma srodne primjerke nalazimo na nekropola-
ma drijac i Sv. Kri u Ninu te Razbojine i Ma-
klinovo brdo u Kaiu, koje se smjetaju u 8. i
prvu polovinu 9. stoljea.26 Zatim su tu ulomci
koji najvjerojatnije pripadaju naunici s kari-
kom povijenom u petlje iz kojih vise lanii. Taj
tip naunica u Dalmaciji je zabiljeen na neko-
liko lokaliteta, a najslinije primjerke nalazimo
na grobljima Biljane Donje-Trljuge, Nin-dri-
jac i Biskupija-Crkvina.27 Naunice s petljama i
laniima javljaju se u grobljima oba horizonta
dalmatinsko-hrvatske materijalne kulture, a u
poganskim nekropolama smjetaju se oko sre-
dine 9. stoljea.28 U istome grobu naena je i
ogrlica od staklenih perli kojoj komparacije
nalazimo na nekropolama Nin-drijac, Kai-
Maklinovo brdo i Biljane Donje-Trljuge, koje
takoer pripadaju ranom horizontu starohr-
vatske materijalne kulture.29
Meu predmetima svakodnevne upotrebe
pojavljuju se noevi, koji su uistinu uobiajen
prilog grobova poganskog horizonta. Najbolje
je ouvan no pronaen u grobu 14 iz kojeg po-
tjee i kresivo oblika lire s kremeniima. Kra-
jevi kresiva su stanjeni te se svijaju prema van.
Ovaj tip kresiva est je nalaz u mukim staro-
hrvatskim grobovima ranog horizonta, a na
podruju Dalmacije nalazimo ih u nekropola-
ma Materiza i drijac u Ninu, Maklinovo brdo
i Razbojine u Kaiu, te u Stankovcima kod
Benkovca.30 Navedeni tip pojavljuje se u broj-
nim slavenskim grobljima diljem Europe.31 Iz
istoga groba potjee i ilo kojem najblii kom-
parativni materijal nalazimo na nekropolama
Kai-Maklinovo brdo, Stankovci-Klaria kue
i Nin-drijac,32 te na sinjskome podruju.33 Na-
lazi eljeznih ila otkriveni su u kasnoantikim
grobovima autohtonog stanovnitva na irem
jadranskom podruju i njegovom zaleu, te se
26 J. BELOEVI, 1980, T. XLIII/1-2, 5-6, 17-18; 2000, 129, 132, T. XXI/1, T. XX/15,
16; D. JELOVINA, 1968, 39, T. IX/3; J. BELOEVI, 1980, T. XLIII/9-10.
27 J. BELOEVI, 1986, 143-144, T. XII/5-6; 2007, 204, T. XCVIII/2; M. PETRINEC,
2009, 202, T. 236/3.
28 J. BELOEVI, 1986, 144; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 202-203.
29 J. BELOEVI, 2007, T. LIII/8, T. LXI/11, T. LXXXI/7, T. XCI/9; 1980: T. XXXV/3,
12, T. XXXVI/2, 6; T. XLIV/1.
30 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 119.
31 J. EISNER, 1952, Obr. 41/12, Obr. 50/7, Obr. 66/5, Obr. 73/15, Obr. 93/5;
B. DOSTAL, 1966, 88, T. IX87, T. XXIV/6; Z. ILINSK, 1966, 183-184, T.
LXVI/439-1; D. BIALEKOV, 1981, 34; V. TOVORNIK, 1985, 197, T. I/13, T.
XIII/4, T. XVII/123-2, T. XXVI/155-3, T. XXXIV/185-3; 1986, 431, T. XIII/88-2, T.
XX/118-2.
32 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 121; 2007, 290-291.
33 M. PETRINEC, 2009, 183.
57
to jewelry there are also objects for everyday use
and pottery. Earrings are represented by a pair
of simple circlets from grave 13 similar to finds
from the necropoles drijac and Sv. Kri in Nin,
and Razbojine and Maklinovo brdo in Kai
which are dated to the 8th and the first half
of the 9th century.26 Then there are also frag-
ments probably belonging to an earring with
a ring twisted into loops with hanging chains.
This earring type was recorded at several sites in
Dalmatia, and the most similar examples were
found at cemeteries Biljane Donje-Trljuge, Nin-
drijac and Biskupija-Crkvina.27 Earrings with
loops and chains appear at cemeteries of both
horizons of the Dalmatian-Croatian material
culture, and at pagan necropoles they are dat-
ed to the mid-9th century.28 A necklace made
of glass beads was found in the same grave.
Similar finds were discovered at the necropoles
Nin-drijac, Kai-Maklinovo brdo and Biljane
Donje-Trljuge which also belong to the early
horizon of the early Croatian material culture.29
Among the objects for everday use knives
represent quite common grave goods of the
pagan horizon. The best preserved knife was
found in grave 14 as well as a lyre-shaped fires-
teel with flints. Ends of the firesteel are taper-
ing and bending outwards. This type of firesteel
is a common find in early Croatian male graves
of the early horizon, and in Dalmatia they were
found in the necropoles Materiza and drijac
in Nin, Maklinovo brdo and Razbojine in Kai,
and Stankovci near Benkovac.30 The men-
tioned type appears in many Slavic cemeteries
across Europe.31 An awl which was found in the
same grave can be compared to finds from the
necropoles Kai-Maklinovo brdo, Stankovci-
Klaria kue and Nin-drijac,32 as well as from
the necropoles in the Sinj region.33 Finds of iron
awls were discovered in late antique graves of
autochtonous population in the wider Adriatic
26 J. BELOEVI, 1980, T. XLIII/1-2, 5-6, 17-18; 2000, 129, 132, T. XXI/1, T. XX/15,
16; D. JELOVINA, 1968, 39, T. IX/3; J. BELOEVI, 1980, T. XLIII/9-10.
27 J. BELOEVI, 1986, 143-144, T. XII/5-6; 2007, 204, T. XCVIII/2; M. PETRINEC,
2009, 202, T. 236/3.
28 J. BELOEVI, 1986, 144; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 202-203.
29 J. BELOEVI, 2007, T. LIII/8, T. LXI/11, T. LXXXI/7, T. XCI/9; 1980: T. XXXV/3,
12, T. XXXVI/2, 6; T. XLIV/1.
30 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 119.
31 J. EISNER, 1952, Obr. 41/12, Obr. 50/7, Obr. 66/5, Obr. 73/15, Obr. 93/5;
B. DOSTAL, 1966, 88, T. IX87, T. XXIV/6; Z. ILINSK, 1966, 183-184, T.
LXVI/439-1; D. BIALEKOV, 1981, 34; V. TOVORNIK, 1985, 197, T. I/13, T. JOKINA GLAVICA
XIII/4, T. XVII/123-2, T. XXVI/155-3, T. XXXIV/185-3; 1986, 431, T. XIII/88-2, T. ranosrednjovjekovni
XX/118-2. grobovi
32 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 121; 2007, 290-291. JOKINA GLAVICA
33 M. PETRINEC, 2009, 183. Early Medieval graves
58
smatra da neposredno nakon doseljenja ovaj
tip grobnih priloga preuzimaju i Hrvati.34
Posljednju vrstu grobnih priloga predstav-
lja kultna keramika. Jedini primjer pronaen
unutar groba je posuda iz groba 13. Ovoj zani-
mljivoj posudi malih dimenzija komparacije
nalazimo u dalmatinskim grobljima poganskog
horizonta Dubravice kod Skradina, drijac u
Ninu, te Biteli kod Sinja, dok ire usporedbe
nalazimo i na slavensko-avarskoj nekropoli
Devinska Nova Ves u Slovakoj.35
Dio arheolokih nalaza pronaen je izvan
grobova, pa ih izdvajamo kao posebnu skupi-
nu. To su nalazi koji pripadaju zasipu, a meu
njima nalazimo predmete iz razliitih povije-
snih razdoblja.
Unutar sjevernog kontrolnog profila pro-
naen je izlizani rimski provincijalni novi s
krunim udubljenjem na jednoj strani. Ovakvi
novci karakteristini su za kovnice istonog
dijela Rimskog Carstva od 1. do sredine 3. sto-
ljea (T. IX., 1).
Nekoliko metalnih predmeta i ulomak obra-
ene ivotinjske kosti pronaeni su zajedno
u kvadrantu II., a mogu se okvirno smjestiti
u razdoblje od antike do srednjega vijeka. Od
metalnih predmeta to su bronana prstenasta
kopa, odnosno fibula, zatim bronana preica
oblika slova D, mali fragment eljezne preice
i eljezni noi (T. IX., 2-5). Prstenasta kopa,
odnosno fibula ima rabrast obru i otvorene
krajeve svijene unatrag , a svijena joj je i igla
(T. IX., 2). Ovakav tip kopa, odnosno fibula
koji se javlja jo od prapovijesti, najei je ti-
jekom antikoga i kasnoantikog razdoblja.36
Kod naeg primjerka upravo oblikovanje igle,
kojoj ne nalazimo usporedbe u spomenutim
razdobljima, odaje mogunost njezina kasnijeg
koritenja tijekom srednjega vijeka. Zanimlji-
vu paralelu nalazimo u Austriji na slavenskoj
nekropoli Gusen iz 9. stoljea, gdje se unutar
mukoga groba 162 uz tipine slavenske nalaze
pojavljuje i jedna prstenasta fibula.37
Kronoloki neosjetljive su i preice koje se
javljaju tijekom dueg vremenskog razdoblja.
34 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 290-291.
35 . KRNEVI, 2008, kat. 161; J. BELOEVI, 2007, T. XCII/5, T. CXLV/234; A.
MILOEVI, 1985, 230, crte 2/2, T. III/2); J. EISNER, 1952, 166, 332-333, Obr.
93/3.
36 . BATOVI, 1981, 18, Sl. 11/15; M. SAGADIN, 1979, 305-306; D. BOJOVI,
1983, 70-71, T. XXXI/309-310; B. NEDVED, 1981, kat. 243-244; R. KOEVI,
karla 1991, 65; Z. WIEWEGH, 2003, 75.
gusar 37 V. TOVORNIK, 1985, gr. 162, T. XXVIII/162-4.
region and its hinterland. General belief is that
this type of grave goods was accepted by Croats
immediately after their arrival.34
Cult pottery represents the last type of grave
goods. The only example found within a grave
is a vessel from grave 13. We can find com-
parisons for this interesting small vessel at the
Dalmatian cemeteries of the pagan horizon
Dubravice near Skradin, drijac in Nin, and
Biteli near Sinj whereas wider comparisons
can be found at the Avaro-Slavic necropolis
Devinska Nova Ves in Slovakia.35
Some of the archaeological finds were found
outside graves so they will be treated as a sepa-
rate group. These finds belong to the fill, and they
include objects from different historical periods.
A worn out Roman provincial coin with a
round depression on one side was found in the
northern transverse section. These coins are
characteristic of the mints of the eastern part
of the Roman Empire from the 1st to mid-3rd
centuries (Pl. IX,1).
Several metal objects and a fragment of a
worked animal bone were found together in
quadrant II, and they can be broadly dated to
the period from antiquity to the Middle Ages.
Out of metal objects those are a bronze an-
nular clasp i.e. fibula, then bronze D-shaped
buckle, small fragment of an iron buckle and
a small iron knife (Pl. IX, 2-5). Annular clasp
i.e. fibula has a ribbed ring and open ends bent
backward. Its pin is also bent (Pl. IX, 2). This
type of clasps i.e. fibulae which is known from
prehistory, is most frequent during antiquity
and Late Antiquity.36 Rendering of the pin on
our example for which we could not find analo-
gies in the mentioned periods indicates that it
might have been used during the Middle Ages.
An interesting parallel can be found in Austria
at the Slavic necropolis Gusen from the 9th
century where an annular fibula appears alng-
side typical Slavic finds inside male grave 162.37
Buckles which appear over a long period are
also chronologically insensitive. Comparisons
for a D-shaped bronze buckle (Pl. IX., 3) can
34 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 290-291.
35 . KRNEVI, 2008, kat. 161; J. BELOEVI, 2007, T. XCII/5, T. CXLV/234; A.
MILOEVI, 1985, 230, drawing 2/2, T. III/2); J. EISNER, 1952, 166, 332-333,
Obr. 93/3
36 . BATOVI, 1981, 18, fig. 11/15; M. SAGADIN, 1979, 305-306; D. BOJOVI,
1983, 70-71, T. XXXI/309-310; B. NEDVED, 1981, kat. 243-244; R. KOEVI,
1991, 65; Z. WIEWEGH, 2003, 75.
37 V. TOVORNIK, 1985, gr. 162, T. XXVIII/162-4.

Bronanoj preici D oblika (T. IX., 3) uspo-
redbe nalazimo na nekropoli autohtonog ka-
snoantikog stanovnitva Knin-Greblje iz 6.
stoljea.38 Paralele istovremeno nalazimo i na
slavenskim grobljima poganskog horizonta Ka-
i-Maklinovo brdo, te Nin-drijac meu pri-
mjercima koji su inili dio pojasnih kopa i gar-
nitura za zakopavanje ostruga.39 Problem da-
tacije pojavljuje se i kod eljeznog noia kojem
je sauvan vei dio otrice koja se na donjem
dijelu svija prema vrhu (T. IX., 4). Vrlo zani-
mljiv nalaz je fragmentaran kotani predmet s
rupicom u gornjem dijelu, ispod kojeg se nala-
ze urezane kose linije, a na desnom rubu je fra-
gmentaran motiv riblje kosti obrubljen jednom
okomitom linijom (T. IX., 5). Meu kotanim
predmetima karakteristinim za dulje razdo-
blje, od antike do srednjeg vijeka, pojavljuju
se razliiti artefakti, pa tako meu njima na-
lazimo oplate drke noeva, iglenike, razliite
recipijente i eljeve.40 Dimenzijama i oblikom
ulomak najvie podsjea na ranosrednjovje-
kovne cilindrine recipijente koji su koriteni
za noenje razliitih predmeta poput toaletnog
pribora i soli,41 iako ne iskljuujemo mogunost
da je rije o bilo kojem od navedenih kotanih
predmeta. Najsliniji dekorativni motiv kosih
crtica, odnosno riblje kosti unutar pravokut-
nih polja javlja se na igleniku iz groba 227 na
drijacu u Ninu.42 U svakom sluaju rupica na
gornjem dijelu predmeta upuuje na zakljuak
da se on mogao nositi ovjeen o pojasu, to pot-
krjepljuju i ostali nalazi koji pripadaju dijelovi-
ma pojasne garniture i manjem nou.
Pitanje pripadnosti pojedinom razdoblju
javlja se jo kod nekoliko predmeta koji pri-
padaju nakitu, predmetima svakodnevne upo-
trebe i oruju (T. X). Nakit je raen od bronce,
a zastupljen je kariicom rombina presjeka
naenom u kvadrantu I. (T. X., 1) i ulomcima
tordirane ice iz kvadranta II. (T. X., 2). Zatim
su tu tri eljezna noa otkrivena u kvadrantima
I. i II. (T. X., 3-5), eljezna strelica iz kvadran-
ta II. (T. X., 6) i iznimno loe ouvan eljezni
predmet naen u kvadrantu III. koji vjerojat-
no predstavljao britvu. Strelica u donjem dije-
38 Z. VINSKI, 1989, 11, 33, T. XIX/6.
39 J. BELOEVI, 1982, Gr. 39/6; 2007, gr. 167, T. LXXVI/3, 6, gr. 168, T. LXXVII/4.
40 V. TOVORNIK, 1986, T. T. XX/117-1; R. CUNJA, 1996, 83-91, T. 6/86-93, T.
7/106 ; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 259-260; IMAGINARNI SVIJET, 2008.
41 IMAGINARNI SVIJET, 2008, 71-89; J. BELOEVI, 1980, 125-128; 2007, 417-
424.
42 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 296, Sl. 11/6, T. XCI/5.
59
be found on the necropolis of autochtonous
late Antique population Knin-Greblje from the
6th century.38 Parallels can also be found at
Slavic cemeteries of the pagan horizon Kai-
Maklinovo brdo and Nin-drijac among the
examples which belong to belt buckles and sets
for fastening spurs.39 Problem of dating appears
with the small iron knife with preserved large
part of the cutting edge which bends towards
top in its lower part (Pl. IX., 4). A fragmentary
bone artifact with a small hole in its upper part
is a very interesting find. Slanted lines are in-
cised under its upper part, and a fragmentary
fishbone motif flanked with a vertical line is
on the right edge (Pl. IX., 5). Among bone ob-
jects characteristic of the longer period from
antiquity to the Middle Ages there are differ-
ent artifacts, including covers of knife handles,
needle cases, various recipients and combs.40
This fragment is the closest by its dimensions
and form to early medieval cylindrical recipi-
ents which were used for carrying various ob-
jects such as toiletries and salt,41 though it is
possible that it was any of the mentioned bone
objects. The most similar decorative motif of
slanted lines i.e. fishbone within rectangular
fields appears on a needle case from grave 227
from drijac in Nin.42 Anyhow small hole in the
upper part of the object indicates that it could
have been worn on a belt. This thesis is sup-
ported by other finds belonging to parts of a
belt set and to a small knife.
Question of dating is relevant to several
other objects belonging to jewelry, objects for
everyday use and weapons (Pl. X). Jewelry was
made of bronze, and it is represented by a cir-
clet with a rhomboid cross-section from quad-
rant I (Pl. X, 1) and fragments of twisted wire
from quadrant II (Pl. X, 2). Then there are three
iron knives recovered from quadrants I and II
(Pl. X, 3-5), an iron arrow from quadrant II (Pl.
X, 6) and extremely poorly preserved iron ob-
ject found in quadrant III which was probably
used as a razor. The arrow has a shaft hole in its
lower part, and in the upper part it has a four-
edged point (Pl. X,6). Shaping of a point with
38 Z. VINSKI, 1989, 11, 33, T. XIX/6.
39 J. BELOEVI, 1982, Gr. 39/6; 2007, gr. 167, T. LXXVI/3, 6, gr. 168, T. LXXVII/4.
40 V. TOVORNIK, 1986, T. T. XX/117-1; R. CUNJA, 1996, 83-91, T. 6/86-93, T. JOKINA GLAVICA
7/106 ; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 259-260; IMAGINARNI SVIJET, 2008. ranosrednjovjekovni
41 IMAGINARNI SVIJET, 2008, 71-89; J. BELOEVI, 1980, 125-128; 2007, 417- grobovi
424. JOKINA GLAVICA
42 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 296, fig. 11/6, T. XCI/5. Early Medieval graves
60
lu ima tuljac za nasad, a u gornjem dijelu ima
etverobridni vrh (T. X., 6). Oblikovanje vrha
s etiri brida prilino je neobino, no kako on
nije u potpunosti ouvan, teko ju je tipoloki
pripisati odreenoj skupini.
Ranosrednjovjekovnom razdoblju zasigur-
no pripadaju nalazi keramike (T. XI-XIII).43
Meu keramikim materijalom pronaenim
izvan grobnih cjelina ukupno je osam posuda
koje je bilo mogue rekonstruirati. Jedna od
njih je ve opisana posuda pronaena nepo-
sredno uz grob 18 (T. VIII., 3). Dvije posude
pronaene su unutar sjevernoga kontrolnog
profila izmeu kvadranta I. i IV. Jedna je via
posuda jajolikog oblika s kratkim vratom i za-
obljenim obodom koji se izvija prema van (vis:
13,3 ; otv. 10,4; dna 7,7 cm) (sl. 6; T. XI.,
1), tamnosive boje sa svjetlijim smeim mrlja-
ma. Na dnu posude nalazi se kruni otisak lon-
arskog kola. Tragovi oblikovanja na runom
lonarskom kolu vidljivi su na itavoj vanjtini
posude u vidu vodoravnih tragova nastalih ro-
tacijom na kolu i povlaenja rukom.
Druga posuda neto je manjih dimenzija
(vis: 9,6; otv. 8,8; dna 6,6 cm) (T. XI., 2).
Ima trbuast oblik s neto izraenijim vratom i
prilino razvraenim zaobljenim obodom koji
je pri vrhu stanjuje. Sivosmee je boje, a na
dnu takoer ima kruni otisak osovine lonar-
skog kola.
Posuda pronaena u kv. IV ima visok, iri
vrat koji zavrava stanjenim obodom lagano
izvijenim prema van (vis: 11,5; otv. 10; dna
7,5 cm) (T. XII., 1). Otvor posude ima nagla-
en unutranji rub, slino kao i posuda iz groba
13. Tijelo posude najire je po sredini trbuha, a
tragovi oblikovanja vidljivi su na vratu u vidu
vodoravnih poteza rukom. Posuda je tamne si-
vosmee boje.
U kv. I pronaena je neto vea posuda izni-
mno naglaenoga trbuastog oblika koja se
znatno suava u predjelu vrata, da bi se ponov-
no proirila u jako razvraen otvor (vis: 11,5 ;
otv. 11; dna 8,5 cm) (T. XII., 2). Obod joj
je zaobljen, a posuda je najira u gornjoj trei-
ni. Tamnosive je boje s neto svjetlijim smeim
mrljama. Otvor posude lagano je deformiran.
Sljedea posuda naena je u kv. IV, ima
iznimno irok otvor, te trbuasto tijelo koje je
karla
gusar 43 K. GUSAR, 2008; 2009.
four edges is quite unusual, but since it is not
preserved completely, it is difficult to ascribe it
to any typological group.
Pottery finds (Pl. XI-XIII) definitely belong
to medieval period.43 Out of pottery finds dis-
covered outside grave units there were eight
vessels which could be reconstructed. One of
them is previously described vessel found next
to grave 18 (Pl. VIII,3). Two vessels were found
within northern transverse section between
quadrants I and IV. One of them is a taller
ovoid vessel with a short neck and rounded
everted rim (height 13,3; opening 10,4; base
7,7 cm) (fig. 6; Pl. XI, 1). It is dark grey with
light brown spots. At the base it has a round
impression of a potters wheel axle. Traces of
working on a hand potters wheel are visible on
the entire outer surface of the vessel as hori-
zontal traces resulting from the rotation of the
wheel and hand movements.
The other vessel is somewhat smaller (height
9,6; opening 8,8; base 6,6 cm) (Pl. XI, 2). It
has a squat form with somewhat more distinct
neck and quite outfolded rounded rim which ta-
pers towards top. It is grey-brown, and at the base
it has a round impression of a potters wheel axle.
Vessel found in quadrant IV has a tall, wide
neck ending in a tapering rim which is slightly
everted (height 11,5; opening 10; base 7,5
cm) (Pl. XII, 1). Opening of the vessel has a dis-
tinct inner rim, similar to vessel from grave 13.
Body of the vessel is the widest in the middle of
the belly, and traces of working are visible on
the neck as horizontal hand movements. The
vessel is dark grey-brown.
Somewhat larger vessel with distinctly squat
form which narrows significantly in the neck
area, and widens again into a very everted rim
was found in quadrant I (height 11,5; opening
11; base 8,5 cm) (Pl. XII, 2). Its rim is rounded,
and the vessel is the widest in its upper section. It
is dark grey with somewhat lighter brown spots.
Opening of the vessel is slightly deformed.
The next vessel was found in quadrant IV.
It has an exceptionally wide opening and squat
body which is the widest in its upper section
(height 10; opening 10,7 ; base 7,1 cm) (Pl.
XII,3). The opening ends in a straightly cut rim
which is everted. The vessel is brown with dark
43 K. GUSAR, 2008; 2009.

najire u gornjoj treini posude (vis: 10; otv.
10,7; dna 7,1 cm) (T. XII., 3). Otvor zavrava
ravno odrezanim obodom razvraenim prema
van. Posuda je smee boje s tamnosivim mr-
ljama, a faktura joj je dosta zrnata. Obod joj je
neravan, a debljina stijenke varira.
Posuda pronaena u kv. II jajolikog je obli-
ka, ima kratki vrat i zaobljen obod razvraen
prema van (vis: 12; otv. 9; dna 7 cm) (T.
XIII.,1). Smee je boje sa tamnosivim mrljama,
a kao kod prethodne posude faktura joj je dosta
zrnata. Jedna strana tijela posude relativno je
pravilno oblikovana, dok joj je suprotna strana
dosta deformirana.
Od posljednje posude sauvao se samo do-
nji dio tijela, pa ne moemo govoriti o njezinu
obliku (najv. vis: 9; dna 7,2 cm) (T. XIII.,2).
Tamne je sivosmee boje, a, za razliku od svih
do sada navedenih posuda, jedina je ukraena.
Dekoracija joj se sastoji od dva reda nepravil-
nih dvostrukih valovnica smjetenih na prijela-
zu iz trbuha u donji dio tijela.
Navedene posude pronaene izvan grobo-
va po itavoj povrini humka, kao i posuda iz
groba 13 u tehnoloko-tipolokom smislu pri-
padaju jednoj cjelini. Sve su izraene od manje
ili vie proiene gline pomijeane s pijeskom whereas the opposite side is quite deformed.
i zrncima kalcita. Unutar njih zastupljena je
samo jedna forma, a to je lonac. Veina ih je
dobro i ujednaeno peena na otvorenoj vatri.
Boja im varira od okercrvenkaste do tamne si-
vosmee zavisno o boji gline i postupku pee-
nja. Sve su raene na primitivnom lonarskom
kolu s malim brojem okretaja, a kod nekih pri-
mjeraka na dnu nalazimo kruni otisak njegove
osovine. Vanjska povrina kod veine posuda
prilino je zaglaena (T. VI., 6; T. VIII., 3; T.
XI., 2; T. XII., 1-2, T. XIII., 2), dok kod manjeg
broja nalazimo neravnu, zrnatu fakturu (T. XI.,
1; T. XII., 3; T. XIII., 1). U unutranjosti posu-
da nailazimo na tragove prstiju lonara koji su
nastali kao posljedica njihove dorade rukom,
a tragovi ruke lonara vidljivi su i na vanjtini
posuda u vidu vodoravnih linija. Sve navede-
ne posude dosta su nepravilnog oblika upravo
zbog primitivnog postupka njihove izrade. Di-
menzije su im razliite, pa im tako visina varira
od 9 to 13,5 cm, irina otvora od 8 do 11 cm, a
promjer dna od 6,6 do 8,5 cm. Zajedniko im je
i to da se uglavnom radi o manjim posudama,
to je posve uobiajeno kod keramike kultne
61
grey spots, its fabric is quite granular. The rim Sl./ Fig. 6
Dno posude naene
is uneven, and wall thickness varies.
unutar sjevernog
The vessel which was found in quadrant II is kontrolnog profila
ovoid, with a short neck and rounded everted Bottom of the
rim (height 12; opening 9 ; base 7 cm) (Pl. vessel found
within northern
XIII,1). It is brown with dark grey spots hav-
transverse section
ing quite granular fabric as was the case with
the previously mentioned vessel. One side of
the vessels body is relatively neatly shaped,
Only the lower part of the body was pre-
served of the last vessel which is why its form
cannot be discussed (Pl. XIII,2). It is dark grey-
brown. As opposed to all previously mentioned
vessels it is the only decorated example. Its
decoration consists of two rows of irregular
double wavy lines positioned at the transition
from the belly to the lower segment of the body.
Mentioned vessels which were found outside
graves across the entire surface of the mound
as well as the vessel from grave 13 belong to
the same technological-typological group. They
were all made of more or less purified clay
tempered with sand and calcite grains. Pot is
the only form represented among them. Most
of them are well and evenly fired on open fire.
Their color varies from ochre-reddish to dark
grey-brown depending on the clay color and
firing process. They were all made on a primi-
tive potters wheel with small number of turns,
and on some examples there is a round impres-
sion of its axle at the base. Outer surface is quite JOKINA GLAVICA
ranosrednjovjekovni
smooth on most examples (Pl. VI, 6; Pl. VIII, grobovi
JOKINA GLAVICA
3; Pl. XI, 2; Pl. XII, 1-2, Pl. XIII, 2), whereas Early Medieval graves
62
namjene. Oblici posuda uglavnom su jajoliko-
trbuasti. Imaju irok otvor koji zavrava ma-
nje ili vie razvraenim obodom, dok se tijelo
posuda znatno suava prema dnu. Osobitog
je oblika upravo posuda iz groba 13, s kratkim
vratom, profiliranim obodom koji se tek blago
izvija prema van i tijelom koje se blago iri na
trbuhu. Ostale posude imaju uglavnom izraen
vrat i jako razvraen obod. Specifinost u boji
nalazimo kod posude naene uz grob 18, koja
je okercrvenkasta sa sivim mrljama, to je za-
pravo posljedica loeg, neujednaenog peenja,
dok su sve ostale posude dobro peene i tamne
sivosmee boje.
to se tie dekoracije posuda, veina ih nije
bila ukraena, pa u cjelokupnom keramikom
fundusu s Jokine glavice koji broji ukupno de-
vet posuda, nalazimo samo jednu ukraenu po-
sudu. Za slavensku keramiku ranoga srednjeg
vijeka pronaenu u Dalmaciji karakteristino
je upravo to da veim dijelom nije bila orna-
mentirana, to dodatno potvruju i ovi nala-
zi.44 Na dnu etiriju posuda nalazimo tragove
osovine lonarskog kola. U tri sluaja kruni
trag je pravilan i smjeten po sredini dna, dok
je na posudi iz groba 13 nepravilan i dvostruko
otisnut, a nastao je zbog pomicanja posude s
osovine tijekom procesa njezine izrade.
Takoer treba istaknuti da iako je samo
jedna od ukupno osam rekonstruiranih kera-
mikih posuda pronaena u grobu 13, a druga
neposredno uz grob 18, sve ostale posude ta-
koer treba dovesti u vezu s pogrebnim obi-
ajima vezanim uz pokapanje pokojnika na
ovom humku, odnosno pripisati ih nalazima
starohrvatske kultne keramike koja je na tlu
Dalmacije daleko bolje istraena od one nase-
obinske.45 Navedene posude dovodimo u vezu
s grobovima drugog sloja, jer je tijekom istra-
ivanja zamijeen njihov raspored izmeu
ovih grobova, odnosno u vie sluajeva posu-
de su se nalazile ispod bonih stranica grobo-
va gornjeg sloja (T. III., 1).
Najvie izravnih paralela za posude s Jokine
glavice nalazimo meu keramikim materija-
lom iz starohrvatskih nekropola ranog hori-
zonta kao to su Materiza kod Nina i Dubravice
karla 44 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 111.
gusar 45 J. BELOEVI, 2000, 117; K. GUSAR, 2009, 117.
rough, granular fabric can be found on small-
er number of vessels (Pl. XI,1; Pl. XII,3; Pl.
XIII,1). In the interior of the vessels we found
traces of potters fingers resulting from their
finishing touches by hand, and traces of pot-
ters hands are also visible on the outer surface
of the vessels as horizontal lines. All mentioned
vessels have quite irregular shape due to primi-
tive making procedure. Their dimensions vary,
so that their height varies from 9 to 13.5 cm,
width of opening from 8 to 11 cm, and the base
diameter from 6,6 to 8,5 cm. Another thing
they have in common is that they are smaller
vessels, which is quite common for pottery for
cult use. Vessel shapes are mostly ovoid-squat.
They have a wide opening ending in a more or
less everted rim, whereas the body of the vessel
tapers towards base. Vessel from grave 13 has
a special form, with a short neck, profiled rim
which is slightly everted and body slightly wid-
ening at the belly. The remaining vessels mostly
have a distinct neck and very everted rim. Ves-
sel found near grave 18 has a particular color
ochre-reddish with grey spots, which is a result
of poor, uneven firing, whereas all other vessels
are well fired and their color is dark grey-brown.
As for the decoration of the vessels, most of
them were not decorated, so that out of entire
ceramic assemblage from Jokina glavica con-
sisting of nine vessels only one vessel was deco-
rated. One of the characteristics of the Slavic
pottery from the Early Middle Ages found in
Dalmatia is lack of ornamentation for the most
part which is additionally confirmed by these
finds.44 At the base of four vessels we can see
traces of potters wheel axle. In three cases
round trace is regular and located in the middle
of the base, whereas on the vessel from grave 13
it is irregular and impressed twice since it was
formed due to slipping of the vessel from the
axle during the making process.
It is important to emphasize that though only
one of eight reconstructed ceramic vessels was
found in grave 13, and the other next to grave
18, all other vessels should be related to funer-
ary customs associated to burying the deceased
in this mound. In other words they should be
ascribed to finds of early Croatian cult pottery
which is much better known than the pottery
44 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 111.

kod Skradina.46 Komparativne primjerke nala-
zimo i na grobljima Nin-drijac, zatim Razbo-
jinama, Glavurku i Maklinovu brdu u Kaiu,
Trljugama u Biljanima Donjim, te Stankovcima
koje sve pripadaju ranom horizontu i vremenu
druge polovine 8. i prve polovine 9. stoljea.47
Navedene znaajke posuda s Jokine glavice
uvrtavaju ih u skupinu tipine slavenske ke-
ramike ranoga srednjeg vijeka koju nalazimo
u starohrvatskim grobljima s poganskim na-
inom pokapanja na tlu Dalmacije48 Zanimljiv
podatak predstavlja i injenica da je, osim to
najvie paralela nalazimo meu keramikim
posudama pronaenima na lokalitetu Materi-
za, jedan dio posuda s toga humka takoer pro-
naen izvan grobova.49
Zakljuno dolazimo do pitanja vremenske
determinacije ranosrednjovjekovnoga groblja.
Kako je ve navedeno, na Jokinoj glavici evi-
dentirana su dva sloja grobova. Unutar grobo-
va donjeg sloja dominiraju nalazi nakita te pri-
lozi zastupljeni predmetima utilitarne namjene
i keramike kakvi se javljaju i na drugim staro-
hrvatskim nekropolama poganskog horizonta
na tlu sjeverne Dalmacije, a okvirno se datiraju
u 8. st. i prvu polovinu 9. stoljea. Osim tipo-
logije materijala, dodatnu potvrdu nalazimo i
u obiaju prilaganja ovakve vrste predmeta u
grob uz pokojnika, koji povezujemo s najrani-
jim tragovima slavenske prisutnosti na tlu Dal-
macije, a meu kojima posebno treba izdvojiti
prilaganje keramikih posuda. Takoer treba
spomenuti da je na ovom humku evidentira-
na i pojava polaganja oveeg kamenja na tijelo
pokojnika, to takoer treba dovesti u vezu s
poganskim pogrebnim obiajima. No posebno
treba istaknuti i 14C analizu groba 13 koji pripa-
da upravo ovom sloju i koja ga datira u razdo-
blje izmeu 770. i 900. godine.
to se tie vremenskog odreenja grobo-
va gornjeg sloja, veliki problem je slaba sau-
vanost grobne arhitekture, pokojnika i nalaza
unutar njih.
Posebna zanimljivost ovog groblja jest i-
njenica da se ovdje ne radi o klasinom staro-
hrvatskom groblju na ravnom, ve o groblju na
humku. Usprkos tome to su humci tipian na-
46 J. BELOEVI, 1962; 1973, 240-241; Z. GUNJAA, 1995; 2000; . KRNEVI,
2008.
47 J. BELOEVI, 2007; D. JELOVINA, J. BELOEVI, 1968; 1982; 1975; 1975a.
48 Z. VINSKI, 1973, 67; J. BELOEVI, 1980, 80; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 192-194.
49 J. BELOEVI, 1973, 238.
63
from settlements in Dalmatia.45 Mentioned ves-
sels can be related to the graves from the second
layer since during the research we noticed their
distribution between these graves, i.e. in several
cases vessels were found under the lateral sides
of the graves from the upper layer (Pl. III,1).
Most direct parallels with vessels from Joki-
na glavica can be found among ceramic mate-
rial from the early Croatian necropoles of the
early horizon such as Materiza near Nin and
Dubravice near Skradin.46 Comparative exam-
ples were found at the cemeteries Nin-drijac,
Razbojine, Glavurak and Maklinovo brdo in
Kai, Trljuge in Biljane Donje, and Stankovci
which all belong to the early horizon and the
time of the second half of the 8th and the first
half of the 9th century.47
Mentioned characteristics of the vessels
from Jokina glavica indicate that they belong to
a group of typical Slavic pottery from the Early
Middle Ages which can be found at the early
Croatian cemeteries with pagan burial rite in
Dalmatia.48 It is worth mentioning that not
only there are most parallels with the ceramic
vessels from the site of Materiza, but some of
the mentioned vessels from this mound were
also found outside graves.49
Finally we need to discuss the question of
chronological determination of the early medi-
eval cemetery. As mentioned before, two layers
of graves were recorded at Jokina glavica. Jew-
elry finds are dominant within graves from the
lower layer, as well as grave goods represented
with utilitarian objects and pottery which also
appear at other early Croatian necropoles of the
pagan horizon in northern Dalmatia broadly
dated to the 8th and the first half of the 9th cen-
tury. Besides the typology of the finds, an addi-
tional confirmation can be found in the custom
of depositing this type of objects in graves next
to the deceased. This custom is usually related
to the earliest traces of Slavic presence in Dal-
matia, especially when ceramic vessels are used
as grave goods. It is also important to mention
that the phenomenon of putting large stones
on the corpse was also recorded at this mound
45 J. BELOEVI, 2000, 117; K. GUSAR, 2009, 117.
46 J. BELOEVI, 1962; 1973, 240-241; Z. GUNJAA, 1995; 2000; . KRNEVI, JOKINA GLAVICA
2008. ranosrednjovjekovni
47 J. BELOEVI, 2007; D. JELOVINA, J. BELOEVI, 1968; 1982; 1975; 1975a. grobovi
48 Z. VINSKI, 1973, 67; J. BELOEVI, 1980, 80; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 192-194. JOKINA GLAVICA
49 J. BELOEVI, 1973, 238. Early Medieval graves
64
in ukapanja tijekom prapovijesti, na tlu sjever-
ne Dalmacije javljaju se i pojedini sluajevi kod
kojih su oni u upotrebi tijekom srednjeg vijeka.
Vei broj ovakvih humaka zabiljeen je na i-
rem podruju Nina, a u ovu geografsku skupinu
ubrajamo i Jokinu glavicu te Duevia glavicu i
Matakovu glavicu u njezinoj neposrednoj blizi-
ni.50 Do sada je od humaka s ranosrednjovjekov-
nim grobovima na ninskom podruju istraena
jedino Materiza, a upravo meu materijalom s
ovog lokaliteta nalazimo i najvie usporedba.
Meutim, treba istaknuti da su starohrvatski
grobovi u Materizi naeni uokolo humka, dok
je na Jokinoj glavici ukapanje obavljano u sam
humak. Ukapanje unutar humaka u ranom
srednjem vijeku pojava je koja je zabiljeena i u
ostalim dijelovima Dalmacije, kao i na podruju
Bosne i Hercegovine.51 Na osnovi ovih istrai-
vanja mogue je utvrditi da slavenska pleme-
na nakon doseljenja na ove prostore u ranom
srednjem vijeku nisu podizala nove humke, ve
su se ukapali u postojea starija predslavenska
kultna mjesta. S obzirom na ukupan broj ra-
nosrednjovjekovnih grobova na Jokinoj glavi-
ci, vrlo je vjerojatno da se radi o groblju jedne
manje rodovske zajednice nastanjene negdje u
blizini. Koritenje groblja tijekom ranoga sred-
njeg vijeka zapoinje u drugoj polovini 8. st. i
nastavlja se tijekom 9. stoljea. Problem je me-
utim odreivanje prestanka njegove upotre-
be. S obzirom na ukupno mali broj grobova te
nalaze iz grobova gornjeg sloja meu kojima ne
nalazimo izriite dokaze kasnijeg vremena, ras-
pon trajanja groblja vjerojatno nije dug, te bi-
smo prestanak njezine upotrebe mogli smjestiti
u 9. stoljee ili nedugo nakon toga.
karla 50 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 59, 60, Sl. 4.
gusar 51 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 70-71; 2007, 20; M. PETRINEC, 2005, 25-26.
which should be related to pagan funerary cus-
toms. Another important fact is 14C analysis of
grave 13 which belongs to this layer dating it to
the period between 770 and 900.
As for the dating of the graves from the up-
per layer, poor preservation of grave architec-
ture, skeletons and grave goods poses a great
problem.
This necropolis is particularly interesting
because this is not a classical flat grave early
Croatian cemetery, but a cemetery on a mound.
Despite the fact that mounds represent a typi-
cal burial custom during prehistory, in northern
Dalmatia there are individual cases of their use
during the Middle Ages. Greater number of such
mounds was recorded in the wider Nin region,
and we can also include Jokina glavica, and
Duevia and Matakova glavica in its immedi-
ate vicinity, into the same geographical group.50
So far only Materiza has been excavated out of
mounds with early medieval graves. It is exactly
material from this site that offers most possi-
bilites for comparisons. However it is necessary
to emphasize that early Croatian graves in Ma-
teriza were found around the mound whereas
at Jokina glavica graves were dug in the mound.
Burying in the mound in the early Middle Ages
is a phenomenon recorded in other parts of Dal-
matia as well as in Bosnia and Herzegovina.51
On the basis of this research it is reasonable to
conclude that Slavic tribes after the arrival in
these regions in the early Middle Ages did not
raise new mounds but they used existing older
pre-Slavic cult places for burials. Considering
the total number of early medieval graves at
Jokina glavica it is more than likely that it was
a cemetery of a smaller community which was
living somewhere nearby. Use of the cemetery
during the early Middle Ages started in the sec-
ond half of the 8th century and it continued dur-
ing the 9th century. However, determining the
end of its use is more complicated. Considering
the small number of graves and finds from the
graves from the upper layer among which there
is no distinct evidence of the later period, the ne-
cropolis was probably not used for long so that
the end of its use could be dated to the 9th cen-
tury or shortly thereafter.
50 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 59, 60, fig. 4.
51 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 70-71; 2007, 20; M. PETRINEC, 2005, 25-26.

Katalog grobova:
Grob 1 Grobna raka paetvorinasta oblika, obzidana
veim neobraenim kamenjem uslojenim u dva reda, koja
se pruala u smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Jugoistoni
dio groba potpuno je uniten. Ostataka skeleta nema.
Grob 2 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Grobna
raka ovalnog oblika obzidana veim i manjim neobrae-
nim kamenjem uslojenim u dva reda. U grobu su prona-
eni ostatci skeleta kojem spol nije mogue utvrditi, a sta-
rost pokojnika procijenjena je na vie od 40 godina.
Grob 3 Grobna raka paetvorinasta oblika, obzidana
veim neobraenim kamenjem uslojenim u dva reda, koja
se pruala u smjeru jugozapad-sjeveroistok. Jugoistoni
dio groba potpuno je uniten. Ostataka skeleta nema.
Grob 4 Unitena grobna raka neodreenog oblika, ob-
zidana neobraenim kamenjem, koja se ini se pruala u
smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Ostataka skeleta nema.
Grob 5 Unitena grobna raka neodreenog oblika, ob-
zidana neobraenim kamenjem, koja se ini se pruala u
smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Ostataka skeleta nema.
Grob 6 Unitena grobna raka neodreenog oblika, ob-
zidana neobraenim kamenjem koja se pruala u smjeru
sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Sjeverni dio groba u potpunosti
je uniten. Od skeleta su sauvani fragmenti kostiju na te-
melju kojih nije mogue utvrditi spol i starost.
Grob 7 Grobna raka ovalna oblika, obzidana neobra-
enim kamenjem uslojenim u dva reda, koja se pruala
u smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Ostataka skeleta nema.
Grob 8 Unitena grobna raka neodreena oblika, ob-
zidana veim neobraenim kamenjem uslojenim u dva
reda, koja se pruala u smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok.
Sjeverozapadni dio groba je uniten, a na sjeveroisto-
nom dijelu u stranicu groba je kao spolij ugraen kameni
klesanac. Ostataka skeleta nema.
Grob 9 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Grobna
raka ovalna oblika, obzidana veim i manjim neobrae-
nim kamenjem uslojenim u dva reda. Na sjeveroistonom
dijelu u stranicu groba je kao spolij ugraen ulomak ka-
menog rvnja. U grobu su pronaeni ostatci skeleta ko-
jem spol nije mogue utvrditi, a starost pokojnika procije-
njena je izmeu 35 i 45 godina.52
Grob 10 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Grobna
raka ovalna oblika, obzidana veim i manjim neobrae-
nim kamenjem uslojenim u tri reda iji je zapadni dio uni-
ten. U grobu su pronaeni ostatci enskog skeleta ija je
starost procijenjena izmeu 18 i 25 godina.
1. Par srebrnih jednojagodnih naunica pronaenih
uz lubanju (1. 3,5; 2. 3 cm)
2. Bronani prsten vitica pronaen na desnoj ruci (
2,2; ir. 0,3 cm).
52 Zbog loe sauvanosti grobova tijekom istraivanja arhitektura ovog gro-
ba numerirana je kao grob 9, dok su ostatci skeleta numerirani kao grob
12. Naknadno je ustanovljeno da nije rije o dva groba, ve da grobovi
9 i 12 predstavljaju jedan te isti ukop zbog ega grob 12 ne navodimo
posebno u ovom katalogu.
65
Grave catalogue:
Grave 1 Rectangular grave pit, lined with larger un-
dressed stones arranged in two rows, lying in the NW-SE
direction. South-eastern part of the grave is completely
devastated. There are no skeletal remains.
Grave 2 Orientation: NW SE. Oval grave pit lined
with large and small undressed stones arranged in two
rows. Remains of a skeleton whose gender could not be
determined were found in the grave, and the age of the
deceased was estimated at over 40.
Grave 3 Rectangular grave pit, lined with large un-
dressed stones arranged in two rows lying in the SW-NE
direction. South-eastern part of the grave is completely
devastated. There are no skeletal remains.
Grave 4 Destroyed grave pit of irregular form, lined
with undressed stones which seemed to have lay in the
NW-SE direction. There are no skeletal remains.
Grave 5 Destroyed grave pit of irregular form, lined
with undressed stones which seemed to have lay in the
NW-SE direction. There are no skeletal remains.
Grave 6 Destroyed grave pit of irregular form, lined
with undressed stones which lay in the NW-SE direc-
tion. Northern part of the grave is completely destroyed.
Only fragments of bones were preserved of the skeleton
so that gender and age could not be determined.
Grave 7 Oval grave pit lined with undressed stones ar-
ranged in two rows, lying in the NW-SE direction. There
are no skeletal remains.
Grave 8 Destroyed grave pit of irregular form, lined
with undressed stones which lay in the NW-SE direction.
North-western part of the grave is completely destroyed,
and in north-eastern part a dressed stone was built in the
side of the grave as spolia. There are no skeletal remains.
Grave 9 Orientation: NW SE. Oval grave pit lined
with large and small undressed stones arranged in two
rows. A fragment of a stone grindstone was built in the
side of the grave in north-eastern part as spolia. Remains
of a skeleton whose gender could not be determined were
found in the grave, and the age of the deceased was esti-
mated at between 35 and 45.52
Grave 10 Orientation: NW SE. Oval grave pit lined
with large and small undressed stones arranged in three
rows whose western part is destroyed. Remains of a fe-
male skeleton were found in the grave, and the age of the
deceased was estimated at between 18 and 25.
1) A pair of silver single-beaded earrings found next to
the skull (1. 3,5; 2. 3 cm).
2) A simple bronze finger ring found on the right hand
( 2,2; width 0,3 cm).
52 Due to poor preservation of graves during the research, architecture of JOKINA GLAVICA
this grave was marked as grave 9 whereas skeletal remains were marked ranosrednjovjekovni
as grave 12. It was determined subsequently that there were no two gra- grobovi
ves but graves 9 and 12 represented one and the same burial. Therefore JOKINA GLAVICA
grave 12 will not be presented separately in this catalogue. Early Medieval graves
66
Grob 11 Unitena grobna raka neodreena oblika, ob-
zidana nepravilnim kamenjem uslojenim u tri reda, koja
se pruala u smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Istoni dio
groba potpuno je uniten. Ostataka skeleta nema.
Grob 12 Vidi grob 9 i biljeku.
Grob 13 Orijentacija sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Grobna
raka ovalna oblika, djelomino obzidana jednim redom
nepravilnog kamenja. Jedan vei kamen bio je postavljen
na prsa, a drugi na trbuh pokojnika. U grobu su prona-
eni ostatci enskog skeleta ija je starost procijenjena
izmeu 20 i 30 godina.
1. Dva fragmenta bronane ice pronaena pri vrhu
groba (1. du. 1,2; 2. du. 1,1 cm)
2. Par srebrnih kariica pronaenih uz lubanju (1. du.
2,2; ir. 1,5; deb. 0,1 cm; 2. du. 2,2; deb. 0,1 cm)
3. Ogrlica od staklenih perli ute i tamnoplave boje
pronaena na predjelu vrata (najv. du. 7,1; 0,5-0,9 cm)
4. Keramika posuda tamnosive boje pronaena iznad
zdjelice skeleta (vis. 8,7; otv. 8,5; dna 7,3 cm).
Grob 14 Orijentacija: zapad-istok. Unitena grobna
raka neodreena oblika, djelomino obzidana jednim re-
dom nepravilnog kamenja, a jedan vei kamen nalazio se
ispod lijeve potkoljenice pokojnika. Istoni dio groba u
potpunosti je uniten. U grobu su pronaeni ostatci ske-
leta na osnovi kojih nije bilo mogue odrediti, a starost
pokojnika procijenjena je na vie od 35 godina.
1. eljezno kresivo oblika lire (du. 6,5, ir. 3 cm) i
etiri kremenia (du. 2-2,5; ir. 1-2; deb. 0,3-0,9 cm)
pronaeni uz desnu ruku.
2. eljezni no pronaen uz desni kuk skeleta (du.
14,2; ir. otr. 2,5 cm).
3. eljezno ilo pronaeno uz desni kuk skeleta (du.
8,5, deb. 0,5 cm).
Grob 15 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Unite-
na grobna zemljana raka neodreena oblika. U grobu su
pronaeni ostatci djejeg skeleta ija je starost procijenje-
na izmeu 8 i 12 godina.
Grob 16 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Unite-
na grobna zemljana raka neodreena oblika. Uz desnu
stranu lubanje nalazio se jedan neobraeni kamen. U
grobu su pronaeni ostatci najvjerojatnije enskog skele-
ta ija je starost procijenjena na vie od 45 godina.
1. Fragment eljeznog predmeta (noa?) pronaen uz
lijevu bedrenu kost skeleta (du. 10,2; ir. 0,3-1,2 cm).
Grob 17 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Grobna
raka neodreena oblika, obzidana neobraenim kame-
njem u dva reda, koja se protezala u smjeru SZ-JI. e-
tiri ulomka kamenih rvnjeva bili su uzidani kao spoliji
u stranice groba (dva na sjevernoj i dva na junoj). Ju-
goistoni dio groba potpuno je uniten. U grobu su pro-
naeni ostatci skeleta iji spol nije bilo mogue odrediti,
a starost pokojnika procijenjena je na vie od 45 godina.
1. Bronani prsten vitica pronaen po sredini groba
( 2,2; deb. 0,4 cm).
Grob 18 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok.
Grobna raka paetvorinastog oblika unutar koje se nala-
karla
gusar zio drveni lijes ouvan u tragovima. U grobu su pronaeni
Grave 11 Destroyed grave pit of irregular form, lined
with irregular stones arranged in three rows lying in the
NW-SE direction. Eastern part of the grave is completely
destroyed. There are no skeletal remains.
Grave 12 See grave 9 and the accompanying footnote.
Grave 13 Orientation: NW SE. Oval grave pit, par-
tially lined with large and small undressed stones. One
large stone was placed on the chest, and the other on the
stomach of the deceased person. Remains of a female
skeleton were found in the grave, and the age of the de-
ceased was estimated at between 20 and 30 years.
1) Two fragments of bronze wire found at the top of
the grave (1. length 1,2; 2. length 1,1 cm).
2) A pair of silver circlets found next to the skull (1,
length 2,2; width 1,5 cm; thickness 0,1 cm; 2. length 2,2;
thickness 0,1 cm).
3) A necklace made of yellow and dark blue glass beads
found at the neck area (max. length 7,1; 0,5-0,9 cm)
4) Dark grey ceramic vessel found above the pelvis of
the skeleton (height 8,7; opening 8,5; base 7,3 cm).
Grave 14 Orientation W-E. Destroyed grave pit of
irregular form, partially lined with a row of irregular
stones. One large stone was found under the left shank of
the skeleton. Eastern segment of the grave was destroyed
completely. Remains of a skeleton whose gender could
not be determined were found in the grave, and the age of
the deceased was estimated at more than 35 years.
1) An iron lyre-shaped firesteel (length 6,5; width 3
cm) and four flints (length 2-2,5; width 1-2; thickness 0,3-
0,9 cm) found next to the right arm
2) An iron knife found next to the right hip of the skel-
eton (length 14,2; cutting edge width 2,5 cm)
3) An iron awl found next to the right hip of the skel-
eton (length 8,5, thickness 0,5 cm).
Grave 15 Orientation NW-SE. Destroyed grave pit of
irregular form. Remains of an infant skeleton were found
in the grave, and the age of the deceased was estimated at
between 8 and 12 years.
Grave 16 Orientation NW-SE. Destroyed grave pit of
irregular form. An undressed stone was found next to the
right side of the skull. Remains of probably female skel-
eton were found in the grave, and the age of the deceased
was estimated at more than 45 years.
1) Fragment of an iron object (knife?) found next to the
left femur of the skeleton (length 10,2; width 0,3-1,2 cm).
Grave 17 Orientation NW-SE. Grave pit of irregular
form, lined with a row of undressed stones in two rows,
lying in the NW-SE direction. Four fragments of stone
grindstones were built in the sides of the grave as spolia
(two at northern and two at southern side). South-eastern
segment of the grave is completely destroyed. Remains
of a skeleton whose gender could not be determined were
found in the grave, and the age of the deceased was esti-
mated at more than 45 years.
1) A bronze finger ring found in the middle of the
grave ( 2,2; thickness 0,4 cm).
Grave 18 Orientation NW-SE. Rectangular grave pit
within which there was a wooden coffin preserved in trac-

ostatci mukog skeleta ija je starost procijenjena izmeu
40 i 50 godina.
1. eljezni predmet ouvan u tragovima (no?) (du.
oko 30 cm) pronaen uz desnu nogu skeleta.
2. Bronana zakovica pronaena uz eljezni predmet
(vis. 0,5; 0,7 cm).
3. Keramika posuda oker-crvenkaste boje pronaena
s vanjske strane groba neposredno uz junu stranicu (vis.
12,3; otv. 10,9; dna 8,1 cm).
Grob 19 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Grobna
zemljana raka neodreena oblika. Uz lijevu nadlakticu
skeleta nalazio se vei neobraeni kamen. U grobu su pro-
naeni ostatci mukog skeleta ija je starost procijenjena
na vie od 40 godina.
Literatura / Bibliography
. BATOVI 1981 Nakit u prapovijesti sjeverne Dalmacije, Nakit na tlu
sjeverne Dalmacije od prapovijesti do danas, Zadar, 1981, 7-39.
J. BELOEVI 1962 Slavenska keramika iz ranosrednjovjekovne ne-
kropole Materiza kod Nina, Diadora, 2, Zadar, 1962, 237-249.
J. BELOEVI 1968 Ranosrednjovjekovna nekropola u selu Kaiu
kod Zadra, Diadora, 4, Zadar, 1986, 221-246.
J. BELOEVI 1972 Stanje istraivanja slavenske keramike na podru-
ju Dalmacije, Materijali, IX, Beograd, 1972, 125-138.
J. BELOEVI 1973 Starohrvatska nekropola uz humak Materiza
kod Nina, Diadora, 8, Zadar, 1973, 221-244.
J. BELOEVI 1975 Starohrvatska nekropola u selu Biljanima Donjim
kod Zadra, Diadora, 8, Zadar, 1975, 103-110.
J. BELOEVI 1975a La ncropole palocroate Stankovci, Inventaria
archaeologica, fasc. 20/2, Beograd, 1975.
J. BELOEVI 1980 Materijalna kultura Hrvata od 7-9. stoljea, Za-
greb, 1980.
J. BELOEVI 1982 La ncropole paloroate Kai Maklinovo brdo, K. GUSAR 2008 Ranosrednjovjekovna keramika iz Krneze, Srednji
Invetaria archaeologica, Fasc. 28 (Y269-Y278), Beograd, 1982.
J. BELOEVI 1987 Nekoliko neobjelodanjenih ranosrednjovjekov-
nih arheolokih nalaza s podruja sjeverne Dalmacije, Rado-
vi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru, Razdio povijesnih znanosti,
26(13), Zadar, 1987, 141-163.
J. BELOEVI 1999 Ranosrednjovjekovno groblje u okoliu crkve Sv.
Kria u Ninu, Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru, Razdio
povijesnih znanosti, 37(24), Zadar, 1999, 105-154.
J. BELOEVI 2000 Slavenska naseobinska keramika otkrivena u okoliu
crkve Sv. Kria u Ninu, Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru,
Razdio povijesnih znanosti, 38(25), Zadar, 2000, 113-120.
J. BELOEVI 2007 Starohrvatsko groblje na drijacu u Ninu, Zadar, 2007.
D. BIALEKOV 1981 Dvne slovansk kovstvo, Bratislava, 1981.
D. BOJOVI 1983 Rimske fibule Singidunuma, Beograd, 1983.
. CETINI 1998 Strane Gorica, starohrvatsko groblje, katalog
izlobe, Rijeka, 1998.
67
es. Remains of a male skeleton were found in the grave,
and the age of the deceased was estimated at between 40
and 50 years.
1) An iron object preserved in traces (knife?) (length
about 30 cm) found next to the right leg of the skeleton.
2) A bronze rivet found next to the iron object (height
0,5; 0,7 cm).
3) Ochre-reddish ceramic vessel found on the outer
side of the grave immediately next to the southern side
(height 12,3; opening 10,9; base 8,1 cm).
Grave 19 Orientation NW-SE. Grave pit of irregular
form. A large undressed stone was found next to the left
upper arm of the skeleton. Remains of a male skeleton
were found in the grave, and the age of the deceased was
estimated at more than 40 years.
R. CUNJA 1996 Poznorimski in zgodnjesrednjeveki Koper. Arheolo-
ko izkopavanje na bivem Kapucinskom vrtu v letih 1986-
1987 v lui drobnih najdb 5. do 9. stoletja, Koper, 1996.
Z. ILINSKA 1966 Slawisch Awarisches Grberfeld in Nov Zmky,
Bratislava, 1966.
B. DOSTL 1966 Slovansk pohebit ze stedn doby hraditn na
Morav, Praha, 1966.
J. EISNER 1952 Devnska Nov Ves. Slovansk pohebit, Bratislava,
1952.
S. ERCEGOVI 1960 Istraivanja u Gackom polju i rasprostranjenost
starohrvatskih naunica izvan Dalmatinske Hrvatske, Staro-
hrvatska prosvjeta, III. serija, 7, Zagreb, 1960, 243-254.
Z. GUNJAA 1995 Groblje u Dubravicama kod Skradina i druga gro-
blja 8-9. stoljea u Dalmaciji, Etnogeneza Hrvata, Zagreb,
1995, 159-168.
Z. GUNJAA 2000 Ranosrednjovjekovno groblje u Dubravicama, upa
Dubravice u prostoru i vremenu, Dubravice, 2000, 41-55.
vek: arheoloke raziskave med Jadranskim morjem in Pa-
nonsko niino = Mittelalter: archologische Forschungen
zwischen der Adria und der Pannonischen Tiefbene (ur. Gu-
tin M.), Ljubljana, 2008, 197-202.
K. GUSAR 2009 Ranosrednjovjekovni grobovi iz humka Jokina gla-
vica u selu Krneza, Zbornik o Luji Marunu. Zbornik radova
sa Znanstvenog skupa o fra Luji Marunu u povodu 150.
obljetnice roenja (1857.-2007.) (ur. Tomii ., Uglei A.),
ibenik Zadar Zagreb, 2009, 169-181.
IMAGINARNI SVIJET 2008 Imaginarni svijet zagonetnih predmeta od
bjelokosti, kosti i roina, Zagreb, 2008.
LJ. KARAMAN 1940 Starohrvatsko groblje na Majdanu kod Solina,
Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku, 51, 1930-
1934., Split, 1940, 67-100.
LJ. KARAMAN 1956 Dva hronoloka pitanja starohrvatske arheologije,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta, III. serija, 5, Zagreb, 1956, 129-134. JOKINA GLAVICA
ranosrednjovjekovni
grobovi
R. KOEVI 1991 Antika bronca iz Siska: umjetniko-obrtna me-
JOKINA GLAVICA
talna produkcija iz razdoblja Rimskog carstva, Zagreb, 1991. Early Medieval graves
68
. KRNEVI 2000 Srednjovjekovni arheoloki nalazi na ibenskim
otocima, Diadora, 20, Zadar, 2000, 271-296.
. KRNEVI 2008 Ranokransko i starohrvatsko razdoblje, Arheo-
loki tragovi kultova i religija na ibenskom podruju, ibe-
nik, 2008, 93-127.
Z. KRUMPHANZLOV 1961 K otzce vapmyrismu na slovanskch po-
hebitch, Pamtky archeologick, 2, Praha, 1961, 544-549.
D. JELOVINA 1963 Statistiki tipoloko-topografski pregled pregled
starohrvatskih naunica na podruju SR Hrvatske, Starohr-
vatska prosvjeta, III. serija, 8-9, Zagreb, 1963, 101-120.
D. JELOVINA 1968 Ranosrednjovjekovna nekropola na Razbojina-
ma u selu Kaiu kod Zadra, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, III.
serija, 10, Zagreb, 1968, 23-52.
D. JELOVINA 1976 Starohrvatske nekropole, Split, 1976.
D. JELOVINA 1982 Starohrvatsko groblje na Mastirinama u selu Ka-
iu kod Zadra, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, III. serija, 12, Split,
1982, 35-66.
D. JELOVINA D. VRSALOVI 1981 Srednjovjekovno groblje na Be-
govai u selu Biljanima Donjim kod Zadra, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta, III. ser., 11, Split, 55-136.
B. MARUI 1987 Starohrvatska nekropola u minju, Histria archae-
ologica, 17-18, Pula, 1987, 5-156.
A. MILOEVI 1985 Ranosrednjovjekovni grob iz Bitelia, Starohrvat-
ska prosvjeta, III. serija, 15, Split, 1985, 227-236.
B. NEDVED 1981 Nakit rimskog razdoblja, Nakit na tlu sjeverne Dal-
macije od prapovijesti do danas, Zadar, 1981, 151-182.
M. PETRINEC 2005 Ranosrednjovjekovno groblje na poloaju Liva-
de u Konjskom polju, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, III. serija, 32,
Split, 2005, 21-52.
karla
gusar
M. PETRINEC 2009 Groblja od 8. do 11. stoljea na podruju rano-
srednjovjekovne hrvatske drave, Split, 2009.
M. SAGADIN 1979 Antine pasne spone in garniture v Sloveniji, Ar-
heoloki vestnik, XXX, Ljubljana, 1979, 294-338.
V SOKOL 2006 Hrvatska srednjovjekovna arheoloka batina od Ja-
drana do Save, Zagreb, 2006.
M. LAUS 2008 Rezultati antropoloke analize ljudskog osteolokog
materijala s nalazita iz zadarske upanije: Jazine-Lignum
2007, Privlaka-kornica 2006, Ljuba-Stojii 2007, Krneza-Jo-
kina glavica, Struni izvjetaj EP 137 01/08, Zagreb, 2008.
V. TOVORNIK 1985 Die frhmittelaterlichen Grberfelder von Gusen
und Auhof bei Perg in Obersterreich, Teil 1: Gusen, Arche-
ologia Austriaca, 69, Wien, 1985, 165-250.
V. TOVORNIK 1986 Die frhmittelaterlichen Grberfelder von Gusen
und Auhof bei Perg in Obersterreich, Teil 2: Auhof bei Perg,
Archeologia Austriaca, 70, Wien, 1986, 413-483.
Z. VINSKI 1949 Starohrvatske naunice u Arheolokom muzeju u
Zagrebu, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, III. serija, 1, Zagreb, 1949,
22-37.Z. VINSKI 1973 Rani srednji vijek u Jugoslaviji od 400.
do 800. godine, Vjesnik Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu, 5,
Zagreb, 1973, 47-74.
Z. VINSKI 1991 Razmatranja o iskopavanjima u Kninu na nalazitu
Greblje, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, III. ser., 19, Split, 1991, 5-73.
D. VRSALOVI 1968. - Srednjovjekovno groblje na Gredama u selu
Kai kod Zadra, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, III. serija, 10, Za-
greb, 1968, 69-92.
Z. WIEWEGH 2003. - Rimske prstenaste fibule iz antike zbirke Grad-
skog muzeja Sisak, Godinjak Gradskog muzeja Sisak, III-IV,
Sisak, 2003, 75-90.
M. ZEKAN 1996. - Pet srednjovjekovnih nekropola Bribira, Bribir u
srednjem vijeku, Split, 1996, 41-54.
 69

tabla I
70

tabla II
1

2 3
 71

tabla III
1

2 3
72
tabla IV

1 2

3 4
 73
tabla V

1 1a

2 2a

3 3a

4 4a

0 6 cm
74

tabla VI

1-2

3-4

0 1 2 3 cm

0 6 cm
 75

tabla VII

1 2-5

6 6a-b

0 6 cm
76

tabla VIII

0 6 cm

3b

3a

0 6 cm
 77

tabla IX

1 1a

2a 2b

4 4a

5a

0 6 cm
78

tabla X
1 2

3-5

0 6 cm

6a

0 6 cm
 79

tabla XI
1

1b

1a 1c

0 6 cm

2b

2a 2c

0 6 cm
80

tabla XII

1 1a

2 2a

3 3a

0 6 cm
 81

tabla XIII

1 1a

2 2a

0 6 cm
Ivana Anteri, eljana Bai, REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE ANALIZE
Ela kori, imun Anelinovi
OSTEOLOKOG MATERIJALA S TUMULA
JOKINA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
FROM THE TUMULUS OF JOKINA GLAVICA

Uvod Introduction

Antropoloki su obraene kosti s iz etiri arna
groba s tumula Jokina glavica. Osteoloki ma-
terijal su na Klinikom zavodu za patologiju,
sudsku medicinu i citologiju KBC-a Split ana-
lizirala dva neovisna tima. Ouvanost kostur-
nih ostataka stupnjevana je u pet kategorija, od
vrlo loe do odline.
Pri odreivanju spola odraslih osoba pre-
gledane su sve dostupne morfoloke znaajke
kostiju,1 dok spol kod djece nije odreivan,
zbog loije ouvanosti djejih kostura te zbog
nemogunosti sigurnog odreivanja spola.2
Odreivanje dobi osoba kod kojih je zavr-
en rast, provedeno je na temelju nekoliko po-
kazatelja: stupnja srastanja avova lubanje,3
prisutnosti degenerativnih promjena na
zglobnim plohama dugih kostiju i kraljeaka,
te promjena u zubnom statusu;4 starost dje-
jih kostura procijenjena na temelju duljine di-
jafiza dugih kostiju.5
Osteological material from the tumulus of
Jokina glavica was analyzed by two anthropo-
logical teams from the Clinical Department of
Pathology, Court Medicine and Cytology with-
in Clinical Hospital Split. Preservation of the
skeletal remains was classified into five catego-
ries, from very poor to excellent.
All visible morphological characteristic were
taken in consideration for gender determination1,
whereas the gender was not determined for sub-
adults, mainly because of the doubtful sex deter-
mination for subadults2, but also because of the
poorly preserved subadult skeletal remains.
Age determination for persons whose growth
ended was conducted by designating following
parameters: suture accretion,3 stage of degen-
erative changes on joint surfaces of long bones
and vertebrae, if present, and changes in den-
tal status4, whereas the age of subadults at the
time of death was estimated on the basis of
measurements of diaphyses of long bones.5

Rezultati Results

Analizirane kosti veinom su bijele, poneke
sive, crne ili svijetloplave; iznimno su loe ou-
vane (1), s velikim postmortalnim oteenjem
korteksa; imaju karakteristian izgled riblje
kosti, a pojedine su kosti deformirane zbog pa-
ljenja. Na nekim se kostima nalazila zemlja i
mahovina. Na dodir i pranjem se mrve, te su u
Analyzed bones were mostly white, some of them
were gray, black or light blue. They were poorly
preserved (1), wit excessive postmortal damage
of the cortex, and characteristic fish bone ap-
pearance. Some of the fragments were deformed
due to exposure to high temperature. Bones were
covered with soil and moss. Cleaning process was

1 W. M. Bass, 1995, 200-206; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 52-60; W. M. Krog-
man, M. Y. Iscan, 1986, 200-259; T. W. Phenice, 1969, 297-301; D.
Zeevi, 2004, 194-202.
2 E. E. Hunt I. Gleiser, 1955, 479.
3 Z. Zupani-Slavec, 2004, 39-41.
4 W. M. Bass, 1995, 12-25.
5 M. M. Maresh, 1970, 157-200; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 75-84; W. M. Krog-
man, M. Y. Iscan 1986, 103-179; D. Zeevi, 2004, 202-205.
1 W. M. Bass, 1995, 200-206.; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 52-60.; W. M. Kro-
gman, M. Y. Iscan, 1986, 200-259.; T. W. Phenice, 1969, 297-301.; D.
Zeevi, 2004, 194-202.
2 E. E. Hunt I. Gleiser, 1955, 479.
3 Z. Zupani-Slavec, 2004, 39-41.
4 W. M. Bass, 1995, 12-25.
5 M. M. Maresh, 1970, 157-200; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 75-84.; W. M. Kro-
gman, M. Y. Iscan 1986, 103-179; D. Zeevi, 2004, 202-205.
84
svrhu antropoloke analize oiene finom et-
kicom. Nijedna kost nije sauvana u cijelosti.
_ ara br. 1
U ari su pronaeni fragmenti lubanje, fragmen-
ti dugih kostiju, fragment radijusa te ramus
mandibule, koji pripadaju djeci. Ramus mandi-
bule pripada djetetu starosti do godine dana, a
ostale kosti djetetu mlaem od deset godina.
Pronaeni su i fragmenti kostiju odrasle
osobe, i to fragmenti cjevastih kostiju i fra-
gment humerusa. Na nekim fragmentima du-
gih kostiju vidljiva su blae izvuena hvatita
miia. Zbog prevelike fragmentiranosti i deva-
stiranosti, ne moe se sa sigurnou utvrditi ni
spol ni dob ove osobe.
Sl./ Fig. 1
Analizom je utvreno da su se u ovoj ari
Ramus mandibule
djeteta mlaeg nalazile kosti najmanje triju osoba, i to: dvoje
od 1 god. djece i jedne odrasle osobe.
Ramus of the
mandible belonging
_ ara br. 2
to a child less than Pronaeni su fragmenti: lubanje, temporalne
12 months old. kosti s mastoidnim nastavkom, desnog dijela
maksile s fragmentom onjaka; sedam pos-
tmortalno ekstrahiranih zuba, fragmenti dugih
kostiju, bez izraenih miinih hvatita, fra-
gmenti rebara, falange, fragmenti kraljeaka.
Na kraljecima su vidljivi rubni osteofiti.
Detaljnim pregledom pronaenih kostiju
mogue je zakljuiti da se radi o osobi enskog
spola, starosti 25-34 godine.
Sl./ Fig. 2
Postmortalno
estrahirani zubi
iz are br 2.
Teeth extracted
postmortem from
urn no. 2.
_ ara br. 3
U ari su pronaeni fragmenti lubanje tanjeg
promjera, fragment humerusa bez distalnih i
proksimalnih dijelova te nekoliko fragmenata
cjevastih kostiju. Na temelju dimenzija prisut-
nih fragmenata procijenjeno je da se vjerojatno
radi o djetetu mlaem od 10 godina.
Takoer su pronaeni fragmenti femura, ra-
dijusa i ulne, te dva zuba, koji pripadaju odrasloj
Ivana Anteri
eljana Bai osobi. Detaljnim pregledom kostiju zakljueno
Ela kori
imun Anelinovi je kako se najvjerojatnije radi o enskoj osobi.
performed by using fine brush, because almost
all bones were crumbling when exposed to wa-
ter. None of the bones was preserved completely.
Four urns were anthropologically analyzed:
_ Urn no. 1
Skull fragments, long bone fragments with a
radius fragment and a mandible ramus were
found. All of these fragments belonged to sub-
adults. Mandible ramus belongs to a child who
was less than 12 months old, and the rest of the
bones belong to a child under the age of 10.
There were also fragments of bones of an
adult: fragments of long bones and a humerus
fragment. On some fragments there are less
pronounced muscular attachments. Due to
devastation and fragmentation of bones, age
and gender could not be determined.
Anthropologic anaylsis revealed that the
minimal number of individuals in this grave
was three: two children and one adult.
_ Urn no. 2
In this jar were the fragments of the following
bones: skull, temporal bone with mastoid proc-
ess, right part of maxilla with a canine in situ,
seven teeth extracted postmortem, fragments of
long bones with poorly pronounced muscular at-
tachments, rib fragments, phalanges, vertebrae
fragments. On the vertebrae fragments are the
osteophytes on the edges of the vertebrae body.
On the basis of examination of the morpho-
logical characteristic of bones, it was possible
to determine the age and gender of a person.
It was most likely a female, with the estimated
age at the time of death of 25 to 34.
_ Urn no. 3
Thick skull fragments, fragment of a humerus
without distal and proximal parts, and smaller
fragments of long bones were found in the grave.
Measurements of these fragments indicate that
they belong to a child under the age of 10.
 85

Sl./ Fig. 3
Kotani ostaci
djeteta iz are br. 3
Skeletal remains of a
child from the urn no. 3.

Analizom je utvreno da su se u ovoj ari na-
lazile kosti najmanje dvije osobe, i to: jednog
djeteta i jedne enske osobe.
_ ara br. 4
Sauvani su fragmenti lubanje, jedan fragment
zuba te humerus koji pripada odrasloj osobi,
nepoznatog spola i dobi.
Pronaen je i distalni dio humerusa koji
prema dimenzijama pripada djetetu starosti
5-15 godina.
Prisutni su i fragmenti drugih kostiju, naj-
veim dijelom cjevastih, pribline veliine 5 of death of 5 to 15.
cm, koji se ne mogu sa sigurnou pripojiti ni-
jednoj od ovih osoba.
Analizom je utvreno da su se u ovoj ari na-
lazile ostatci najmanje dviju osoba, i to: jednog
djeteta i jedne odrasle osobe.
Femur, radius, ulna fragments and two teeth
were also found. Morphological characteristics
suggest they belong to a female. Minimal
number of individuals in this grave is two: a
child and a female.
_ Urn no. 4
Skull fragments, a tooth fragment and a hu-
merus, all belonging to an adult of unknown
gender and age, were preserved.
Distal part of a humerus was also found, di-
mensions of which suggest the age at the time
Some smaller long bone fragments of maxi-
mum length of 5 cm have been found, which
can not be attributed to the listed persons in
this grave.
Analysis indicated that minimal number of
individuals in this grave was two: a child and
an adult. REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE
ANALIZE OSTEOLOKOG
MATERIJALA S TUMULA
JOKINA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE
OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
FROM THE TUMULUS OF
JOKINA GLAVICA
86
Sl./ Fig. 4 Osvrt na rezultate antropoloke analize
Kotani ostaci
iz are br. 4
Skeletal remains Analizirane su kosti iz etiri urne, u kojima se
from urn no. 4 nalaze etiri osobe, dvoje djece i dvije odrasle
osobe. Naime, arheolokim istraivanjem usta-
novljeno je da su urne pokopane istovremeno,
odnosno da je spaljivanje pokojnika bilo za-
jedniko. Najvjerojatnije je da su njihove kosti
potom ravnomjerno rasporeene u etiri urne.
Ovoj pretpostavci u prilog idu i rezultati antro-
poloke analize iz kojih je vidljivo kako se isto-
znane morfoloke znaajke kostiju pojavljuju
u svim urnama te odgovaraju etirima, odno-
sno trima osobama.
Jedno je dijete mlae od godine dana, dok
je drugo starosti 10 3 godina. Utvreno je
kako ostale kosti pripadaju enskoj osobi sta-
rosti 25-34 godine te odrasloj osobi nepozna-
tog spola i dobi.
Ivana Anteri
eljana Bai Djeca su umrla u ranom djetinjstvu (sred-
Ela kori
imun Anelinovi nja dob u trenutku smrti 5,25 godina), to it was not possible to determine age and gender.
Results overview
Results of the analysis of these four urns
suggest that minimal number of individuals in
them is four - two subadults and two adults.
In fact, archaeologists determined that these
four urns were buried at the same time, therefore
the cremation happened simultaneously. The
most probable scenario is that the remains
were divided into four urns subsequently.
These conclusions are supported by the results
of the anthropological analysis, which indicate
that same morphological characteristics occur
in all urns, and they correspond to four, that is
three buried persons.
In these four urns were two children: one less
than 12 months old, and the other aged 10 3
years. For one adult it was possible to determine
age and gender - these remains belong to a
female in the age of 25 to 34, for the other adult

govori u prilog zakljuku o slabijoj kvaliteti
ivota, podlonosti bolestima (vjerojatno in-
fekcijama) te loijoj zdravstvenoj skrbi. Tome
u prilog govori i injenica da je ena umrla u
mlaoj ivotnoj dobi.
Kod ene su vidljivi osteofiti na rubovima ti-
jela kraljeaka, koji mogu biti posljedica ili te-
eg fizikog rada kojem je osoba bila izloena
tijekom ivota ili starije ivotne dobi. Kako je
procijenjena dob u trenutku smrti za ovu enu
iznosila 25-34 godine, promjene na kraljecima
najvjerojatnije su posljedica fizikog rada kojem
je ova mlada osoba bila izloena tijekom ivota.
S obzirom na to da su kosti spaljene te izni-
mno devastirane i fragmentirane, nije mogue
utvrditi uzrok smrti. Istodobno sahranjivanje
kao i rezultati antropoloke analize mogli bi
upuivati na zajedniki uzrok smrti. Naalost,
zbog injenice da su kosti spaljene i iznimno
fragmentirane, nismo u mogunosti vidjeti po-
sljedice mogue bolesti (poput zaraze), odno-
sno traume na kotanome materijalu.
Literatura / Bibliography
W. M. Bass 1995 Human Osteology, Fourth edition, Missoury Archa-
eological Society, 1995.
E. E. HunT I. Gleiser 1955 The Estimation of Age and Sex of Preado-
lescent Children from Bones and Teeth, u: American Journal
of Physical Anthropology, 13, 1955., 479-487
W. M Krogman M.Y. Iscan 1986 W.M.Krogman, M.Y. Iscan, The
Human Skeleton in Forensic Medicine, Second Edition, by
Charles C. Thomas, 1986.
R.W. Mann D. R. Hunt 2005 Photographic Regional Atlas of Bone
Disease, A Guide to Pathologic and Normal Variation in the
Human Skeleton, Second Edition, Springfied, Illinois, 2005.
87
The children died in early childhood (average
age at the time of death was 5,25 years), which
can indicate more pronounced submissivenes
to illness (particularly infections), and poor
health care. It is indicative that the female also
died as a young individual.
On the osteological remains belonging
to a female, the osteophytes were visible on
vertebrae which in general indicate intense
activity or older age. As this woman was 25-
34 years old at the time of death, the findings
on vertebrae suggest harder labor during her
lifetime.
Since the bone material was cremated,
devastated and fragmented the cause of death
could not be determined. Simultaneous burying
and results of the anthropological analysis
could suggest the joint cause of the death. But,
the condition of material does not allow us to
see the traces of possible illness (like infection),
or traumas on the skeletal remains.
M. M. Maresh 1970 Measurments from Roentgenograms, u: Human
Growth and Development, Illinois, 1970.
T. W. Phenice 1969 A newly developed visual method of sexing the
os pubis, u: American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 30,
Hoboken, 1969., 297-301
D. H. Ubelaker 1999 Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis,
Interpretation, 1999.
D. Zeevi et al. 2004 Sudska medicina i deontologija, Medicinska
naklada, 2004.
Z. Zupani-Slavec 2004 New Method in Identifying Family Related
Skulls, Springer Wien New York, 2004.
REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE
ANALIZE OSTEOLOKOG
MATERIJALA S TUMULA
JOKINA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE
OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
FROM THE TUMULUS OF
JOKINA GLAVICA
Mario laus, Mario Novak,
eljka Bedi, Vlasta Vyroubal
Uvod
Bioarheologija je znanstvena disciplina koja
prouava ljudske osteoloke i dentalne ostat-
ke u kontekstu arheolokih istraivanja. Ona
daje uvid u uvjete i nain ivota arheolokih
populacija te slui kao potvrda i nadopuna ar-
heolokim i povijesnim podatcima. S obzirom
na to da pisani izvori o ruralnim starohrvat-
skim populacijama gotovo uope ne postoje, a
podatci o svakodnevnom ivotu kao to su to
prosjena starost, pojava zaraznih bolesti i pri-
sutnost meuljudskog nasilja nisu dostupni iz
povijesnih izvora i arheolokih artefakata, ova
vrsta istraivanja pokazala se nezamjenjivom u
pokuaju rekonstrukcije ivota naih predaka.
Do danas je objavljeno nekoliko radova i
jedna knjiga koji se bave bioarheolokim ka-
rakteristikama starohrvatskih populacija. .
Miki je opisao kraniometrijske osobine popu-
lacije iz Mravinaca kod Splita,1 M. tefani je
predoila rezultate antropoloke analize kota-
nog uzorka s nalazita Nin-drijac,2 dok je M.
laus objavio tri rada koji se bave kraniometrij-
skim odnosima izmeu starohrvatskih i drugih
ranosrednjovjekovnih europskih populacija.3
Nadalje, . Bedi i sur. opisali su paleodemo-
grafske i paleopatoloke karakteristike popula-
cije s nalazita Strane-Gorica,4 dok su M. No-
vak i sur. objavili rezultate svojeg istraivanja
starohrvatske populacije s nalazita Konjsko
polje-Livade.5 M. laus je u svojoj knjizi dao
prikaz rezultata bioarheolokih analiza etiriju
starohrvatskih grobalja (Donje polje kod ibe-
nika, Glavice kod Sinja, Radainovci i Velim)
1 . Miki, 1990.
2 M. tefani, 1995.
3 M. laus 1998, 2000; M. laus et al., 2004.
4 . Bedi et al., 2007.
5 M. Novak. et al., 2008.
Antropoloka analiza
starohrvatskogA kotanog uzorka
s nalazita Krneza-Jokina glavica
Anthropological analysis of the early
Croatian skeletal sample from
the Krneza-Jokina glavica site
Introduction
Bioarchaeology is a science that studies hu-
man skeletal and dental remains in the con-
text of archaeological research. It gives in-
sight to way of life of past populations, and
complements archaeological and historic
data. Considering that written sources on ru-
ral early Croatian populations are practically
non-existent, information such as average
life span, occurrence of contagious diseases,
or frequency of interpersonal violence are
indispensable in reconstructing lives of our
ancestors.
So far, several papers and one book dealing
with bioarchaeological characteristics of early
Croatian populations have been published.
Miki described craniometric characteristics
of an archaeological population from Mrav-
inci near Split,1 M. tefani presented results
of the anthropological analysis carried out on
the skeletal sample from the Nin-drijac site,2
while M. laus published three papers deal-
ing with craniometric relations between early
Croatian and other early Mediaeval European
populations.3 Bedi described paleodemo-
graphic and paleopathological characteristics
of the archaeological population that inhabited
the Strane-Gorica site,4 while Novak et al pub-
lished their results of the anthropological anal-
yses carried out on the skeletal remains recov-
ered in the Konjsko polje-Livade site.5 M. laus
presented results of anthropological analyses
of four early Croatian cemeteries (Donje polje
near ibenik, Glavice near Sinj, Radainovci
1 . Miki, 1990.
2 M. tefani, 1995.
3 M. laus 1998., 2000.; M. laus et al., 2004.
4 . Bedi et al., 2007
5 M. Novak. et al., 2008.
90
koja predstavljaju najraniji horizont ranosred-
njovjekovne hrvatske populacije6 Analiza tih
grobalja dala je relevantnu i objektivnu sliku o
uvjetima i kvaliteti ivota prvih Hrvata koji su
naselili istonojadransku obalu.
Materijal i metode
Ljudski kotani ostatci opisani u ovom lan-
ku otkopani su tijekom 2007. u sklopu arheo-
lokih istraivanja na poloaju Jokina glavica
smjetenom 15 km sjeveroistono od Zadra.
Iskopavanja je vodio prof. dr. Brunislav Ma-
rijanovi s Odjela za arheologiju Sveuilita u
Zadru. Analizirane kosti potjeu iz grobova 2,
6, 8, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 i 19.
Kosti su nakon iskopavanja prevezene u la-
boratorij Odsjeka za arheologiju Hrvatske aka-
demije znanosti i umjetnosti u Zagrebu, gdje
su oprane, osuene i (gdje je to bilo mogue)
rekonstruirane. Za svaki uzorak prikupljeni su
podatci o tafonomskim karakteristikama te,
ako je to bilo mogue, podatci o spolu, starosti
u trenutku smrti i eventualnoj prisutnosti pato-
lokih promjena.
Budui da je kotani materijal iznimno fra-
gmentiran i loe sauvan, prilikom odreivanja
spola i starosti u trenutku smrti koriten je ve-
lik broj razliitih kriterija. U osteolokom uzor-
ku iz Krneze spol je odreivan na temelju mor-
fologije lubanje i zdjelice,7 a u sluajevima kada
te metode nisu bile primjenjive, spol je odreen
na temelju robusnosti/gracilnosti kostiju. Do-
ivljena starost odreena je na temelju srasta-
nja kranijalnih i maksilarnih avova,8 promje-
na na aurikularnoj plohi zdjelice9 i istroenosti
griznih ploha zuba.10 Starost djejih kostura
procijenjena je na temelju kronologije razvoja i
rasta mlijenih i stalnih zuba, stupnja osifikaci-
je kostiju i duine dijafiza dugih kostiju.11
S obzirom na fragmentiranost i lou uuva-
nost kotanog materijala, antropoloka analiza
fokusirala se na zube i patoloke promjene koje
se pojavljuju na zubima: alveolarne bolesti, ka-
rijes i hipoplazija zubne cakline.
6 M. laus, 2006.
7 W. M. Bass, 1995; W. M. Krogman M. Y.Ican, 1986.
Mario laus 8 R. W. Mann R. L. Jantz, 1988; R. S. Meindl - C. O. Lovejoy, 1985.
Mario Novak 9 C. O. Lovejoy et al., 1985.
eljka Bedi 10 C. O. Lovejoy et al., 1985.
Vlasta Vyroubal 11 W. M. Bass, 1995; L. Scheuer S. Black, 2000.
and Velim near Zadar).6 Analyses of these cem-
eteries gave a relevant and objective image on
way and quality of life of the first Croats that
have inhabited the eastern Adriatic coast.
Materials and methods
Human skeletal remains described in this pa-
per have been unearthed during the 2007 ar-
chaeological research of the Jokina glavica site.
The site is located 15 km northeast of Zadar.
The research was conducted by Prof. Brunislav
Marjanovi of the Departement of Archaeol-
ogy, University of Zadar. Analysed bones come
from graves: 2, 6, 8, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,
and 19.
The bones have been transported to the
laboratory of Department of Archaeology,
Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The
bones were cleaned and, where possible, re-
constructed. Data on taphonomic characteris-
tics, as well as sex, age-at-death, and possible
pathological changes have been gathered for
each individual.
Since the skeletal material was extremely
fragmented and poorly preserved, in order to
determine sex of an individual with the high-
est possible accuracy, several different criteria
were used. These criteria included differences
in the morphology of skull and pelvic bones
between males and females.7 In cases were
those methods were not applicable due to the
fragmentation and poor preservationn of the
remains, sex was determent based on the ro-
busticity or the gracility of bones. Age-at-death
was determined based on the union of cranial
and maxillary sutures,8 age related changes in
the auricular surface of the pelvis9 and dental
wear.10 Age-at-death in subadults was deter-
mined based on the chronology of formation
and growth of deciduous and permanent teeth,
epiphyseal union, and diaphyseal length.11
As the material was so fragmented and
poorly preserved the anthropological analysis
focused on the dental material and pathologi-
6 M. laus, 2006.
7 W. M. Bass, 1995.; W. M. Krogman M. Y.Ican, 1986.
8 R. W. Mann R. L. Jantz, 1988.; R. S. Meindl - C. O. Lovejoy, 1985.
9 C. O. Lovejoy et al., 1985
10 C. O. Lovejoy et al., 1985
11 W. M. Bass, 1995.; L. Scheuer S. Black, 2000.

Alveolarne bolesti definiraju se kao prisut-
nost periodontalnog ili periapikalnog apscesa
i/ili zaivotni gubitak zuba. Alveolarni apsces
se pojavljuje kada se bakterije iz kariozne lezije
na zubu proire u alveolu, a morfoloki se pre-
poznaje po defektu na kosti koji nastaje kada
gnojna tekuina iz apscesa napravi otvor za
otjecanje u kost. Zahvaeni zub obino odumire
ili biva izvaen - prirodnim putem ili kirurki,
dok se alveola s vremenom remodelira.12 Zai-
votni gubitak zuba dijagnosticiran je u sluaju
progresivnog resorpcijskog unitenja alveole13 i
remodeliranja alveolarne kosti.
Zubni karijes zarazna je bolest koju karak-
terizira demineralizacija anorganskog dijela i
unitenje organskog dijela zuba. Oboljenje je
zarazno i prenosivo, a po svojoj je prirodi pro-
gresivno jer odravanje istih uvjeta koji su do-
veli do pojave karijesa u konanici dovodi do
potpunog unitenja zuba.14 Karijes se na arheo-
lokom materijalu prepoznaje po karakteristi-
nim defektima koje stvara na kruni ili korijenu
zuba. Prisutnost karijesa dijagnosticirana je
makroskopski, pod jakim svjetlom, uz pomo
dentalne probe.
Hipoplazija zubne cakline (HZC) prepoznaje
se kao makroskopski defekt na povrini zubne
cakline,15 i to najee kao niz tankih paralelnih
linija s labijalne strane zuba. Rije je o subadul-
tnom poremeaju koji nastaje zbog akutnih, vre-
menski ogranienih stresova i najee se pove-
zuje s gladovanjem, nedostatkom vitamina A, C i
D, prisutnou anemije i psihikom i/ili fizikom
traumom.16 HZC je pouzdan pokazatelj nespeci-
finog stresa tijekom djetinjstva (od roenja do
po prilici 13. godine ivota, tj. u razdoblju stva-
ranja zubne cakline). Podatci o uestalosti HZC
prikupljani su samo kod odraslih osoba.
12 M. laus, 2006.
13 J. R. Lukacs, 1989.
14 J. J. Pindborg, 1970.
15 Ibid.
16 A. H. Goodman G. J. Armelagos, 1985.; A. H. Goodman J. C. Rose,
1991; A. H. Goodman et al., 1980.
91
cal changes that can be seen on teeth: alveolar
disease, caries, and linear enamel hypoplasia.
Alveolar disease is defined as the pres-
ence of periodontal or periapical abscess and/
or antemortem tooth loss. Alveolar abscess is
caused by the bacteria from the carious cavity
spreading into the alveolus. Morphologically, it
is recognised as a bone defect which is formed
when pus from the abscess creates cloacae for
drainage. The affected tooth usually rots away
and falls out or is surgically removed, while the
alveolus remodels with time.12 Antemortem
Sl./ Fig. 1
tooth loss was diagnosed in case of progressive Karijes na treem
resorption alveolar destruction and remod- kutnjaku gornje
eljusti, grob 14
eling of the alveolar bone.
Carious lesion on
Tooth caries is an infectious disease charac- the third maxillary
terised by demineralisation of the organic and molar, Grave 14
the destruction of the inorganic part of the tooth. fotografija / photo: V. Vyroubal
The disease is contagious and progressive, and
eventually results in complete tooth destruction.
Caries is detected by typical defects on the tooth
crown or the tooth root.13 The presence of car-
ies was diagnosed macroscopically, under bright
light, with the help of a dental probe.
Linear enamel hypoplasia (LEH) is defined
as a macroscopic defect on the surface of the
tooth enamel,14 most often in the form of sev-
eral thin parallel lines on the labial side of the
tooth. It is a subadult disorder which is a re-
sult of acute, temporally limited stressful pe-
riods that are most commonly related to star-
Sl./ Fig. 2
vation, insufficient intake of vitamins A, C and
Linearna hipoplazija
D, anaemia, and physiological and/or physical zubne cakline na
trauma.15 Linear enamel hypoplasia is a reliable prvom sjekutiu
indicator of non-specific stress during child- gornje eljusti
Linear enamel
hood (birth to approximately 13 years of age, hypoplasia on the
i.e. period of dental enamel formation). Data fist maxillary incisor
on LEH was collected only in adult skeletons. fotografija / photo: V. Vyroubal
Antropoloka analiza
starohrvatskogA
kotanog uzorka
s nalazita Krneza-
Jokina glavica
12 M. laus, 2006. Anthropological analysis
13 J. J. Pindborg, 1970. of the early Croatian
14 Ibid. skeletal sample from
15 A. H. Goodman G. J. Armelagos, 1985.; A. H. Goodman J. C. Rose, the Krneza-Jokina
1991.; A. H. Goodman et al.., 1980. glavica site
92

Grob 2
Uuvanost korteksa: vrlo loa.
Spol: nije mogue odrediti.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
vie od 40 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 2
Cortex preservation: very poor.
Sex: undeterminable.
Age-at-death: over 40 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.

Grob 6
Uuvanost korteksa: vrlo loa.
Spol: nije mogue odrediti.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
nije mogue odrediti.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 6
Cortex preservation: very poor.
Sex: undeterminable.
Age-at-death: undeterminable.
Pathological changes: not detected.

Grob 8
Uuvanost korteksa: loa.
Spol: ena.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
vie od 25 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 8
Cortex preservation: poor.
Sex: female.
Age-at-death: over 25 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.
 93

Grob 10
Uuvanost korteksa: vrlo loa.
Spol: ena.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
18 do 25 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 10
Cortex preservation: very poor.
Sex: female.
Age-at-death: 18 to 25 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.

Grob 12
Uuvanost korteksa: vrlo loa.
Spol: nije mogue odrediti.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
35 do 45 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 12
Cortex preservation: very poor.
Sex: undeterminable.
Age-at-death: 35 to 45 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.

Grob 13
Uuvanost korteksa: vrlo loa.
Spol: ena.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
20 do 30 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 13
Cortex preservation: very poor.
Sex: female.
Age-at-death: 20 to 30 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.
94

Grob 14
Uuvanost korteksa: vrlo loa.
Spol: nije mogue odrediti.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
vie od 35 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 14
Cortex preservation: very poor.
Sex: undeterminable.
Age-at-death: over 35 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.

Grob 15
Uuvanost korteksa: vrlo loa.
Spol: dijete.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
8 do 12 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 15
Cortex preservation: very poor.
Sex: subadult.
Age-at-death: 8 to 12 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.

Grob 16
Uuvanost korteksa: vrlo loa.
Spol: najvjerojatnije ena.
Starost u trenutku smrti: vie od 45 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 16
Cortex preservation: very poor.
Sex: most probably female.
Age-at-death: over 45 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.
 95

Grob 17
Uuvanost korteksa: loa.
Spol: nije mogue odrediti.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
vie od 45 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 17
Cortex preservation: poor.
Sex: undeterminable.
Age-at-death: over 45 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.

Grob 18
Uuvanost korteksa: loa.
Spol: mukarac.
Starost u trenutku smrti: 40 do 50 godina.
Patoloke promjene: antemortalna depresijska
fraktura, veliine 2014 mm, prisutna je na desnoj
strani eone kosti; trauma nije probila svod lubanje, no
na endokranijalnoj je strani kost naglaeno izboena.

Grave 18
Cortex preservation: poor.
Sex: male.
Age-at-death: 40 to 50 years.
Pathological changes: antemortem depressed frac-
ture (2014 mm in dimension) on the right side of the
frontal bone; the impact had not penetrated the cranium
but there is some protrusion on the endocranial side.

Grob 19
Uuvanost korteksa: loa.
Spol: mukarac.
Starost u trenutku smrti:
vie od 40 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu prisutne.

Grave 19
Cortex preservation: poor.
Sex: male.
Age-at-death: over 40 years.
Pathological changes: not detected.
96
* * *
Skeletni uzorak s nalazita Krneza-Jokina gla-
vica sastoji se od 12 kostura, ali kod samo pet
kostura bilo je mogue tono odrediti spol (jed-
no dijete, tri ene i dva mukarca; tablica 1).
Kod ostalih kostura to naalost nije bilo mogu-
e uiniti zbog fragmentiranosti i iznimno loe
sauvanosti. Zbog istog razloga veini kostura
nije se mogla precizno odrediti starost u tre-
nutku smrti, tako da je u veini sluajeva dan
vrlo irok vremenski interval (npr. 35-45 ili
45+). Prosjene doivljene starosti u trenutku
smrti takoer su prikazane u tablici 1.
Od uoenih patologija u uzorku iz Krneze
najee su alveolarne bolesti (zaivotni gubi-
tak zuba). Ukupna uestalost te patoloke pro-
mjene u Krnezi iznosi 5,2 % (5/96). Sve alveo-
larne bolesti zabiljeene su na kosturu mukar-
ca starijeg od 40 godina iz groba 19.
Ukupna uestalost karijesa iznosi 3,3 %
(5/150), a karijesi su zamijeeni i kod muka-
raca i kod ena (tablica 2). Kariozne promjene
pojavljuju se na razliitim mjestima na zubu:
dva su prisutna na okluzalnoj, jedan na lingval-
noj, jedan na interproksimalnoj plohi zuba te
jedan na korijenu zuba.
Hipoplazija zubne cakline prisutna je na
55,5 % analiziranih zuba (5/9), a hipoplastini
defekti najee se pojavljuju na sjekutiima i
onjacima gornje eljusti (66,7 %).
Osim dentalnih patologija u uzorku s nala-
zita Krneza-Jokina glavica prisutna je i jedna
fraktura. Rije je o plitkoj antemortalnoj de-
presijskoj frakturi ovalnog oblika, veliine 20
14 mm, koja se nalazi na desnoj strani eone
kosti starijeg mukarca iz groba 18.
Rasprava i zakljuak
Kao to je ve nekoliko puta istaknuto, glavna
odlika ljudskog kotanog materijala s nalazita
Krneza-Jokina glavica jest vrlo loa uuvanost
i iznimna fragmentiranost, to je onemoguilo
provedbu veine antropolokih analiza koje se
inae u ovakvim sluajevima standardno pro-
vode. Koji su razlozi loe uuvanosti kostiju u
ovom uzorku, nije mogue sa sigurnou utvr-
Mario laus
Mario Novak
diti, no najvjerojatnije je rije o nekoliko im-
eljka Bedi benika, kao to su kemijski sastav tla (izraena
Vlasta Vyroubal
* * *
Skeletal sample from the Krneza-Jokina glavi-
ca site consist of the total of 12 skeletons. Un-
fortunately, due to the poor preservation of the
remains, it was possible to determine sex with
certainty in only 5 individuals. For the same
reason, it was not possible in most cases to de-
termine age-at-death more accurately (age-at-
death was ascertained in a wider range e.g. 35
to 45 years, or over 45 years). Average age-at-
death is shown in Table1.
Most common pathology noted in the Krn-
eza sample is alveolar disease (antemortem
tooth loss). The total frequency of this patho-
logical change in the Krneza sample is 5.2%
(5/96). All of the alveolar pathological changes
have been noted in a male skeleton older than
40 years at time of death from grave 9.
A total frequency of caries is 3.2% (5/150).
Carious lesions have been noted in males as
well as females, and occur in different tooth
locations: two occlusal, one lingual, one inter-
proximal, and one root caries.
Linear enamel hypoplasia is present in
55.5% of analysed teeth (5/9), and occurs most
commonly on maxillary incisors and canines
(66.7%).
Apart from dental pathologies, one antemor-
tem trauma was noted in the Krneza-Jokina
glavica skeletal sample. It is a relatively shallow
depressed fracture, oval in shape (2014 mm
in dimension) on the right side of the frontal
bone. The trauma was noted on a male skeleton
from grave 18.
Discussion and Conclusion
As mentioned above, the main feature of the
skeletal material from the Krneza-Jokina
glavica site was the poor preservation and ex-
treme fragmentation of the remains. For this
reason it was not possible to include some of
the standard anthropological analyses. It is not
certain why the bones are so poorly preserved,
but the most probable reasons are the acidity
of the soil, animal activity, and one cannot ex-
clude human devastation of the terrain.
A small number of skeletons with accu-
rately determined sex and age-at-death made

kiselost), djelovanje atmosferskih prilika, ero-
zija i ivotinjska aktivnost, a ne moe se isklju-
iti ni devastacija izazvana ljudskom rukom.
Iznimno malen broj kostura kojima je bilo
mogue precizno odrediti spol i starost one-
moguuje donoenje realnih pretpostavki o de-
mografskim kretanjima u Krnezi. No, premda
manjkavi, podatci o prosjenom ivotnom vije-
ku odraslih osoba u Krnezi (veina osoba ivjela
je izmeu 30 i 45 godina, a ni jedna osoba nije
pokazivala znakove starosti iznad 60 godina) ne
odudaraju bitno od prosjenih vrijednosti koje
su zabiljeene na drugim starohrvatskim nalazi-
tima, kao to su Konjsko polje-Livade (mukar-
ci 41,2 godine, ene 38,9 godina),17 Strane-Gori-
ca18 (mukarci 35,9 godina, ene 38,1 godina) te
u kompozitnom uzorku koji ine nalazita Donje
polje kod ibenika, Glavice, Radainovci i Ve-
lim (mukarci 40,0 godina, ene 39,7 godina).19
Iako je analizirani dentalni uzorak s nala-
zita Krneza-Jokina glavica po svojem opsegu
malen (samo 96 alveola i 150 zuba), ipak nam
omoguuje djelomian uvid u prehrambene na-
vike ranosrednjovjekovnih stanovnika Krneze.
Ukupne uestalosti alveolarnih bolesti (5,2 %) i
karijesa (3,3 %) znatno su nie od uestalosti tih
patologija u drugim starohrvatskim uzorcima
koje se kreu izmeu 9,1 % i 17,6 % za alveolarne
bolesti te izmeu 7,1 % i 13,3 % za karijese. Te
razlike mogle bi biti posljedica malog analizira-
nog uzorka iz Krneze koji je podloan sluaj-
nim statistikim varijacijama, ali i razlikama u
prehrani izmeu zajednica koje su obitavale na
ovom podruju tijekom ranoga srednjeg vijeka.
Naime, brojna su istraivanja pokazala da su
niske uestalosti karijesa i alveolarnih bolesti
karakteristine za skupine ija se prehrana te-
meljila na lovu i konzumiranju mesa,20 dok su
visoke uestalosti tih patologija karakteristine
za skupine koje u prehrani primarno ovise o
razliitim itaricama. Prehrana koja je temelje-
na na lovu, sadri mnogo manje eera i mno-
go vie bjelanevina od prehrane temeljene na
itaricama, to smanjuje uestalost karijesa jer
sadri bitno manje ugljikohidrata, povisuje pH
vrijednost sline i krae se vrijeme zadrava u
ustima. U tom je kontekstu mogue da se ba-
17 M. Novak et al., 2008.
18 . Bedi et al., 2007.
19 M. laus, 2006.
20 D. W. Frayer, 1984; C. S. Larsen et al., 1991.
97
it impossible to make relevant hypothesis on
demographic trends of the Krneza archaeologi-
cal population. Even though the sample is so
small, data on the average age-at-death (most
individuals lived between 30 and 45 years,
while no individuals lived to be 60) does cor-
respond to average age-at-death noted in oth-
er early Croatian archaeological sites, such as
Konjsko polje-Livade (41.2 years for males;
38.9 for females),16 Strane-Gorica (35.9
males; 38.1 females)17, as well with the com-
posite sample consisting of Donje polje near
ibenik, Glavice, Radainovci, and Velim (40
males; 39.7 females)18.
Even though the Krneza dental sample is
small (96 alveoli; 150 teeth) it still gives par-
tial understanding of the dietary habits of the
early mediaeval population from Krneza. To-
tal frequencies of alveolar disease and carious
lesions are considerably lower than in other
early Croatian samples, whose values range
between 9.1% and 17.6% for the alveolar dis-
ease, and between 7.1% and 13.3% for carious
lesions. These differences could be the result
of the small Krneza sample which is (due to its
size) susceptible to statistical variations, but
also it could be a consequence of dietary and
nutritional differences between early mediae-
val populations which inhabited this region.
Several researches indicated that low frequen-
cies or caries and alveolar disease are charac-
teristic to populations whose diet was based on
hunting and meat consumption,19 while high
frequencies of the mentioned pathologies are
characteristic to populations whose diet was
based primarily on cereals. Nutrition based
on hunting contains fewer sugars and a lot
more proteins, which reduces the risk of car-
ies because nutrition based on meat contains
considerably less carbohydrates and regulates
PH value of the saliva. In this context, one can
presume that at least one part of the population
from Krneza based their diet on hunting, which
would explain considerably lower frequencies
of alveolar disease and carious lesions com-
pared to other early Croatian skeletal samples. Antropoloka analiza
starohrvatskogA
kotanog uzorka
s nalazita Krneza-
Jokina glavica
Anthropological analysis
16 M. Novak et al., 2008. of the early Croatian
17 . Bedi et al., 2007. skeletal sample from
18 M. laus, 2006. the Krneza-Jokina
19 D. W. Frayer, 1984.; C. S. Larsen et al., 1991. glavica site
98
rem dio prehrane populacije iz Krneze temeljio
na lovu, to bi objasnilo znatno niu uestalost
alveolarnih bolesti i karijesa u odnosu na dru-
ge starohrvatske kotane uzorke. No, u sada-
njem stanju istraenosti takve interpretacije ne
mogu se sa sigurnou potvrditi.
Hipoplazija zubne cakline u Krnezi zabiljee-
na je na vie od polovice analiziranih zuba, to je
znatno vie od uestalosti te patoloke promjene
koje su zabiljeene u drugim starohrvatskim ko-
tanim uzorcima kao to su to Konjsko polje-Li-
vade 20,1 %21 i starohrvatski kompozitni uzorak
40,2 %.22 Visoka uestalost HZC u Krnezi suge-
rira da je vei udjel osoba koje su ivjele u toj za-
jednici doivio snaan metaboliki stres tijekom
djetinjstva, moda tijekom razdoblja dojenja. Na-
ime, neki autori uoili su da se u sjedilakim po-
pulacijama najvie hipoplastinih defekata stvara
izmeu prve i tree godine ivota, tj. u razdoblju
prelaska s prehrane sterilnim majinim mlijekom
na prehranu bogatu mikroorganizmima.23 Uz to,
visoka uestalost HZC mogla bi takoer biti po-
sljedica loih higijenskih i sanitarnih uvjeta u tom
podruju tijekom ranoga srednjeg vijeka. No, i
ovdje je potrebno naglasiti da je rije o malom
analiziranom uzorku koji je podloan statistikim
varijacijama, pa je sve zakljuke izvedene iz ove
analize potrebno uzeti s dozom opreza.
U analiziranom uzorku od patolokih je pro-
mjena zabiljeena i jedna antemortalna trauma
ovalnog oblika na eonoj kosti odraslog mu-
karca. Prema Wellsu takav tip traume moe
prouzroiti nenamjeran udarac u glavu tupim
predmetom, pad i udarac glavom u rub stola i/
ili ozljeda u oruanom sukobu uzrokovana tono
usmjerenim projektilom iz prake.24 Naalost, s
obzirom na stupanj naeg znanja o starohrvat-
skoj populaciji iz Krneze, u ovom se trenutku ne
moe rei koji je od ovih scenarija izgledniji.
Umjesto zakljuka moglo bi se napomenuti
da je unato vrlo looj uuvanosti ljudskoga
kotanog materijala s nalazita Krneza-Jokina
glavica provedba detaljne antropoloke analize
rasvijetlila neke do danas nepoznate aspekte o
ivotu te ranosrednjovjekovne zajednice i pro-
irila nae ukupno znanje o nainu i uvjetima
ivota starohrvatskih populacija.
Mario laus 21 M. Novak et al., 2007.
Mario Novak 22 M. laus, 2006.
eljka Bedi 23 A. H. Goodman, 1988; K. M. Lanphear, 1990.
Vlasta Vyroubal 24 C. Wells, 1982.
Frequency of linear enamel hypoplasia in the
Krneza sample was observed in more than half
of analysed teeth, which is substantially high-
er than in other early corresponding Croatian
skeletal samples, such as Konjsko polje-Livade;
20.1%20 and the early Croatian composite sam-
ple; 40.2%21. High frequency of LEH in the
Krneza site suggests that majority of the people
experienced some sort of metabolic stress dur-
ing infancy, most probably during the weaning
period. In sedentary populations most of LEH
is formed between 1st and 3rd year of life, i.e.
the period of weaning when the infants nutri-
tion is switched from sterile mothers milk to
nutrition rich with microorganisms .22 The high
frequency of LEH could as well be the result of
poor hygienic and sanitary conditions of in that
area during the Middle Ages. Nevertheless, it is
necessary to emphasize that the sample includ-
ed in this research is rather small and therefore
susceptible to statistical variations.
In the entire analysed sample only one an-
temortem trauma (located on the frontal bone
of an adult male) had been noted. According to
Wells this type of trauma can be the result of
an accidental blow to the head by a blunt ob-
ject (e.g. a fall resulting in the subject hitting
their head on the edge of the table or any hard
surface). Also, such injury could be caused by
a projectile weapon, such as a slingshot, used
in armed conflict.23 Unfortunately, considering
the extent of our knowledge of early Croatian
population from Krneza, one can not be certain
which of these scenarios is most probable.
Instead of making such assumptions, it is
necessary to emphasize that despite the poor
standard of preservation of the human skeletal
remains from the Krneza site, detailed anthro-
pological analyses have shed light on some, so
far unknown aspects of life in this Early Medi-
aeval community.
20 M. Novak et al., 2007.
21 M. laus, 2006.
22 A. H. Goodman, 1988; K. M. Lanphear, 1990.
23 C. Wells, 1982.
 99
tablica/ table 1
Distribucija spola i starosti po grobovima
Distribution of sex and age-at-death

Grob Spol Starost

2 neodrediv 40+
6 neodrediv neodrediva
8 ena 25+
10 ena 18-25
12 neodrediv 35-45
13 ena 20-30
14 neodrediv 35+
15 dijete 8-12
16 najvjerojatnije ena 45+
17 neodrediv 45+
18 mukarac 40-50
19 mukarac 40+

tablica/ table 2
Uestalost alveolarnih bolesti i karijesa na nalazitu Krneza-Jokina glavica
Frequency of alveolar disease and carious lesions

Djeca ene Mukarci Neodredivo Ukupno

n/N % n/N % n/N % n/N % n/N %

Alveolarne
0/0 0,0 0/34 0,0 5/59 8,5 0/3 0,0 5/96 5,2
bolesti

Karijesi 0/0 0,0 1/41 2,4 2/46 4,3 2/63 3,2 5/150 3,3

n=broj alveola zahvaenih alveolarnim oboljenjem ili broj zuba zahvaenih karijesom; N=broj pregledanih
alveola ili zuba; %= postotak od alveola zahvaenih alveolarnim oboljenjem ili od zuba zahvaenih karijesom

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plasias as indicators of stress in three prehistoric populations
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D. W. Frayer 1984 Tooth size, oral pathology and class distinctions:
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K. M. Lanphear 1990 Frequency and Distribution of Enamel Hypo-
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Mario laus
Mario Novak
eljka Bedi
Vlasta Vyroubal
M. Novak V. Vyroubal . Bedi M. laus 2008 Antropolo-
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135-202.
Karla Gusar, Dario Vujevi
Tumul Duevia glavica nalazi se na istaknu-
tom poloaju 250 metara sjeveroistono od cr-
kve Gospe od Sniga u Krnezi. Arheoloka istra-
ivanja provedena su u svibnju 2008. godine
(sl. 1).1 Na prvi pogled inilo se da je tumul ve-
likih dimenzija, jer je okolni prostor u prolosti
poprilino erodiran, pa je zbog toga zapadna i
sjeverna periferija tumula za oko 2 metra iznad
prvotne povrine prostora na kojemu je tumul
podignut. To je posve jasno vidljivo na junom
dijelu tumula.
Sam humak bio je obrastao u nisko grmlje i
nekoliko manjih stabala, to je utjecalo na ou-
vanost povrinskih slojeva nasipa. K tome je na
njegovom sreditu postavljena geodetska to-
ka, ukopana u jamu promjera 100 cm i dubine
100 cm. Pritom je uniten dio srednjovjekov-
noga groba 6.
Korpus tumula u cijelosti je zemljani, a na-
sut je na podlozi od nabijenoga sitnog kamenja.
Kao kod ostalih tumula na ovom podruju i ov-
dje su, nakon skidanja povrinskog sloja, otkri-
1 Istraivanja su provedena u razdoblju od 7. do 31. svibnja 2008. pod vod-
stvom B. Marijanovia, a lanove strune ekipe inili su K. Gusar i D. Vuje-
vi, te studenti arheologije I., II., III. i IV. godine Sveuilita u Zadru.
DUEVIA GLAVICA
DUEVIA GLAVICA
The tumulus of Duevia glavica is situated on
a prominent position 250 m north-east of the
church of Gospe od Sniga (Our Lady of Snow)
in Krneza. Archaeological research was con-
ducted in May 2008 (Fig. 1).1 At first sight it
seemed that this was quite large tumulus be-
cause the surrounding area was heavily eroded
in the past making the western and northern
Sl./ Fig. 1
periphery of the tumulus about 2 m higher than
Duevia glavica prije
the original surface of the area on which the tu- i poslije iskopavanja
mulus was raised. This situation is clearly vis- Duevia glavica
before and after
ible on the southern segment of the tumulus. the excavation
The tumulus was covered with low bushes and
several smaller trees which affected the state of
preservation of the surface layers of the fill. In ad-
dition, a geodetic point was put in its center, dug
into a hole 100 cm deep with diameter of 100 cm.
Thereby a part of medieval grave 6 was destroyed.
The tumulus consists solely of earth, and it
was raised on the basis of hard-packed small
stones. Remains of medieval graves were dis-
covered after the surface layer was removed as
1 The research was conducted in the period from the 7th to 31st May 2008
under the leadership of B. Marijanovi, and the professional team consi-
sted of K. Gusar and D. Vujevi as well as the students of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd
and 4th year of the University of Zadar.
102
Sl./ Fig. 2
Prapovijesni grob 6a u
obliku kamene krinje
Prehistoric grave 6a in
the form of a stone cist
Karla Gusar
Dario Vujevi
veni ostatci srednjovjekovnih grobova. No, s
obzirom na njihov poloaj i injenicu da su se
nalazili na samoj povrini, od jednog dijela sa-
uvana je tek poneka kost ili dio arhitekture.
Uokolo grobova, na ovoj razini nasipa tumula
pronaeni su ostatci srednjovjekovne kerami-
ke i fragmenti metalnih predmeta. Bolja situa-
cija bila je u kvadrantima II. i III., gdje je neto
vei nasip ouvao ostatke tri srednjovjekovna
i jednoga prapovijesnoga groba. Na humku je
pronaeno ukupno jedanaest grobova, od ko-
jih dva pripadaju prapovijesnom (grobovi 6a i
10), a devet ranosrednjovjekovnom razdoblju
(gr. 1-9).
Prapovijesni grob (grob 6a) ve se svojom
arhitekturom razlikovao od ostalih, iako se
nalazio u istoj razini s dva srednjovjekovna
ukopa. Rije je o kamenoj krinji koja se sa-
stoji od dvije vee ploe na bonim i dvije ma-
nje na poprenim stranicama (sl. 2, T. III, 1).
Dimenzije groba iznose 120 x 96 cm, a dubina
80 cm. Dno kamene krinje obrubljeno je ve-
im kamenjem i ispunjeno nabojem od sitnog
kamenja. Na vee, rubno kamenje poloene su
ploe koje tvore okvir grobne konstrukcije.
Na samom dnu pronaeni su ostatci pokoj-
nika (sl. 3). Na prvi pogled kosti su odavale
dojam da je ukop djelomino dislociran, prije
svega zbog dijelova lubanje koji su se nalazili
na razliitim mjestima. Antropoloka analiza
meutim potvrdila je da se zapravo u grobu
nalaze kosti dvaju pokojnika.2 Sauvaniji ukop
pripada mukarcu robusnijeg izgleda starom
2 Antropoloke analize izvrene su na Zavodu za patologiju, sudsku medici-
nu i citologiju, KBC-a Split. Usporediti poglavlje I. Anteri et al. o Due-
via glavici.
was the case with other tumuli in this region.
However considering their position and the fact
that they were located on the surface, the only
preserved remains of some of them were few
bones or parts of architecture. Remains of medi-
eval pottery and fragments of metal objects were
found on this level of the tumulus fill around the
graves. Somewhat better situation was found in
quadrants II and III where thicker fill preserved
remains of one prehistoric and three medieval
graves. Total of eleven graves was found in the
tumulus, two of which belong to the prehistoric
period (graves 6a and 10), and nine to the early
medieval period (graves 1-9).
Prehistoric grave (grave 6a) was different
than the others by its architecture although it
was at the same level with two medieval buri-
als. It was a stone cist consisting of two greater
slabs at the sides and two smaller slabs on the
ends (Fig. 2, Pl. III, 1). Dimensions of the grave
measure 120 x 96 cm, with the depth of 80 cm.
Bottom of the stone cist was lined with larger
stones and filled with small stones. Slabs form-
ing a framework of the grave construction were
laid onto larger, peripheral stones.
Remains of the deceased were found at
the very bottom (Fig. 3). At first sight bones
seemed to indicate that the burial was par-
tially dislocated, first and foremost due to the
skull fragments which were found at different
places. However anthropological analysis con-
firmed that there were bones of two deceased
persons in the grave.2 The burial which was
2 Anthropological analyses were conducted at the Department of Patholo-
gy, Court Medicine and Cytology, within Clinical Hospital Split. Cf. chapter
I. Anteri et al. on anthropological analysis of human remains.

od 50 do 64 godine. Pokojnik je postavljen u
zgreni poloaj na desnom boku. Od drugoga
ukopa pronaen je tek fragment radijusa ili
ulne i deset zuba. Kosti pripadaju enskoj osobi
mlae ivotne dobi (20 do 34 godine).
to se tie pomaka pojedinih kostiju, nije is-
kljueno - tovie, budui da ovaj grob okruu-
ju dva srednjovjekovna ukopa, vrlo je vjerojat-
no - da je prilikom ukapanja u srednjem vijeku
uniten dio prapovijesnog ukopa. Nije iskljue-
no ni da je tada iz groba izbaena bronana igla
sa zadebljanim vratom i bikoninom glavom,
pronaena u blizini groba.
Pokapanje dvaju pokojnika u istom grobu
moe ukazivati na dvije situacije. Kod prve su
oba pokojnika bila pokopana u isto vrijeme, a
kod druge su pokopi sukcesivni, pri emu se
kosti starijeg ukopa obino pomaknu ustranu
da bi se napravilo mjesta za novi ukop. Tek ne-
koliko sauvanih kostiju jednog od pokojnika
moglo bi ukazivati na sukcesivno pokapanje,
ali na osnovi zateenog stanja teko je donositi
bilo kakve konane zakljuke. Za obje situacije
postoji niz primjera na ovom podruju, a naj-
bolji dolaze s nedavnog istraivanja liburnske
nekropole ispred gradine Venac.3
3 Podatci poznati autorima s istraivanja.
103
Sl./ Fig. 3
Prapovijesni grob
u kamenoj krinji
Prehistoric grave
in a stone cist
preserved better belonged to a sturdy looking
man whose age was between 50 and 64. He was
in a crouched position on the right side. Only a
fragment of a radius or ulna and ten teeth were
preserved of the other burial. The bones belong
to a younger female person (20 to 34 years).
As for the relocation of some bones, it is very
likely that the medieval burial destroyed a seg-
ment of the prehistoric burial particularly hav-
ing in mind that two medieval burials surround
this grave. It is also possible that a bronze pin
with a thickened neck and biconical head was
thrown out of the grave on the same occasion.
This pin was found near the grave.
Burial of two persons in the same grave can
be related to two situations. In the first case
both deceased persons were buried at the same
time, and in the other case burials were succes-
sive, usually meaning that bones of the earlier
burial were moved aside to make room for the
new burial. Few preserved bones of one skel-
eton might point to successive burials, but it
is quite difficult to make any final conclusions
on the basis of the existing situation. There are
many examples for both options in this region,
the best illustrations being from the recent ex-
DUEVIA GLAVICA
DUEVIA GLAVICA
104
Od mukog pokojnika uzeti su uzorci za ana-
lizu 14C. Datiranje, koje je provedeno u Radicar-
bon Laboratory Poznan u Poljskoj ukazuje na
vremenski raspon od 1630. do 1450. g. pr. Kr.
(sl. 4).4 Pokazalo se, meutim, da ukop u kame-
noj krinji nije primarni ukop u ovom tumulu.
Daljnjim iskopavanjem pronaen je jo jedan
sloj na kojem su, u sredini tumula, pronaeni
sitni ostatci spaljenih kostiju.
Sl./ Fig. 4 Taj poetni sloj nasipanja tumula, koji tvori
Rezultati
radiokarbonske
naboj od sitnog kamenja, zauzima povrinu od
analize osteolokih 10 x 8 m priblino u razini okolne povrine na
ostataka iz groba 6a junoj strani tumula, i priblino 1 m ispod ra-
Results of the
radiocarbon analysis of zine na kojoj je ukopan grob u obliku kamene
osteological remains krinje (T. III, 1). Iako su mu rubovi poneto
from grave 6a
nepravilni i djelomino oteeni na erodira-
nim stranama, primjeuje se da je imao oval-
ni oblik. Nasip je podignut na zdravici, to je
potvreno iskopavanjem nekoliko sondi ispod
njega. Na samom nasipu nema naznaka kon-
strukcija, iako je pronaena jedna kamena plo-
a postavljena okomito po svojoj dunoj strani,
ali istraivanjem oko nje nisu pronaene nika-
kve naznake koje bi ukazivale na grobnu ili bilo
kakvu drugu konstrukciju. U njezinoj blizini
pronaeni su sitni ostatci teko prepoznatljivih
kostiju, ija je bijela boja i usitnjenost ukazivala
da je rije o spaljenim ostatcima pokojnika, to
je poslije potvrdila antropoloka analiza (grob
10, T. III, 1). Uokolo njih nije bilo naznaka are.
ini se da su jednostavno postavljeni na nasip
od sitnog kamenja, nakon ega je slijedilo nasi-
pavanje tumula. Takoer nema jasnih tragova
obrednih radnji. Jedino je na sjevernom dijelu
nasipa pronaena vea koncentracija sitne pra-
povijesne keramike, to se moe protumaiti
4 Radiokarbonska analiza groba 6a (Poz-26317) pokazala je starost uzorka
Karla Gusar 372035BP, a kalibrirana datacija iznosi 1630-1450 BC sa 95,4 % vjerojat-
Dario Vujevi nosti. Za kalibraciju je koriten OxCal 3.10.
cavations of the Liburnian necropolis in front
of the Venac hill-fort.3
Samples for the 14C analysis were taken
from the male skeleton. Dating which was con-
ducted in the Radicarbon Laboratory Poznan
in Poland yielded the time span from 1630 to
1450 BC (Fig. 4).4 However it turned out that
the burial in the stone cist does not represent a
primary burial in this tumulus. Further excava-
tions unearthed another layer in which small
remains of burnt bones were found in the mid-
dle of the tumulus.
This initial layer of raising the tumulus
which consists of the fill of small rocks covers
the surface of 10 x 8 m, approximately at the
level of the surrounding surface at the southern
side of the tumulus, about 1 m below the level
in which the stone cist grave was dug (Pl. III, 1).
Although its edges are somewhat irregular and
partially damaged at the eroded sides, it is evi-
dent that it was oval in shape. The tumulus was
erected on the bedrock which was confirmed by
excavation of several trenches under it. There
are no signs of constructions on the fill, though
a stone slab placed vertically by its longer side
was found. Excavations around it did not yield
any traces of funerary or any other construc-
tion. In its neighbourhood were tiny remains of
hardly recognizable bones whose white colour
and fragmentary state indicated that these were
the burnt remains of a deceased person which
was subsequently confirmed by the anthropo-
logical analysis (grave 10, Pl. III,1). There were
no traces of an urn in the vicinity. It seems that
they were simply put on the fill made of small
rocks which was followed by raising the tumu-
lus. Greater concentration of small prehistoric
pottery sherds was found only in the northern
part of the fill which can be explained by ritual
breaking of pottery but since this was a periph-
eral part of the fill, this interpretation remains
on the level of hypothesis.
There are no definite 14C dates for the discov-
ered bones, but considering the dating of the
stone cist grave with inhumation to the 17-15th
centuries BC, this primary grave i.e. the remains
of burnt bones should be dated to an earlier pe-
3 Information known to the authors from the excavations.
4 Radiocarbon analysis of the sample from grave 6a (Poz-26317) yielded
an age of 372035BP, with calibrated dating of 1630-1450 BC with 95,4 %
probability. OxCal 3.10 was used for calibration.

ritualnim razbijanjem posua, ali kako je rije
o rubnom dijelu nasipa, to tumaenje moramo
uzeti s rezervom.
Za pronaene kosti nema sigurnih 14C datu-
ma, ali s obzirom na datiranje groba od kamenih
ploa s inhumacijskim ukopom u razdoblje 17.-
15. st. pr. Kr., ovaj bi primarni grob, tj. ostat-
ke spaljenih kostiju, trebalo datirati ranije, po
svemu sudei u rano bronano doba. U blizini
kostiju pronaena su dva fragmenta keramike.
Prvi je fragment posude s ukoso razgrnutim
obodom kod kojega je prijelaz prema vratu na-
glaen lijebom. Taj fragment svojom fakturom
i znaajkama podsjea na profile posuda cetin-
ske kulture. Datiranje u rano bronano doba
ini se dosta realnim kada znamo da se slina
situacija javlja u blizini, na tumulu Mala glavica
u Podvrju, gdje je . Batovi pronaao ostatke graves were clearly visible (graves 1, 6, 7, 8, 9),
spaljenih pokojnika poloenih na tlo bez kori-
tenja bilo kakve posude kao urne i datirao ih u
rano bronano doba.5 Drugi fragment keramike
fakturom, profilom i x-drkom podsjea na izra-
evine ranoga bronanog doba u Istri.
Od devet ranosrednjovjekovnih ukopa jasno
se uoavalo pet grobova (grobovi 1, 6, 7, 8, 9),
dok su se na periferiji nasipa nalazila jo eti-
ri groba, od kojih su sauvani samo mali fra-
gmenti ljudskih kostiju (grobovi 2, 3, 4, 5) (T.
I). U osam su se sauvali ostatci skeleta (gro-
bovi 1-5, 7-9), u nekima od njih i grobni prilozi
(gr. 1, 9), dok su se jednom grobu nalazili samo
prilozi, a ostatci skeleta nisu sauvani (grob 6).
Kod etiri groba zemljana raka je djelomino
(grobovi 1, 6) ili veim dijelom ograena neo-
braenim kamenjem (grobovi 7, 9) uslojenim
u jednom ili vie redova, dok je kod dva groba
uz ostatke skeleta pronaen samo jedan kamen
(grobovi 5, 9). Za ostala tri ukopa izgled gro-
bova nije mogue utvrditi zbog loeg stupnja
njihove sauvanosti (grobovi 2-4). Kod bolje
ouvanih grobova vidljivo je da se radi o po-
jedinanim ukopima kod kojih su pokojnici u
rake bili poloeni na lea s rukama ispruenim the gender of the others.
uz tijelo, dok je sama orijentacija grobova ovi-
sila o njihovu poloaju na humku. Antropolo-
kom analizom osteolokih ostataka utvreno je
da su tijekom ranog srednjeg vijeka na ovom
humku bili sahranjeni: tri enska, jedan muki
5 . BATOVI, 2002.
105
riod, most probably to the Early Bronze Age.
Two pottery sherds were found near the bones.
The first fragment belonged to a vessel with an
everted funnel-shaped rim on which transition
to neck was emphasized by a groove. This frag-
ment is similar to vessels of the Cetina culture by
its fabric and characteristics. Dating to the Early
Bronze Age seems adequate knowing that a sim-
ilar situation appears in the neighbourhood, in
the tumulus of Mala glavica in Podvrje where .
Batovi found the remains of burnt corpses laid
on the ground without any vessel functioning as
an urn and dated them to the Early Bronze Age.5
The other pottery fragment is similar to finds
from the Early Bronze Age in Istria by its fabric,
profile and x-shaped handle.
Out of nine early medieval burials five
whereas four more graves with only small frag-
ments of human bones were found at the periph-
ery of the fill (graves 2, 3, 4, 5) (Pl. I). Skeletal
remains were preserved in eight of them (graves
1-5, 7-9), and some of them contained grave
goods (graves 1, 9). In one of the graves were only
grave goods without skeletal remains (grave 6).
Earthen pit of four graves is partially (graves 1,
6) or for the most part enclosed with undressed
stones (graves 7, 9) arranged in one or more rows
whereas only one stone was found with the re-
mains of a skeleton in two graves (graves 5, 9). It
is not possible to determine the characteristics of
the remaining three burials due to poor state of
their preservation (graves 2-4). In graves which
were preserved better it is evident that these were
individual burials in which the deceased persons
were laid on their back with arms extended along
the body. Orientation of the graves depended
on their position in the tumulus. Anthropologi-
cal analysis of osteological remains revealed that
during the Early Middle Ages three female per-
sons, one male and one infant were buried in this
tumulus whereas it was impossible to determine
Bigger part of the skeleton of a female per-
son was preserved in grave 1. Two large un-
dressed stones were placed next to her legs
(one stone on each side). A ceramic vessel was
found next to the left femur of the deceased (Pl.
II, 1). Out of grave 6 only a part of architecture
DUEVIA GLAVICA
5 . BATOVI, 2002. DUEVIA GLAVICA
106
i jedan djeji pokojnik, dok ostalima spol nije
bilo mogue utvrditi.
U grobu 1 sauvao se vei dio skeleta enske
osobe kojem su uz noge bila postavljena dva
vea neobraena kamena (sa svake strane po
jedan), a uz lijevu bedrenu kost pokojnice nala-
zila se keramika posuda (T. II, 1). Od groba 6
preostao je samo dio arhitekture raen od jed-
nog reda nepravilnog kamenja i prilozi unutar
njega (T. II, 2). Ostatci skeleta nisu sauvani, a
kako je grob bio u neposrednoj blizini geodet-
ske toke, vjerojatno je uniten njezinim uko-
pavanjem. U grobu su pronaeni keramika
posuda, noi i pojasna garnitura koja se sastoji
od dva bronana privjeska i eljezne alke. Grob
7 bio je obzidan veim i manjim neobraenim
kamenjem uslojenim u tri reda, a unutar njega
naeni su ostatci muke osobe (T. II, 3). Zapad-
no od ovoga groba pronaen je eljezni no. U
grobu 8 jedini sauvani dio skeleta predstavlja
lubanja kojoj se s lijeve strane nalazio vei ne-
obraeni kamen (T. I). Kod groba 9 skelet je sa
svih strana bio okruen jednim redom veeg
kamenja (T. II, 4). Rije je o enskoj osobi kojoj
je uz noge pronaena keramika posuda, a uz
lijevu stranu u visini pojasa bili su vidljivi tra-
govi potpuno korodiranoga eljeznog predme-
ta. Kako sam predmet nije sauvan, prema tra-
govima njegovih obrisa i poloaju unutar groba
mogue je pretpostaviti da je rije o eljeznom
nou. Od ostalih grobova (2, 3, 4 i 5) sauvani
su samo sitni ulomci kostiju (T. I).
Ovakav slijed ukapanja jasno se zamjeu-
je i na profilima tumula, gdje se razlikuju tri
faze formiranja nasipa (sl. 5, T. III, 2). Prvu
ili najraniju fazu iz ranog bronanog doba, za-
pravo prvotni tumul tvorila bi tri sloja. Donji
sloj bi predstavljao nasip od sitnog kamenja
postavljen na zdravicu na kojega su poloeni
spaljeni ostatci pokojnika. Iznad njega slije-
di tanji sloj svijetle, iste zemlje, nasut nepo-
sredno iznad spaljenih ostataka. On je tankim
proslojem gotovo bijele boje odijeljen od sloja
tamnije zemlje, koji pada prema periferiji tu-
mula, a mogao bi predstavljati posljednji sloj
nasipanja prvotnog tumula. Njegova tamnija
boja ukazivala bi na izloenost atmosferilijama
i organskom materijalu neko vrijeme, to je lo-
gino pod pretpostavkom da je tvorio povrinu
prvotnoga tumula.
Karla Gusar
Dario Vujevi
consisting of a row of irregular stones was recov-
ered with grave goods in it (Pl. II, 2). Remains of
the skeleton were not preserved. Since this grave
was very close to the geodetic point, it was prob-
ably destroyed by its digging. Grave goods consist
of a ceramic vessel, a small knife and a belt set
consisting of two bronze pendants and an iron
ring. Grave 7 was lined with smaller and larger
undressed stones arranged in three rows. It con-
tained the remains of a male person (Pl. II, 3). An
iron knife was found west of this grave. In grave
8 the only preserved part of the skeleton is the
skull on whose left side was a larger undressed
stone (Pl. I). In grave 9 a female skeleton was en-
closed with a row of larger stones on all sides (Pl.
II, 4). A ceramic vessel was found next to her legs,
and on the left side near the waist were traces of
completely corroded iron object which was not
preserved but we can assume that it was an iron
knife on the basis of its contours and position in
the grave. Only small bone fragments (Pl. I) were
preserved of the remaining graves (2, 3, 4 and 5).
Identical course of burials can be noticed in
the profiles of the tumulus where we can distin-
guish three phases of the fill formation (Fig. 5,
Pl. III, 2). The first or the earliest phase from the
Early Bronze Age, actually the original tumulus,
consists of three layers. The lower layer refers
to the fill of small rocks placed on the bedrock
on which the burnt remains of the deceased per-
son were laid. A thinner layer of light, pure soil
is above it, covering the burnt remains. A thin,
almost white interlayer separates this layer from
a layer of dark soil falling towards the periphery
of the tumulus. This layer might represent the
last layer of the original tumulus fill. Its darker
color could be related to exposure to atmospher-
ic agents and organic material for a while which
is logical if it really was the surface of the origi-
nal tumulus.
The next phase of the tumulus fill is marked
by a layer of pure and compact soil, somewhat
darker than the layer of the first fill, which is
actually the fill of the tumulus after the stone
cist grave was built, which elevated the tumu-
lus for ca. 1,50 m.
Finally there is the third layer which is not
so much different regarding its color, but in its
compactness, representing a part of the former
fill which was disturbed by medieval burials.
Depth of the fill portion which was disturbed

Sljedeu fazu nasipavanja oznaava sloj i-
ste i kompaktne zemlje, neto tamnije boje
od sloja prvog nasipanja, to je zapravo nasip
tumula nakon to je podignut grob u kamenoj
krinji, ime je visina humka podignuta za ot-
prilike 1,50 m.
Na kraju slijedi trei sloj, koji se ne razliku-
je toliko po boji koliko po kompaktnosti, a koji
predstavlja dio prethodnog nasipa koji je po-
remeen srednjovjekovnim ukopima. O dubini
dijela nasipa koji je bio zahvaen srednjovjekov-
nim ukopima najbolje govori i pronalazak noa
na dubini od 1 m, tj. dvadesetak cm ispod razine
oblinjega srednjovjekovnoga groba i u razini
dna prapovijesnog ukopa u kamenoj krinji.
to se tie nalaza koji pripadaju prapovi-
jesnim razdobljima, na tumulu je sakupljeno
89 ulomaka keramike koji pokazuju znaaj-
ke bronanog doba. Veinu ulomaka nije bilo
mogue spojiti, prije svega zbog usitnjenosti,
no jasno je da se radi o manjem broju posuda.
Nema ni nekih pravila u rasporedu nalaza, ali
njihov poloaj u nasipu ukazuje da nisu bile u
funkciji grobnih priloga. Izdvaja se tek naku-
pina keramike na sjevernom rubu nasipa od
sitnog kamenja. Iako fragmenti nisu brojni,
ovakvi nalazi se redovito vezuju uz razbijanje
posua prilikom pogrebnih obreda.
107
by medieval burials is best illustrated by the Sl./ Fig. 5
Sjeverni i zapadni
find of a knife at the depth of 1 m, i.e. some profil u kvadrantu I
twenty centimeters below the level of the near- Northern and western
by medieval grave at the level of the bottom of profile in quadrant I
the prehistoric burial in the stone cist.
As far as prehistoric finds are concerned, 89
pottery sherds exhibiting characteristics of the
Bronze Age were found at the tumulus. Most
sherds could not be conjoined due to their frag-
mentary state, but it is clear that there was a
small number of vessels. The finds were not
distributed regularly, but their position in the
fill indicates that they did not function as grave
goods. Only an accumulation of pottery on the
northern edge od the fill consisting of small
stones stands out. Though sherds are scarce,
these finds are regularly associated with break-
ing of pottery in the funerary rituals.
Out of recognizable sherds, there were frag-
ments of strap handles with elongated oval
cross-section and one with round cross-sec-
tion, and two fragments of the vessels rim (one
is concavely everted and the other belongs to a
more closed vessel; Pl. IV, 1-4).
In the fill which is related to the first phase of
burial i.e. the layer related to the burnt remains
of the deceased, there were fragments of two ves-
sels which might belong to the Early Bronze Age
DUEVIA GLAVICA
judging from their characteristics. Fabric of both DUEVIA GLAVICA
108
Sl./ Fig. 6
Idealna rekonstrukcija
posude s x-drkom pokope.6 X-drke javljaju se takoer i u cetin-
Ideal reconstruction
of vessel with
X-shaped handles
Od prepoznatljivih dijelova posuda prona-
eni su fragmenti trakastih drki izduenog
ovalnog presjeka i jedne okruglog presjeka, te
dva fragmenta oboda posude (jedan je konkav-
no izvijen, a drugi pripada posudi zatvorenije
forme; T. IV, 1-4).
U nasipu vezanom uz I. fazu ukapanja, tj.
sloj koji se vee uz spaljene ostatke pokojni-
ka pronaeni su fragmenti dviju posude koje
svojim znaajkama mogu pripadati ranom
bronanom dobu. Faktura obje posude je ar-
haina, sa sitnim zrncima vapnenca koja nisu
naknadno dodavana, nego su sastavni dio pri-
rodne sirovine.
Kod prve obod posude je koso poloen s
otrim prijelazom prema ramenu, a recipijent
ima blagu bikoninu formu. Trakasta X-drka
postavljena je od oboda do ramena posude (T.
IV, 5, sl. 6). Svojom formom i X-drkom fra-
gment iz Duevia glavice podsjea na sline
izraevine ranoga bronanog doba Istre ili ce-
tinske kulture. Na tumulu u amnjaku prona-
ena je zdjela izvuenog oboda i kosog vrata sa
4 trakaste X-drke, koje su inae karakteristi-
ne za II. fazu ranoga bronanog doba Istre, koja
svojim profilom najvie podsjea na posudu iz
Krneze. Zanimljivo je da za sada u Istri nema
nikakvih naznaka koritenja ovakvih posuda u
svakodnevnom ivotu, nego su one vezane uz
skoj kulturi jo od I. stupnja, ali su puno ee
zastupljene u II. stupnju.7
Od druge posude sauvan je samo koso izvi-
jen obod pronaen u blizini spaljenih kostiju
(T. IV, 6). Na dnu fragmenta primjeuje se li-
jeb kojim je obod bio odvojen od vrata posude.
Znaajkama takoer odgovara izraevinama
vessels is archaic, with small calcite inclusions
which were not added subsequently but they
were a component of the natural raw material.
On the first vessel the rim is slanted with
sharp transition to the shoulder, and the recipi-
ent has slightly biconical form. Strap x-shaped
handle connects the rim with the shoulder of
the vessel (Pl. IV, 5, Fig. 6). Form and x-shaped
handle make the fragment from Duevia glavi-
ca similar to artifacts from the Early Bronze
Age in Istria or the Cetina culture. On the tu-
mulus in amnjak a vessel was found with a
pronounced rim and a slanted neck with four
stap x-shaped handles which are characteris-
tic of the 2nd phase of the Early Bronze Age in
Istria. Its profile is most similar to the vessel
from Krneza. It is interesting to notice that for
now in Istria there are no indications that these
vessels were used in everyday life but they were
related to burials.6 X-shaped handles also ap-
pear in the Cetina culture from the 1st phase,
but they are more frequent in the 2nd phase.7
Of the other vessel only a slanted rim was pre-
served. It was found near the burnt bones (Pl.
IV, 6). At the bottom of the fragment is a groove
which divided the rim from the neck of the ves-
sel. It also corresponds to the artifacts from the
Sl./ Fig. 7
Bronana igla
Bronze pin

Karla Gusar 6 B. OVI, 1983, 126. 6 B. OVI, 1983, 126.

Dario Vujevi 7 I. MAROVI B. OVI, 1983, 213. 7 I. MAROVI B. OVI, 1983, 213.

ranog bronanog doba Istre i izraevinama
II. faze cetinske kulture, kada cetinski pehari
i posude poprimaju klasian oblik s iskoenim
obodom koji je od vrata uvijek odijeljen udu-
bljenom linijom i ima jednu trakastu X-drku
koja poinje ispod te linije.8
Od metalnih predmeta u gornjem dijelu na-
sipa tumula pronaena je igla s punolijevanom
bikoninom glavom i proirenim vratom (sl. 7,
T. V, 1). Po vratu je ukraena nizom paralelnih
ravnih i cik-cak linija. Igle slinih znaajka pro-
naene su u Varvari i Biljanima Donjim i dati-
raju se u razliite faze bronanog doba.9 B. o-
vi je pretpostavio da je, kod nalaza s Varvare,
rije o jednom lokalnom proizvodu kod kojeg
je vidljiva starija tradicija igala s perforiranim
zadebljanim vratom i utjecaji igala s velikom
bikoninom glavom iz rane faze kulture polja
sa arama.10 Slini predmeti pronaeni su i u
ostavama kulture polja sa arama (npr. Kal-
nik) iz III. faze.11 S obzirom na poloaj igle u
nasipu, injenice da nasip prvotnog ukopa sa
spaljenim kostima nije uniten, te djelomino
dislociranih kostiju iz prapovijesnoga groba u
kamenoj krinji, moe se pretpostaviti da ova
igla potjee upravo iz tog groba, samo je dislo-
cirana kasnijim radovima u srednjem vijeku i
ukopavanjem geodetske toke.
Pronaen je i fragment tordiranog predme-
ta (T. V, 5). Prema sauvanom dijelu nije mo-
gue sa sigurnou govoriti o vrsti predmeta,
premda po debljini i nainu ukrasa moe biti
rije o fragmentu igle ili luku fibule. Obje vrste
predmeta imaju svoju analogiju u predmetima
iz kulture polja sa arama ve od II. faze.12
Na rubnim dijelovima pronaeni su fra-
gmenti bronanih narebrenih predmeta (T. V,
2-4). Po oblikovanju mogla bi biti rije o dijelo-
vima iroko otvorenih narukvica od bronanog
lima izvana narebrenih i izbrazdanih. Do sada
je sa ireg podruja poznato 11 primjeraka sa 6
nalazita, od kojih su dvije pronaene u Vrsi-
ma, a jedna u Privlaci.13 Ovakav tip narukvica
javlja se na glasinakom podruju od vremena
8 I. MAROVI B. OVI, 1983, 213.
9 R. DRESCHLER-BII, 1983; . BATOVI, 1981, 96.
10 B. OVI, 1978, 75-76.
11 K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973, 180, T. 93, 16
12 K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973.
13 . BATOVI, 1983a, 311.
109
Early Bronze Age in Istria, and artifacts of the
2nd phase of the Cetina culture when the Cetina
beakers and vessels take their classical form with
a slanted rim which is always separated from the
neck by a groove and has one strap x-shaped han-
dle which starts under that groove.8
Metal objects in the upper part of the tumu-
lus fill are represented with a pin with solid cast
biconical head and a widened neck (Fig. 7, Pl.
V, 1). Its neck is decorated by a row of paral-
lel straight and zig-zag lines. Pins with similar
characteristics were found in Varvara and Bil-
jane Donje and they are dated to different phas-
es of the Bronze Age.9 B. ovi assumed that
the find from Varvara was a local product with
evident earlier tradition of pins with perforated
thickened neck and influences of pins with big
biconical head from the early phase of the Urn-
field culture.10 Similar objects were found in the
hoards of the Urnfield culture (e.g. Kalnik) from
the 3rd phase.11 Considering the position of the
pin in the fill, the facts that the fill of the origi-
nal burial with burnt bones was not destroyed
and that bones from the prehistoric grave in the
stone cist were partially dislocated, it is reason-
able to assume that this pin was found in that
grave, but later works in the Middle Ages and
digging of geodetic point dislocated it.
A fragment of a twisted object was also found
(Pl. V, 5). It is difficult to say what kind of ob-
ject it was judging from the preserved part, al-
though it might be a fragment of a fibulas pin
or a bow on the basis of thickness and decora-
tion. Both kinds of objects have their analogies
in the objects from the Urnfield culture from
the 2nd phase onwards.12
Fragments of bronze ribbed objects were
found at peripheral parts (T. V, 2-4). By their
fashioning these might be parts of wide open
bracelets made of bronze sheet which are
ribbed and grooved on the outside. Eleven ex-
amples of such bracelets have been found so far
in the neighbouring region at six sites of which
two in Vrsi and one in Privlaka.13 This type of
bracelet is represented in the Glasinac region
from the period of the Middle Bronze Age.14 In
8 I. MAROVI B. OVI, 1983, 213.
9 R. DRESCHLER-BII, 1983; . BATOVI, 1981, 96.
10 B. OVI, 1978, 75-76.
11 K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973, 180, T.93, 16.
12 K. VINSKI-GASPARINI, 1973.
13 . BATOVI, 1983a, 311. DUEVIA GLAVICA
14 R. DRESCHLER-BII, 1983, 263. DUEVIA GLAVICA
110
srednje bronce,14 a na podruju Liburnije vei-
nom se datiraju u kasno bronano doba.15
Nalazi ranosrednjovjekovnoga razdoblja ugla
vnom se odnose na grobne priloge, dok je ma-
nji dio nalaza pronaen izmeu grobova (T. I).
U oba sluaja rije je o keramikim posudama
i metalnim predmetima poput noeva, dijelova
pojasne garniture i ulomaka bronane ice.
Prilozima najbogatiji je grob 6, u kojem su
pronaeni keramika posuda, dio noia i po-
jasna garnitura (sl. 8-9, T. II, 2, T. VI.). Kera-
mika posuda ima jajolik oblik i kratak ljevkast
vrat koji zavrava zaobljenim obodom izvije-
nim prema van (T. VI, 5). Posuda je najira u
gornjoj polovini trbuha. Nije ukraena, tamno-
sive je boje i ujednaeno je peena. Na vratu
posude vide se vodoravni tragovi nastali povla-
enjem ruke lonara prilikom oblikovanja vra-
ta i oboda. Posuda vjerojatno pripada vremenu
8. stoljea, a sline joj forme nalazimo na dal-
matinskim nekropolama poganskog horizonta
Materiza i drijac u Ninu.16 Od eljeznog noia
ouvale su se otrica i dio baze drke (T. VI, 4).
Posebnu zanimljivost predstavlja pojasna gar-
nitura, koja se sastoji od eljezne alke, te dva
bronana privjeska raena lijevanjem. elje-
zna alka ima kvadratian oblik sa zaobljenim
kutovima (T. VI, 3). Jedan bronani privjesak
sastoji se od donjeg krunog dijela koji je radi-
jalno narebren i gornjeg dijela u obliku slova T
s dva kraka izvijena prema van (T. VI, 2). Kra-
kovi podsjeaju na ivotinjske figure okrenute
leima jedna drugoj, a njihovi zavretci na sti-
lizirane ivotinjske glave. Izmeu ta dva kraka,
tj. figura nalazi se kruna rupica koja je vjero-
jatno sluila za vjeanje. Drugi privjesak je po-
lukrunog oblika, a na dnu su mu aplicirana tri
kruga (T. VI, 1). Unutranjost privjeska je per-
forirana i ukraena stiliziranim motivima tri
riblje ljuske kojima se sa svake strane nalazi po
jedna bubreasta perforacija. Na gornjem luku
privjeska vidljiv je ostatak niza sitnih kruia.
Iznad ovog dijela nalaze se dva zavretka izme-
u kojih je kruni otvor. Danas je nejasno je li
ovakvo oblikovanje zavretaka, koji izgledaju
poput stiliziranih antitetino postavljenih pti-
jih glava koje se gotovo dodiruju kljunovima i
otvora koji ne ini puni krug, posljedica izvor-
14 R. DRESCHLER-BII, 1983, 263.
Karla Gusar 15 . BATOVI, 1983a, 311.
Dario Vujevi 16 J. BELOEVI, 1962, T. II/2-2a, T. V/2-2a; 2007, T. LXIV/2.
the Liburnia region they are usually dated to
the Late Bronze Age.15
Finds of the early medieval period mostly
refer to grave goods whereas less finds were
discovered between the graves (Pl. I). In both
cases these were ceramic vessels and metal ob-
jects such as knives, parts of a belt set and frag-
ments of bronze wire.
Grave 6 is the richest in finds containing
a ceramic vessel, a part of a small knife and a
belt set (Fig. 8-9, Pl. II, 2, Pl. VI.). The ceramic
vessel has an ovoid form and a short, funnel-
shaped neck ending in a rounded everted rim
(Pl. VI, 5). The vessel is the widest in the upper
half of the belly. It is dark grey, undecorated and
evenly fired. Horizontal traces of the potters
hand are visible on the neck of the vessel re-
sulting from the hand movements while he was
shaping the neck and the rim. The vessel prob-
ably belongs to the 8th century period. Similar
forms were found at the Dalmatian necropoles
of the pagan horizon Materiza and drijac in
Nin.16 A blade and a part of the bases handle
were preserved of the small iron knife (Pl. VI,
4). The belt set is particularly interesting con-
sisting of an iron ring and two bronze pendants
made by casting. Iron ring has a square form
with rounded edges (Pl. VI, 3). One bronze
pendant consists of a lower round part which is
ribbed radially and a T-shaped upper part with
two outstretched arms (Pl. VI, 2). Arms resem-
ble animal figures touching with their backs,
and their ends are similar to stylized animal
heads. Between these two arms i.e. figures is a
round hole which was probably used for sus-
pension. The other pendant is semicircular,
with three circles applied at the bottom (Pl.
VI, 1). The interior of the pendant is perforat-
ed and decorated with stylized motifs of three
fish scales which have a kidney-shaped perfo-
ration on each side. Remains of a row of tiny
circlets are visible on the upper arch of the pen-
dant. Above this part are two endings between
which is a round opening. The ends look like
antithetically placed birds heads which almost
touch with their beaks and the opening does
not make a complete circle. At present it is not
clear whether such shaping is a consequence
15 . BATOVI, 1983a, 311.
16 J. BELOEVI, 1962, T. II/2-2a, T. V/2-2a; 2007, T. LXIV/2.

nog oblikovanja ili istroenosti zbog upotrebe.
Tragovi koritenja, odnosno izlizanosti prisut-
ni su i na tri kruga na donjem dijelu privjeska.
Privjesak je lijevan, a dekoracija sitnih kruia
na luku zapravo imitira tehniku granulacije. U
literaturi se osim kao privjesci, ovakvi nalazi
tumae i kao okovi pojasa, s kojih je najvjero-
jatnije visio jo niz predmeta koji su mogli biti
organskog porijekla, pa kao takvi nisu sauvani
ili su otpali.17 S obzirom na istroenost donjeg
dijela naeg primjerka ovo bismo mogli uzeti
kao vjerojatnu mogunost. Oba privjeska (ili
okova) ine stilsku cjelinu, koja je vidljiva u na-
inu njihova oblikovanja.
Prvi privjesak pripada tipu do sada nezabi-
ljeenom meu hrvatskim materijalom. Kom-
parativne primjerke nalazimo u Maarskoj,18
Slovakoj19 i Albaniji meu nalazima kulture
Koman-Kruje (Kalaja Dalmaces), koji se da-
tiraju u 7. i 8. stoljee20. Primjerak s Duevia
glavice najvie slinosti pokazuje s maarskim
nalazom s lokaliteta Keszthely koji, za razliku
od naeg, ima gladak obru, a zavretci gornjeg
dijela neto su krai i nepravilniji od naeg,
te ne podsjeaju toliko na ivotinjske figure.21
Ostali maarski kao i slovaki primjerci sastoje
se uglavnom od trapezaste uice na gornjem di-
jelu, te krune karike na donjem dijelu na koju
mogu biti aplicirane i dvije stilizirane ptije fi-
gure.22 Slinu ideju oblikovanja nalazimo kod
17 E. GARAM, 1980, 1980; . JANKOVI, 2007, 199, sl. 197.
18 J. HAMPEL, 1905, 340, Fig. 868, Fig. 873-874.
19 . JANKOVI, 2007, 201, sl. 199/7.
20 S. ANAMALI, 1971, T. XIV; H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/1-3, F. PRENDI, 1980, T.
XXII/1-2.
21 J. HAMPEL, 1905, Fig. 873.
22 J. HAMPEL, 1905, Fig. 868, Fig. 874; . JANKOVI, 2007, sl. 199/7.
111
of the original fashioning or of being worn out.
Traces of use, i.e. of being worn out are visible
on three circles on the lower part of the pen-
dant. The pendant was cast, and the decoration
of the tiny circlets on the arch is actually imi- Sl./ Fig. 8
Keramika posuda
tating granulation technique. Such pendants iz groba 6
are also interpreted as belt fittings which could Ceramicvesselfrom
grave 6
have suspended other objects, probably organ-
ic which is why they were not preserved or they Sl./ Fig. 9
Pojasna garnitura
had fallen off.17 This seems plausible consider-
iz groba 6
ing the fact that the lower part of our example Belt set from grave 6
is quite worn out. Both pendants (or fittings)
make a stylistic unity which is recognizable in
the way of their fashioning.
The first pendant belongs to the type which
has not been recorded among Croatian mate-
rial. Comparative examples can be found in
Hungary,18 Slovakia,19 and Albania among the
finds of the Komani-Kruje culture (Kalaja Dal-
maces) dated to the 7th and 8th centuries.20
The example from Duevia glavica exhibits
most similarities with the Hungarian find from
the site of Keszthely which has a smooth ring
as opposed to our specimen, and the ends of
the upper part are somewhat shorter and less
regular than our example, and they do not re-
semble animal figures.21 The remaining Hun-
garian and Slovakian examples mostly consist
of a trapezoidal loopin the upper part and a
round ring in the lower part to which two styl-
17 E. GARAM, 1980, 1980; . JANKOVI, 2007, 199, Fig. 197.
18 J. HAMPEL, 1905, 340, Fig. 868, Fig. 873-874.
19 . JANKOVI, 2007, 201, fig. 199/7.
20 S. ANAMALI, 1971, T. XIV; H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/1-3, F. PRENDI, 1980, T.
XXII/1-2. DUEVIA GLAVICA
21 J. HAMPEL, 1905, Fig. 873. DUEVIA GLAVICA
112
albanskih primjera pronaenih u nekropolama
u Bukelu,23 Kalaji Dalmaces24 i Ljeu.25 Uglav-
nom se sastoje od krune karike i trapezaste
uice, a na karici se pojavljuju dva izdanka ili
nekoliko njih u obliku stiliziranih ptica,26 dok
se kod nekih primjeraka unutar karike pojav-
ljuje etveronona ivotinja.27
to se tie drugog privjeska, na tlu Dalma-
cije do sada je pronaeno pet primjeraka ovog
tipa,28 dok se izvan Hrvatske ovi nalazi pojav-
ljuju na nalazitima Koman kulture u Albaniji,29
Makedoniji30 i Crnoj Gori.31
U Dalmaciji su slina dva primjerka pro-
naena na grobljima Kai-Maklinovo brdo32
i Stankovci-Velim,33 jedan je otkriven u gro-
bu u Stonu,34 jedan potjee iz Drvenika kod
Makarske,35 dok je primjerku koji se uva u Ar-
heolokome muzeju u Splitu mjesto nalaza ne-
poznato.36 Na primjerak najvee slinosti po-
kazuje sa stonskim, koji je poneto nepravilnije
izrade i iji se sredinji dio takoer sastoji od
tri ljuskaste i dvije bubreaste perforacije, no
za razliku od njega ovaj na vanjskom luku ima
niz radijalnih ureza, a ne kruia.37 Kod ovog
primjerka gornji dio privjeska ili okova obliko-
van je poput nasuprotno postavljenih ptijih
glava koje se ne dodiruju, tj. ne formiraju uicu
za vjeanje. Daljnje paralele nalazimo u Albani-
ji na nalazitu Kalaja Dalmaces s kojeg potjee
nekoliko privjesaka ovog tipa. Jedan od njih
ima gotovo istovjetno oblikovan sredinji dio s
lukom s pseudogranuliranim tokicama, no na
luku se javlja jo est manjih perforiranih kru-
gova, a na donjem dijelu umjesto tri vea kruga
ima dva reda manjih.38 Nain oblikovanja gor-
23 S. ANAMALI, 1971, T. XIV.
24 H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/1-3.
25 F. PRENDI, 1980, T. XXII/1-2.
26 S. ANAMALI, 1971, T. XIV; H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/5; F. PRENDI, 1980, T.
XXII/1-2.
27 H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/1, 3.
28 J. BELOEVI 1980, 92-93, T. XXXV/10; A. MILOEVI 1989; M. PETRINEC
2007; R. JURI 2007, 221, T. 3/2.
29 T. IPPEN, 1901, 605, sl. 3/4a-b; H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/4, 6-8; F. PRENDI,
1980, gr. 32, T. XII - slika gore lijevo, T. XXII/4.
30 V. MALENKO, 1985, 269-308, T. XVIII/4; E. MANEVA, 1992, T. 4, 86/2; 2005,
cat. 5.
31 M. ZAGARANIN, 2008, 47, sl. 104/4. Crnogorski privjesak pronaen je
1928. kao sluajni nalaz u Mijeli kod Virpazara, te predan arheologu Pavlu
Mijoviu, koji ga je poklonio Zaviajnom muzeju u Baru u kojem je danas
izloen. Ovaj vrijedan nalaz, do sada nepoznat iroj arheolokoj javnosti,
publiciran je u magistarskoj radnji Ranosrednjovjekovna nekropola Mije-
la kod Virpazara Mladena Zagaranina, kojem ovom prilikom zahvaljujem
na pomoi.
32 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 92-93, T. XXXV/10; 1982, gr. 45, Y278.
33 R. JURI, 2007, 221, T. 3 slika dolje.
34 J. KOVAEVI, 1960, 25, sl. 43 ; A. MILOEVI, 1989, T. II/13.
35 A. MILOEVI, 1989, 349-350, T. I/2; S. BOEK, A. KUNAC, 1998, kat. 237.
36 A. MILOEVI, 1989, 349, T. I/1.
Karla Gusar 37 J. KOVAEVI, 1960, sl. 43.
Dario Vujevi 38 H. SPAHIU,1971, T. VIII/7.
ized bird figures can be applied.22 A similar idea
of shaping an object can be found in Albanian
examples from the necropoles in Bukel, 23 Kala-
ja Dalmaces24 and Lezh.25 They mostly consist
of a round ring and a trapezoidal hook. On the
ring are two or more extensions in the form of
stylized birds, 26 whereas on some examples a
four-legged animal appears within a ring.27
As for the other pendant, five pendants
of this type have been found in Dalmatia,28
whereas outside Croatia these pendants appear
on the sites of the Koman culture in Albania,29
Macedonia30 and Montenegro.31
In Dalmatia two similar examples were
found at the necropoles Kai-Maklinovo
brdo32 and Stankovci-Velim,33 one was found in
a grave in Ston,34 one originates from Drvenik
near Makarska,35 whereas the findspot for the
example kept in the Archaeological Museum
in Split is unknown.36 Our example exhibits
most similarities with the find from Ston which
is fashioned less regularly, but its middle part
also has three scaly and two kidney-shaped
perforations. As opposed to our example this
one has a row of radial cuts instead of circlets
on the outer arch.37 On this example the upper
part of the pendant or fitting was formed as
antithetically placed birds heads which do not
touch each other, i.e. they do not form a sus-
pension loop. Further parallels can be found in
Albania at the site of Kalaja Dalmaces where
several pendants of this type were found. One
of them has almost identically shaped middle
part with an arch with pseudogranulated dots,
but there are six smaller perforated circles on
22 J. HAMPEL, 1905, Fig. 868, Fig. 874; . JANKOVI, 2007, Fig. 199/7.
23 S. ANAMALI, 1971, T. XIV.
24 H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/1-3.
25 F. PRENDI, 1980, T. XXII/1-2.
26 S. ANAMALI, 1971, T. XIV; H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/5; F. PRENDI, 1980, T.
XXII/1-2.
27 H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/1, 3.
28 J. BELOEVI 1980, 92-93, T. XXXV/10; A. MILOEVI 1989; M. PETRINEC
2007; R. JURI 2007, 221, T. 3/2.
29 T. IPPEN, 1901, 605, sl. 3/4a-b; H. SPAHIU, 1971, T. VIII/4, 6-8; F. PRENDI,
1980, gr. 32, T. XII picture upward left T. XXII/4.
30 V. MALENKO, 1985, 269-308, T. XVIII/4; E. MANEVA, 1992, T. 4, 86/2; 2005,
cat. 5.
31 M. ZAGARANIN, 2008, 47, Fig. 104/4. The Montenegrin pendant was fo-
und in 1928 as a chance find in Mijela near Virpazar and it was given to
the archaeologist Pavle Mijovi who donated it to the Regional Museum
in Bar in which it is presently exhibited. This valuable find, which has not
been presented to the wider archaeological public, was published in the
masters thesis Early Medieval Necropolis Mijela near Virpazar by Mla-
den Zagaranin to whom I would like to thank for his assistance.
32 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 92-93, T. XXXV/10; 1982, gr. 45, Y278.
33 R. JURI, 2007, 221, T. 3 picture downward.
34 J. KOVAEVI, 1960, 25, sl. 43 ; A. MILOEVI, 1989, T. II/13.
35 A. MILOEVI, 1989, 349-350, T. I/2; S. BOEK - A. KUNAC, 1998, kat. 237.
36 A. MILOEVI, 1989, 349, T. I/1.
37 J. KOVAEVI, 1960, fig. 43.

njeg dijela s antitetinim ptijim glavama vid-
ljiv je na krunom privjesku s iste nekropole,
kojem kljunovi ptica takoer nisu spojeni i ne
tvore uicu, to je, ini se, bio sluaj i s naim
primjerkom.39 Sloenost i zanimljivost ukrasa
polukrunih privjesaka rezultirala je i pitanjem
njihove ikonografske interpretacije. Prema
N. ausidisu vanjski luk simbolizirao bi nebo
iznad kojeg se nalazi kruni simbol solarnog ci-
klusa okruenog dvjema ptijim glavama, dok
se perforirani ljuskasti oblici u sreditu privje-
ska tumae kao stilizirani prikaz kozmikog
stabla ivota sa svijenim granama.40
Veina nalaza polukrunih privjesaka du
istone jadranske obale povezuje se s nalazima
Koman kulture rasprostranjene na tlu Albanije
i Makedonije od kraja 6. ili poetka 7. do poet-
ka 9. stoljea, o kojoj se dosta pisalo u arheo-
lokoj literaturi.41 Meutim, pitanje porijekla i
nastanka ove kulturne skupine jo uvijek nije
rijeeno, kao ni etnika pripadnost njezinih
nositelja. Meu brojnim teorijama o ovoj kul-
turi treba izdvojiti nekoliko osnovnih: od one
o neromaniziranim antikim Ilirima kao nosi-
teljima te kulture koja se formira uz odreene
utjecaje Bizanta, preko one o bizantsko-roman-
skim nositeljima, odnosno kulturi rimsko-pro-
vincijalne tradicije s bizantskim elementima
do one o kulturi slavenskih znaajka.42 Jedna
od novijih teza nositeljima ove kulture smatra
Crvene Hrvate, te ih usporeuje sa starohrvat-
skom materijalnom kulturom, a komparacijom
s drugim nalazima diljem Europe pokuava se
utvrditi njezino slavensko porijeklo.43
Hrvatski nalazi do sada su se pripisivali Ko-
man kulturi i datirali u 7. stoljee,44 tj. poetak
8. stoljea s upitnom etnikom pripadnou po-
kojnika u ijim je grobovima pronaen ovakav
nalaz,45 a u novije vrijeme polukruni su pri-
vjesci determinirani kao proizvod bizantskih
radionica druge polovine 8. stoljea koji se u
starohrvatskim grobovima poganskog horizon-
ta pojavljuje kao i naunice istoga radionikog
kruga.46 Problematikom polukrunih privjesa-
39 H. SPAHIU,1971, T. VIII/3.
40 N. AUSIDIS, 2005a, 48; 2005b, A18/1-4.
41 A. MILOEVI, 1989; E. MANEVA, 1996, 13.
42 S. ANAMALI, 1971; H. SPAHIU, 1971; F. PRENDI, 1980; Z. VINSKI, 1971; I.
RAJTERI SIVEC, 1976; V. POPOVI, 1988; J. KOROEC, 1953; V. MALENKO,
1985; . JANKOVI, 2007; E. MANEVA, 1996.
43 . JANKOVI, 2007, 186, 195-204.
44 Z. VINSKI, 1971, 59; A. MILOEVI, 1989.
45 J. BELOEVI, 1980,
46 M. PETRINEC, 2007.
113
the arch, and on the lower part there are two
rows of smaller circles instead of three larger
circles.38 The manner of fashioning the upper
part with antithetical birds heads is recog-
nizable on the round pendant from the same
necropolis on which birds beaks are not con-
nected and do not make a loop, which seemed
to be the case with our example.39 Complex-
ity and curiosity of decorations of semicircu-
lar pendants resulted in the question of their
iconographic interpretation. According to N.
ausidis the outer arch symbolized heaven
above which was a round symbol of solar cycle
surrounded with two birds heads whereas per-
forated scaly shapes in the middle of the pen-
dant are interpreted as a stylized depiction of
the cosmic tree of life with bent branches.40
Most of the finds of semicircular pendants
along the eastern Adriatic coast were related
to the finds of the Koman culture which was
represented in the regions of Albania and Mac-
edonia from the end of the 6th or beginning of
the 7th to the early 9th century which was of-
ten discussed in the archaeological literature.41
However the question of origin and formation
of this cultural group has not been solved suc-
cessfully as well as the question of ethnic affili-
ation of its members. There are many theories
about this culture such as the one about non-
Romanized ancient Illyrians as representatives
of this culture which was formed with certain
Byzantine influences. There is also the theory
about Byzantine-Roman representatives of the
culture or the one about the culture of Roman-
provincial tradition with Byzantine elements,
and the theory about the culture with Slavic
characteristics.42 One of new theses is based on
the consideration of Red Croats as the repre-
sentatives of this culture, comparing them with
the early Croatian material culture. Compari-
sons with other finds across Europe were used
to try to determine its Slavic origin.43
So far Croatian finds have been ascribed
to the Koman culture and dated to the 7th
century,44 i.e. early 8th century with question-
38 H. SPAHIU,1971, T. VIII/7.
39 H. SPAHIU,1971, T. VIII/3.
40 N. AUSIDIS, 2005a, 48; 2005b, A18/1-4.
41 A. MILOEVI, 1989; E. MANEVA, 1996, 13.
42 S. ANAMALI, 1971; H. SPAHIU, 1971; F. PRENDI, 1980; Z. VINSKI, 1971; I.
RAJTERI SIVEC, 1976; V. POPOVI, 1988; J. KOROEC, 1953; V. MALENKO,
1985; . JANKOVI, 2007; E. MANEVA, 1996.
43 . JANKOVI, 2007, 186, 195-204. DUEVIA GLAVICA
44 Z. VINSKI, 1971, 59; A. MILOEVI, 1989. DUEVIA GLAVICA
114
ka u Hrvatskoj prvi se pozabavio Z. Vinski, koji
ih je pripisao komanskoj kulturi za koju smatra
da je kultura starosjedilakog stanovnitva 7. i
8. stoljea, no ispravno postavlja pitanje udje-
la Slavena u njezinu formiranju.47 Nakon njega
istom tematikom pozabavio se A. Miloevi,
koji je sve nalaze ovakvih primjeraka, prema
stonskome privjesku koji je pronaen u grobu
zajedno s bizantskom kopom tipa Balgota, da-
tirao u 7. stoljee, ukljuujui i onaj kaiki, a
njihovim nositeljima smatra preivjelo kasno-
antiko stanovnitvo.48 Takoer doputa i mo-
gunost kasnijeg koritenja ove kope u grobu
bez bitnog odmaka u datiranju ovih nalaza.49
Meutim, posebno treba napomenuti da su od
hrvatskih nalaza do sada samo dva privjeska
pronaena u zatvorenim grobnim cjelinama
u sustavno istraenim starohrvatskim groblji-
ma, a to su privjesci iz groblja Kai-Maklino-
vo brdo te Stankovci-Velim, dok na primjerak
predstavlja trei nalaz. Okolnosti nalaza ostalih
privjesaka prilino su nejasne i veinom je ri-
je o sluajnim nalazima iz unitenih grobova
ili nepoznatim mjestima pronalaska. M. Petri-
nec u najnovijoj analizi polukrune privjeske
smatra kulturnim dobrom kasnoantike, tj. ra-
nobizantske nonje, na osnovi prikaza jednog
privjeska na fresci u crkvi Santa Maria Antiqua
u Rimu, i smjeta ih u drugu polovinu 8. sto-
ljea.50 Treba meutim istaknuti da je prikaz
privjeska na spomenutoj fresci poprilino she-
matiziran i da vie podsjea na jedan drugaiji
primjerak pronaen u Makedoniji na lokalitetu
Sv. Erazmo negoli na ijedan od hrvatskih nala-
za.51 Stoga ove nalaze treba promotriti u kon-
tekstu grobalja na kojima su naeni, barem kad
je rije o sustavno istraenim lokalitetima.
Groblje u Kaiu datira se u 8. st. i prvu polo-
vinu 9. stoljea, a grob 54 u kojem je pronaen
privjesak u poetak 8. stoljea, dok je groblje u
Stankovcima bilo u upotrebi od kraja 7. do po-
etka 9. stoljea, kako je razvidno iz dosada-
njih izvjetaja istraivanja lokaliteta koje je jo
uvijek u tijeku.52 U oba sluaja rije je o groblji-
ma poganskog horizonta starohrvatske materi-
jalne kulture kojima moemo pridruiti i ono
47 Z. VINSKI, 1971, 59.
48 A. MILOEVI, 1989.
49 A. MILOEVI, 2000, 106-107.
50 M. PETRINEC, 2007, 80-82, sl. 1, sl. 3.
Karla Gusar 51 Usp. V. MALENKO, 1985, T. VI/5; E. MANEVA, 1992, T. 5., 55/24.
Dario Vujevi 52 J. BELOEVI, 1982, gr. 54, Y278; 1980, 46, 93; R. JURI, 2007, 224.
able ethnic attribution of the deceased per-
sons who were interred with this type of find.45
Lately semicircular pendants were determined
as the products of the Byzantine workshops of
the second half of the 8th century appearing in
the early Croatian graves of the pagan horizon
as well as earrings from the same workshop
circle.46 Z. Vinski was the first to deal with the
problem of semicircular pendants in Croatia, as-
cribing them to the Koman culture. He believed
this was the culture of the autochtonous popula-
tion of the 7th and 8th centuries but he right-
fully questioned the contribution of Slavs in its
formation.47 A. Miloevi dealt with the same
problem dating the finds of this type (including
the example from Kai) to the 7th century on
the basis of the example from Ston which was
found in a grave together with a Byzantine belt
buckle of the Balgota type. In his opinion sur-
viving late antique settlers were representatives
of this culture.48 He also allows the possibility of
later use of this buckle in the grave without any
significant change in dating of these finds.49 It
is important to emphasize that out of Croatian
finds so far only two pendants were found in
closed grave units in systematically excavated
early Croatian cemeteries. These were pendants
from the necropoles Kai-Maklinovo brdo and
Stankovci-Velim whereas our example repre-
sents the third find. Circumstances of discover-
ing the remaining pendants are quite unclear as
these were mostly chance finds from destroyed
graves or unknown findspots. M. Petrinec in the
latest analysis of semicircular pendants states
they were cultural assets of the late antique i.e.
early Byzantine attire on the basis of a depic-
tion of the pendant on a fresco in the church of
Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome, dating them to
the second half of the 8th century.50 However
it is worth mentioning that the depiction of the
pendant on the mentioned fresco is quite sche-
matized resembling more another pendant from
the site of Sv. Erazmo (St. Erasmus) in Macedo-
nia than any of the Croatian finds.51 Therefore
these finds need to be interpreted in context of
45 J. BELOEVI, 1980.
46 M. PETRINEC, 2007.
47 Z. VINSKI, 1971, 59.
48 A. MILOEVI, 1989.
49 A. MILOEVI, 2000, 106-107.
50 M. PETRINEC, 2007, 80-82, fig. 1, fig. 3.
51 Cf. V. MALENKO, 1985, T. VI/5; E. MANEVA, 1992, T. 5., 55/24

na Duevia glavici. Takoer treba istaknuti da
su u Kaiu i Velimu polukruni privjesci pro-
naeni u enskim grobovima.53 U grobu 6 na
Duevia glavici ostatci skeleta na alost nisu
sauvani, no na osnovi komparativnih primjera
moemo pretpostaviti da je u njemu bila sahra-
njena enska osoba.54 Za determinaciju ovoga
groba, kao i itavog groblja na humku Duevi-
a glavica od osobitog je znaenja injenica da
je u istom grobu pronaena posuda slavenskih
znaajka izraena na spororotirajuem lonar-
skom kolu iz 8. stoljea, koja svakako nije sta-
rija od tog vremena,55 te da na itavom groblju
nema grobova ni nalaza koji bi se mogli dovesti
u vezu s bilo kojim etnitetom osim ranim Sla-
venima/Hrvatima. Stoga grob 6 s Duevia gla-
vice na osnovi nalaza, kao i ostale grobove ta-
koer treba pripisati ranoslavenskoj, odnosno
starohrvatskoj populaciji 8. stoljea. Meutim,
postavlja se pitanje zbog ega se predmeti bli-
ski komanskom kulturom krugu nalaze u jed-
nom ranoslavenskom/starohrvatskom grobu.
Treba napomenuti da ovakvi privjesci nisu je-
dini nalazi komanske kulture, te da se ostali na-
lazi karakteristini za tu kulturu ne pojavljuju
na podruju Hrvatske. Za odgovor na to pitanje
trebat e priekati daljnje razrjeenje problema
tko su bili nositelji komanske kulture, tj. je li
rije o autohtonoj, bizantskoj ili slavenskoj po-
pulaciji ili pak o kulturi nastaloj pod utjecajima
svih navedenih skupina, te u kakvom su odno-
su nositelji te kulture bili s pripadnicima staro-
hrvatske kulture.
Ostali materijal iz grobova uglavnom se sa-
stoji od keramikih priloga. U grobu 1 pronae-
na je manja posuda trbuasta oblika, a kratkim
ljevkastim vratom i zadebljanim, ravno odreza-
nim obodom izvijenim prema van (T. VII, 1).
Posuda na dnu ima kruni otisak osovine lon-
arskog kola, nije ukraena, dobro je peena i
tamnosive je boje. Sline primjerke nalazimo
na groblju drijac u Ninu.56
Jedna posuda pronaena je i u grobu 9, a
nalazila se uz noge pokojnika. Posuda je oker-
smee boje, trbuasta oblika, a na gornjem di-
53 J. BELOEVI, 1982, gr. 54, Y278; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 143.
54 J. BELOEVI, 1982, gr. 54, Y278; . JANKOVI, 2007, 199, sl. 197.
55 Rana slavenska keramika 7. stoljea u Dalmaciji predstavlja iznimno rije-
dak nalaz i posve je drugaijih tehnoloko-tipolokih znaajki. Rije je o
nalazima slavenskih urna s lokaliteta Maklinovo brdo - vinograd S. Dre u
selu Kaiu, te nalazima naseobinske keramike s oblinjeg lokaliteta Glav-
ine u selu Podvrju. Usp. BELOEVI, 1974; GUSAR, 2011.
56 J. BELOEVI, 2007, T. XLVIII/1, T. CVIII/1, T. LXXXIV/13, T. CXL/196.
115
the cemeteries they were found in, at least when
considering systematically excavated sites.
The cemetery in Kai is dated to the 8th and
the second half of the 9th century, and grave 54
with the pendant to the early 8th century, where-
as the cemetery in Stankovci was used from the
end of the 7th until the beginning of the 9th cen-
tury, judging from the reports from the ongo-
ing excavations of this site.52 In both cases these
are graveyards of the pagan horizon of the early
Croatian material culture to which we can add
the one on Duevia glavica. It is important to
mention that semicircular pendants from Kai
and Velim were found in female graves.53 Unfor-
tunately in grave 6 on Duevia glavica skeleton
remains were not preserved, but on the basis
of comparative examples we can assume that a
female person was buried in it.54 What is espe-
cially important for determination of this grave,
as well as the entire graveyard on the Duevia
glavica mound is the fact that a vessel with Slavic
characteristics made on a slow-rotating potters
wheel from the 8th century was found in the
same grave.55 It s also important that at the en-
tire graveyard there are no graves or finds which
could be related to any ethicity other than early
Slavs/Croats. Therefore grave 6 from Duevia
glavica, as well as other graves, should be attrib-
uted to early Slavic i.e. early Croatian popula-
tion of the 8th century. However the question
is why objects close to the Koman cultural cir-
cle were found in an early Slavic/early Croatian
grave. These pendants are not the only finds of
the Koman culture, and other finds characteris-
tic of this culture do not appear in the territory
of Croatia. To answer this question we will have
to wait for further explanation of the problem
of representatives of this culture i.e. whether it
was an autochtonous, Byzantine or Slavic popu-
lation or a culture formed under influences of all
mentioned groups, and what their relation with
the members of the early Croatian culture was.
The remaining material from the graves
mostly consists of pottery. In grave 1 was a
smaller belly-shaped vessel, with a short fun-
52 J. BELOEVI, 1982, gr. 54, Y278; 1980, 46, 93; R. JURI, 2007, 224.
53 J. BELOEVI, 1982, gr. 54, Y278; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 143.
54 J. BELOEVI, 1982, gr. 54, Y278; . JANKOVI, 2007, 199, fig. 197.
55 Early Slavic pottery from the 7th century in Dalmatia represents exceptio-
nally rare find and it has completely different technological and typologi-
cal characteristics. These are finds of Slavic urns from the site of Maklinovo
brdo vineyard of S. Dre in the village of Kai, and finds of pottery from
settlement from the nearby site of Glavine in the village of Podvrje. Cf. J. DUEVIA GLAVICA
BELOEVI, 1974; K. GUSAR, 2011. DUEVIA GLAVICA
116
jelu zavrava irokim otvorom (T. VII, 2). Obod
joj je stanjen prema vrhu i lagano izvijen prema
van. Na vratu posude nalazi se dekoracija koja
se sastoji od jednostruke lagano utisnute valov-
nice koja se na mjestima gubi. Slina posuda,
no s neto viim vratom, pronaena je u grobu
173 na nekropoli Nin-drijac.57 Radiokarbon-
ska analiza osteolokog materijala iz ovoga gro-
ba rezultirala je datacijom od 640. do 770. go-
dine (sl. 10).58 Ovaj grob, meutim, vjerojatnije
treba smjestiti u 8. stoljee ili najranije u kraj
7. stoljea s obzirom na to da se u Hrvatskoj u
ranom 7. stoljeu uglavnom pojavljuje ritus in-
cineracije s ukopima u keramikim urnama.59
Sl./ Fig. 10
Rezultati
radiokarbonske
analize osteolokih
ostataka iz groba 9
Results of the
radiocarbon analysis
of osteological
remains from grave 9
S ovog humka potjeu jedan eljezni no,
dvije posude i dva ulomka bronane ice koji
nisu pronaeni unutar grobova, ve izvan njih
(T. VIII, T. IX, 1-3). No je pronaen iznad za-
padne stranice groba 7. Veih je dimenzija, a
sauvana mu je otrica i baza drke (T. IX, 1).
U kvadrantu IV. izvan grobova pronaena su
i dva ulomka bronane ice krunog i ovalnog
presjeka koji su najvjerojatnije inili dio kari-
ica (T. IX, 2-3), to se bolje vidi na manjem
ulomku, kojemu je na jednome kraju sauvan
dio kukice za zakopavanje (T. IX, 3). Ovakve
su kariice jednostavna oblika s mehanizmom
57 J. BELOEVI, 2007, T. LXXVIII/1.
58 Analiza 14C uzorka iz groba 9 (Beta - 246359) provedena je u laboratoriju
Beta Analytic u Miamiju u SAD-u. Starost uzorka iznosi 133040 BP, a kali-
brirani datum 640-770 AD sa 95 % vjerojatnosti. Za kalibraciju je koriten
Karla Gusar INTCAL04.
Dario Vujevi 59 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 17.
nel-shaped neck and a thickened, straightly cut
and everted rim (Pl. VII, 1). The vessel has a
round impression of the potters wheel axle, it
is dark grey, undecorated and well fired. Simi-
lar examples can be found at the drijac cem-
etery in Nin.56
One vessel was found in grave 9, next to the
deceased persons legs. The vessel is ochre-
brown, belly-shaped, ending in a wide opening
in the upper part (Pl. VII, 2). The rim is tapering
and slightly everted. Decoration consisting of
a single impressed wavy line which disappears
at places is on the neck. A similar vessel with
somewhat taller neck was found in grave 173 at
the Nin-drijac necropolis57 Radiocarbon analy-
sis of the osteological material from this grave
resulted with dating to the period from the year
640 to 770 (Fig. 10).58 However it is more likely
that this grave should be dated to the 8th centu-
ry or at the earliest to the end of the 7th century
considering the fact that in the early 7th century
mostly cremation rite with burials in ceramic
urns is represented in Croatia.59
An iron knife, two vessels and two frag-
ments of bronze wire were also found in this
mound, outside graves (Pl. VIII, Pl. IX, 1-3).
56 J. BELOEVI, 2007, T. XLVIII/1, T. CVIII/1, T. LXXXIV/13, T. CXL/196.
57 J. BELOEVI, 2007, T. LXXVIII/1.
58 14C analysis of the sample from grave 9 (Beta - 246359) was conducted in
the laboratory Beta Analytic in Miami in the USA. The age of the sample
is 133040 BP, with calibrated date of 640-770 AD with 95 % probability.
INTCAL04 was used for calibration.
59 J. BELOEVI, 2007, 17.

za zakopavanje koji na jednom kraju ima ku-
kicu, a na drugom uicu, inae posve uobia-
jen prilog u grobljima poganskog horizonta u
Dalmaciji.60 to se tie posuda, jedna od njih
naena je sjeveroistono od groba 8 u kvadran-
tu III. Jajolikog je oblika, trbuh joj je najiri po
sredini posude, a u gornjem dijelu se znatno
suava te zavrava kratkim vratom i stanjenim
obodom koji se izvija prema van (T. VIII, 1).
Na donjem djelu nalazi se otisak krune oso-
vine lonarskog kola. Posuda nije ukraena i
svijetle je sivkasto-smee boje. Komparativne
primjerke nalazimo na poganskim nekropola-
ma Materiza i drijac u Ninu te Bijelo brdo I.
kod Osijeka.61 Druga posuda pronaena sjeve-
rozapadno od groba 6 u kvadrantu IV., slinog
je oblika kao i prethodna, samo je neto vitkija
od nje i ima slabije razvijen vrat (T. VIII, 2).
Trbuh joj je najiri u gornjem dijelu posude, te
je primjetno iri od otvora. Oker-crvenkaste je
boje sa sivim mrljama, to je rezultat neujed-
naenog peenja, i takoer nije ukraena. Pa-
ralele joj nalazimo meu keramikim posuda-
ma pronaenim uz humak Materiza u Ninu, a
slina forma pojavljuje se i na avaro-slavenskoj
nekropoli Devnska Nov Ves kod Bratislave iz
7.-8. stoljea.62
Sve posude s ovog humka raene su od pro-
iene gline pomijeane sa zrncima kalcita, na
runom spororotirajuem lonarskom kolu iji
se tragovi naroito opaaju na vanjskom platu
posuda u vidu vodoravnih linija nastalih zbog
rotacije (T. VI, 5) ili krunim, udubljenim otis-
cima osovine kola (T. VII, 1; T. VIII, 1). Vanjti-
na posuda dobro je zaglaena. Na posudama su
takoer oiti tragovi oblikovanja rukom, kao na
vratu posude iz groba 6, a najvie u unutranjo-
sti posuda. Od ukupno pet posuda samo jedna
je ukraena (T. VII, 2), koja je i neto primitiv-
nije izrade, to moe upuivati i na neto ranije
vrijeme njezina nastanka u odnosu na ostale.
Postotak ukraenih posuda na ovom humku
uklapa se u opu sliku slavenskih keramikih
nalaza na grobljima poganskog horizonta u
Dalmaciji. Sve posude manjih su dimenzija,
to je posve uobiajeno na dalmatinskim gro-
bljima poganskog horizonta pa im visina iznosi
60 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 85-86; M. PETRINEC, 2010, 119-120.
61 J. BELOEVI, 1980, T. LIV/1; 2007, T. XCI/1, T. CXLV/226; TOMII, 2002,
135, sl. 26
62 J. BELOEVI, 1962, T. II/1-1b, T. III71-1b; J. EISNER, 1952, Obr. 22/3.
117
The knife was found above the western side of
grave 7. It is quite large, with preserved blade
and handles basis (Pl. IX, 1). Two fragments of
bronze wire with round and oval cross-section
which were probably parts of circlets (Pl. IX,
2-3) were found in quadrant IV outside graves.
The smaller fragment has an extant part of a
fastening hook at one end (T. IX, 3). Simple cir-
clets of this type with the fastening mechanism
with a hook at one end and an eye on the other
are common grave goods at the cemeteries of
the pagan horizon in Dalmatia.60 As for the ves-
sels, one of them was found north-east of grave
8 in quadrant III. It has an ovoid form, its belly
is widest in the middle of the vessel, it narrows
significantly in the upper part and ends in a
short neck and thin everted rim (Pl. VIII, 1).
On the lower part is an impression of the round
potters wheel axle. The vessel is light greyish-
brown, undecorated. Comparative examples
can be found at the pagan necropoles Materiza
and drijac in Nin, and Bijelo brdo I near Osi-
jek.61 The other vessel was found north-west of
grave 6 in quadrant IV, it has similar form as
the previous one, only it is somewhat slimmer
and its neck is not as everted (Pl. VIII, 2). Its
belly is widest in the upper part of the vessel,
being wider even than the opening. It is ochre-
reddish with grey stains which is the result of
uneven firing. It is not decorated. Parallels can
be found among ceramic vessels found next to
the Materiza mound in Nin, and at the Avaro-
Slavic necropolis Devnska Nov Ves near Bra-
tislava from the 7th-8th centuries.62
All vessels from this mound were made of
purified clay tempered with calcite grains, on
slow-rotating potters wheel whose traces can
be noticed on the outer surface of the vessels as
horizontal lines resulting from rotation (Pl. VI, 5)
or as round, concave impressions of the wheels
shaft (Pl. VII, 1; Pl. VIII, 1). Outer surface of the
vessels is smooth. Traces of fashioning vessels
by hand are also recognizable, as on the neck of
the vessel from grave 6, and mostly in the inte-
rior of the vessels. Out of five vessels only one was
decorated (Pl. VII, 2) which was also fashioned
more primitively, possibly indicating somewhat
60 J. BELOEVI, 1980, 85-86; M. PETRINEC, 2010, 119-120.
61 J. BELOEVI, 1980, T. LIV/1; 2007, T. XCI/1, T. CXLV/226; TOMII, 2002,
135, fig. 26. DUEVIA GLAVICA
62 J. BELOEVI, 1962, T. II/1-1b, T. III71-1b; J. EISNER, 1952, Obr. 22/3. DUEVIA GLAVICA
118
od 9,3 do 12,6 cm, promjer otvora od 7 do 10
cm, a promjer dna od 6,5 do 7,8 cm. Tri posu-
de pronaene su unutar grobova, dok su dvije
naene izmeu njih. Kako su jedne i druge pro-
naene na grobnom humku, treba ih povezati
s poganskim obiajem prilaganja keramikih
posuda u grob, odnosno uz njega. Postavljanje
posuda izmeu grobova na tlu Dalmacije prvi
put je zabiljeeno na starohrvatskom groblju uz
humak Materiza kod Nina,63 a dodatnu potvrdu
nalazimo i na oblinjem humku Jokina glavica
u Krnezi, gdje je ak veina posuda pronaena
izmeu samih grobova.64
Openito se moe rei da srednjovjekovni
grobovi na Duevia glavici pripadaju pogan-
skom horizontu dalmatinsko-hrvatske mate-
rijalne kulture. Najvei dio nalaza odnosi se
na nalaze keramikih posuda, pa su tako oni
zastupljeni u etiri od pet bolje sauvanih gro-
bova, a takoer i izvan njih. Tako je ukupno
pronaeno pet posuda, nakon ega slijede
neto rjei metalni nalazi, zastupljeni s dva
noa, trodijelnom pojasnom garniturom,, te
ulomcima bronanih kariica. Svi ovi nalazi
upuuju na ranije razdoblje poganskog hori-
zonta, tj. vrijeme 8. stoljea, kada uglavnom
dominiraju keramiki nalazi, dok se u kasni-
jem razdoblju poganskih nekropola pojavlju-
ju raznolikiji nalazi nakita, orua i oruja koji
na ovom groblju nedostaju. Slinu situaciju
nalazimo i na nekropoli uz humak Materiza u
Ninu koja pokazuje dosta slinosti s ranosred-
njovjekovnim grobljem na ovom humku, te u
kojoj takoer dominiraju keramiki nalazi.65
Na isto razdoblje upuuju i rezultati radio-
karbonske analize iz groba 9 s datacijom od
640. do 770. godine, koju je mogue korigirati
inhumacijskim grobovima i nalazima kera-
mikih posuda raenih na lonarskom kolu,
iz ega slijedi da je poetak ukapanja mogue
smjestiti najranije u kraj 7. stoljea.
Tumul Duevia glavica donosi nove podat-
ke u ionako slabo poznatom razdoblju brona-
nog doba sjeverne Dalmacije. Prije svega ovo
je prvi primjer biritualnog pokapanja na istom
tumulu na ovom podruju u bronano doba.
Svi do sada poznati ukopi pod tumulima bili
63 J. BELOEVI, 1973, 238.
Karla Gusar 64 K. GUSAR, 2009, 176-177.
Dario Vujevi 65 J. BELOEVI, 1962; 1973.
earlier time of its production in relation to the
others. The percentage of decorated vessels in
this mound corresponds to general picture of
Slavic ceramic finds at the cemeteries of the pa-
gan horizon in Dalmatia. All vessels have small
dimensions which is quite common at the Dal-
matian cemeteries of the pagan horizon so that
their height measures from 9,3 to 12,6 cm, open-
ings diameter is from 7 to 10 cm, and bases di-
ameter from 6,5 to 7,8 cm. Three vessels were
found inside the graves, and two were between
the graves. Since both groups were found in the
funerary mound they should be related to the pa-
gan custom of putting ceramic vessels in or next
to the grave as offerings. Putting vessels between
the graves in Dalmatia was recorded for the first
time at the early Croatian cemetery next to the
Materiza mound near Nin.63 Additional confir-
mation can be found in the nearby Jokina glavica
mound in Krneza where most vessels were found
between the graves.64
In general we can say that medieval graves
from Duevia glavica belong to the pagan hori-
zon of the Dalmatian-Croatian material culture.
The greatest number of finds refers to ceramic
vessels which were found in four of five well
preserved graves, and also outside the graves.
Total of five vessels was found. Metal finds were
somewhat rarer, they were represented with
two knives, a tripartite belt set, and fragments of
bronze circlets. All these finds point to the earlier
period of the pagan horizon i.e. time of the 8th
century for which ceramic finds were dominant
whereas in the later period of pagan necropoles
more diverse finds of jewelry, tools and weap-
ons appear which are missing at this cemetery.
A similar situation occurs at the necropolis near
the Materiza mound in Nin which exhibits a lot
of similarities with the early medieval cemetery
at this mound, in which ceramic finds were also
dominant.65 Results of the radiocarbon analysis
from grave 9 with dating from 640 AD to 770
AD indicate the same period. This dating can be
corrected by inhumation graves and finds of ce-
ramic vessels made on potters wheel, meaning
that the beginning of burying can be dated to the
late 7th century at the latest.
63 J. BELOEVI, 1973, 238.
64 K. GUSAR, 2009, 176-177.
65 J. BELOEVI, 1962; 1973.

su ili inhumacijski ili incineracijski.66 Jedini
humak na kojem se javljaju oba ritusa pokapa-
nja je humak br. 13 u Nadinu, ali on je datiran
u eljezno doba, u razdoblje od 9. do 5. st. pr.
Kr.67 Pojave u ukapanju sline su onima na ci-
jelom zapadnom Balkanu, gdje se u tumulima
pronalazi mali broj priloga i nalaza u grobovi-
ma. Opa je znaajka i nedostatak keramikih
posuda u grobovima, ali fragmenti posuda re-
dovito se nalaze razbacani po cijelom humku,
to se vezuje uz razbijanje posua prilikom po-
grebnih obreda.68 Na Duevia glavici broj fra-
gmenata pronaenih u nasipu daleko je manji,
ali nakupina pronaena na rubu nasipa moe
ukazivati na sline rituale.
Keramika pronaena uz spaljene ostatke
kostiju, ali i pretpostavljena datacija izvornog
humka omoguuju usporedbu ovog nalazita s
ostalim ranobronanim nalazitima. Na irem
zadarskom podruju istraeno je samo nekoliko
humaka iz ovog vremena: humak 1 na gradini
Stanine u blizini Nadina,69 Vrsi-Kosa kod Mula70
i Zatona,71 humak 6 kod Nadina72 te Mala glavica
kod Podvrja.73 Svi navedeni sadre ostatke spa-
ljenih pokojnika. Uz njih su iz ranoga bronanog
doba poznati jo humci 6 i 7 kod Nadina, ali u
njima su pronaeni samo fragmenti ranobron-
ane keramike i razbacane ljudske kosti koje
ukazuju na ritus inhumacije.74
Humak 1 kod Stanina sadri tri groba s ar-
hitekturom u obliku manje etvrtaste kame-
ne krinje, u koje su poloeni spaljeni ostatci
pokojnika. Pronaen je i manji broje ulomaka
keramike.75
Mala glavica u Podvrju nalazi se samo pola
kilometra sjeverno od Duevia glavice. . Ba-
tovi ju je na osnovi nalaza datirao u 3. stupanj
cetinske kulture.76 Mala glavica djelomino se
konstrukcijski razlikuje od Duevia glavice.
Gradnja humka zapoela je postavljanjem niza
kamenja u obliku krunog vijenca na prvot-
nu povrinu zemljita. Nakon toga prostor je
omeen vijencem ispunjenim istom crvenom
66 . BATOVI, 1983a; 1983b; 1984; 1989-1990; 2002.
67 S. KUKO, 2004; 2009.
68 . BATOVI, 2002, 533.
69 S. Kuko, 2009, 20.
70 . BATOVI, 1973.
71 . BATOVI, 1983b.
72 S. Kuko, 2009, 30.
73 . BATOVI, 2002.
74 . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, 80.
75 . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, 87.
76 . BATOVI, 2002, 555.
119
The Duevia glavica tumulus brings new in-
formation on poorly known period of the Bronze
Age in northern Dalmatia. First of all this is the
first example of biritual burying at the same tumu-
lus in this region in the Bronze Age. All previously
known burials under tumuli were either inhuma-
tion or cremation.66 The only mound with both fu-
nerary rites is mound 13 in Nadin, but it is dated to
the Iron Age, to the period from the 9th to the 5th
centuries BC.67 The burial phenomena are similar
to those in the entire western Balkans where few
grave goods and accessories are found in the tu-
muli. General characteristic is also lack of ceramic
vessels in graves, but pottery sherds are regularly
scattered across the entire mound which is related
to breaking pottery as a part of funerary rituals.68
Fragments found in the fill of Duevia glavica are
not so numerous, but the accumulation in the pe-
riphery of the fill might indicate to similar rituals.
Pottery found near the burnt bone remains, as
well as the supposed dating of the original mound
enable comparison of this site with other Early
Bronze Age sites. In the wider Zadar region only
several mounds from this period were excavated:
mound 1 on the Stanine hill-fort near Nadin,69
Vrsi-Kosa near Mulo70 and Zaton,71 mound 6 near
Nadin,72 and Mala glavica near Podvrje.73 All men-
tioned mounds contain remains of burnt corpses.
There are also mounds 6 and 7 from Nadin from
the Early Bronze Age which yielded only frag-
ments of the Early Bronze Age pottery and scat-
tered human bones indicating inhumation rite.74
Mound 1 near Stanine contains three graves
with architecture in shape of a small rectangular
stone cist in which burnt remains of a deceased
person were laid. A small number of pottery
sherds was also found.75
Mala glavica in Podvrje is just half a kilom-
eter north of Duevia glavica. . Batovi dated
it to the 3rd phase of the Cetina culture on the
basis of finds.76 Mala glavica exhibits certain
differences regarding construction in compari-
son with Duevia glavica. Construction of the
66 . BATOVI, 1983a; 1983b; 1984; 1989-1990; 2002.
67 S. KUKO, 2004; 2009.
68 . BATOVI, 2002, 533.
69 S. Kuko, 2009, 20.
70 . BATOVI, 1973.
71 . BATOVI, 1983b.
72 S. Kuko, 2009, 30.
73 . BATOVI, 2002.
74 . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, 80.
75 . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, 87. DUEVIA GLAVICA
76 . BATOVI, 2002, 555. DUEVIA GLAVICA
120
zemljom u debljini 20-30 cm. Grobovi su polo-
eni na taj nasip, a gornji sloj kamenja i zemlje
nabacan je iznad njih.77 Tumul u Duevia gla-
vici nema kameni obzid, ali kao i Mala glavi-
ca ima posebno podignut nasip, tj. podlogu za
grobove. Slinost se primjeuje i u nainu po-
kopa. Kod oba tumula pokojnici su postavljeni
na podlogu, bez stavljanja spaljenih ostataka
u posude.78 Dakle, kod oba tumula primjeuje
se slinost u ritualu, a razlike u nainu gradnje
samo su posljedica lokalne prilagodbe prostoru
i dostupnom materijalu.
Na matinom podruju cetinske kulture tu-
muli s incineracijom redovito su manji od onih
s inhumacijom. Ostatci su pohranjeni u posude
koje su postavljene na bazu tumula ili kameni
nanos po sredini gomile. U pravilu ne sadre
priloge.79 Ostala keramika nije poloena u grob,
nego se pronalazi fragmentirana i razbacana po
tumulu80 Slinosti s Duevia glavicom primje-
uju se kako u konstrukciji tako i u ritualu. S
druge strane, s obzirom na nedostatak naselja
cetinske kulture na ovom podruju i udaljenost
od matinog teritorija, nije mogue pripisati
Duevia glavicu cetinskoj ili bilo kojoj drugoj
kulturnoj skupini. Slinosti doputaju tek us-
poredbu na kronolokoj razini, tj. moemo rei
da prvotni pokop na Duevia glavici pripada
ranom bronanom dobu.
to se tie ukopa u kamenoj krinji datu-
mi analize 14C pokazuju vrijeme srednjega
bronanog doba. Metalni nalazi pronaeni
uokolo tee su kronoloki odredivi, ali slini
se predmeti na ovom prostoru najee stav-
ljaju u razdoblje kasnoga bronanog doba.
Sam nain gradnje groba odgovara uzusima
pokapanja u kasnom bronanom i eljeznom
dobu, a grob je podignut na isti nain kao vei-
na liburnskih grobova na okolnom podruju.81
Naalost, zbog slabog poznavanja bronanog
doba na podruju sjeverne Dalmacije teko je
govoriti o preciznom kronolokom okviru za
ukope u kamenoj krinji, no s obzirom da sve
druge kronoloke odrednice ukazuju na kasno
77 . BATOVI, 2002, 498-499.
78 . BATOVI, 2002, 503.
79 I. MAROVI - B. OVI, 1983, 204.
80 N. MAJNARI PANDI, 2003, 44.
81 . BATOVI, 1983; 1984; 1990; 2002; S. Kuko, 2009. Ukop u kamenoj
krinji datiran u kasno bronano doba poznat je i s novijih istraivanja na
trasi autoceste kod Nadina. U dva humka (6 i 11) pronaeni su grobovi u
Karla Gusar obliku krinje od neobraenog kamenja s pojedinanim pokojnicima u
Dario Vujevi zgrenom poloaju . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, 80-82,
mound started with arranging row of stones
in the shape of a round wreath on the original
surface of the ground. Afterwards the area was
enclosed with a wreath filled with pure red soil
about 20-30 cm thick. Graves were laid onto
this fill, and the upper layer consisting of stones
and soil was thrown above them.77 The tumulus
in Duevia glavica does not have a stone enclo-
sure wall, but it has an elevated fill i.e. basis for
the graves. There are similarities in the burial
rite. In both tumuli the deceased persons were
laid on the basis, without putting the burnt re-
mains in urns.78 Similarities in the ritual are evi-
dent on both tumuli, and the differences in the
construction are a consequence of local adapta-
tion to the environment and available material.
In the original region of the Cetina culture tu-
muli with cremation are regularly smaller than
the ones with inhumation. The remains were de-
posited in a vessel which was placed on the ba-
sis of a tumulus or stone fill in the middle of the
mound. Usually there are no grave goods.79 Re-
maining pottery was not deposited in a grave, but
it is found in fragmented state and scattered over
a tumulus80 Similarities with Duevia glavica are
evident in the construction as well as in the ritual.
On the other hand considering the lack of settle-
ments of the Cetina culture in this region and
the distance from the original territory, Duevia
glavica cannot be ascribed to the Cetina culture
or any other cultural group. Similarities allow for
only a comparison on the chronological level, i.e.
we can say that the original burial on Duevia
glavica belongs to the Early Bronze Age.
As for the burial in the stone cist 14C dates
indicate to the period of the Middle Bronze
Age. Metal finds discovered around the cist are
chronologically indeterminable, but similar ob-
jects in this region are usually dated to the Late
Bronze Age. The manner of the grave construc-
tion corresponds to burial customs in the Late
Bronze and Iron Age and it was built as most
Liburnian burials in the surrounding area.81 Un-
fortunately it is difficult to determine precise
chronological framework for burials in the stone
77 . BATOVI, 2002, 498-499.
78 . BATOVI, 2002, 503.
79 I. MAROVI B. OVI, 1983, 204.
80 N. MAJNARI PANDI, 2003, 44.
81 . BATOVI, 1983; 1984; 1990; 2002; S. Kuko, 2009. Burial in the stone
cist dated to the Late Bronze Age is known from the recent research on
the motorway route near Nadin. In two mounds (6 and 11) were graves
in shape of a cist made of undressed stones with individual burials in a
crouched position. . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, 80-82,

bronano doba, datiranje dobiveno analizom
14
C treba uzeti s rezervom.
U ranom srednjem vijeku humak je opet u
upotrebi, pa se na njemu ukapa novopridolo
slavensko stanovnitvo krajem 7. i tijekom 8.
stoljea, nakon ega ukapanje na njemu vjero-
jatno prestaje, budui da ne nalazimo dokaze
njegove kasnijeg koritenja. S obzirom na uku-
pan broj od devet sauvanih grobova ovdje je
rije o groblju manje rodovske zajednice Slave-
na/Hrvata koji se na humku Duevia glavica
tijekom ranoga srednjeg vijeka nastavljaju uka-
pati na starijemu kultnom mjestu.
Usprkos tome to je Duevia glavica prili-
no unitena djelovanjem vremena i atmosfer-
skih prilika, te se na njoj nije ouvao veliki broj
grobova, ovaj humak prua iznimno zanimljivu
sliku o slijedu ukapanja, nainu koritenja i ra-
zliitim grobnim obiajima u rasponu od bron-
anog doba pa sve do ranoga srednjeg vijeka.
121
cist due to poor knowledge of the Bronze Age
in the northern Dalmatia region, but consider-
ing the fact that all other chronological deter-
minants point to the Late Bronze Age, 14C dates
should be considered with caution.
In the Early Middle Ages the mound was re-
used so that newcoming Slavic population buried
their dead in it in the late 7th and during the 8th
century. It seems that burying ceased after this
period since there is no evidence of its later use.
Judging from the total number of nine preserved
graves this was a cemetery of a smaller commu-
nity of Slavs/Croats who continued the burial
practice at an older cult place on Duevia glavica
during the Early Middle Ages.
Despite the fact that Duevia glavica was
heavily destroyed due to negative influence of
atmospheric agents and time, and few graves
were preserved in it, this mound offers an ex-
ceptionally interesting image of the course and
manner of its usage as well as of different bur-
ial customs in the time span from the Bronze
Age to the Early Middle Ages.
DUEVIA GLAVICA
DUEVIA GLAVICA
122
Katalog grobova:
Grob 1 Orijentacija sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Grobna
zemljana raka ovalna oblika. Uz pokojnikovu lijevu pot-
koljenicu i desno koljeno nalazi se po jedan neobraeni
kamen. U grobu su sauvani ostatci skeleta vjerojatno
enske osobe ija je starost procijenjena izmeu 35 i 49
godina (T. II, 1).
1. Keramika posuda tamnosive boje pronaena uz li-
jevu bedrenu kost skeleta (dimenzije: vis. 9,8; otv. 9,4;
dna 7,4 cm) (T. VII,1).
Grob 2 Potpuno unitena grobna zemljana raka neo-
dreena oblika i orijentacije. U grobu su sauvani izni-
mno mali dijelovi kostiju skeleta na osnovi kojih nije mo-
gue odrediti spol i starost pokojnika.
Grob 3 - Potpuno unitena grobna zemljana raka neodre-
ena oblika i orijentacije. U grobu su sauvani iznimno
mali dijelovi kostiju skeleta na osnovi kojih nije mogue
odrediti spol, a starost pokojnika procijenjena je izmeu
35 i 49 godina.
Grob 4 - Potpuno unitena grobna zemljana raka neo-
dreena oblika i orijentacije. U grobu su sauvani iznimno
mali dijelovi kostiju skeleta na osnovi kojih nije mogue
odrediti spol i starost pokojnika; jedino se moe utvrditi
da je rije o odrasloj osobi.
Grob 5 - Potpuno unitena grobna zemljana raka neo-
dreena oblika i orijentacije. Uz kosti nalazio se jedan
vei neobraeni kamen. U grobu su sauvani iznimno
mali dijelovi kostiju djejeg skeleta ija je starost procije-
njena izmeu 7 i 15 godina.
Grob 6 Unitena grobna raka neodreena oblika djelo-
mino obzidana jednim redom nepravilnog kamenja koja se
pruala u smjeru sjeveroistok-jugozapad. Zapadni dio groba
u potpunosti je uniten. Ostataka skeleta nema (T. II, 2).
1. Keramika posuda tamnosive boje pronaena u sje-
verozapadnom dijelu groba (dimenzije: vis. 10; otv. 9;
dna 7,5 cm) (T. VI, 5).
2. eljezni noi (dimenzije: du. 8,6; ir. otr. 1,7 cm).
(T. VI, 4).
3. eljezna kvadratina alka zaobljenih krajeva (di-
menzije: 2,8 x 2,8 cm) (T. VI, 3).
4. Bronani polumjeseasti privjesak (dimenzije: vis.
4,9; ir. 4,2; deb. 0,2 cm) (T. VI, 1).
5. Bronani kruni privjesak sa zavretkom u obliku
slova T (dimenzije: vis. 5,1; ir. 3,8; deb. 0,4 cm (T. VI, 2).
Grob 6a Arhitektura groba u obliku kamene krinje
koja se sastoji od dvije okomito postavljene vee ploe
na bonim i dvije manje na poprenim stranicama. Dno
kamene krinje bilo je ispunjeno nabojem od sitnog ka-
menja. U grobu su sauvani ostatci dva skeleta, od kojih
jedan pripada mukarcu ija je starost procijenjena izme-
u 50 godina i 64 godine, a drugi eni starosti izmeu 20
godina i 34 godine.
Grob 7 Orijentacija: jugozapad-sjeveroistok. Grobna
Karla Gusar
raka paetvorinasta oblika obzidana veim i manjim neo-
Dario Vujevi braenim kamenjem uslojenim u tri reda. U grobu su sa-
Grave catalogue:*82
Grave 1 Orientation: NW SE. Oval earthen grave pit.
An undressed stone was found next to the deceased per-
sons left lower leg and right knee. Remains of a probably
female skeleton were found in the grave, and the age of the
deceased was estimated at between 35 and 49 (Pl. II, 1).
1) A dark grey ceramic vessel found next to the left
femoral bone of the skeleton (dimensions: height 9,8;
opening 9,4; base 7,4 cm) (Pl. VII,1).
Grave 2 Completely destroyed earthen grave pit of ir-
regular form and orientation. Skeletal remains are too
poor to determine the gender and the age of the deceased.
Grave 3 Completely destroyed earthen grave pit of ir-
regular form and orientation. Skeletal remains are too
poor to determine the gender, and the age of the deceased
was estimated at between 35 and 49.
Grave 4 Completely destroyed earthen grave pit of ir-
regular form and orientation. Skeletal remains are too
poor to determine the gender and the age of the deceased,
it was only possible to determine that it was an adult.
Grave 5 Completely destroyed earthen grave pit of ir-
regular form and orientation. A large undressed stone was
found near the bones. Tiny remains of an infant skeleton
were preserved in the grave, and the age of the deceased
was estimated at between 7 and 15.
Grave 6 Destroyed grave pit of irregular form, par-
tially lined with a row of irregular stones, lying in the NE-
SW direction. Western segment of the grave is completely
destroyed. There are no skeletal remains (Pl. II,2).
1) A dark grey ceramic vessel found in north-western
part of the grave (dimensions: height 10; opening 9;
base 7,5 cm) (Pl. VI, 5)
2) A smal iron knife (dimensions: length 8,6; blade
width 1,7 cm) (Pl. VI, 4)
3) An iron square ring with rounded ends (dimensions
2,8x2,8 cm) (Pl. VI,3)
4) A bronze crescent-shaped pendant (dimensions:
height 4,9; width 4,2, thickness 0,2 cm) (Pl. VI, 1),
5) A bronze round pendant with a T-shaped ending
(dimensions: height 5,1; width 3,8; thickness 0,4 cm) all
found in south-eastern part of the grave (Pl. VI, 2).
Grave 6a Grave architecture in form of a stone cist con-
sisting of two vertically placed large slabs at the sides and
two smaller slabs on the ends. The bottom of the stone
cist was filled with hard-packed small stones. Remains of
two skeletons were found in the grave, one of which be-
longs to a man whose age was estimated at between 50
and 64 years, and the other to a woman who was between
20 and 34 years old.
Grave 7 Orientation: SW-NE. Rectangular grave pit
lined with large and small undressed stones arranged in
* Results of the anthropological analysis which was conducted at the De-
partment of Pathology, Forensic Medicine and Cytology, within Clinical
Hospital Center Split were used in this catalogue.

uvani ostatci mukog skeleta ija je starost procijenjena
izmeu 45 i 59 godina (T. II, 3).
Grob 8 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Unitena
grobna zemljana raka neodreena oblika. Uz lijevu stra-
nu pokojnika nalazio se jedan vei neobraen kamen. U
grobu su sauvani ostatci enskog skeleta ija je starost
procijenjena izmeu 50 i 64 godine.
Grob 9 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Grobna
raka ovalna oblika djelomino obzidana jednim redom
veeg neobraenog kamenja. U grobu su sauvani ostatci
enskog skeleta ija je starost procijenjena izmeu 30 i 49
godina (T. II, 4).
1. Keramika posuda crvenkastosmee boje ukraena
valovnicom pronaena uz desnu nogu skeleta (dimenzije:
vis: 9,3; otv. 9,5; dna 7,2 cm) (T. VII, 2).
2. eljezni predmet ouvan u tragovima (vjerojatno
no) pronaen uz lijevi kuk skeleta.
Grob 10 Sitni fragmenti izgorjelih ljudskih kostiju po-
stavljeni na naboj od sitnog kamenja koji ini podlogu
cijelog tumula. Zbog iznimne fragmentiranosti i otee-
nosti ne moe se ustvrditi ni spol ni dob, kao ni patoloke
i traumatske promjene.
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E. MANEVA 1992 Srednovekoven nakit od Makedonija, Skopje, 1992.
Karla Gusar
Dario Vujevi
E. MANEVA 1996 Nekoi aspekti za problematikata na ranosrednove-
kovnata kulturna grupa Komani-Kruje i njezinoto prisustvo
vo Makedonija, Izvornik I, 1-2, Struga, 1996, 11-25.
E. MANEVA 2005 Ancient jewellery from Macedonia: midlle ages,
Skopje, 2005.
I. MAROVI. B. OVI 1983 Cetinska kultura, Praistorija jugoslaven-
skih zemalja IV, Sarajevo, 1983, 191-232.
A. MILOEVI 1989 Komanski elementi i pitanje kasnoantikog konti-
nuiteta u materijalnoj kulturi ranosrednjovjekovne Dalmaci-
je, Diadora, 11, Zadar, 1989, 347-359.
A. MILOEVI 2000 Karolinki utjecaji u kneevini Hrvatskoj, Hrvati i
Karolinzi, Rasprave i vrela, Split, 2000, 106-139.
M. PETRINEC 2007 Komanski privjesci i pojasni jeziac s Bribirske gla-
vice, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, III. serija, 34, Split, 2007, 79-87.
M. PETRINEC 2009 Groblja od 8. do 11. stoljea na podruju ranosred-
njovjekovne hrvatske drave, Split, 2009.
V. POPOVI 1988 Albanija u kasnoj antici, Iliri i Albanci (ur. M. Garaa-
nin), SANU, Beograd, 1988, 201-283.
F. PRENDI 1980 Nj varrez e kulturs arbrore n Lezh, Iliria,
9-10/1979-1980, Tirana, 1980, 123-170.
I. RAJTERI SIVEC 1976 Oris arheolokega stanja in povojna razisko-
vanja zgodnjesrednjeveke arheologije u Albaniji, Arheolo-
ki vestnik, XXV, Ljubljana, 1976, 552-574.
H. SPAHIU 1971 Gjetje t vjetra nga varreza mejetare e Kalas s Dal-
maces, Iliria, 1, Tirana, 1971, 227-262.
. TOMII 2002 Keramika iz (ponekih) ranosrednjovjekovnih groba-
lja kontinentalnog dijela Hrvatske, Zgodnji Slovani. Zgod-
njesrednjeveka lonenina na obrobju vzohdnih Alp (ur.
Gutin M.), Ljubljana, 2002, 129-141.
K. VINSKI-GASPARINI 1973 Kultura polja sa arama u sjevernoj Hrvat-
skoj, Zadar, 1973.
Z. VINSKI 1971 Rani srednji vijek u Jugoslaviji od 400. do 800. godine,
Vjesnik arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu, V, Zagreb, 1971, 47-73.
M. ZAGARANIN 2008 Ranosrednjovjekovna nekropola Mijela kod
Virpazara, Magistarski rad, Beograd, 2008.
 125

tabla I
126
tabla II
 127

tabla III

2
128

tabla IV

1 2

3
4

5 6
 129

tabla V

2
3

4 5
130
tabla VI
1-4

0 6 cm

0 6 cm
 131
tabla VII
1

0 6 cm

0 6 cm
132
tabla VIII
1

0 6 cm

0 6 cm
 133

1 tabla IX

0 6 cm

2-3

0 6 cm
Ivana Anteri, eljana Bai,
Ela kori, imun Anelinovi
GROBOVA S tumula DUEVIA GLAVICA
FROM THE TUMULUS OF DUEVIA GLAVICA
S tumula Duevia glavica antropolokom je
analizom obraeno 10 grobova, s vie od dvje-
sto veih fragmenata kostiju, te kotani ostatci
spremljeni zasebno bez oznake, vjerojatno dio
nekog od navedenih grobova.
S obzirom na iznimno izraene postmortalne
promjene, prekrivenost zemljom, korijenjem
i kamenjem, prije analize bilo je potrebno de-
taljno oprati i oistiti materijal, vodei rauna o
tome da korijenje i zemlja koji se nalaze unutar
kosti, te su u pojedinim sluajevima utjecajem
vremena postali i inkorporirani u kost, dodat-
no ne unite materijal za analizu; sl. 1.
Ouvanost kosturnih ostataka stupnjevana
je u pet kategorija, od vrlo loe do odline, te
je zabiljeen stupanj postmortalnog oteenja
korteksa, kao i fragmentiranost kostiju. Kota-
ni su ostatci bili veinom loe ouvani; jedino
su ostatci u grobovima 7, 8 i 9 bili neto bolje
ouvani, u grobovima 8 i 9 ouvani su dobro,
a u grobu 7 vrlo dobro. Na svim je kotanim
ostatcima vidljivo vee postmortalno oteenje
korteksa. U grobu 10 pronaene su spaljene
kosti pokojnika.
Zbog opisanog stanja kod veine ispitiva-
nih kostiju nije bilo mogue obaviti standardna
antropometrijska mjerenja. Ako je bilo mogu-
e, kosti su izmjerene pomou osteometrijske
ploe i pominog mjerila, izraen je shematski
prikaz kostura i zabiljeen zubni status.1
Pri odreivanju spola pregledane su sve
morfoloke znaajke prisutnih kostiju, naroi-
to zdjelice i lubanje.2
Odreivanje dobi kod osoba koje su zavrile
rast, u ovoj je analizi bilo mogue odrediti na
temelju samo nekoliko pokazatelja: stupnja
1 P. H. Moore-Jansen R.L. Jantz, 1990., 1-89, appendix A i B.
2 W. M. Bass, 1995, 200-206; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 52-60; W. M. Krogman
M. Y. Iscan, 1986, 200-259; T. W. Phenice, 1969, 297-301; D. Zeevi,
2004, 194-202.
REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE ANALIZE
RESULTS OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
Ten graves from the site of Duevia glavica
were anthropologically analyzed, with more
than 200 larger bone fragments, together with
the bone remains which were preserved sepa-
rately without any information about the cir-
cumstances of discovery. They were probably
part of the osteological material from the ana-
lyzed graves.
Due to strongly emphasized postmortem
changes, coverage with dirt, roots and stones, it
was necessary to wash and clean thoroughly os-
teological material before analysis. It was also
necessary to pay attention that roots and dirt
which were inside the bone and which have be-
come incorporated into the bone in some cases
due to climate and weather changes, do not ad-
ditionally ruin material for analysis; (figure 1).
Preservation of the bone remains was classi-
fied into five categories, from very poor to ex-
cellent. Levels of postmortem cortex damage
were also recorded, as well as the levels of bone
fragmentation. Bone remains were mostly poor-
ly preserved, whereas only bone remains from
graves 7, 8 and 9 were preserved better, those in
graves 8 and 9 were in good state of preservation
and those in grave 7 were very well preserved.
Considerable postmortem cortex damages were
present on all bone remains. Cremated human
bones were found in grave 10.
Due to previously described conditions, it
was not possible to obtain standard anthro-
pometric measurements for most of analyzed
bones. Skeletons schematic overview for every
individual person was made whenever possi-
ble, standard measurements were taken and
dental status was recorded as well.1
1 P. H. Moore-Jansen R.L. Jantz, 1990, 1-89, appendix A i B.
136
During gender determination all morpho-
logical characteristics of present bones were
reviewed, pelvis and skull bones in particular.2
Age determination for persons whose
growth ended was possible on the basis of only
few indicators: degree of skull sutures accre-
tion3, changes in dental status4 and general ap-
pearance of the bone remains. Due to signifi-
cant postmortem damages on the osteological
material, age at the time of death for adults was
given in the range from over 15 years.
A subadult skeleton was found whose gender
could not be determined due to poor preserva-
tion and insecure gender determination of sub-
adult bone remains.5 Age at the time of death
of this skeleton was only approximately esti-
Sl./ Fig. 1 srastanja avova lubanje,3 promjena u zubnom
Krneza-Duevia mated on the basis of the length of long bone
glavica, grob 6,
statusu4 te opeg izgleda kotanih ostataka. S
diaphyses6 because neither one of them was
osoba 1 i 2 obzirom na vea postmortalna oteenja oste-
Krneza-Duevia fully preserved. Due to significant postmortem
olokog materijala, starost odraslih osoba u
glavica, grave 6, changes present on osteological material, age
persons 1 and 2 trenutku smrti dana je u rasponu od petnaest
estimation could not be obtained on the basis
i vie godina.
of specific changes in dental status induced by
Pronaen je jedan djeji kostur, kojemu,
eruption and formation of deciduous and per-
zbog loije ouvanosti te zbog nemoguno-
manent teeth together with the degree of bone
sti pouzdanog odreivanja spola u djece5 nije
ossification process based on the degree of ac-
odreen spol. Starost pronaenog djejeg ko-
cretion of epyphises with diaphyses.7 The sub-
stura procijenjena je iskljuivo na temelju du-
adult skeleton was given longer age range than
ljine dijafiza dugih kostiju,6 i to priblino, jer
usual for the same reason.
nijedna dijafiza nije sauvana u cijelosti. Pro-
It was not possible to note traumatic and
cjenu starosti djeteta na osnovi promjena u
pathological bone changes since cortex of all
zubnom statusu prouzroenih formiranjem i
bones was damaged by water, soil and roots.
nicanjem mlijenih i stalnih zuba i stupnja os-
Eleven persons were buried in ten graves,
cifikacije kostiju s obzirom na stupanj srasta-
one animal tooth was found in one grave and
nja epifiza s dijafizama7 nije mogue dati, jer
pottery sherds in several graves.
su na kotanom materijalu prisutne izraene
postmortalne promjene. Iz istog je razloga za
dijete dan vei raspon godina od uobiajenog.
Kako je korteks svih kostiju oteen djelova-
njem vode, zemlje i korijenja, nisu se mogle zami-
jetiti mogue traumatske i patoloke promjene.
U deset se grobova nalazilo jedanaest oso-
ba, u jednom je pronaen ivotinjski zub, a u
pojedinim su grobovima pronaeni fragmenti
keramike.

2 W. M. Bass, 1995, 200-206; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 52-60; W. M. Krogman

M. Y. Iscan, 1986, 200-259; T. W. Phenice, 1969, 297-301; D. Zeevi,
2004, 194-202.
3 Z. Zupani-Slavec, 2004, 39-41. 3 Z. Zupani-Slavec, 2004, 39-41.
4 W. M. Bass, 1995, 12-25; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 75-84; W. M. Krogman 4 W. M. Bass, 1995, 12-25; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 75-84; W. M. Krogman
Ivana Anteri M. Y. Iscan, 1986, 103-179; D. Zeevi, 2004, 202-205. M. Y. Iscan, 1986, 103-179; D. Zeevi, 2004, 202-205.
eljana Bai 5 E. E. Hunt I. Gleiser, 1955, 479. 5 E. E. Hunt I. Gleiser, 1955, 479.
Ela kori 6 E. Maresh, 1970, 157-200. 6 E. Maresh, 1970, 157-200.
imun Anelinovi 7 IBID. 7 IBID.

Nalazi po grobovima:
Grob 1:
Uuvanost korteksa: loa
Spol: enski.
Starost u trenutku smrti: 35-49 godina
Patoloke promjene: nisu vidljive.
Prisutni su fragmenti lubanje, od kojih je osam veih
dimenzija, svi debljeg promjera. Na pojedinim su fra-
gmentima vidljivi avovi, veinom srasli (osim kosti uz
koronalni av), i djelomino obliterirani. Na dijelovima
temporalne kosti ouvani su mastoidni nastavci, veeg
promjera i snaniji.
Pronaena su i dva fragmenta mandibule, i to desnog
dijela (bez angulusa i ramusa) s drugim kutnjakom (M2)
in situ, te fragment tijela mandibule duljine 2 cm. Sedam
je zuba postmortalno ekstrahirano (sjekutii, onjaci, pret-
kutnjaci), a grizne plohe svih zuba su iznimno istroene.
Prisutan je i djelomino ouvan atlas, manjeg pro-
mjera, lijevi femur bez distalnog i proksimalnog dijela,
srednjih dimenzija, dva fragmenta tibije, dva fragmenta
humerusa s neto izraenijim miinim hvatitima te fra-
gmenti fibule, radijusa i ulne, gracilnije grae.
Pronaeni su i fragmenti zdjelice, irih sjednih ureza.
Fragmenti ostalih kostiju su jako sitni, duljine ne vee od
2 cm, te samim time nisu dostupni analizi.
Prema izgledu sjednog ureza, gracilnoj grai analizi-
ranih kostiju te slabije izraenim miinim hvatitima,
moe se zakljuiti kako se radi o enskoj osobi.
Prema stupnju srastanja avova lubanje te istroeno-
sti griznih ploha zakljuuje se da je rije o starijoj odrasloj
osobi (35-49 godina).
137
Overview of graves:
Grave 1:
Cortex preservation: poor
Gender: female
Age at time of death: 35- 49 years
Pathological changes: not present
Fragments of the skull were preserved. Eight of them
have larger dimensions, whereas all of them have thicker
diameter. Some fragments have visible sutures which are
mostly joined (except coronal suture) and partly obliter-
ated. Mastoid process is preserved on parts of temporal
bones and they are all massive and have thicker diameter.
A premolar in situ is present on a fragment of maxilla.
Two fragments of the right third of the lower jaw were
also found. They do not have preserved angle and ramus
but they have one tooth (molar) in situ. Fragment of the
body of the lower jaw with length of 2 cm was also pre-
served. Seven teeth were extracted postmortem (incisors,
canines and premolars) and all the teeth surfaces were
extremely worn out.
There are also: partially preserved atlas with thinner
diameter, medium-sized left femur without preserved
proximal and distal parts, two fragments of a tibia, two
fragments of a humerus with less pronounced muscle at-
tachments and fragments of a fibula, radius and ulna all
with fragile structure.
There were also pelvis fragments with wider incisura
ischiadica. Other bones fragments are very small, not
longer than 2 cm and therefore unsuitable for analysis.
Appearance of incisura ischiadica, fragile structure of
analyzed bones and less pronounced muscle attachments
most probably indicate that this is a female skeleton.
According to the degree of accretion of the skull su-
tures and state of teeth surfaces the conclusion is that this
was probably an older adult person (35-49 years).
REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE
ANALIZE GROBOVA S
tumula DUEVIA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE
OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
FROM THE TUMULUS OF
DUEVIA GLAVICA
138
Grob 2:
Uuvanost korteksa: loa
Spol: muki.
Starost u trenutku smrti: odrasla osoba
Patoloke promjene: nisu vidljive.
Ouvano je devet fragmenata kostiju, od kojih sredinji
dio humerusa dimenzija 11,7 x 2,7 cm, dio zglobne plo-
he skapule (cavitas glenoidalis) dimenzija 4,6 x 2,3 cm,
fragment kraljeka te est fragmenata kostiju nepravilnog
oblika, manjih dimenzija, za koje se ne moe odrediti ko-
jim kostima pripadaju.
S obzirom na stanje i stupanj oteenja osteolokog
materijala, pregledom je mogue utvrditi kako se u ovom
grobu nalazila muka odrasla osoba, i to na temelju mor-
fologije fragmenta humerusa, koji je robusne grae, jae
izvuenih miinih hvatita, naglaenog intertuberalnog
sulkusa. Zbog velikog postmortalnog oteenja korteksa
nema vidljivih patolokih promjena.
Grob 3:
Uuvanost korteksa: loa
Spol: nije mogue odrediti
Starost u trenutku smrti: 35- 49 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu vidljive.
Prisutno je est fragmenata lubanje debljine 0,4 cm i pro-
sjenog promjera 4 cm. Jedan dio lubanje fragmentiran je
uzdu ava koji nije u potpunosti obliterirao, ali zbog fra-
gmentiranosti se ne moe odrediti o kojem se avu radi.
Prisutan je i fragment desnog dijela mandibule, bez zuba
in situ, robusnije grae. Sauvana su i tri postmortalno
ekstrahirana zuba, od kojih jedan ima iznimno istroenu
griznu plohu. Takoer je vidljiv zaivotni gubitak prvoga
kutnjaka mandibularno desno (M1), odnosno resorpcija
kosti na mjestu alveole.
Pregledom fragmenata lubanje i prisutnih zuba moe
Ivana Anteri se zakljuiti kako se radi o starijoj odrasloj osobi (35 - 49
eljana Bai godina), dok spol nije mogue odrediti.
Ela kori
imun Anelinovi
Grave 2:
Cortex preservation: poor
Gender: male.
Age at time of death: adult.
Pathological changes: not present.
Nine bone fragments were preserved: central part of a hu-
merus with dimensions of 11.7 x 2.7 cm, part of scapular
articular surface (cavitas glenoidalis) with dimensions of
4.6 x 2.3 cm, vertebral fragment and six bone fragments
with irregular shape and smaller dimensions for which it
was not possible to determine which bones they belong to.
Analysis indicates that the adult person was buried in
this grave. Morphological characteristics of the humerus
which is massive, with pronounced muscle attachments
and intertubular sulcus indicate that this person was a
male. Due to heavy postmortem cortical damage there are
no visible pathological changes.
Grave 3:
Cortex preservation: poor.
Gender: undeterminable.
Age at time of death: 35- 49 years.
Pathological changes: not present.
Six skull fragments were preserved. They are 0.4 cm thick
and 4 cm in diameter. One part of the skull is fragment-
ed along the suture that did not fully obliterate. Due to
extreme fragmentation it was not possible to determine
which suture was it exactly.
There is also a massive fragment of right part of the
lower jaw, without preserved teeth (in situ).
Three postmortem extracted teeth were also pre-
served and one of them has extremely worn out teeth sur-
face. Alveolar bone resorption indicates antemortem loss
of the first molar of the right side of the lower jaw (M1).
Analysis of the skull fragments and present teeth in-
dicates that this was an older adult person (35-49 years),
whereas gender could not be determined.
 139

Grob 4: Grave 4:
Uuvanost korteksa: loa Cortex preservation: poor.
Spol: nije mogue odrediti Gender: undeterminable.
Starost u trenutku smrti: nije mogue odrediti Age at time of death: undeterminable.
Patoloke promjene: nisu vidljive. Pathological changes: not present.

Pronaen je vei fragment lubanje, dim. 5,6 x 6,8 cm, pro-
mjera 0,6 cm, na jednom dijelu fragmentiran po avu, te
jo etiri manja fragmenta lubanje. Prisutna su dva pos-
tmortalno ekstrahirana zuba, sa srednje istroenim gri-
znim plohama, sedam fragmenata dugih cjevastih kosti-
ju, maksimalne dimenzije 3,5 cm, koji zbog veliine nisu
dostupni analizi.
Pregledom kotanih ostataka mogue je zakljuiti kako
se u grobu nalazi odrasla osoba, nepoznatog spola i dobi.
Larger skull fragment was found, with dimensions of 5.6 x
6.8 cm, diameter 0.6 cm. It is fragmented along the suture
in one part. There were also four smaller skull fragments.
Two post-mortem extracted teeth are present, with mod-
erately worn out teeth surfaces. There are also seven frag-
ments of long bones, with maximal dimensions of 3.5 cm,
which are not suitable for analysis due to small dimensions.
Analysis of bone remains indicates that an adult per-
son was buried in this grave, of unidentified gender and
age at the time of death.

REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE
ANALIZE GROBOVA S
tumula DUEVIA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE
OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
FROM THE TUMULUS OF
DUEVIA GLAVICA
140
Grob 5:
Uuvanost korteksa: loa
Spol: nije mogue odrediti
Starost u trenutku smrti: od 7 do 15 godina
Patoloke promjene: nisu vidljive.
Od kotanih ostataka pronaena je klavikula dimenzija
1,0 x 1,3 cm, distalni dio humerusa bez sauvane trochlee
humerii dimenzija 7,2 x 1,6 cm, proksimalni dio radiju-
sa bez sauvanog caput radii dimenzija 7,8 x 1,0 cm, dva
fragmenta tijela radijusa ili ulne dimenzija 9,8 x 1,2 cm,
odnosno 5,5 x 1,0 cm, fragment tijela tibije dimenzija 6,5
x 1,6 cm, dva fragmenta duge cjevaste kosti, i to femura
ili tibije dimenzija 9,9 x 1,2 cm i 9,1 x 1,1 cm, tri fragmen-
ta angulusa lopatice dimenzija 5,1 x 3,2 cm, te dvanaest
manjih fragmenata ostalih kostiju. Sve su kosti gracilnije
grae, tanjeg promjera i manjih dimenzija.
Detaljnim pregledom moe se zakljuiti kako kosti
pripadaju djetetu starosti 7 do 15 godina, i to na temelju
dimenzija i morfologije kosti. Starost djeteta procijenjena
je aproksimativno na temelju duljina sauvanih dugih ko-
stiju. Za preciznije odreivanje dobi nedostaju zubi, dis-
talni i proksimalni dijelovi kostiju, kao i epifize.
Grob 6:
Analizirane kosti ispunjene su zemljom, koja je fiksira-
la korteks kotanih fragmenata, proetom korijenjem.
Ni na jednom fragmentu nije ouvana zglobna ploha.
Pregledom kostiju ustanovljeno je da se u grobu nalaze
dvije osobe.
Osoba 1
Uuvanost korteksa: loa
Spol: muki
Starost u trenutku smrti: 50 -64 godina
Patoloke promjene: nisu vidljive.
Ivana Anteri Prisutno je nekoliko fragmenata lubanje, svi su avovi
eljana Bai vrsto srasli i obliterirali. Pronaeno je i dvadesetak fra-
Ela kori
imun Anelinovi gmenata dugih kostiju, srednje grae, s jako izraenim
Grave 5:
Cortex preservation: poor.
Gender: subadult.
Age at time of death: from 7 to 15 years.
Pathological changes: not present.
Among bone fragments there were: clavicle with dimen-
sions of 1.0 x 1.3 cm, distal part of a humerus without pre-
served trochlea humeri, dimensions 7.2 x 1.6 cm, proxi-
mal part of a radius without preserved caput radii dimen-
sions of 7.8 x 1.0 cm, two body fragments of a radius or
ulna with dimensions of 9.8 x 1.2 cm i.e.5.5 x 1.0 cm, body
fragments of a tibia with dimensions of 6.5 x 1.6 cm, two
fragments of a long bone, most probably a femur or tibia
with dimensions of 9.9 x 1.2 cm and 9.1 x 1.1 cm, three
fragments of a scapular angle with dimensions of 5.1 x 3.2
cm, and 12 smaller fragments of other bones. All bones
are fragile with thinner diameter and smaller dimensions.
Detailed analysis indicates that the bones belong to a
subadult who was between 7 and 15 years of age on the
basis of bone dimensions and morphology. More accurate
age determination was not possible due to missing teeth,
proximal and distal parts of bones and epiphyses.
Grave 6:
Analyzed bones were filled with soil and roots that fixated
bone cortex. Articular surface was not preserved on any
of the fragments.
Anthropological analysis indicates that two persons were
buried in this grave.
Person 1:
Cortex preservation: poor.
Gender: male.
Age at time of death: 50 -64 years.
Pathological changes: not present.
Several skull fragments were preserved. All sutures are
firmly joined and obliterated. There were 20 fragile frag-
ments of long bones with prominent muscle attachments.

miinim hvatitima. Prisutno je i etrnaest postmortal-
no ekstrahiranih zuba (sjekutii, pretkutnjaci, kutnjaci),
jaih korijena, s iznimno istroenim griznim plohama.
Jae izraena miina hvatita, morfologija lubanje i
zuba upuuju na osobu mukog spola, a avovi lubanje i
zubni status na dob od 50 godina do 64 godine.
Osoba 2
Uuvanost korteksa: loa
Spol: enski
Starost u trenutku smrti: 20 34 godina
Patoloke promjene: nisu vidljive.
Prisutan je kotani fragment distalne treine ulne ili radi-
jusa bez zglobne plohe, gracilnije grae i manjeg promje-
ra kosti, te 10 postmortalno ekstrahiranih zuba (sjekuti-
i, pretkutnjaci i kutnjaci). Grizne plohe zuba odlino su
ouvane, bez vidljivih znakova karioznih promjena, zubi
su manjih dimenzija.
Na temelju morfoloke grae te izgleda zuba i kota-
nog fragmenta moe se pretpostaviti kako se radi o en-
skoj osobi, i to mlae ivotne dobi (20 - 34 godine).
141
There are also 15 post-mortem extracted teeth (incisors,
premolars and molars) all with strong roots with ex-
tremely worn out teeth surfaces.
Extremely pronounced muscle attachments and teeth
morphology indicate male gender, whereas skull sutures
and dental status indicate age from 50 to 64.
Person 2:
Cortex preservation: poor.
Gender: female.
Age at time of death: 20 34 years.
Pathological changes: not present.
A fragment of a distal third of ulna or radius without ar-
ticular surface was preserved. Fragment is fragile and
with thinner bone diameter. Ten smaller post-mortem
extracted teeth were also preserved (incisors, premolars
and molars). Teeth surfaces are very well preserved, with-
out visible signs of caries.
Anthropological analysis based on appearance and mor-
phological characteristics of the teeth and bone fragment
indicates younger person (20-34 years), of female gender.
REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE
ANALIZE GROBOVA S
tumula DUEVIA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE
OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
FROM THE TUMULUS OF
DUEVIA GLAVICA
142
Grob 7:
Uuvanost korteksa: vrlo dobra.
Spol: muki
Starost u trenutku smrti: 45 59 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu vidljive
Prisutna je lubanja, bez veeg dijela baze lubanje i lica,
ispunjena zemljom koja je fiksirala dijelove kosti. avovi
lubanje vrsto su srasli, dijelom obliterirali, i to veinom
na sjecitu koronalnoga i sagitalnog ava. Kosti lubanje su
robusnije, slabije izraenih miinih hvatita. elo je koso
poloeno, supercilijarni luk jae je naglaen, supraorbitalni
luk je deblji i okrugliji, frontalna kost jae je izraena, gla-
bela i okcipitalni greben slabije su izraeni, kranijalni gre-
ben je glatkiji, kosti lubanje su okcipitalno veeg promjera
negoli frontalno, hvatita temporalnih miia su plosnatija,
vanjski okcipitalni nastavak srednje je izraen, dok je ma-
stoidni nastavak neto jae izraen. Nepce ima elipsoidan
oblik, zubi su veih dimenzija. Od epigenetskih znaajka
vidljivi su supraorbitalna poroznost desno, te medijalni
supraorbitalni av lijevo. Oblik lubanje je mezocefalian.
Na lubanji su zamijeene i postmortalne promjene, i
to lijevo temporalno i okcipitalno te desno okcipitalno uz
avove, u obliku neravnina na kosti. Na parijetalnoj kosti
vidljiva je promjena, pravilnog okruglog oblika, za koju
nije mogue utvrditi radi li se o promjeni nastaloj za i-
vota ili poslije smrti. Prisutna su i dva fragmenta maksile
u kojima se in situ nalaze: desno drugi pretkutnjak (P2)
i prvi kutnjak (M1); a lijevo prvi i drugi pretkutnjak (P1 i
P2), te prvi, drugi i trei kutnjak (M1, M2 i M3).
Pronaena su i dva fragmenta mandibule snanije
grae, u kojima se in situ nalazi: desno trei kutnjak (M3).
Grizne plohe svih zuba jako su istroene.
Prisutan je i fragment distalne treine humerusa, naj-
vjerojatnije desnog, jaih hvatita miia.
Detaljnim pregledom kostiju, osobito grae lubanje i
mandibule, ali i ostalih fragmenata mogue je zakljuiti
da se u grobu nalazi muka osoba. S obzirom na stupanj
srastanja avova lubanje i zubni status, odnosno izgled
griznih ploha, dob se procjenjuje na 45 do 59 godina.
Ivana Anteri
eljana Bai
Ela kori
imun Anelinovi
Grave 7:
Cortex preservation: very good.
Gender: female.
Age at time of death: 20 34 years.
Pathological changes: not present.
Skull was preserved without larger part of the basis and
face and it is also filled with soil that fixated parts of the
skull bones. Skull sutures are firmly joined, partly oblit-
erated, mostly on junction of coronal and sagittal suture.
Skull bones are massive with less prominent muscle attach-
ments. Forehead is positioned obliquely, superciliary arch
is pronounced, supraorbital arch is thicker and rounded,
frontal bone is pronounced, glabela and occipital ridge are
less pronounced, cranial ridge is smoother, skull bones
have larger dimensions occipitally than frontally, temporal
muscle attachments are flatter, external occipital process
is averagely emphasized, whereas mastoid process is more
pronounced. Palate has ellipsoidal shape, teeth have larger
dimensions. Among epigenetic characteristics, right sided
supraorbital porosity and left sided medial supraorbital su-
ture were visible. Skull has mesocephalic shape.
There were also postmortem skull changes on the left
temporal and occipital bone and on the right side of the
occipital bone near the sutures where they look like bone
bumps. Round shaped change of unknown etiology is
present on the parietal bone.
Two fragments of the upper jaw are also present. They
contain teeth (in situ): on the right side there are the first and
second premolars (P1 and P2) and the first molar (M1); and
on the left side an incisor (C), the first and second premolars
(P1 and P2) and the first and second molars (M1 and M2).
There were also two massive fragments of the lower
jaw which have the following teeth in situ: on the right
side there are second and third molars (M2 and M3);
whereas on the left side there is the first molar (M1).
Teeth surfaces of all teeth are very worn out.
Fragment of the distal third of the humerus with pro-
nounced muscle attachments was also preserved.
Detailed anthropologic analysis, particularly of the
skull and lower jaw, and all other fragments as well, indi-
cates that person of male gender was buried in this grave.
Due to the degree of suture accretion and dental status,
with respect to the state of teeth surfaces, age at the time
of death was estimated at 45 to 59.

Grob 8:
Uuvanost korteksa: dobra.
Spol: enski
Starost u trenutku smrti: 50 64 godina.
Patoloke promjene: nisu vidljive
Lubanja je fragmentirana, nakon pranja i suenja djelo-
mino rekonstruirana. Koronalni av je u cijeloj duini u
potpunosti obliterirao, sagitalni i lambdoidalni avovi su
srasli, ali ne i obliterirali. Pravilnog je oblika, srednjih di-
menzija, eona kost je ravna, supercilijarni lukovi slabije
su naglaeni, supraorbitalni luk tanji je i otriji, glabela je
slabije naglaena, okcipitalni greben srednje je naglaen,
kranijalni greben ima slabije izraena miina hvatita,
vanjski okcipitalni nastavak slabije je izraen. Prisutan
je i fragment desnoga ramusa mandibule, oteenog kor-
teksa i tanjeg promjera. Pronaeno je i est postmortalno
ekstrahiranih zuba (onjak, pretkutnjaci, kutnjaci), fra-
gmentiranih i loe ouvanih. Grizne plohe svih zuba izni-
mno su istroene.
Detaljnim pregledom prisutnih kostiju, odnosno lubanje
i mandibule, mogue je zakljuiti da se najvjerojatnije radi o
enskoj osobi. Na temelju stupnja srastanja avova lubanje i
zubnog statusa dob se procjenjuje na 50-64 godine.
Grob 9:
Uuvanost korteksa: dobra.
Spol: enski
Starost u trenutku smrti: 30 49 godina.
Patoloke promjene: karijes
Pronaeno je devet fragmenata lubanje, uglavnom fra-
gmentiranih po avovima, te dio lubanje s obje orbite,
supercilijarnim lukovima i dijelom eone kosti. Superci-
lijarni lukovi srednje su izraeni, a elo je koso poloeno.
Prisutna su i dva fragmenta maksile: desni dio s prvim
pretkutnjakom (P1), te lijevi s prvim i drugim kutnjakom
(M1 i M2) in situ. Od mandibule ouvano je tijelo, bez an-
gulusa i ramusa, desno sa svim zubima in situ osim me-
143
Grave 8:
Cortex preservation: good.
Gender: female.
Age at time of death: 50 64 years.
Pathological changes: not present.
Skull is fragmented. It was partly reconstructed after
washing and drying. Coronal suture is completely oblit-
erated, sagittal and lamdoidal sutures are firmly joined,
but they are not obliterated. The skull has regular shape,
standard dimensions, frontal bone is straight, superciliary
arches are less pronounced, supraorbital arch is thinner
and sharper, glabela is less pronounced, occipital ridge is
standard, cranial ridge has less pronounced muscle attach-
ments, external occipital process is less pronounced. Frag-
ment of the right ramus of the lower jaw is also present. It
has damaged cortex and thinner diameter. Six teeth which
were extracted postmortem were found as well (a canine,
premolars and molars). They are fragmented and poorly
preserved with extremely worn out teeth surfaces.
Detailed analysis of present bones i.e. the skull and
lower jaw, indicates that a female person was buried in
this grave. On the basis of the degree of suture accretion
and dental status age is estimated at 50 to 64.
Grave 9:
Cortex preservation: good
Gender: female
Age at time of death: 30 49 years
Pathological changes: caries
Nine skull fragments were found, mostly fragmented on
the sutures, and a skull fragment with both orbits, super-
REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE
ciliary arches and a part of the frontal bone. Supercili- ANALIZE GROBOVA S
ary arches are moderately pronounced and the forehead tumula DUEVIA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE
is positioned obliquely. Two fragments of the upper jaw ANTHROPOLOGICAL
are also present: right part with the first premolar (P1), ANALYSIS OF THE
and left part with the first and second premolars (P1 and OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
FROM THE TUMULUS OF
P2) in situ. Bone body was preserved out of the lower jaw, DUEVIA GLAVICA
144
dijalnog sjekutia (I1), a lijevo s drugim kutnjakom (M2).
Pronaeno je i jedanaest postmortalno ekstrahiranih
zuba. Grizne plohe svih zuba srednje su istroene.
Takoer su pronaeni i fragmenti zdjelice s uim sjed-
nim urezom, obje klavikule, desni humerus, desni i lijevi
radijusi bez distalnih treina, proksimalna polovina de-
sne ulne, lijeva ulna bez distalne treine, desni femur bez
proksimalne i distalne zglobne plohe, po dva fragmenta
tijela lijevih femura, tibije i fibule bez proksimalnih i dis-
talnih zglobnih ploha, desna skapula bez sauvanoga ve-
eg inferiornog medijalnog ruba te fragmenti kraljeaka i
rebara. Sve su kosti gracilnije grae i manjih dimenzija.
Unato uem sjednom urezu fragmenta desnog dijela
zdjelice, koji je karakteristian za muki spol, pregledom
ostalih kostiju mogue je zakljuiti kako se ipak radi o osobi
enskog spola. S obzirom na zubni status te stupanj srasta-
nja avova lubanje dob u trenutku smrti procjenjuje se na
30 do 49 godina.
Grob 10.
Kotani ostatci iz ovoga groba su spaljeni, iznimno fra-
gmentirani, prosjene dimenzije 1,2 cm. Detaljnim pre-
gledom korteksa kosti, odnosno odnosa debljine korteksa
kosti i medularne upljine zakljueno je kako se u grobu
nalaze ljudske kosti. Zbog stanja kotanih ostataka ne
mogu se utvrditi spol ni dob, kao ni patoloke ni traumat-
ske promjene.
Nepoznati grob:
Prisutan je fragment lubanje, dimenzija 6,6 x 4,2 cm,
promjera 0,6 cm, fragmentiran po avu. Pronaen je fra-
gment duge cjevaste kosti, dim. 4,3 x 0,8 cm, i fragment
lopatice (spinae scapulae).
Pregledom kostiju mogue je utvrditi kako se u gro-
bu nalazi odrasla osoba nepoznatog spola i dobi. Kotani
materijal vjerojatno pripada jednom od gore analiziranih,
oznaenih grobova, no zbog iznimno malo informacija
koje se mogu dobiti iz ovog materijala nije mogue sa si-
gurnou utvrditi kojem grobu pripadaju. Iz istog razloga
Ivana Anteri ovaj kotani materijal nije uzet u obradu podataka o uku-
eljana Bai pnom nalazitu.
Ela kori
imun Anelinovi
without angle and ramus. On its right side, all teeth are
preserved in situ, whereas on the left side there is a lat-
eral incisor (I2) and the second molar (M2). There were
eleven teeth which were extracted postmortem. Teeth
surfaces are moderately worn out.
There were also pelvis fragments with narrower incisu-
ra ischiadica, both clavicles, right humerus, right and left
radius without the distal thirds, proximal half of the right
ulna, left ulna without the distal third, right femur without
proximal and distal articular surfaces, two fragments of the
femoral bodies, tibia and fibula without proximal and dis-
tal articular surfaces, right scapula without a larger part of
the medial border on its inferior part, and vertebral and
costal fragments. All bones are fragile and rather small.
In spite of thinner incisura ischiadica of a fragment
of the right part of pelvis, which indicates male gender,
morphology of other bones indicates female gender. On
the basis of the dental status and degree of suture accre-
tion, age at the time of death was estimated at 30 to 49.
Grave 10:
Bone remains from this grave were cremated. They are
extremely fragmented with average dimensions of 1.2 cm.
Detailed analysis of bone cortex, with respect to relation
between the thickness of bone cortex and medullary cav-
ity, indicates that human bones were buried in the grave.
Due to poor preservation of bone fragments it was not
possible to determine the age at the time of death, gender,
pathological changes or signs of trauma.
Unknown grave:
Skull fragment was preserved with dimensions of 6.6 x 4.2
cm, diameter 0.6 cm, fragmented along the suture.
Fragment of a long bone was also found, with dimensions of
4.3 x 0.8 cm and a fragment of a scapula (spina scapulae).
Analysis of the osteological material indicates that an
adult person of unknown gender and age at the time of death
was buried in this grave. Osteological material most prob-
ably belongs to one of the aforementioned, marked graves,
but due to scarce information that can be obtained from this
material it is impossible to determine with certainty to which
grave they belong. These bone fragments were excluded from
the analysis of data from the entire site for the same reason.

Osvrt na rezultate antropoloke analize
U deset je grobova pronaeno jedanaest oso-
ba, i to deset odraslih osoba i jedno dijete. Za
tri odrasle osobe nije bilo mogue utvrditi spol,
a za tri dob. Meu osobama kojima se mogao
odrediti spol, etiri su ene i tri mukarca. Dje-
tetu se spol nije odreivao.8
Za sedam odraslih osoba i jedno dijete bilo
je mogue utvrditi dob, i to za odrasle osobe u
rasponu od 14 do 19 godina, a za dijete oko 8
godina. Znatno vei raspon godina dan je zbog
iznimne fragmentiranosti osteolokog materija-
la, te velikog postmortalnog oteenja korteksa.
Kotani ostatci ostale etiri osobe u iznimno su
loem stanju, te se iz tog razloga dob u trenut-
ku smrti nije mogla odrediti. Prosjena starost
odraslih osoba u trenutku smrti iznosila je 45,29
godina. Prosjena starost ena u trenutku smrti
iznosila je 41,5, a mukaraca 54,5 godina.
Dobivena demografska slika usporeena
je s nalazitima s podruja Hrvatske koja se
datiraju u isto razdoblje. Tako je u Nadinu na
nekropoli na ravnom prosjena doivljena dob
mukaraca 36,7 godina, ena 46 godina, a dje-
ce 8,5 godina. Iz istog je naselja, Gradina na
Nadinu,9 na tumulu, najvei postotak osoba
umrlo u dobi od 26 do 45 godina (30 %), samo
manji broj osoba preivio je 45 godina (13,3 %).
Mlaih odraslih osoba bilo je 23,3 %. Na loka-
litetu Vinkovci-NaMa prosjena ivotna dob
iznosila je za mukarce 51 godinu, a za ene 38
godina.10 Vidljivo je kako je ivotna dob popu-
lacije u tumulu Duevia glavica prosjeno vea
od ostalih promatranih populacija, to moe
upuivati na neto vii ivotni standard, odno-
sno kvalitetu ivota i medicinske skrbi.
Zbog velikih postmortalnih oteenja kor-
teksa kosti, znakove pojedinih patolokih i tra-
umatskih stanja ije su posljedice vidljive i na
kotanom materijalu, nije bilo mogue uoiti.
Od svih analiziranih kostiju i njihovih fragme-
nata, te zuba, jedino je na zubima bilo mogue
uoiti patoloka stanja, i to kariozne promjene,
dok se ostale promjene na zubima, poput hipo-
lazije zubne cakline i alveolarne resorpcije, iz
gore navedenih razloga nisu mogle zamijetiti.
8 E. E. Hunt I. Gleiser, 1955., 479.
9 P. RAJI IKANJI, 2006., 795-799,
10 M. laus, 2003., 262.
145
Review of the results of anthropologic analysis
Eleven persons were found in ten graves. Ten
of them were adults and one was a subadult.
For four adult persons it was not possible to de-
termine gender, and for three of them not even
age. Among persons whose gender was deter-
minable, four of them were women and two of
them were men. In case of the subadult, gender
was not determined.8
For eight adults and one subadult it was pos-
sible to determine age; for adults in the range of
15 to 20 years, and for the subadult in the range
of eight years. Very long year range was given
due to extreme fragmentation of osteological
material and considerable postmortem cortex
devastation. Bone fragments of the remaining
four persons are in very poor condition and
therefore age at the time of death could not be
determined. Average age at the time of death
for adults was 45.2 years. Average age at the
time of death for women was 41.4 and for men
54.5 years.
Obtained demographic data were compared
with other sites in Croatia dated to the same
period. On the flat necropolis in Nadin aver-
age age at the time of death was 36.7 years, for
women 46 years and for subadults 8,5 years.
From the same settlement, Gradina in Nadin9
on the tumulus, the highest percentage of per-
sons died between the ages of 26 and 45 (30%)
and only a small number of individuals lived
until the age of 45 (13.3%). Younger adults
made 23.3% of population. In comparison with
the site of Vinkovci-NaMa it is also transpar-
ent that the average age is slightly higher (for
men it was 51 year, and for women it was 38
years10). According to these results it is evident
that the life span of the population from the site
of Duevia glavica is somewhat longer indicat-
ing better standard of life, i.e. quality of life and
medical care.
Due to bad preservation of osteological mate-
rial, except for caries, it was not possible to de-
tect pathological changes and signs of trauma.
Caries is one of the most common teeth dis-
eases and it occurs in shape of opaque spots or REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE
ANALIZE GROBOVA S
recessions in teeth. It is a contagious and trans- tumula DUEVIA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE
8 E. E. Hunt I. Gleiser, 1955, 479 OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
9 P. RAJI IKANJI, 2006, 795-799 FROM THE TUMULUS OF
10 M. laus, 2003., 262. DUEVIA GLAVICA
146
Zubni karijes jedno je od najeih obolje-
nja zuba, te se pojavljuje u obliku neprozirnih
tokica ili udubljenja na zubu. S obzirom na lo-
kaciju razlikuje se lingualni, bukalni, okluzal-
ni, interproksimalni karijes te karijes koji za-
hvaa korijen zuba. Najei uzronik karijesa
je Streptococcus mutans, a u ostale uzronike
ubrajaju se i laktobakcili i aktinomicete.11
Zubni karijes zarazna je i prenosiva bolest u ko-
joj mikrobi unitavaju povrinu, krunu ili korijen
zuba. U ranoj fazi demineralizacije zubne cakline
moe doi i do remineralizacije, ali ee dolazi do
unitavanja cakline i dentina krune zuba.
Na uestalost pojavnosti karijesa utjeu ra-
zliiti imbenici: kvaliteta i vrsta prehrane, ge-
netska predispozicija, prisutnost elemenata u
tragovima u hrani i vodi, djelovanje patogenih
tvari, odnosno bakterija, zubna higijena, oblik i
struktura zuba. 12 Niska je uestalost karijesa za-
biljeena u populacijama ija se prehrana teme-
ljila na lovu i prikupljanju divljih plodova, dok je
visoka uestalost uoena kod populacija koje su
se bavile poljodjelstvom te konzumirale hranu
bogatu ugljikohidratima.13 Takoer je zabiljeeno
kako je uestalost karijesa esto ea kod ena
nego kod mukaraca.14 U literaturi se pronalazi
niz moguih razloga: razliita prehrana pojedinih
pripadnika iste populacije, raniji poetak nicanja
zuba kod ena, a samim time i dulja izloenost
uzronicima karijesa, te negativne posljedice
koje trudnoa ima na zdravlje zuba.15 Uestalost
karijesa u ovoj populaciji iznosi 12,50 % (2/8 lju-
di) osoba, odnosno 2,22 % (2/90 zuba) zuba.
Rezultati dobiveni ovom antropolokom
analizom usporeeni su s rezultatima iz Hr-
vatske i svijeta. U Nadinu je na nekropoli na
ravnom zamijeen karijes kod 42,9 % osoba,
odnosno 16 % zuba, a u tumulu na 4,5 % zuba.
U populaciji s lokaliteta Vinkovci-NaMa zabi-
ljeen je kod 11,6 % zuba, dok je na nekropoli
Venac zabiljeen kod 6,4 % odraslih ljudi.
Dobiveni rezultati usporeeni su i s drugim
populacijama (Europa, Azija i Arapski poluotok)
,16 gdje je uestalost karijesa varirala od 30 % do
85,7 % po osobi, odnosno 4,4 % do 18,4 % od
ukupnog broja zuba. U populaciji june Afrike iz
11 D. J. Ortner, 2003., 590.
12 C. Roberts K. Manchester, 2007., 65
Ivana Anteri 13 D. J. Ortner, 2003., 591.
eljana Bai 14 C. S. Larsen,, 1997., 75.
Ela kori 15 M. laus, 2006., 112-113.
imun Anelinovi 16 G. C. Nelson, J. R. Lukacs P. Yule, 1999., 335.
ferable disease caused by microbes that destroy
teeth surface, crown or root. In the early age of
demineralization of dental enamel, reminerali-
zation may occur, but more often dental enam-
el and crown dentine are destroyed. The most
common caries causative agent is Streptococ-
cus mutans, and other agents are lactobacilli
and actynomicetes.11
Frequency of caries prevalence is related
to various factors: quality and type of nutri-
tion, genetic predisposition, presence of ele-
ments in traces in food and water, activity of
pathogen agents, especially bacterial, teeth
hygiene, shape and teeth structure12 Low fre-
quency of caries is recorded in populations
whose nutrition was based on hunting and
collecting wild fruits, whereas high frequency
was recorded in populations which practised
agriculture and consumed food rich in car-
bohydrates.13 It was also recorded that caries
frequency is usually higher in women than in
men.14 There is a series of potential reasons
including different nutrition among certain
members of the same population, earlier
teeth eruption in women and thereby longer
exposition to caries pathogens, and nega-
tive consequences of pregnancy on the teeth
health.15 The total frequency of caries in this
population is 12.50% (2/8 persons), or 2.22%
(2/90 teeth).
Results obtained in this anthropological
analysis were compared with other results from
Croatia and other countries. In Nadin - flat
necropolis caries was noticeable in three per-
sons (42.9% of all persons who had preserved
teeth), meaning that 16 % of teeth were affected
with caries. In the analyzed sample from the
tumulus (Nadin), caries was recorded on 4.5 %
of present teeth, whereas in sample from Vink-
ovci-NaMa 11,6% of teeth were affected with
caries, and in necropolis Venac 6,4% of adults
had caries.
Obtained results were compared with
other populations (Europe, Asia and Arabi-
an Peninsula)16 where the frequency of car-
ies varied from 30% to 85.7% per person, or
11 D. J. Ortner, 2003, 590.
12 C. Roberts K. Manchester, 2007, 65
13 D. J. Ortner, 2003, 591.
14 C. S. Larsen, 1997, 75.
15 M. laus, 2006, 112-113.
16 G. C. Nelson J. R. Lukacs P.Yule, 1999., 335.

istog razdoblja zabiljeena je karijes kod 33 %
osoba, odnosno u 1,4 % pregledanih zuba.17 Na
nalazitu iz SI Maarske18 zabiljeene su kariozne
promjene kod 3,7 % prisutnih zubi. Iz iznesenih
rezultata vidljivo je kako je analizirana populacija
na dnu uestalosti obolijevanja od karijesa. Ovi
rezultati govore o boljem ivotnom standardu,
ponajprije kvalitetnijoj prehrani. Naime, mnogi
autori smatraju kako pojavu karijesa treba pri-
pisati prehrani bogatijoj ugljikohidratima, pa bi
ovaj rezultat mogao upuivati na prehranu bo-
gatiju bjelanevinama. Meutim, ne smiju se is-
kljuiti ni drugi imbenici koji utjeu na pojavu
karijesa, poput florida u vodi te naslijea. Vano
je istaknuti kako su grizne plohe veine zuba jako
istroene, to takoer moe govoriti u prilog ne-
to kvalitetnijoj prehrani, bogatijoj abrazivnim
sastojcima. Rezultati ove analize upuuju na
populaciju iji je ivotni standard neto bolji od
onodobnog prosjeka, to se ponajprije oituje u
veoj prosjenoj ivotnoj dobi, maloj smrtnosti
djece te niskoj uestalosti karijesa.
Literatura / Bibliography
W. M. Bass 1995 Human Osteology, Fourth edition, Missoury Archa-
eological Society, 1995.
E. E. Hunt I. Gleiser 1955 The Estimation of Age and Sex of Preado-
lescent Children from Bones and Teeth, u: American Journal
of Physical Anthropology,13, 1955., 479-487.
W. M. Krogman M.Y. Iscan 1986 The Human Skeleton in Forensic
Medicine, Second Edition, by Charles C. Thomas,1986.
E. N. Labbe F. P. Coetzee M. Loots 2008 A Description of Iron
Age Skeletons from the Pilanesberg National Park, South
Africa, u: South African Archeological Bulletin 63 (187): 28-
36, 2008.
C. S. Larsen 1997 Bioarchaelogy, Interpreting Behavior from the Hu-
man Skeleton, Cambridge, 1997.
M. M. Maresh 1970 Measurments from Roentgenograms, u: Human
Growth and Development, Illinois 1970.
P. H. Moore-Jansen R. L. Jantz 1990 Data Collection Procedures
for Forensic Skeletal Material (drugo izdanje), Knoxville, 1990.
G. C. Nelson J. R. Lukacs P.Yule,1999 Dates, caries and early
tooth loss during the iron age of Oman, America Journal of
Physical Anthropology, 108:333-343, 1999.
17 E. N. Labbe F. P. Coetzee M. Loots, 2008., 32.
18 D. H. Ubelaker, 1998., 231251.
147
4.4% to 18.4% of the total number of teeth.
In a population from South Africa, from the
same period, caries was recorded in 33% of
persons, or in 1.4 % of the examined teeth.17
At a site from south eastern Hungary18 car-
ies was recorded in 3.7% of the present teeth.
From the presented results it is evident that
the analyzed population is at the bottom of
caries prevalence.
D. J. Ortner 2003 Identification of Pathological Conditions in Hu-
man Skeletal Remains (drugo izdanje), Amsterdam, Boston,
London, New York, Oxford, Paris, San Diego, San Francisco,
Sydney, Tokyo, Academic Press, 2003.
T. W. Phenice 1969 A newly developed visual method of sexing the
os pubis, u: American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 30,
Hoboken, 1969., 297-301.
P. Raji ikanji, 2006 Analysis of Human Skeletal Remanes from
Nadin Iron Age Burial Mound, u: Collegium Antropolo-
gycum 30, 2006, 795-799.
C. Roberts K. Manchester 2007 The Archaeology of Disease,
Third Edition, New York, 2007.
D. H. Ubelaker I. Pap 1998 Skeletal Evidence for Health and Dise-
ase in the Iron Age of Northeastern Hungary, International
Journal of Osteoarchaeolgy. 8: 231251 (1998.)
D. H. Ubelaker 1999 Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis,
Interpretation, 1999.
D. Zeevi et al., 2004 Sudska medicina i deontologija, Medicinska
naklada, 2004.
Z. Zupani-Slavec 2004 New Method in Identifying Family Related
Skulls, Springer Wien, NewYork, 2004.
REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE
ANALIZE GROBOVA S
tumula DUEVIA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE
OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
17 E. N. Labbe F. P. Coetzee M. Loots, 2008. 32. FROM THE TUMULUS OF
18 D. H. Ubelaker, 1998., 231251. DUEVIA GLAVICA
Karla Gusar, Dario Vujevi
Tumul Matakova glavica nalazi se s desne stra-
ne ceste Zadar-Pag, 280 metara istono od tu-
mula Jokina glavica, u blizini starokranskih
dvojnih crkava na lokalitetu Glavine. Dimen-
zijama je neto manji od oblinjih tumula Jo-
kina i Duevia glavica - promjer mu iznosi 12
m, a visina vrha u odnosu na okolnu povrinu
1,8 m. Kao i druga dva tumula u ovoj skupini,
i Matakova glavica spada u kategoriju tumula
sa zemljanim nasipom. U recentnijoj prolo-
sti korpus tumula bio je obuhvaen poljopri-
vrednim radovima, to je vjerojatno utjecalo
na stupanj sauvanosti grobova ukopanih na
njegovom sredinjem dijelu i rubnim dijelo-
vima. Osim prilino izrazitog humusnog sloja
na aktualnoj povrini tumula nije bilo nikakve
druge vegetacije.
Nakon uklanjanja povrinskoga humu-
snog sloja, u subhumusnom sloju pojavile
su se skupine veeg kamenja, a najvjerojat-
nije je rije o ostatcima arhitekture grobova.
Ukupno su otkrivene etiri takve skupine,
po jedna u kvadrantima III. i IV., a dvije u
kvadrantu II. (T. I). U kvadrantu III. prona-
en je ostatak groba iju su arhitekturu ini- consisting of two vertical slabs and its upper
le dvije okomito postavljene ploe i zaglavlje
od sitnog kamena (grob 1). Tek je manji dio
arhitekture groba sauvan, no moe se pret-
postaviti da se rasprostirao otprilike u prav-
cu istok-zapad. U sauvanom dijela grob-
ne konstrukcije, meutim, nisu pronaeni
ostatci pokojnika.
Prapovijesni dio nasipa izdvaja se utom
bojom zemlje i postojanjem krune kamene
platforme u sreditu tumula (sl. 1; T. V, 1).
Kako se cijela konstrukcija nalazi u kvadrantu
III., odnosno izvan dananjeg sredita tumu-
la, oito je da je izgled humka, zateen prije
iskopavanja, nastao kao posljedica stanovitog
MATAKOVA GLAVICA
MATAKOVA GLAVICA
The tumulus of Matakova glavica is situated
on the right side of the Zadar Pag road, 280
m to the east of the tumulus of Jokina glavi-
ca, in the vicinity of the early Christian double
churches at the site of Glavine. It is somewhat
smaller than the nearby tumuli of Jokina and
Duevia glavica its diameter is 12 m, and the
height of its top in relation to the surroundings
is 1,8 m. Matakova glavica also belongs to the
category of earthen mounds as well as the re-
maining two tumuli in this group. In the more
recent past the tumulus corpus was subjected
to agricultural works affecting the state of pres-
ervation of graves in its central and peripheral
parts. Except for a thick humus layer on the ac-
tual surface of the tumulus, there were no other
forms of vegetation.
After the surface humus layer was re-
moved, groups of large rocks appeared in
the subhumus layer, most likely being the
remains of grave architecture. Total of four
such groups was discovered, one each in
quadrants III and IV, two in quadrant II (Pl.
I). In quadrant III were the remains of a grave
part consisted of small stones (grave 1). Only
a small part of the graves architecture was
preserved, but it is reasonable to assume that
it lay in the E-W direction. There were no
skeletal remains in the preserved part of the
grave construction.
Prehistoric layer is characterized by yellow
color of the soil and presence of a round stone
platform in the middle of the tumulus (fig. 1;
Pl. V, 1). Since the entire construction is in
quadrant III, i.e. outside present-day center
of the tumulus, it is evident that the appear-
ance of the mound, before the excavation, was
related to certain reshaping caused by late an-
150
Sl./ Fig. 1 preoblikovanja prouzroenog kasnoantikim
Kamena platforma
Stone platform i srednjovjekovnim ukopima, a moda i kasni-
jim poljodjelskim aktivnostima, zbog kojih je
izvorno sredite nasipa pomaknuto nekoliko
metara prema sjeverozapadu (T. VII, 1). To
potvruje i sloj pjeskovite zemlje, koji zapra-
vo predstavlja originalni, prapovijesni nasip
humka, najdeblji u kvadrantima II. i III. Ka-
sniji kasnoantiki grobovi nisu duboko ukopa-
vani, nego su podizani na samom rubu hum-
ka. Oni su djelomino ukopani u prapovijesni
sloj, a nakon njihove gradnje taj je dio vjero-
jatno dodatno zasut zemljom, ime se sjeve-
rozapadni dio humka irio, dok se jugoistoni
s vremenom smanjivao, vjerojatno uslijed po-
ljoprivrednih radova.
Kamena konstrukcija krunog je tlocrta s
promjerom oko 4 metra. Graena je od amor-
fnog kamenja postavljenog u tri ili etiri reda
(sl. 1). Nakon podizanja prstenastog obzida, u
unutranjost konstrukcije postavljena je podlo-
ga od krupnih oblutaka, a na vrh je postavljeno
sitnije kamenje i ljunak. Originalni izgled ka-
mene platforme sauvan je na junom i jugoi-
stonom dijelu, dok na zapadnom dijelu kon-
strukcija nije sauvana. Na tom se mjestu sve
do zdravice nalazi sloj s fragmentima tegula,
to upuuje na zakljuak da je za unitenje dije-
la prapovijesne konstrukcije zasluno ukapanje
u razdoblju kasne antike.
Budui da nema nalaza unutar sauvanog
dijela konstrukcije, moemo pretpostaviti da
je sluila kao platforma na koju su bili postav-
ljeni ostatci pokojnika. Ostatci groba nisu ot-
kriveni, premda na njegovo postojanje ukazu-
ju ulomci vee prapovijesne posude pronaeni
Karla Gusar
Dario Vujevi na neunitenom dijelu nasipa (sl. 2, T. V, 1).
tique and medieval burials, and possibly by
later agricultural activities, causing the origi-
nal center of the fill to move several meters
towards north-west (Pl. VII, 1). This is con-
firmed by a layer of sandy soil which actu-
ally represents the original, prehistoric fill of
the mound which is the thickest in quadrants
II and III. Later late antique graves were not
dug in deeply but they were made on the very
edge of the mound. They were partially dug
into the prehistoric layer, and after their con-
struction this part was probably additionally
filled with soil which caused north-western
part of the mound to expand, whereas the
south-eastern segment shrunk in time, prob-
ably due to soil tillage.
Stone construction has a round layout with
a diameter of about 4 m. It was made of amor-
phous stones arranged in three or four rows
(fig. 1). After raising an annular enclosing wall,
a basis of large pebbles was put in the interior
of the construction, and smaller stones or grav-
el were placed at the top. Original appearance
of the stone platform was preserved on the
southern and south-eastern part, whereas the
construction was not preserved in the western
part. In this part is a layer with fragments of
tegulae all the way to the bedrock, indicating
that burials in Late Antiquity destroyed a seg-
ment of the prehistoric construction.
Since there were no finds within the pre-
served part of the construction, we can assume
that it was used as a platform for placing the re-
mains of the deceased person. Remains of the
grave were not discovered, though its existence
is indicated by fragments of a larger prehis-
toric vessel which were found in the preserved

Premda je posuda jako fragmentirana grad-
njom kasnoantikoga groba (grob 2), disper-
zija i poloaj sauvanih fragmenata s velikom
dozom sigurnosti upuuju na zakljuak da se
ne radi o ulomcima povezanim s ritualnim
razbijanjem, nego da je rije o posudi poloe-
noj na sredinji dio platforme.
Posuda je sauvana u dovoljnoj mjeri da se
napravi rekonstrukcija (sl. 3; T. VI), Rije je o
tipu posude s izvijenim obodom, konkavnim
vratom koji je na prijelazu u rameni segment
zaravnjen. Recipijent je blago bikonian, a
na njemu se nalaze dvije vodoravno poloene
ruke okruglog presjeka. Premda je izraena
od zemlje s dosta primjesa kalcita vidljivih u
presjeku, povrina posude dobro je zaglae-
na. U tipolokom smislu posudu nije mogue
datirati u ui vremenski raspon, jer je rije o
tipu koji se javlja od kasnog bronanog doba
do kraja eljeznog doba u Liburniji. Taj tip po-
sude nije vezan ni uz odreeni pogrebni ritus,
jer se sline posude javljaju i u funkciji urna i
kao grobni prilozi, ali i kao dio ritualno razbi-
janih nalaza.1
Uz posudu nisu pronaeni nikakvi ostatci
koji bi ukazivali na ritus pokapanja. Kod veine
tumula nalazi keramike uglavnom se veu uz
ritualno razbijanje. Tek kod zemljanog humka
Zemunjaa u Smiliu, koji . Batovi datira u
kasno bronano doba, nalazimo primjer groba
od kamenih ploa s ostatcima kostura u zgre-
nom poloaju, poloenog u sreditu tumula, i
posudom pokraj njega.2
1 . BATOVI 1970; 1983; S. KUKO 2004. Posude slinog oblika, ali neto
drugaije fakture pronaene su i prilikom istraivanja tumula na Ljubakoj
kosi, usp. D. Vujevi, 2012.
2 . BATOVI 1990, 96.
151
part of the fill (fig. 2, Pl. V, 1). Although it was
heavily damaged by the building of the late an-
tique grave (grave no. 2), dispersion and posi-
tion of the extant fragments indicate with great
degree of certainty that these sherds should not
be related to ritual breaking, but that it was a
vessel placed in the central part of the platform.
Reconstruction of the vessel was possible
from the preserved sherds (fig. 3; Pl. VI). It
is a vessel with everted rim and concave neck
which was flattened at the transition to the
shoulder segment. Recipient is slightly bi-
conical with two horizontal handles round in
cross-section. Although it was made of clay
with a lot of calcite inclusions visible in the
cross-section, the surface of the vessel is well
burnished. Typologically the vessel could not
be dated precisely as this type was represent-
ed from the Late Bronze Age until the end of
the Iron Age in Liburnia. They were not re-
lated to a specific funerary rite, since similar
vessels can function as urns and grave goods,
but also as a part of finds which were broken
ritually.1
There were no remains related to the burial
rite next to the vessel. In most cases finds of
pottery in a tumulus are related to ritual break-
ing. Only in the case of the earthen mound
Zemunjaa in Smili, which was dated to the
Late Bronze Age by . Batovi, we have an exam-
ple of a grave made of stone slabs with skeleton
remains in a crouched position, placed in the
middle of the tumulus, with a vessel next to it. 2
1 . BATOVI 1970; 1983; S. KUKO 2004. Vessels of similar form, but somew-
hat different fabric were found in the excavations of the tumuli at Ljuba-
ka kosa, cf. D. Vujevi, 2012. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
2 . BATOVI 1990, 96. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
152
Sl./ Fig. 2
Ostaci prapovijesne
posude
Remains of a
prehistoric vessel
No na Matakovoj glavici nema dokaza o
postojanju kamene krinje, koja je tipina za
inhumacijske pokope tog vremena. Time se
izglednijim ini pretpostavka da je na Matako-
voj glavici primijenjen ritus spaljivanja. Uspo-
redbu moemo povui i s oblinjim tumulom,
Jokinom glavicom. U tom tumulu pronaene
se etiri keramike urne sa spaljenim ostatci-
ma pokojnika i prilozima.3 Urne su oblikom ,
premda ne i fakturom, sline spomenutoj po-
sudi na Matakovoj glavici. Blizina dva tumula
i slian kronoloki odnos namee pretpostavku
da je kod oba tumula rije o incineraciji.
Izuzevi ostatke ve spomenute posude, u
nasipu tumula pronaeno je jo dvjestotinjak
komada prapovijesne keramike. Fragmenti
se grupiraju na nekoliko podruja, pa su tako
skupine grube keramike pronaene uz zapadni
profil u kvadrantu IV. i na rubu kvadranta I. (T.
VI, 2). Za ovu posljednju moe se rei da je rije
o dijelovima iste posude, slinog profila kao i
Karla Gusar
Dario Vujevi 3 Pogledati poglavlje B. MarijanoviA o Jokinoj glavici
On Matakova glavica there is no material
evidence about the existence of the stone cist
which is typical of inhumation burials at the
time. Therefore hypothesis that cremation was
used on Matakova glavica seems to be more
plausible. A parallel can be drawn with a neigh-
bouring tumulus of Jokina glavica. Four ceram-
ic urns with offerings and cremated remains of
the corpse were found in that tumulus.3 Form
of the urns is similar to the specimens from
Matakova glavica, but not the fabric. Proxim-
ity of the two tumuli and similar chronological
relations imply hypothesis that cremation was
in question in both cases.
Except for sherds of the aforementioned ves-
sel, about 200 fragments of prehistoric pottery
were found in the tumulus fill. Fragments were
grouped in several areas so that groups of coarse
pottery were found next to western profile in
quadrant IV and at the periphery of quadrant
I (Pl. VI, 2). As for the latter group we can say
3 CF. chapter by B. MARIJANOVI on Jokina glavica

kod posude s povrine kamenog prstena. Posu-
da iz kvadranta I. poneto je grublja i debljih
stijenki, ali po sauvanim fragmentima moe-
mo rei da je imala izvijen obod, kratak vrat,
otar prijelaz prema blago bikoninom recipi-
jentu na kojem se nalaze ruke okruglog pre-
sjeka. Jedina razlika je to je ova posuda imala
barem jedan bradaviasti ukras na recipijentu.
Periferna pozicija, udaljenost od kamene kru-
ne konstrukcije i velika fragmentiranost posu-
de, kao i fragmenata iz kvadranta IV., mogla bi
se objasniti ritualnim razbijanjem, ali je o tomu
teko iznijeti decidirano miljenje s obzirom
na naknadna ukopavanja, koja su poremetila
izvorni nasip tumula i vjerojatno pritom do-
datno unitila posude. Od ostalih nalaza treba
spomenuti jedan obod posude debelih stijenki
s dosta primjesa, ukraen kosim urezima (T. V,
5), fragmente vee posude s horizontalno izvi-
jenim obodom (T. VI, 3) i fragmente ukraene
tankom plastinom vrpcom (T. VI, 4).
Bronanih predmeta je malo. Pronaen je
dio spiralnog diska, kakav se oblik esto javlja
u bronano i eljezno doba u sjevernoj Dalma-
ciji (T. V, 2). Budui da je na tumulu pronaen i
dio spiralne bronane ice istog promjera kao i
spiralni ukras, nije iskljueno da su oni dio istog
predmeta: manjega spiralno-naoalastog pri-
vjeska s dva spiralna diska povezana spiralnom
cjevicom. Slini predmeti prisutni su u kasno
153
that these were sherds of one vessel, with simi-
lar profile as the vessel from the surface of the
stone ring. Vessel from quadrant I is somewhat
coarser and it has thicker walls, but according to
preserved fragments we can say that it had an
everted rim, short neck, distinct transition to-
wards slightly biconical recipient with handles
round in cross-section. The only difference is
that this vessel had at least one nub-like orna-
ment on the recipient. Peripheral position, dis-
tance from the round stone construction and
very fragmentary vessel might be explained by
ritual breaking as well as fragments from quad-
rant IV, but it is difficult to say anything with
certainty considering subsequent burials which
disturbed the original fill of the tumulus and
Sl./ Fig. 3
probably additionally destroyed the vessels. Out Idealna
of other finds we can single out a rim of the ves- rekonstrukcija
prapovijesne posude
sel with thick walls and a lot of inclusions deco-
Ideal reconstruction
rated with slanted incisions (Pl. V, 5), fragments of a prehistoric vessel
of a larger vessel with horizontally everted rim
(Pl. VI, 3) and fragments decorated with a thin
embossed strip (Pl. VI, 4).
Bronze finds were scarce. A fragment of a
spiral disk was found, a form which is frequent
in the Bronze and Iron Ages in northern Dal-
matia (Pl. V, 2). Considering the fact that a
fragment of spiral bronze wire was found in the
tumulus it is possible that they belonged to the
same object: a smaller spectacle-spiral pendant
with two spiral disks connected with a spiral
tube. Similar objects were present in the Late
Bronze Age in Liburnia. 4 Another fragment of
bent bronze sheet with C-shaped cross-section
was also found (Pl. V, 3). Most likely this was a
fragment of a narrow bracelet appearing in the
Liburian region from the Bronze Age onwards.5
Recovered finds cannot date Matakova
glavica with certainty, and samples for 14C
analysis could not be collected due to soil acid-
ity. Burials under tumuli were a characteristic
of this region from the Early Bronze Age, and
such burial rite was used until the fifth century
BC. There are also mounds near Nin, Zaton,
Vrsi, Privlaka, Nadin and Ljuba,6 exhibiting
similarities in the construction, raising stone
enclosure walls and ritual breaking of the ves-
4 . BATOVI 1983, 312.
5 . BATOVI 1983.
6 . BATOVI 1973; 1983a; 1983b; 1984.; . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, S. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
Kuko, 2009.; B. Marijanovi, 2007., D. Vujevi, 2012. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
154
Sl./ Fig. 4 bronano doba u Liburniji.4 Uz ove, pronaen
Arhitektura groba 3
Architecture of grave 3 je jo jedan fragment svijenog bronanog lima
C-presjeka (T. V, 3). Najvjerojatnije je rije o
fragmentu uske narukvice kakve se javljaju na
liburnskom podruju ve od bronanog doba.5
Pronaeni nalazi ne mogu sa sigurnou da-
tirati Matakovu glavicu, a zbog kiselosti zemlje
nije bilo mogue prikupiti uzorke za analizu
14
C. Pokapanje pod tumulima znaajka je ovog
prostora jo od ranog bronanog doba, a takav
obiaj traje sve do 5 st. pr. Kr. Poznati su nam
humci kod Nina, Zatona, Vrsi, Privlake, Nadina
i Ljupa,6 koji pokazuju slinosti u konstrukciji,
podizanju kamenih obzida i ritualnom razbija-
nju posua, uz raznolikosti u ritusu pokapanja
i prilozima neovisno o vremenskom razdoblju.
Pokop na Matakovoj glavici spada u skupinu
tumula sa zemljanim nasipom, no, za razliku
od slinih, oblinjih tumula Jokine i Duevia
glavice,7 ima krunu kamenu platformu. Kame-
ni obzid je pak poznat s nekoliko tumula na i-
4 . BATOVI 1983, 312.
5 . BATOVI 1983.
6 . BATOVI 1973; 1983a; 1983b; 1984.; . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, S.
Kuko, 2009.; B. Marijanovi, 2007., D. Vujevi, 2012.
Karla Gusar 7 Pogledati poglavlja B. MarijanoviA o Jokinoj glavici i K. GUSAR D.
Dario Vujevi VUJEVI od Duevia glavici
sels, with differences in the burial rite and
grave goods regardless of the period. Burial on
Matakova glavica belongs to a group of tumuli
with earthen fill, but as opposed to the similar,
nearby tumuli of Jokina nad Duevia glavica,7
it has a round stone platform. Stone enclosure
wall was recorded on several tumuli in the wid-
er Zadar region, 8 but stone enclosure wall was
at the periphery of the tumulus, not in the mid-
dle and it was not used as a platform for laying
and burying the deceased person.
Tumuli from Raanovac near Nin (Tro-
glavce) and kornica near Privlaka which were
dated to the Late Bronze Age have stone coni-
cal cores in the center which contain the grave.9
In the case of Matakova glavica we have a plat-
form, not a damaged conical construction. This
is confirmed by a tiny fill at the top of the plat-
form preserved on the southern side.
Vicinity of Jokina glavica, similarities of ves-
sels, and grouping of finds in the period of the
7 CF. chapters by B. MARIJANOVI on Jokina glavica and K. GUSAR D. VU-
JEVI on Duevia glavica
8 . BATOVI 1983; 1984, 17., . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, S. Kuko,
2009.
9 S. Kuko, 2009, 26.; . Batovi, 1984, 17.; B. Marijanovi, 2007.
 155
rem zadarskom podruju,8 ali kod svih kameni
obzid stoji na rubu tumula, a ne u sredini i ne
slui kao platforma za pokop i polaganje tijela.
Tumuli iz Raanovca kod Nina (Troglav-
ce) i kornica kod Privlake datirani u kasno
bronano doba u sredini imaju kamene stoa-
ste jezgre unutar kojih se nalazi grob.9 No kod
Matakove glavice nije rije o oteenju stoa-
ste konstrukcije, nego je rije o platformi. To
potvruje i sitni naboj na vrhu platforme sa-
uvan s june strane.
Blizina Jokine glavice, slinosti u posuda-
ma, ali i grupiranje nalaza u razdoblje kasnog
bronanog i ranog eljeznog doba mogu ukazi-
vati na vremenski sline ukope.
Iznad prapovijesnog sloja javlja se svjetliji
sloj s novim ukopima, koji se svojom konstruk-
cijom i stratigrafskim poloajem razlikuju od
srednjovjekovnih grobova. Pronaena su etiri
ukopa, koja se mogu datirati u vrijeme kasne
antike (grobovi 2-5). U sloju postoje i ostatci
dviju ovalnih jama bez ostataka arhitekture i
pokojnika (T. III, 1). Jedino je u njihovoj za-
puni pronaeno nekoliko manjih fragmenata
tegula. U samo jednom grobu pronaen je dio
skeleta (grob 3), a to je ujedno i jedini ostatak
pokojnika otkriven na itavom tumulu. Nedo-
statak kostiju u ostalim grobovima rezultat je
visoke kiselosti tla, pa je mogue da su i nave-
dene dvije jame ostatci kasnoantikih ukopa.
Od etiri sigurna ukopa, kod kojih se sau-
vao dio arhitekture, prvi se nalazio u kvadran-
tu III. ispod spomenutoga srednjovjekovnoga
groba 1, koji ga je preslojio i iskoristio jedan
dio grobne arhitekture. Arhitektura toga groba Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages might indicate Sl./ Fig. 5

(grob 2) izraena je od tankih, okomito postav- Grobovi 3 i 5

ljenih kamenih ploa (sl. 7; T. IV, 1). Dno groba
poploano je slinim kamenjem. Groba je pri-
blino orijentiran u smjeru istok-zapad. Nisu
sauvane poklopnice, ali treba napomenuti da
je u blizini groba pronaeno dosta fragmena-
ta tegula. S obzirom na preslojavanje groba u
srednjem vijeku te blizinu fragmenata tegula,
moe se pretpostaviti da je rije o ostatcima ka-
snoantikog ukopa pod tegulama.
Dva groba pronaena su u kvadrantu IV.
(grobovi 3 i 5) (sl. 4-6; T. IV, 3-4). Grob 3 zidan
je od sitnijega kamenja i tegula u dva do tri reda,
8 . BATOVI 1983; 1984, 17., . Batovi N. ondi, 2005, S. Kuko,
2009.
9 S. Kuko, 2009, 26.; . Batovi, 1984, 17.; B. Marijanovi, 2007.
that these were chronologically similar burials. Graves 3 and 5
Above this prehistoric layer is a light-colored
soil with burials which differ from the medieval Sl./ Fig. 6
Grob 3 detalj
graves by their construction and stratigraphic Grave 3 a detail
position. Four burials were found which can be
dated to the period of Late Antiquity (gr. 2-5).
In the layer were also the remains of two oval
pits without architecture remains or bones (Pl.
III, 1). Several smaller fragments of tegulae
were found in their fill. In only one grave was
a part of the skeleton (grave 3) which is at the
same time the only skeletal remain in the en-
tire tumulus. Lack of bones in other graves is
a result of strong soil acidity, so that it is pos-
sible that the mentioned two pits were also the
MATAKOVA GLAVICA
remains of late antique burials. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
156
Sl./ Fig. 7 uz koritenje buke (sl. 4). Na vrh su postavlje-
Grob 2
Grave 2
ne vee kamene ploe poklopnice, a svi spojevi
su zabukani. Na uim stranicama groba kame-
ne ploe naene su in situ, dok su one sredinje
upale u sam grob. Grob je orijentiran u smjeru
sjeverozapad-jugoistok, a vanjske mu dimenzi-
je iznose 230 x 80 cm. Od osteolokih ostataka
pronaen je samo dio lubanje enske osobe sta-
rosti izmeu 25 i 30 godina.10 Naime, unutra-
njost groba bila je ispunjena zemljom samo na
onim dijelovima gdje su popustile poklopnice,
a sauvani dio lubanje nalazio se iznad zemlje.
Zbog velike kiselosti svi dijelovi kostura, uklju-
ujui i dio lubanje, koji su bili izravno poloeni
na tlo, posve su propali, a sauvan je samo onaj
dio lubanje koji nije bio pokriven zemljom.
Grob 4 nalazio se u kvadrantu I., a od njega
je sauvana ovalna jama koja uz jedan rub ima
Karla Gusar 10 Antropoloka analiza provedena je na Zavodu za patologiju, sudsku medi-
Dario Vujevi cinu i citologiju, KBC-a Split.
Out of four definite burials, with preserved
parts of the architecture, the first was in quad-
rant III beneath the mentioned medieval grave 1
which superposed it and used a part of the grave
architecture. Architecture of this grave (grave 2)
consists of thin, vertically placed stone slabs (fig.
7; Pl. IV, 1). The bottom of the grave was paved
with similar stones. The grave was laid in ap-
proximately E-W direction. Covering slabs were
not preserved, but it is worth mentioning that
a lot of tegulae fragments were found in the vi-
cinity of the grave. Considering the fact that the
grave was superposed in the Middle Ages, and
the nearby fragments of tegulae, it is reasonable
to assume that these were the remains of late
antique burial under tegulae.
Two graves were found in quadrant IV (gr. 3
and 5) (fig. 4-6; Pl. IV, 3-4). Grave 3 was made of
smaller stones and tegulae in two or three rows,
with use of mortar (fig. 4). Large stone covering
slabs were placed at the top, and all joints were
mortared. On the narrower sides of the grave
stone slabs were found in situ, whereas the mid-
dle ones fell into the grave. The grave was laid in
the NW-SE direction, and its outer dimensions
are 230x80 cm. Out of osteological remains
there was only a part of the skull of a female
person whose age was estimated at between 25
and 30. 10 Namely, the interior of the grave was
filled with soil only in the parts where the cover-
ing slabs caved in, and the preserved part of the
skull was above the soil. Due to strong acidity,
all parts of the skeleton, including the part of the
skull, which were laid on the ground were com-
pletely destroyed, and only the part of the skull
which was not covered with soil was preserved.
Grave 4 was located in quadrant I. An oval
pit was preserved out of this grave with four
preserved stones along one side belonging to
the grave architecture (fig. 8; Pl. IV, 2). There
were no skeletal remains in the grave, only an
iron knife and an iron ring under it (Pl. III, 2).
The knife has a preserved blade and a tang for
attaching the handle. The ring is oval in shape,
with round cross-section. The finds themselves
do not allow a more precise dating, but the fact
that the pit was dug into the original, prehis-
toric layer of the tumulus, and that the archi-
10 Anthropological analysis was conducted at the Department of Pathology,
Court Medicine and Cytology, within Clinical Hospital Split.
 157
sauvana etiri kamena to pripadaju grobnoj
arhitekturi (sl. 8; T. IV, 2). U grobu nije bilo sa-
uvanih humanih ostataka, ali je pronaen e-
ljezni no ispod kojega se nalazila eljezna alka
(T. III, 2). No ima sauvanu otricu i bazu na
koju se naticala drka. Alka je ovalnog oblika, a
presjek joj je kruan. Sami nalazi ne doputaju
preciznije datiranje, ali injenica da je jama uko-
pana u originalni, prapovijesni nasip tumula te
da je arhitektura u istom sloju kao i drugi ka-
snoantiki grobovi, podrava pretpostavku da je
i ovdje rije o ukopu iz vremena kasne antike.
Grob 5 nalazio se sjeveroistono od groba 3
(sl. 5; T. IV, 3-4). S obzirom na to da se nalazi
neposredno uz grob 3 i da se iri prema unu-
tranjosti tumula na istoj razini, vjerojatno je
podignut u isto vrijeme kao i grob 3, od kojeg
je upola manji (125 x 45 cm). Od arhitekture
su sauvane samo dvije vee ploe poklopnice
i nekoliko manjih kamenova uz zapadnu bo-
nu stranu. Grobna jama relativno je plitka. U
grobu nisu pronaeni ostatci kostiju, no s obzi-
rom na njegove dimenzije vjerojatno je rije o
ukopu djeteta. U zapuni je pronaen fragment
eljeznog predmeta ouvan samo u tragovima i
nekoliko fragmenata tegula.
Izmeu grobova u ovom sloju, u kvadrantu
IV. pronaen je rimski komemorativni novac
Konstantina Velikog (sl. 9). Na aversu je pri-
kazano poprsja cara u posmrtnom velu i natpis
DV CONSTANTI-NVS PT AVGG. Na reversu tecture is in the same layer as the other late an- Sl./ Fig. 8
Grob 4
se nalazi prikaz Konstantina Velikog u kvadrigi tique graves, supports the hypothesis that this
Grave 4
kojeg boja ruka prima k sebi, a u odsjeku je burial also belongs to the late antique period.
natpis SMNE. Rije je o postumnom noviu, Grave 5 was situated to the north-east of grave
nominale AE , koji je kovan u Nikomediji u 3 (fig. 5; Pl. IV, 3-4). Considering the fact that it is
ast Konstantina Velikog, prvih godina vladavi- located next to grave 3 and that it widens towards
ne njegovih sinova, izmeu 337. i 340. godine.11 the middle of the tumulus at the same level, it
Kasnoantikom sloju pripada i ulomak ke- was probably made at the same time as grave 3.
ramikog lonca koji je takoer pronaen u This grave is half as large as grave 3 (125x45 cm).
kvadrantu IV. (T. III, 3). Od lonca se sauvao Only two large covering slabs were preserved of
gornji dio s profiliranim obodom izvijenim pre- the architecture as well as several small stones
ma van i dio trbuaste stijenke. Ima kratki vrat next to the western lateral side. Grave pit is rela-
koji naglo prelazi u razvraeni obod. Lonac je tively shallow. No skeletal remains were found in
raen od gline pomijeane sa zrncima kalcita, the grave, but considering its dimensions it was
sivo-smee je boje, a izraen je na brzorotira- probably an infant burial. In the fill was a frag-
juem lonarskom kolu. S vanjske strane ispod ment of an iron object preserved only in traces
oboda nalazi se dekorativni motiv horizontal- and several fragments of tegulae.
nih nepravilno izvedenih linija, dok se u unu- Between the graves in this layer in quadrant
tranjosti nalaze nizovi vodoravnih, paralelnih IV was a Roman commemorative coin of Con-
stantine the Great (fig. 9). A bust of the emperor
with a veiled head was depicted on the obverse MATAKOVA GLAVICA
11 J. P. C. KENT 1981, 471, br. 4. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
158
Sl./ Fig. 9 linija. Ovako oblikovani i ukraeni lonci karak-
Kasnoantiki novac
Late antique coin teristini su kasnoantiki proizvodi romanskog
stanovnitva Dalmacije. Usprkos tome to se
radi o posve uobiajenom materijalu s dalma-
tinskih nalazita kasnoantikog doba, publika-
cije ove vrste grae uistinu su rijetke.12 Velika
koliina keramike navedenih znaajka javlja se
na prostoru Istre, Slovenije, Furlanije i Austri-
je; prema mjestu rasprostiranja ta je keramika
Sl./ Fig. 10 nazvana jugoistonoalpska kuna keramika,
Vatrite a pojavljuje se od 4. do 7. stoljea.13 Slini ti-
Hearth
povi lonaca ukraenih vodoravnim linijama i
valovnicama pojavljuju se i kasnije, meu sla-
venskim posudama. No, kasnoantike primjer-
ke razlikuje tehnika izrade na brzorotirajuem
lonarskom kolu te nizovi paralelnih linija u
unutranjosti koji se ne pojavljuju kod nalaza
slavenskih znaajka. Vea koliina grube ka-
snoantike kune, odnosno kuhinjske kerami-
12 Z. BRUSI, 1980, 80, T. III; 2005, 262-263, Sl. 1, Sl. 2/9-10; V. DELONGA, 1987,
69, kat. 215; I. BORZI - I. JADRI, 2007, 160, T. VI/3-6.
Karla Gusar 13 V. BIERBRAUER 1990; H. RODRIGEZ 1992; S. CIGLENEKI 2000; L. BEKI
Dario Vujevi 2007; 2007a.
as well as the legend DV CONSTANTI-NVS PT
AVGG. Depiction of Constantine the Great in a
quadriga with the hand of God reaching down
to him is on the reverse, with an inscription
SMNE in the exergue. This is a posthumous
coin, in nominal value AE which was mint-
ed in Nicomedia in honor of Constantine the
Great, in the first years of the reign of his sons
between 337 and 340.11
A fragment of a ceramic pot which was also
found in quadrant IV (Pl. III, 3) belongs to the
late antique layer. Upper part of the pot was pre-
served with an outsplayed rim and a part of a
rounded wall. It has a short neck which abruptly
ends in an outsplayed rim. The pot was made
of clay tempered with calcite grains, it is grey-
brown in color, made on fast-rotating potters
wheel. A decorative motif consisting of irregu-
lar horizontal lines is under the rim on the outer
side, whereas the interior is decorated with rows
of horizontal, parallel lines. Pots which were
made and decorated in this manner are charac-
teristic late antique products of the Roman pop-
ulation of Dalmatia. Despite the fact that this is
quite common type of find from the Dalmatian
sites from Late Antiquity, publications of this
material are quite rare.12 Great amount of pot-
tery with mentioned characteristics was found
in Istria, Slovenia, Furlania and Austria, which
was called south-east Alpine domestic pottery,
dated from the fourth to seventh centuries. 13
Similar types of pots decorated with horizontal
and wavy lines appear later on, among Slavic
vessels. However late antique examples can be
distinguished on the basis of the production
technique on fast-rotating potters wheel, and
rows of parallel lines in the interior which do not
appear on the finds with Slavic characteristics.
Great amount of coarse late antique domestic
i.e. kitchen pottery was also found at the nearby
early Christian complex Glavine in Podvrje. 14
Considering poor preservation of the sur-
face burials, and the fact that there were no
grave goods in them, there is no firm basis for
their chronological determination. Character-
istics of the grave architecture indicate early
11 J. P. C. KENT 1981, 471, no. 4.
12 Z. BRUSI, 1980, 80, T. III; 2005, 262-263, Sl. 1, Sl. 2/9-10; V. DELONGA, 1987,
69, kat. 215; I. BORZI - I. JADRI, 2007, 160, T. VI/3-6.
13 V. BIERBRAUER 1990; H. RODRIGEZ 1992; S. CIGLENEKI 2000; L. BEKI
2007; 2007a.
14 A. UGLEI, 2009, 145-146.

ke, takoer je pronaena i na oblinjem staro-
kranskom kompleksu Glavine u Podvrju.14
S obzirom na lou sauvanost povrinskih
ukopa, kao i injenice da u njima nisu prona-
eni nikakvi prilozi, nemamo vrst oslonac za
njihovo kronoloko odreenje. Oblikovanje
grobne arhitekture ukazuje na ranosrednjovje-
kovno razdoblje, a ovakvo datiranje potvru-
ju i nalazi u njihovoj blizini. U nasipu uokolo
grobova pronaena je ranosrednjovjekovna
keramika, meu kojom i dvije cijele posude, te
jedna bronana preica.15
Uz ostatke grobova u istom je sloju sa sred-
njovjekovnim ukopima pronaeno i vatrite
promjera 50 cm (sl. 10). U njemu nije bilo na-
laza koji bi predstavljali vremensku odrednicu,
no iz stratigrafske pozicije i visinske razlike od
20-ak cm u odnosu na nie kasnoantike gro-
bove razvidno je da pripada sloju s ranosred-
njovjekovnim ukopima.
Na ranosrednjovjekovnim grobljima na po-
druju Dalmacije uobiajeni su upravo ovakvi
grobovi raeni suhozidnom tehnikom od uslo-
jenoga neobraenog kamenja ili kamenih plo-
a.16 Meutim, na rani horizont hrvatsko-dal-
matinske materijalne kulture i vrijeme 8. st. i
prve polovine 9. stoljea svakako upuuju grob-
ni obiaji poput pojave vatrita i postavljanja
keramikih posuda unutar grobova, odnosno
izmeu njih. Pojava sloja paljevine zabiljeena
je na nekoliko grobalja poganskog horizonta u
Dalmaciji. Veina njih vezuje se uglavnom uz
ritus ukapanja spaljenih pokojnika. Meutim,
kako velik broj njih potjee iz sluajno otkrive-
nih i nesustavno istraenih grobova, ritus inci-
neracije sigurno je dokazan na iznimno malom
broju ranosrednjovjekovnih nekropola.17 Jed-
no vatrite postavljeno izmeu grobova otkri-
veno je na nekropoli Stankovci - Klaria kue,
a povezuje se s poganskim ritusom ukapanja.18
Smatra se da su se takva vatrita na slaven-
skim nekropolama vjerojatno koristila prili-
kom obavljanja posmrtnih gozbi.19 Neto eu
pojavu na ranosrednjovjekovnim slavenskim
grobljima predstavlja paljenje vatre nad grobo-
vima kojima se pokojnici oslobaaju zlih duho-
14 A. UGLEI, 2009, 145-146.
15 K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 340.
16 D. JELOVINA 1976, 70-73; J. BELOEVI 1980, 72-74; M. PETRINEC, 2009,
109, 111.
17 J. BELOEVI 2007, 18-19.
18 J. BELOEVI 1980, 55, sl. 3
19 J. KOROEC 1950, 223; 1954, 103.
159
medieval period. Such dating is confirmed by
the finds from their vicinity. Medieval pottery
containing two complete vessels and a bronze
loop were found in the fill around the graves. 15
Besides grave remains, a hearth with diam-
eter of 50 cm was found in the same layer with
medieval burials (fig. 10). Finds which could be
used as chronological determinants were not
found in it, but from the stratigraphical position
and difference in heights of some 20 cm in rela-
tion to lower late antique graves it is clear that
it belongs to a layer with early medieval burials.
Identical graves made by using drystone wall
technique of arranged undressed stones or stone
slabs were common at the early medieval cem-
eteries in the Dalmatian region.16 However funer-
ary customs such as appearance of the hearth and
placing ceramic vessels inside or between graves
point to early horizon of the Croatian-Dalmatian
material culture. Presence of a layer of char was Sl./ Fig. 11
Ranosrednjovjekovna
recorded at several cemeteries of the pagan ho- posuda
rizon in Dalmatia. Most of them are related to Early medieval vessel
the rite of burying cremated corpses. However,
since great number of such layers originates from
graves which were found accidentally and ex-
plored unsystematically, cremation rite was con-
firmed with certainty on a small number of early
medieval necropoles.17 A hearth between the
graves was discovered at the necropolis Stanko-
15 K. GUSAR - D. VUJEVI, 2009, 340.
16 D. JELOVINA 1976, 70-73; J. BELOEVI 1980, 72-74; M. PETRINEC, 2009,
109, 111. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
17 J. BELOEVI 2007, 18-19. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
160
va.20 Na starohrvatskim grobljima ovaj obiaj
je evidentiran na nekropolama Nin Materiza
i Biljane Donje Trljuge, te na poloaju Kai
Vlaine.21 No, kako ispod vatrita na Matakovoj
glavici nisu otkriveni nikakvi tragovi groba, je-
dinu paralelu za ovaj grobni obiaj predstavlja
spomenuto vatrite iz Stankovaca.
Ranosrednjovjekovnom razdoblju pripada-
ju nalazi dviju keramikih posuda (T. II, 1-2).
Jedna posuda pronaena je ispod veeg kame-
na u kvadrantu II. (sl. 11). To je neukraeni lo-
nac manjih dimenzija (vis. 10, pr. otv. 7,3, pr.
dna 5,8 cm) (T. II, 1-2). Lonac je jajoliko-trbu-
astog oblika s kratkim vratom koji zavrava
obodom to se pri vrhu stanjuje i lagano izvija
prema van. Crvenkasto-sive je boje, to je po-
sljedica neujednaenog peenja. Faktura mu
poprilino je zrnata, zbog vee koliine primje-
sa kalcita pomijeanih s glinom. Druga posu-
da pronaena je unutar sjevernoga kontrolnog
profila. To je takoer lonac, no dimenzijama
neto vei od prethodnog (vis. 14, pr. otv. 11,
pr. dna 7,4 cm) (T. II, 3-4). Vrat lonca je ljev-
kast i zavrava s razvraenim, ravno odsjee-
nim obodom. Trbuh lonca je naglaen, a najiri
je u njegovoj gornjoj treini. Lonac je dobro je
peen i tamnosive je boje. Na vratu mu se javlja
dekoracija koja se sastoji od vodoravno ureza-
nih brazda. Njih zapravo tvori jedna ira, dubo-
ko utisnuta linija koja spiralno krui oko vrata
posude. Slino ukraene posude datirane u 8. i
prvu polovinu 9. st. pronaene su na nekropo-
lama Nin - drijac22 i Kai Glavurak23 te u
naseobinskom kompleksu uz crkvu sv. Kria u
Ninu.24 Istovjetna dekoracija pojavljuje se i na
avaro-slavenskoj nekropoli Zhorsk Bystrica
na posudama 7. i 8. stoljea.25
Obje posude s Matakove glavice izraene
su od gline pomijeane sa zrncima kalcita i
pijeska na spororotirajuem runom lonar-
skom kolu. Vanjtina im je prilino zaglaena,
dok su u unutranjosti vidljivi tragovi obrade
rukom. Pripadaju skupini tipinih slavenskih
posuda, koje se u Dalmaciji javljaju u grobovi-
ma poganskog horizonta tijekom 8. st. i u prvoj
20 J. EISNER, 1952, 231-232; B. DOSTAL, 1966, 29.
21 J. BELOEVI 1980, 61, 79; 2007, 31.
22 J. BELOEVI 2007, T. CXXII/121, T. CXXX/148, T. CXXXIIII/160, 165, 167, T.
CXXXV/175, CXXXVI/182, T. CXXXVIII/187, T. CXLIII/216, T. CLII/323.
23 J. BELOEVI 1968, 244, T. XV/1.
Karla Gusar 24 J. BELOEVI 2000, 116-117, T. III/9-10.
Dario Vujevi 25 L. KRASKOVSK, 1972, Obr. 22/6, Obr. 24/1.
vci - Klaria kue, which was related to the pa-
gan burial rite.18 According to general belief such
hearths at Slavic necropoles were used for funer-
ary feasts. 19 Lighting fire over the graves in order
to free the deceased persons from evil spirits was
a more frequent phenomenon at early medieval
Slavic cemeteries. 20 At early Croatian cemeteries
this custom was confirmed at the necropoles Nin
Materiza and Biljane Donje Trljuge, as well
as on the position Kai Vlaine.21 Since grave
remains were not discovered under the hearth on
Matakova glavica, the only parallel for this funer-
ary custom can be found in the mentioned hearth
from Stankovci.
Two ceramic vessels (Pl. II, 1-2) belong to the
early medieval period. One vessel was found un-
der a large stone in quadrant II (fig. 11). It is an
undecorated pot, rather small (height 10, open-
ing 7,3, base 5,8 cm) (Pl. II, 1-2). The pot
has an ovoid/belly-shaped form with a short neck
ending in a tapering rim which is slightly evert-
ed. It is reddish-grey, which is a consequence of
uneven firing. The fabric is quite granular due to
great amount of calcite inclusions in the clay. The
second vessel was found inside northern control
profile. It is also a pot, bigger then the aforemen-
tioned one (height 14, opening 11, base 7,4
cm) (Pl. II, 3-4). The neck of the pot is funnel-
shaped ending in an outsplayed, flatly cut rim.
The belly of the pot is emphasized, being the wid-
est in its upper part. The pot is well fired, dark
grey in color. Decoration on the neck consists of
horizontally incised grooves which actually form
one wider, deeply impressed line encircling the
neck. Vessels with similar decoration were dated
to the eighth and the first half of the ninth cen-
turies at the necropoles Nin - drijac22 and Kai
Glavurak23 and at the settlement complex
near the Church of Holy Cross (Sv. Kri) in Nin. 24
Identical decoration appears on the Avaro-Slavic
necropolis Zhorsk Bystrica on the vessels from
the seventh and eighth centuries.25
Both vessels from Matakova glavica were
made of clay tempered with sand and calcite
grains on slow-rotating potters wheel. Their
18 J. BELOEVI 1980, 55, fig. 3
19 J. KOROEC 1950, 223; 1954, 103.
20 J. EISNER, 1952, 231-232; B. DOSTAL, 1966, 29.
21 J. BELOEVI 1980, 61, 79; 2007, 31.
22 J. BELOEVI 2007, T. CXXII/121, T. CXXX/148, T. CXXXIIII/160, 165, 167, T.
CXXXV/175, CXXXVI/182, T. CXXXVIII/187, T. CXLIII/216, T. CLII/323.
23 J. BELOEVI 1968, 244, T. XV/1.
24 J. BELOEVI 2000, 116-117, T. III/9-10.
25 L. KRASKOVSK, 1972, Obr. 22/6, Obr. 24/1.

polovini 9. stoljea.26 Meutim, s obzirom na
lou sauvanost grobova, ne moe se sa sigur-
nou utvrditi jesu li se one izvorno nalazile
unutar grobova ili izvan njih. Osim postavlja-
nja keramikih posuda u grobove, to je esta
pojava u dalmatinskim grobljima,27 takoer je
utvreno da su se one stavljale i izmeu njih.
Ta je pojava prvi put zabiljeena groblju uz
humak Materiza u Ninu,28 a registrirana je i na
oblinjim humcima, Jokinoj glavici i Duevia
glavici u selu Krnezi.29
Navedenom sloju pripada i ve spomenuti
nalaz bronane preice koji vjerojatno potjee
iz jednog od unitenih srednjovjekovnih gro-
bova (T. II, 5). Alka preice ovalnog je oblika,
prednja strana joj je zadebljana, a fragmentar-
no sauvana stranja strana je stanjena. Igla
nije sauvana. Zavretci zadebljanog prednjeg
dijela alke su zakoeni. Preica pripada skupini
materijala koje je teko ue vremenski odredi-
ti. Isti tip pojavljuje se na nekropolama seobe
naroda u grobovima koji se pripisuju kasnoan-
tikom autohtonom stanovnitvu, a datiraju se
u 6. stoljee.30 Meutim, istovjetno oblikovanu
preicu sa zakoenim krajevima alke nalazimo
na bronanoj pojasnoj kopi u grobu 322 na
nekropoli Nin - drijac. U grobu je pokopana
obitelj dostojanstvenika, a na osnovi materija-
la preica se datira u poetak 9. stoljea.31 Na
zakoenim dijelovima alke postavljen je okov
kope koji se pomicao oko stanjenog dijela, pa
ne treba iskljuiti mogunost da je i naa prei-
ca neko inila dio sline kope.
Unutar ovog sloja pronaen je i jedan ka-
meni brus s dvije zaravnjene strane (T. II, 6).
Ovakvi nalazi u grobovima ranog horizonta
8. i prve polovine 9. stoljea na podruju sje-
verne Dalmacije registrirani na lokalitetima
drijac i Materiza u Ninu, Maklinovom brdu
i Razbojinama u Kaiu te Velimu u Stankov-
cima, gdje se uglavnom pojavljuju u mukim
grobovima.32 Treba istaknuti da ova vrsta na-
laza predstavlja rijetkost i u slavenskim ne-
kropolama Srednje Europe.33
26 J. BELOEVI 1980, 109-115.
27 J. BELOEVI 1980, 78-79; 2007, 30; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 192-194.
28 J. BELOEVI 1973, 238
29 K. GUSAR 2009, 175-177; K. GUSAR - D. VUJEVI, 2009, 342.
30 J. BELOEVI 1968; Z. VINSKI 1991; K. SIMONI 1991.
31 J. BELOEVI 2007, 222, 458, T. C/10.
32 J. BELOEVI 1980, 119; 2007, 291, 457; R. JURI 2007, 222.
33 J. EISNER, 1952, 306; B. DOSTL, 1966, 88; V. TOVORNIK, 1985, 196; 1986,
431.
161
outer surface is quite well burnished, and traces
of hand movements are visible in the interior.
They belong to a group of typical Slavic vessels
which appear in Dalmatia in the graves of the
pagan horizon during the eighth and the first
half of the ninth centuries. 26 However, consid-
ering the poor preservation of the graves, it is
impossible to say with certainty whether they
were inside or out of the graves. Besides placing
ceramic vessels in the graves, which was a fre-
quent phenomenon at the Dalmatian necropo-
les, 27 it is known that they were also placed be-
tween them. Mentioned phenomenon was re-
corded for the first time at the necropolis near
the Materiza mound in Nin, 28 and it was also
noticed at the neighbouring tumuli of Jokina
and Duevia glavica in the village of Krneza. 29
The find of a bronze loop belongs to the
aforementioned layer (Pl. II, 5). It probably
originates from one of the destroyed medieval
graves. Loops ring is oval in shape, its front
side is thickened, and fragmentarily preserved
back side is thinned. The pin was not preserved.
Terminals of the thickened front part of the ring
are slanted. The loop belongs to a group of finds
which are difficult to determine chronologically
precisely. The same type appears on the ne-
cropoles of the Migration Period in the graves
which are ascribed to the late antique autoch-
tonous population, and can be dated to the sixth
century.30 However, an identically shaped loop
with slanted terminals of the ring can be found
on the bronze belt buckle in grave 322 at the
necropolis Nin drijac. A family of an aristo-
crat was buried in the mentioned grave which
is dated to the early ninth century on the basis
of the finds. 31 On the slanted parts of the ring
is a buckle fitting which used to move around
the thinned part, therefore it is possible that this
loop was once a part of a similar belt buckle.
A whetstone with two flattened sides was
found in this layer (Pl. II, 6). This type of finds
in graves of the early horizon of the eighth and
the first half of the ninth centuries were record-
ed at the sites of drijac and Materiza in Nin,
Maklinovo brdo and Razbojine in Kai, and
26 J. BELOEVI 1980, 109-115.
27 J. BELOEVI 1980, 78-79; 2007, 30; M. PETRINEC, 2009, 192-194.
28 J. BELOEVI 1973, 238
29 K. GUSAR 2009, 175-177; K. GUSAR - D. VUJEVI, 2009, 342.
30 J. BELOEVI 1968; Z. VINSKI 1991; K. SIMONI 1991. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
31 J. BELOEVI 2007, 222, 458, T. C/10. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
162
Analizirani ranosrednjovjekovni nalazi s
Matakove glavice pripadaju poganskom hori-
zontu dalmatinsko-hrvatske materijalne kultu-
re 8. st. i prve polovine 9. stoljea. Tijekom tog
razdoblja na hrvatskim se grobljima javljaju ra-
zliiti ritusi vezani uz kult pokapanja, iji je dio
prisutan i na ovom lokalitetu. Premda je rije o
prilino oteenom groblju, zanimljivo je da se
navedeni nalazi uklapaju u openitu sliku dose-
ljenja Slavena/Hrvata na ove prostore. Primje-
rice, prilaganje keramikih posuda jedna je od
glavnih znaajka nekropola tog doba, a isti slu-
aj nalazimo i na Matakovoj glavici. Pojava va-
trita, meutim, predstavlja uistinu zanimljiv
nalaz koji je do sada na tlu Dalmacije zabiljeen
jedino na nekropoli Stankovci-Klaria kue.
Posebnu zanimljivost ovog humka pred-
stavlja i dug kontinuitet ukapanja, koji se
nastavlja tijekom kasne antike i ranoga sred-
njeg vijeka. Prapovijesni humci koriteni za
ukope tijekom ranog srednjeg vijeka dosta su
esti na podruju Dalmacije, a osobito na i-
rem podruju Nina.34 Nedaleko od Nina nala-
zi se i humak kornica u selu Privlaci, na ko-
jem su otkriveni prapovijesni i kasnoantiki
grobovi.35 Meutim, Matakova glavica, s uka-
panjem tijekom prapovijesnoga, kasnoanti-
koga i srednjovjekovnoga razdoblja, jedin-
stven je sluaj na irem zadarskom podru-
ju.36 Kasnoantiko groblje na ovom humku
zasigurno je u upotrebi tijekom 4. stoljea,
to potvruje nalaz komemorativnog novia
Konstantina Velikog, a njegov prestanak vje-
rojatno treba smjestiti prije izgradnje obli-
njega sakralnog kompleksa na Glavinama
u Podvrju krajem 5. stoljea. S obzirom na
malu udaljenost izmeu Matakove glavice
i Glavina, te zanimljive arheoloke nalaze,
treba svakako ukazati na njihove meusobne
poveznice. Na Glavinama je uz ostatke sta-
rokranske arhitekture otkrivena i nekropo-
la. Prestanak trajanja kompleksa uslijedio je
tijekom prve polovine 7. stoljea, nakon to
je kompleks izgorio u poaru, to potvruju
i rezultati radiokarbonske analize.37 Na rue-
vinama starokranskih crkava kratkotrajno
borave Slaveni krajem 7. ili u prvoj polovini
34 J. Beloevi 1980, 59-60, sl. 4.
35 B. MARIJANOVI 2007.
Karla Gusar 36 K. GUSAR D. VUJEVI, 2009, 347.
Dario Vujevi 37 A. UGLEI, 2004; 2009.
Velim in Stankovci where they usually appear
in male graves.32 It is worth mentioning that
this type of the find represents a rarity even in
the Slavic necropoles in Central Europe.33
Analyzed early medieval finds from Mata-
kova glavica belong to the pagan horizon of
the Dalmatian-Croatian material culture of the
eighth and the first half of the ninth centuries.
During this period different rites related to the
burial cult appeared at the Croatian necropo-
les. Some of these rites are represented at this
site. Although this is quite heavily damaged
necropolis, it is interesting that the mentioned
finds correspond to the general image of the
arrival of Slavs/Croats into these regions. For
instance, use of ceramic vessels as grave offer-
ings is one of the main characteristics of the ne-
cropoles of this period, and this is also the case
with Matakova glavica. On the other hand the
find of a hearth represents a truly interesting
find which has been recorded in Dalmatia only
at the necropolis Stankovci-Klaria kue so far.
What is particularly interesting about this
mound is long burial continuity extending
during Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages.
Prehistoric mounds which were used for buri-
als in the Early Middle Ages are quite frequent
in Dalmatia, especially in the wider surround-
ings of Nin. 34 kornica mound in the village
of Privlaka which yielded prehistoric and late
antique graves is also situated in the viciniy of
Nin. 35 However, Matakova glavica with conti-
nuity of burials during prehistoric, late antique
and medieval period represents a unique case
in the wider Zadar region. 36 Late antique cem-
etery on this mound was definitely used dur-
ing the fourth century which is confirmed by a
find of commemorative coin of Constantine the
Great. End of its use should probably be dated
prior to building of the nearby sacral complex
at Glavine in Podvrje at the end of the fifth
century. Considering small distance between
Matakova glavica and Glavine and interest-
ing archaeological finds both locations should
be observed in relation to their mutual con-
nections. A necropolis was found at Glavine
32 J. BELOEVI 1980, 119; 2007, 291, 457; R. JURI 2007, 222.
33 J. EISNER, 1952, 306; B. DOSTL, 1966, 88; V. TOVORNIK, 1985, 196; 1986,
431.
34 J. Beloevi 1980, 59-60, sl. 4.
35 B. MARIJANOVI 2007.
36 K. GUSAR, D. VUJEVI, 2009, 347.

8. stoljea na to upuuju nalazi naseobinske
keramike.38 Nakon toga kompleks na Glavi-
nama potpuno je naputen, a daljnja svjedo-
anstva o prisutnosti Slavena/Hrvata na tom
malom prostoru moemo pratiti na Matako-
voj glavici. Slaveni/Hrvati u ranom srednjem
vijeku za sahranjivanje ponovno upotreblja-
vaju ovaj humak. Usprkos tome to su rano-
srednjovjekovni grobovi na Matakovoj glavi-
ci iznimno loe ouvani, na osnovi prisutnih
grobnih obiaja mogu se smjestiti u poganski
horizont, odnosno u 8. st. i prvu polovinu 9.
stoljea. Da je rije uistinu o vremenu prije
njihova pokrtavanja, svjedoe razliiti po-
ganski obiaji, poput prilaganja keramikih
posuda u grobove ili uz njih, kao i nadasve
rijetka pojava vatrita, koje se takoer moe
povezati s poganskim grobnim obredima.
38 K. GUSAR, 2011.
163
next to the remains of the early Christian ar-
chitecture. The end of the use of the complex
happened during the first half of the seventh
century after the complex was burnt in a fire
which is confirmed by the results of radiocar-
bon analysis.37 Slavs resided shortly at the ru-
ins of the early Christian churches at the end
of the seventh or the first half of the eighth
centuries which is indicated by the finds of the
domestic pottery. 38 After that the complex in
Glavine was deserted, and further testimo-
nies about the presence of Slavs/Croats in this
small area can be traced on Matakova glavica.
Slavs/Croats in the Early Middle Ages reused
this mound for burials. Despite the fact that
early medieval graves on Matakova glavica
were exceptionally poorly preserved, on the ba-
sis of present funerary rituals they can be dated
to the pagan horizon, i.e. period of the eighth
and the first half of the ninth centuries. Various
pagan rituals such as putting ceramic vessels in
or next to the graves as offerings indicate that
they can be dated to the period prior to Chris-
tianization, and another proof of such dating
is an extraordinary rare find of a hearth which
can also be related to pagan funerary rituals.
37 A. UGLEI, 2004; 2009. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
38 K. GUSAR, 2011. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
164
Katalog grobova:
Grob 1 Unitena grobna raka neodreena oblika, obzi-
dana s dvije vee kamene ploe izmeu kojih je sitno ka-
menje, koja se pruala u smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok.
Sjeverozapadni dio groba u potpunosti je uniten. Ostata-
ka skeleta nema.
Grob 2 Grobna raka ovalnog oblika koja se pruala u
smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Vanjski obzid rake ine
tanke okomito postavljene kamene ploe. Dno groba ta-
koer je bilo pokriveno kamenim ploama. Ostataka ske-
leta nema (T. IV, 1).
Grob 3 Orijentacija: sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Grobna
raka paetvorinastog oblika sa zidanom grobnom arhitek-
turom vezanom bukom. Stranice groba raene su sitnim
kamenjem i ulomcima tegula uslojenim u dva do tri reda.
Na vrh su postavljene vee kamene ploe poklopnice, a svi
spojevi su zabukani. U grobu su pronaeni ostatci skele-
ta ene u dobi od 25 do 30 godina (T. IV, 3).
Grob 4 Grobna zemljana raka ovalnog oblika koja se
pruala u smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Na sjeveroza-
padnoj strani naena su etiri vea neobraena kamena
koji pripadaju grobnoj arhitekturi. Ostataka skeleta nema
(T. IV, 2).
1. eljezni no (vel.: du. 13,9; ir. otr. 1,9 cm) prona-
en u sjeverozapadnom dijelu groba (T. III, 2).
2. Ovalna alka (vel: 3,5 x 2,8 cm) pronaena u sjevero-
zapadnom dijelu groba ispod noa (T. III, 2).
Grob 5 Grobna zemljana raka ovalnog oblika koja se
pruala u smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok. Pokrov groba
ine dvije vee kamene ploe koje predstavljaju jedinu ar-
hitekturu groba. Unutar groba na sjeverozapadnom dijelu
pronaeni su ulomci buke, te eljezni predmet ouvan
samo u tragovima. Ostataka skeleta nema (T. IV, 3).
Karla Gusar
Dario Vujevi
Grave catalogue:
Grave 1 Destroyed grave pit of irregular form, paved
with two large stone slabs between which are some small
stones, lying in the NW-SE direction. North-western part
of the grave was completely destroyed. There are no skel-
etal remains.
Grave 2 Grave pit of oval form lying in the NW-SE
direction. Outer lining of the pit consists of thin vertical
stone slabs. Bottom of the grave was covered with stone
slabs as well. There are no skeletal remains. (Pl. IV, 1)
Grave 3 - Orientation: NW-SE. Grave pit of rectangu-
lar form with grave architecture tied with mortar. Grave
sides were made of small stones and tegulae fragments
arranged in two or three rows. Large stone covering slabs
were placed at the top, and all joints were mortared. Re-
mains of a female skeleton were found in the grave, the
age of the deceased was estimated at between 25 and 30.
Grave 4 Grave pit of oval form lying in the NW-SE
direction. On the north-western side were four large un-
dressed stones belonging to grave architecture. There are
no skeletal remains. (Pl. IV, 2)
1) An iron knife (length 13,9; blade width 1,9 cm)
found in the north-western part of the grave (Pl. III, 2).
2) An oval ring (3,5 x 2,8 cm) found in the north-west-
ern part of the grave under the knife (Pl. III, 2).
Grave 5 Earthen grave pit of oval form lying in the
NW-SE direction. Cover of the grave consists of two large
stone slabs representing the only grave architecture.
Fragments of mortar were found inside the grave in the
north-western part, as well as an iron object preserved
only in traces. There are no skeletal remains. (Pl. IV, 3)

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MATAKOVA GLAVICA
MATAKOVA GLAVICA
166

1 tabla VI

2
3

4
 167
tabla II

1 2

3 4

5 6
168

tabla III
1

2 3
 169

tabla IV

1 2

3 4
170

tabla V
1

3
2

4 5
 171

1 tabla VI

2
3

4
eljana Bai, Ivana Anteri,
Ela kori, imun Anelinovi
ANALYSIS OF THE OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
FROM THE TUMULUS OF MATAKOVA GLAVICA
Antropoloka analiza kosturnih ostataka obav-
ljena je u Klinikom zavodu za patologiju, sud-
sku medicinu i citologiju Klinikoga bolnikog
centra Split. Analizu osteolokog materijala
obavila su dva neovisna antropoloka tima,
koji su potom usporedili svoje rezultate.
Pronaene su kosti lubanje, svijetloute
boje, dobro ouvane, sa srednjim postmortal-
nim oteenjem korteksa. Kosti lica njenije
su grae, ue, orbite su pravilne, zigomatina
kost je gracilna. eona je kost ravna, supercili-
jalni lukovi slabije su naglaeni, glabela je sla-
bo izraena, uni je kanal srednjih dimenzija,
hvatita miia su slabija, supraorbitalni luk je
tanji i otriji, visina i irina orbita manja je od
prosjene, mastoidni nastavak srednjih je di-
menzija. Na posteriornom dijelu sagitalog ava
vidljiv je poetak obliteracije, ostali avovi na
lubanji nisu srasli.
Zubni status:
U maksili desno prisutni su prvi i drugi kutnjak
(M1 i M2), ije su grizne plohe odlino ouva-
ne. Sedamnaest je zuba postmortalno ekstrahi-
rano: etiri medijalna sjekutia (I1), tri lateral-
na sjekutia (I2), dva onjaka (C), tri prva pret-
kutnjaka (P1), etiri druga pretkutnjaka (P2) te
jedan drugi kutnjak (M2). Postmortalno estra-
hirani zubi jako su oteeni. Na zubima nema
vidljivih patolokih promjena.
Patoloke promjene:
Iznad desne orbite vidljiva je supraorbitalna
poroznost. Poroznost kostiju vidljiva je i na li-
jevom dijelu parijetalne kosti, desno na okcipi-
REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE ANALIZE
OSTEOLOKOG MATERIJALA S
TUMULA MATAKOVA GLAVICA
RESULTS OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL
Anthropological analysis of the osteological
remains was performed at the Clinical Depart-
ment of Pathology, Court Medicine and Cytology
within Clinical Hospital Split. Osteological ma-
terial was analyzed by two independent teams
and the results were compared subsequently.
The material consisted of light yellow skull
bones, well preserved, with moderate postmor-
tal cortex damages. Facial bones are delicate,
narrower, orbits are proportional, zygomatic
bone is fragile. Frontal bone is straight, super-
ciliary arches and glabela are not pronounced,
ear opening is medium wide, muscular attach-
ments are not pronounced, supraorbital arch is
thinner and sharper, orbit dimensions are be-
low average, mastoid process has medium di-
mensions. The initiation of obliteration is vis-
ible on the posterior part of the sagittal suture,
whereas other sutures are not joined.
Dental status:
In the right part of maxilla there are the first
and second molar (M1 and M2), with very well
preserved biting surfaces. Seventeen teeth
were extracted postmortem: four medial inci-
sors (I1), three lateral incisors (I2), two canines
(C), three first premolars (P1), four second
premolars (P2), and one second molar (M2).
Teeth which were extracted postmortem are
heavily damaged. There are no visible patho-
logical changes on the teeth.
Pathological changes:
Supraorbital porosity can be noticed beneath
the right orbit. The bone porosity is also vis-
174
talnoj kosti, iznad unog kanala, te uz zglobnu
plohu foramen magnuma.
Vidljiva je i aktivna cribra orbitalia, jae
izraena, prisutna bilateralno.
Na desnoj ouvanoj zglobnoj plohi foramen
magnuma vidljiv je i blai do srednje izraeni
osteoartritis. Na mastoidnom nastavku vidljive
su kotane egzostoze.
Miljenje
Na osnovi pregleda svih morfolokih poka-
zatelja spola na lubanji1 mogue je zakljuiti
kako se radi o osobi enskog spola. Na temelju
stupnja srastanja avova lubanje,2 ali i zubnog
statusa zuba prisutnih in situ , dob u trenutku
smrti procjenjuje se na 25-29 godina.
U obje orbite vidljiva je aktivna cribra orbi-
talia, to je zanimljiv nalaz, iz razloga to je cri-
bra orbitalia kod odraslih osoba najee u fazi
sanacije. Naime, u aktivnom se obliku najee
javlja kod novoroenadi i male djece, dok je
kod odraslih u zaraslom obliku. Ona je pokaza-
telj nedostatka eljeza, prouzroenog ili nedo-
statnom prehranom, odnosno gladovanjem, ili
pak raznim bolestima u kojima se javlja deficit
eljeza, poput talasemije, anemije srpastih sta-
nica, akutne leukemije i dr.3 Aktivni znakovi
1 W. M. Bass, 1995, 200-206; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 52-60; W. M. Krogman
M.Y. Iscan, 1986, 200-259; T. W. Phenice, 1969., 297-301; D. Zeevi,
eljana Bai 2004, 194-202.
Ivana Anteri 2 Z. Zupani-Slavec, 2004, 39-41.
Ela kori 3 A. C. Aufderheide C. Rodriguez-Martin O. Langsjoen, 1998,
imun Anelinovi 347-351.
ible on the left part of the parietal bone, on the
right part of the occipital bone, beneath the ear
opening, and on the foramen magnum joint
surface.
Strongly pronounced bilateral cribra orbita-
lia is also present.
Moderate osteoarthritis can be seen on the
joint surface of the foramen magnum. Bony ex-
ostoses are visible on the mastoid extension.
Opinion
On the basis of the examination of all mor-
phological indicators of gender on the skull1 it
is possible to determine that the person in the
grave is a female. By examination of the suture
accretion2 and dental status, the age at the time
of death is estimated at 25 to 29.
Active cribra orbitalia is visible in both or-
bits, which is an interesting finding, because
cribra orbitalia is usually in the sanation phase
in adults. Active cribra orbitalia is mostly found
in newborns and children. This disease is an in-
dicator of iron deficiency, caused by malnutri-
tion or a number of diseases which cause iron
deficiency (thalassemia, sickle cells anemia,
acute leukemia ect.).3 Signs of active cribra or-
bitalia indicate that the person had ailed form
of one of the listed diseases, and may suggest a
1 W. M. Bass, 1995, 200-206; D. H. Ubelaker, 1999, 52-60; W. M. Krogman
M.Y. Iscan, 1986, 200-259; T. W. Phenice, 1969, 297-301; D. Zeevi,
2004, 194-202.
2 Z. Zupani-Slavec, 2004, 39-41.
3 A. C. Aufderheide C. Rodriguez-Martin O. Langsjoen, 1998,
347-351.

cribra orbitalia indiciraju kako je osoba jo
uvijek bolovala od jedne od gore navedenih bo-
lesti, te mogu sugerirati i mogui uzrok smrti.
Poroznost kosti lubanje, iako moe biti nasljed-
na karakteristika,4 esto je znak uznapredova-
le anemije,5 to potkrepljuje zakljuak kako je
osoba uistinu imala teku anemiju.
Iznad desnog slunog kanala i posteriorno
od foramen jugulare vidljiva je poroznost kosti
u obliku sitnih udubljenja na kosti, koja mogu
biti pokazatelj kronine, jake upale srednjeg
uha (otitis media) to za ivota najvjerojatnije
nije zalijeena.6
Kronine upale srednjeg uha, koje su u dje-
tinjstvu este, mogu za posljedicu imati naglu-
host ili gluhou u kasnijoj ivotnoj dobi. Samim
time osoba je mogle imati smanjenu radnu
sposobnost tijekom ivota.7
Na foramen magnumu takoer su vidljivi
znakovi osteoartritisa. Osteoartritis je rezultat
mehanikih i biolokih imbenika koji destabi-
liziraju normalnu spregu razaranja i stvaranja
zglobne hrskavice.8 Najee mu pridonose
mehaniki stres i fizika aktivnost, te je naj-
ee izraen kod starijih osoba. Pojava oste-
oartritisa kod mlaih osoba upuuje na vee
optereenje zgloba, odnosno na veu koliinu
fizikog rada, te specifine radnje, poput noe-
nja tereta na glavi.
Ova je mlada ena tijekom ivota bila izloe-
na velikoj koliini fizike aktivnosti, te je vjero-
jatno tijekom djetinjstva oskudijevala hranom,
a samim time bila podlonija bolestima. Vjero-
jatno je preminula od posljedica infekcije, koja
je dodatno naruila ve slab organizam.
4 R. W. Mann D. R. Hunt, 2004, 22.
5 A. C. Aufderheide C. Rodriguez-Martin O. Langsjoen, 1998,
347-351.
6 R. W. Mann D. R. Hunt, 2004, 45-50.
7 A. C. Aufderheide C. Rodriguez-Martin O. Langsjoen, 1998,
253.
8 A. C. Aufderheide C. Rodriguez-Martin O. Langsjoen, 1998,
94-96.
175
possible cause of death. The skull bone poros-
ity, although it can be a hereditary characteris-
tic4, is often a sign of advanced anemia 5, and its
findings on a bone can be indicative of severe
anemia.
Beneath the ear opening and posterior of
the jugular foramen, bone porosity in the form
of small concavities is seen. This can be mark of
chronic, severe inflammation of the middle ear
(otitis media), which was not cicatrized dur-
ing the lifetime.6 Chronic inflammation of the
middle ear, which is very common during the
childhood, can result in deafness and tinnitus
later in life. This, of course, can affect working
ability and life quality.7
Signs of osteoarthritis are visible on joint
surface of the foramen magnum. Osteoarthritis
is a result of mechanical and biological influ-
ences which destabilize the normal balance of
destroying and production of joint cartilage.8
Mechanical stress and physical activity con-
tribute to its development, and it is most often
found in adults and older persons. When it is
found in younger persons, it can indicate heav-
ier joint usage, that is, more intense physical
labour, and can point to specific actions, like
burden bearing on the top of the head.
This young woman was, during her lifetime,
exposed to heavy physical activity, during the
childhood she was probably food deprived, and
therefore exposed to illness. It is possible that
she died due to infection, which disturbed al-
ready weakened organism.
REZULTATI ANTROPOLOKE
ANALIZE OSTEOLOKOG
4 R. W. Mann D. R. Hunt, 2004, 22. MATERIJALA S TUMULA
5 A. C. Aufderheide C. Rodriguez-Martin O. Langsjoen, 1998, MATAKOVA GLAVICA
347-351. RESULTS OF THE
6 R. W. Mann D. R. Hunt, 2004, 45-50. ANTHROPOLOGICAL
7 A. C. Aufderheide C. Rodriguez-Martin O. Langsjoen, 1998, ANALYSIS OF THE
253. OSTEOLOGICAL REMAINS
8 A. C. Aufderheide C. Rodriguez-Martin O. Langsjoen, 1998, FROM THE TUMULUS OF
94-96. MATAKOVA GLAVICA
176

Literatura / Bibliography

A. C. Aufderheide C. Rodriguez-Martin O. Langsjoen 1998
The Cambridge encyclopedia of human paleopathology,
Cambridge University Press, 1998.
W. M. Bass 1995 Human Osteology, Fourth edition, Missoury Archa-
eological Society, 1995.
R.W. Mann D. R. Hunt 2005 Photographic Regional Atlas of Bone
Disease, sec. Edit. Springfield, 2005.
T. W. Phenice 1969 A newly developed visual method of sexing the
os pubis, u: American Journal of Physical Anthropology,30,
Hoboken 1969, 297-301.

S. Chubinskaya K. E. Kuettner 2002 Exogenous and Endoge-
nous OP-1in Articular Cartilage, u: Edited by T.S.Lindholm,
Advances in Skeletal Reconstruction Using Bone Morphoge-
netic Proteins, Singapore, 2002.
W. M. Krogman M.Y. Iscan 1986 The Human Skeleton in Forensic
Medicine, Second Edition, by Charles C. Thomas,1986.
C. S. Larsen 1997 Bioarchaelogy, Interpreting Behavior from the Hu-
man Skeleton, Cambridge, 1997.
D. H. Ubelaker 1999 Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis,
Interpretation, 1999.
D. Zeevi et al,2004 Sudska medicina i deontologija, Medicinska
naklada, 2004.
Z. Zupani-Slavec 2004 New Method in Identifying Family Related
Skulls, Springer, Wien, NewYork, 2004.

eljana Bai
Ivana Anteri
Ela kori
imun Anelinovi
Brunislav Marijanovi, Karla Gusar
Iskopavanjem skupine tumula u Krnezi i Pod-
vrju ostvareni su rezultati koji u znaajnoj
mjeri nadilaze one oekivane, a u svakom slu-
aju sve primarne motive koji su pokrenuli nji-
hovo istraivanje. Ta se konstatacija u prvomu
redu odnosi na viekratnost njihove uporabe
tijekom razliitih razdoblja, odnosno viekrat-
nost uporabe istih mjesta za istu namjenu, ne-
ovisno o tomu to pojedine skupine grobova
razdvajaju znaajni vremenski rasponi te to su
pokapanja provodili pripadnici posve razliitih
sociokulturnih zajednicama. U tom se smislu
moe kazati kako su istraeni tumuli primjer
jednoga posebnog oblika kontinuiteta koji nije
odreen prostorno-vremenskom dimenzijom
zbivanja na odreenom mjestu u definiranom
vremenskom okviru, ve nepromjenjivou
osnovnog karaktera mjesta odreenog za fu-
neralnu praksu u prapovijesti, a prakticiranu i
tijekom kasnijih razdoblja neovisno o njezinim
zastojima i prekidima, vremenskim rasponima,
populacijskim i kulturnim promjenama. Ve se
i zbog te injenice tumuli u Krnezi i Podvrju
iskazuje kao posebna sepulkralna cjelina, ne
samo na uem zadarskom podruju, a njezina
je posebnost odreena ponajprije pripadnou
istraenih grobova prapovijesnom i kasnoan-
tikom dobu te ranom srednjem vijeku.
Prethodna su izlaganja pokazala da vie-
kratnost pokapanja i stanoviti kontinuitet u
uem smislu postoji ve na razini prapovije-
snih grobova, to najizravnije ilustrira Due-
via glavica s najmanje tri sukcesivna pokopa.
Meutim, na razini prapovijesnih pokopa to i
nije nikakva novost i posebnost. Puno znaaj-
nije od toga jesu razlike u osnovnom ritusu po-
kapanja, odnosno biritualizam, razvidan kako
na razini svih tumula kao jedinstvene sepul-
kralne cjeline, tako i na razini njezinih manjih
ZAKLJUAK
CONCLUSION
Excavation of a group of tumuli in Krneza and
Podvrje yielded results which significantly
surpassed expected results, as well as primary
motives which incited their excavation. This
statement refers primarily to their multiple use
during different periods, i.e. multiple use of
the same places for the same purpose, regard-
less of the fact that certain groups of graves are
separated by considerable chronological gaps,
and that members of various socio-cultural
communities were buried in the tumuli. In that
sense we can say that the explored tumuli are
an example of a particular form of continuity
which is not determined by spatial-chronolog-
ical dimension, but with invariability of the
main character of the place intended for funer-
ary practice in prehistory, which was also prac-
tised during the later periods regardless of its
interruptions and breaks, chronological spans,
population and cultural changes. Only this fact
is sufficient to indicate that tumuli from Krneza
and Podvrje make a special sepulchral whole,
not only in the limited Zadar region. Its unique-
ness is determined chiefly by the fact that ex-
plored graves belong to prehistoric and late an-
tique periods, and the Early Middle Ages.
Previous discussions indicated that multi-
ple burials and certain continuity in the strict
sense existed already at the level of prehis-
toric graves, which is illustrated most directly
by Duevia glavica with at least three succes-
sive burials. However at the level of prehistoric
burials that is neither new nor specific. What is
much more important than that are differences
in the basic burial rite, i.e. biritualism, evident
on the level of all tumuli as a unique sepulchral
whole, as well as on the level of its segments,
i.e. individual tumuli. The most direct indica-
tor of these differences on the individual level
178
dijelova, odnosno pojedinih tumula. Najizrav-
niji pokazatelj tih razliitosti na pojedinanoj
razini je Duevia glavica. Primarno pokapa-
nje u tom tumulu provedeno je polaganjem
spaljenih ljudskih ostataka izravno na osnovu
tumula, bez ikakvih naznaka njihova pohranji-
vanja u kakvu posudu s funkcijom are, dok
su kod dva mlaa pokopa tijela inhumirana u
kamenu krinju. Dakako, te razlike nisu slu-
ajne i moraju izraavati neke dublje promje-
na u religijskoj ideologiji kojima je uvjetovana
i promjena funeralne prakse. No, one se u tom
tumulu iskazuju prilino dramatino, bez pri-
jelaznih pojava, pa ne ostavljaju puno prostora
za raspravu o uzrocima i vremenskim okviri-
ma u kojima se iskazuju. To vie to polaganje
spaljenih ostataka izravno na osnovu tumula
djeluje vrlo arhaino, dok kamena krinja mla-
ih pokopa sugerira povezivanje s istovrsnim
liburnskim grobnim konstrukcijama. Proma-
trano samo prema formi u kojoj su provedena,
pokapanja u tumulima Jokina glavica i Mata-
kova glavica djeluju kao pojava koja u stanovi-
tom smislu ublaava otro polarizirane odnose
starijega pokopa i mlaih pokopa u Duevia
glavici. U primarnim pokopima na Jokinoj gla-
vici spaljeni humani ostatci pohranjeni su u a-
rama poloenim u zajedniku plitku jamu, dok
su na Matakovoj glavici vjerojatno spaljeni hu-
mani ostatci pohranjeni u aru postavljenu na
posebnu suhozidnu platformu. Ostavljajui po
strani razlike u nainu polaganja ara, oba ta
primjera upuuju na razvijeniji i profinjeniji
in pokapanja i obreda koji ga prate, u odnosu
na onaj proveden na Duevia glavici.
Izloene na ovakav nain, navedene razlike
dobivaju i stanovitu vremensku dimenziju koju
sugeriraju i 14C datumi, premda u ovome slua-
ju ne treba posve iskljuiti ni potrebu njihove
korekcije zbog mogue stanovite nepreciznosti
uvjetovane razliitim okolnostima u kojima je
pokapanje provedeno, ukljuujui tu i pedolo-
ke specifinosti tla iskoritenog za formiranje
zemljanog nasipa. Jednako tako, ni mogua
vremenska dimenzija ne mora biti iskljuiva
determinanta razlika o kojima je rije, ponaj-
prije zbog toga to je funeralna praksa openito
najkonzervativniji segment u kulturi prapovi-
jesnih zajednica, a njezina je promjena obino
povezana s povijesno vrlo znaajnim i prostor-
Brunislav Marijanovi
Karla Gusar no iroko obuhvatnim procesima.
is Duevia glavica. Primary burial in this tu-
mulus refers to depositing cremated human
remains directly on the basis of the tumulus,
without any traces of their deposition in some
vessel functioning as an urn, whereas corpses
were inhumated in a stone cist in two later bur-
ials. These difference were not accidental and
they have to reflect some deeper changes in
religious ideology which caused changes in the
funerary practice. In this tumulus they are ex-
hibited quite dramatically, without transitional
phenomena, so that they do not leave much
space for discussing causes and chronological
frameworks in which they are exhibited. All the
more so because deposition of the cremated re-
mains directly on the tumulus basis seems very
archaic, whereas stone cist of the later burials
suggests relating with identical Liburnian fu-
nerary structures. Observed only in their form,
burials in the tumuli of Jokina glavica nad Ma-
takova glavica appear as a phenomenon which
in a certain sense reduces sharply polarized
relations between the earlier and later buri-
als in Duevia glavica. In primary burials in
Jokina glavica cremated human remains were
deposited in urns laid in a common shallow
pit, whereas in Matakova glavica cremated hu-
man remains were probably deposited in an
urn placed on a special platform built by using
drystone wall technique. Leaving aside differ-
ences in the manner of depositing urns, both
examples indicate a more developed and so-
phisticated burial act and the accompanying
ritual than the one in Duevia glavica.
Presented in this way the mentioned differ-
ences get a certain chronological dimension
which is suggested also by 14C dates, although in
this case the need of their correction should not
be excluded due to possible certain imprecision
caused by different circumstances in which
burials were conducted, including pedological
specific qualities of the soil used for making
earthen fill. In the same way, possible chrono-
logical dimension need not be exclusive deter-
minant of the mentioned differences, primarily
because funerary practice represents generally
the most conservative segment in the culture of
prehistoric communities, and its change is usu-
ally related to historically very important and
spatially wide-reaching processes.

Na temelju sauvanih ostataka nije mogue
ni izdaleka odrediti broj osoba iji su ostatci
pohranjeni pri primarnim pokopima u Due-
via glavici i Matakovoj glavici. Meutim, u
primarnom grobu u Jokinoj glavici oigledno
je pokopano vie osoba, i to razliita uzrasta i
spola, a etiri are i njihov raspored pri pokopu
sugeriraju isti toliki broj pokopanih, od kojih
dvije odrasle osobe razliita spola i dvoje djece.
Antropoloka identifikacija humanih ostataka
i njihov raspored u arama u tom smislu nisu
posve odreeni, premda doputaju mogunost
meusobnog povezivanja spolno i uzrastom
razliito disperziranih ostataka na razinu od
etiri pretpostavljene osobe. Sigurnost u tom
smislu mogla je pruiti samo DNK analiza koja
bi, osim toga, odgovorila i na pitanje meusob-
ne rodbinske povezanosti pokopanih. Premda
zbog stanja uzoraka DNK analiza nije bila mo-
gua, to znai da u tom smislu ne postoje eg-
zaktne potvrde, vrlo je vjerojatno da istodobno
pokopani humani ostatci u arama iz Jokine
glavice pripadaju osobama meu kojima po-
stoji vrsta rodbinska veza.
Poseban je problem pitanje uspostavljanja
prostornih odnosa i povezivanje tumula s ne-
kim aglomeracijskim sreditem kojemu bi mo-
gle pripadati pokopane osobe. Kao to je to u
uvodnom dijelu naglaeno, istraene tumule
nije mogue povezati ne samo s nekom isto-
dobnom nego ni s bilo kakvom prapovijesnom
aglomeracijom, jer u njihovoj blioj okolici
nema poznatih gradinskih naselja, a ni drugih
arheolokih tragova koji bi ostavljali mogu-
nost postojanja neke izvangradinske naseobin-
ske cjeline. Naime, premda su tumuli smjete-
ni u prostranom polju s june strane Ljubake
kose, koja s nekoliko gradinskih naselja i izni-
mno velikim brojem tumula i ravnih grobova
iz svih faza eljeznog doba te helenistikih gro-
bova, rasporeenih na irokom prostoru, ini
posebnu arheoloku zonu, ipak je malo vjero-
jatno da su tumuli u Krnezi i Podvrju izravno
povezani s njima. Takvu mogunost ne sugeri-
raju ni opi prostorni odnosi u kojima ljubake
gradine i grobovi, unato veliini prostora na
kojem se nalaze, ipak tvore koherentne cjeline,
kao to koherentnu, ali u ukupnosti prostornih
odnosa zasebnu cjelinu ine i tumuli u Krnezi i
Podvrju. S obzirom na to, pitanje uspostavlja-
nja prostornih odnosa izmeu tumula i pripa-
179
On the basis of the preserved remains it is
not possible to determine the number of per-
sons whose remains were buried in primary
burials in Duevia glavica and Matakova
glavica. However, in primary grave in Jokina
glavica evidently several persons were buried,
of different age and gender. Four urns and their
distribution suggest the same number of the
deceased persons, of which two adults of differ-
ent gender and two children. Anthropological
identification of human remains and their dis-
tribution in urns is not completely determined
in that sense, although it allows possibility of
mutual connecting of differently dispersed re-
mains in terms of gender and age to the level
of four persons. Definite answer in that sense
could be provided only by DNA analysis which
would also shed some light on mutual kinship
ties of the deceased persons. Although DNA
analysis was not possible due to the condition
of the samples, which means that there are no
excat confirmations in that sense, it is more
than likely that simultaneously buried human
remains in urns from Jokina glavica belonged
to persons with strong kinship ties.
It is quite difficult to establish spatial rela-
tions and connect the tumuli with some ag-
glomeration center where buried persons may
have lived. As mentioned in the introduction,
explored tumuli could not be related not only
with some simultaneous but with any agglom-
eration, since there are no hill-fort settlements,
or other archeological traces which would open
up a possibility of existence of some settlement
unit other than hill-fort. Namely, although the
tumuli are situated in a spatious field from the
southern side of Ljubaka kosa, which makes
a separate archaeological zone with several
hill-fort settlements and exceptionally great
number of tumuli and flat graves from all phas-
es of the Iron Age, and Hellenistic graves dis-
tributed in wide area, it is unlikely that tumuli
in Krneza and Podvrje were directly related
to them. Such possibility is not suggested even
by general spatial relations in which hill-forts
and graves from Ljuba make a coherent whole
despite the size of the area in which they are
located. Tumuli in Krneza and Podvrje also
make a coherent whole, but in the entirety of
spatial relations. Taking all this into considera-
ZAKLJUAK
tion, the question of determining spatial rela- CONCLUSION
180
dajueg naselja u ovome trenutku mora ostati
otvoreno.
Kako je ve vie puta istaknuto, sva tri tu-
mula ponovno su koritena za pokapanje tije-
kom kasnijih vremenskih razdoblja, a na po-
jedinim primjerima mogue je pratiti i njihov
meusobni slijed kao i razliite pogrebne ritu-
se. Nakon prapovijesnog razdoblja najranije
u upotrebi je Matakova glavica u Podvrju, na
kojoj je pokapanje nastavljeno tijekom kasne
antike, a zatim i u ranom srednjem vijeku. Od
kasnoantikih grobova na Matakovoj glavici
ouvala se uglavnom grobna arhitektura, malo-
brojni osteoloki ostatci i grobni prilozi. Te po-
kope svakako treba dovesti u vezu s nedalekim
ranokranskim kompleksom na Glavinama u
Podvrju, to znai da ih treba datirati u vrije-
me prije kraja 5. stoljea, odnosno u vremenski
okvir odreen za nastanak tog sakralnog sklo-
pa uz koji je otkrivena i nekropola. Nakon toga
Matakova glavica ponovno je upotrebi u rano-
srednjovjekovnom razdoblju, iz kojeg su sau-
vani ostatci grobne arhitekture, grobni prilozi
te vatrite koriteno tijekom pogrebnih obreda.
To je vatrite iznimno znaajan dokaz pogan-
skih pogrebnih obiaja koje rani Slaveni/Hrva-
ti donose na ove prostore nakon doseljenja, te
je primjer s Matakove glavice drugi zabiljeen
sluaj te pojave na tlu Hrvatske. Sve navedeno
svakako smjeta ove srednjovjekovne grobove
u poganski horizont dalmatinsko-hrvatske ma-
terijalne kulture. Budui da su na tom lokali-
tetu ranosrednjovjekovni grobovi prilino loe
ouvani, njihova preciznija datacija nije mogu-
a, ve ih je mogue samo okvirno smjestiti u
navedeno razdoblje.
Neto drugaija situacija zabiljeena je na
Duevia glavici u Krnezi. Na tom tumulu ot-
kriveno je devet sekundarnih ukopa koji tako-
er pripadaju ranom, poganskom horizontu
dalmatinsko-hrvatske ranosrednjovjekovne
materijalne kulture. Meu grobnim prilozima
dominira kultna keramika koja je najveim di-
jelom pronaena izvan, odnosno izmeu samih
grobova, to je pojava do sada zabiljeena na
samo jednom lokalitetu u Hrvatskoj, a to je Ma-
teriza kod Nina. Takoer treba istaknuti i na-
kitne predmete bliske komanskom kulturnom
krugu koji pripadaju dijelu uistinu nedovoljno
istraene europske srednjovjekovne arheolo-
Brunislav Marijanovi
Karla Gusar gije. Meutim, svakako treba napomenuti da
tions between the tumuli and the belonging
settlement has to remain open for now.
As mentioned repeatedly, all three tumuli
were used for burials during later periods, and
in certain examples it was possible to trace
their mutual course as well as different funer-
ary rites. After the prehistoric period Mata-
kova glavica in Podvrje was reused first, as
interments were continued in Late Antiquity,
and then also in the Early Middle Ages. Out of
late antique graves in Matakova glavica mostly
grave architecture was preserved, scarce osteo-
logical remains and grave goods. These burials
should definitely be related to the nearby ear-
ly Christian complex in Glavine in Podvrje,
meaning that they should be dated to the pe-
riod before the end of the fifth century, i.e. in
the chronological framework defined for the
formation of that sacral complex which also
encompassed a necropolis. Mentioned hearth
represents an exceptionally important evi-
dence of pagan funerary rituals which were
brought by the early Slavs/Croats into these
regions after their arrival. Example from Ma-
takova glavica represents the second recorded
case of this phenomenon in Croatia. All the
aforementioned definitely relates mentioned
medieval graves with the pagan horizon of the
Dalmatian-Croatian material culture. Consid-
ering the fact that medieval graves were quite
poorly preserved at this site, their precise dat-
ing is not possible, they can only be broadly
dated to the mentioned period.
Somewhat different situation was recorded
in Duevia glavica in Krneza. In this tumulus
nine secondary burials were discovered which
also belong to the early, pagan horizon of the
Dalmatian-Croatian early medieval material
culture. Cult pottery is dominant among grave
goods which was mostly found between or out
of the graves. Such phenomenon was recorded
at only one more site in Croatia Materiza near
Nin. It is also important to mention jewelry ob-
jects similar to the Koman cultural circle which
belong to a part of truly insufficiently explored
European medieval archaeology. However it
is worth emphasizing that in this case we are
dealing with a necropolis of the early Slavic,
i.e. early Croatian population as indicated by
all other finds. In addition to analysis of grave
goods, a radiocarbon analysis of osteological

je i u ovom sluaju rije o groblju ranoslaven-
ske, odnosno starohrvatske populacije, na to
upuuju svi ostali nalazi. Osim analize grobnih
nalaza provedena je i radiokarbonska analiza
osteolokih ostataka, iji rezultati pokazuju da
se radi o srednjovjekovnom groblju koje traje
krajem 7. i tijekom 8. stoljea.
Posljednje groblje je ono na Jokinoj
glavici u Krnezi na kojoj je otkriveno 18 rano-
srednjovjekovnih grobova. Kako je rije o neto
veem groblju od do sada navedenih, na njemu
je mogue pratiti veu raznolikost u oblikova-
nju grobova, kulturnim prilozima i nalazima.
Od grobnih obiaja treba istaknuti polaganje
kamenja na tijelo pokojnika, to se obino do-
vodi u vezu s vampirizmom. Ta pojava, eviden-
tirana na srednjoeuropskim slavenskim nekro-
polama ranoga srednjeg vijeka, u Dalmaciji je
poprilino rijetka. Kao i kod Duevia glavice,
i na Jokinoj glavici pronaen je znaajan broj
keramikih posuda postavljenih izmeu gro-
bova koje treba dovesti u vezu s poganskim ri-
tusom ukopa. S obzirom da su nakon Materize
ovo jedini lokaliteti na kojima je registriran taj
obiaj, svakako treba ukazati na povezanost
populacija ukopanih na oba kultna mjesta. Od
ostalih priloga i nalaza treba spomenuti upo-
trebne i nakitne predmete, koji uz rezultate
radiokarbonske analize osteolokih ostataka
upuuju na trajanje groblja u drugoj polovini
8. i tijekom 9. stoljea, pa je mogue rei da ra-
nosrednjovjekovno groblje na Jokinoj glavici
vremenski smjenjuje ono na Duevia glavici.
Navedena ranosrednjovjekovna pripa-
daju starohrvatskim grobljima ukopanim u tu-
mule, koja su dosta rjea od onih na ravnom, a
ujedno i puno loije istraena. Na osnovi rezul-
tata istraivanja u Krnezi i Podvrju sa sigur-
nou se moe rei da u ranom srednjem vijeku
novodoseljeni Slaveni/Hrvati za ukapanje nisu
podizali nove humke, ve su koristili starija,
postojea kultna mjesta. Loa istraenost te vr-
ste ranosrednjovjekovnih grobalja u Hrvatskoj
do sada je ovo pitanje ostavljala otvorenim.
Budui da je na sva tri istraena tumula
u Krnezi i Podvrju otkriven manji broj grobo-
va, te da nije rije o veim ranosrednjovjekov-
nim nekropolama, vjerojatno se radi o groblji-
ma manjih rodovskih zajednica. Ta ranosred-
njovjekovna groblja pripadaju ranim Slaveni-
ma/Hrvatima, a okvirno ih je mogue smjestiti
181
remains was also conducted showing that this
was a medieval cemetery used at the end of the
seventh and during the eighth centuries.
The last necropolis is the one in Jokina glavi-
ca in Krneza in which 18 early medieval graves
were discovered. As this was somewhat larger
cemetery than the aforementioned, in it we
can trace greater diversity in grave formation,
grave goods and accessories. Out of funeray
rituals we need to mention depositing stones
on the deceased body which is usually related
to vampirism. This phenomenon, recorded in
the Central European Slavic necropoles of the
Early Middle Ages, is quite rare in Dalmatia. In
Jokina glavica, as well as in Duevia glavica,
a significant number of ceramic vessels was
found between the graves which should be re-
lated to the pagan burial rite. As these are the
only sites where this custom was recorded after
Materiza, it is necessary to indicate connec-
tions between populations buried at both cult
places. Out of other grave goods and accesso-
ries, functional and jewelry objects need to be
mentioned which indicate dating of the cem-
etery in the second half of the eighth and dur-
ing the ninth centuries, alongside the results of
radiocarbon analysis of osteological remains.
Therefore it is possible that early medieval
cemetery in Jokina glavica chronologically re-
placed the one in Duevia glavica.
Mentioned early medieval cemeteries be-
long to the early Croatian necropoles dug into
tumuli, which are much rarer than the flat cem-
eteries, and at the same time less explored. On
the basis of the results of the excavations in
Krneza and Podvrje we can state with certain-
ty that in the Early Middle Ages newly arrived
Slavs/Croats did not raise new mounds for bur-
ials but they used earlier, existing cult places.
Until now this question had not been answered
due to poor state of exploration of this type of
early medieval necropoles in Croatia. Consid-
ering the fact that a small number of graves
was found in all three explored tumuli in Krn-
eza and Podvrje and that these were not larger
medieval necropoles, it is most likely that these
were cemeteries of smaller communities. These
early medieval cemeteries belong to the early
Slavs/Croats, and they can be broadly dated to
the period from the end of the seventh to the
ZAKLJUAK
end of the ninth centuries. It is important to CONCLUSION
182
u razdoblje od kraja 7. do kraja 9. stoljea. Va-
no je istaknuti i da su 14C datumi s Jokine i Du-
evia glavice jedini primjeri radiokarbonskih
analiza provedenih na nekropolama ranoga
srednjeg vijeka u Dalmaciji koji bi s obzirom na
nedovoljno poznavanje ovoga kljunog razdo-
blja svakako pridonijeli tonijem odreivanju
pojedinih pojava u starohrvatskoj kulturi. No,
usprkos rezultatima svih ovih analiza, i ovdje
se, kao i kod prapovijesne populacije ukopane
na tumulima, postavlja pitanje kojoj aglome-
raciji pripisati ova groblja, budui da nikakvi
tragovi ranosrednjovjekovnih naselja na ovom
prostoru do sada nisu otkriveni. Njihova ubi-
kacija od iznimne je vanosti, ponajprije zbog
injenice da su naselja ovog razdoblja na tlu
Dalmacije gotovo potpuno nepoznata, te da
analizirana groblja nije mogue promatrati kao
izolirane dijelove, ve ih treba uklopiti u iru
arheoloku sliku ranoga srednjeg vijeka u Hr-
vatskoj; s obzirom na poloaj tumula u Krnezi
i Podvrju i izvanredne uvjete za ivot na ovom
prostoru, naselja vjerojatno treba traiti u nji-
hovoj neposrednoj blizini.
Brunislav Marijanovi
Karla Gusar
emphasize that 14C dates from Jokina glavica
and Duevia glavica are the only examples
of radiocarbon analyses conducted at the ne-
cropoles of the Early Middle Ages in Dalmatia,
which may contribute to more exact determin-
ing of certain phenomena in the Early Croatian
culture having in mind insufficient under-
standing of this crucial period. Despite the re-
sults of all these analyses, the same question
arises, as with prehistoric population buried in
the tumuli, concerning agglomeration to which
these cemeteries may have been ascribed, since
traces of early medieval settlements in this re-
gion have not been discovered so far. Their
pinpointing is exceptionally important prima-
rily due to the fact that settlements from this
period in Dalmatia are almost completely un-
known, and that analyzed necropoles cannot
be observed as isolated parts, but they must be
included in a more comprehensive archaeolog-
ical image of the Early Middle Ages in Croatia.
Considering the position of the tumuli in Krn-
eza and Podvrje and outstanding life condi-
tions in this area, settlements should probably
be sought in their immediate vicinity.