On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy: The Gold Objects

from the Varna I Cemetery (Bulgaria)Technological

Consequence and Inventive Creativity

Verena Leusch, Barbara Armbruster, Ernst Pernicka

& Vladimir Slavcev

This paper discusses the invention of gold metallurgy within the Southeast European
Chalcolithic on the basis of newly investigated gold objects from the Varna I cemetery
(45504450 cal. bc). Comprehensive analyses, including preceding gold finds, shed new
light not only on the technical expertise of the so far earliest known fine metalworkers,
but also on the general context and potential prerequisites in which the invention of gold
metallurgy may be embedded. Here, these structural trajectories as well as the unprecedented
inventions connected to this early gold working will be highlighted in order to contextualize
the apparently sudden appearance and rapid development of this new craft.

Introduction was actually invented. Such questions have to be re-

The gold finds from the Varna I cemetery in Bulgaria
(45504450 cal. bc: Chapman et al. 2006; Higham et al.
2007; or c. 4390 cal. bc: Krau et al. 2014) are still often
considered as the first gold of mankind (Eluere 1989).
The site belongs to the Kodzadermen-Gumelnita-
Karanovo VI complex (KGK VI), which stretches be-
tween the northern Rhodope Mountains, most part of
Bulgaria and southern Romania (Fig. 1). Thus, typo-
logically, it may be ascribed to the Late Chalcolithic,
while the absolute dates point to an earlier chrono-
logical placement that would parallel what is termed
Middle Chalcolithic according to the Southeast Euro-
pean chronology (Chapman et al. 2006, 177) (Fig. 1).
Generally, this early dating makes Varna I even more
peculiar. It is still an unparalleled phenomenon within
its chronological and cultural context and beyond. Sig-
nificantly, the abundant and elaborate products of fine
metalworking most articulately express the achieve-
ments connected to the inception of gold metallurgy.
However, considering the traceable high expertise it
seems as if these objects had already surpassed the
inventive stage of fine metalworking. Thus, the ques-
tion arises, when, where and why gold metallurgy
garded not only from a technological perspective, but
also from a societal one.
In this respect, the Varna I cemetery represents an
unusual manifestation. Since its discovery in 1972, the
site has often been discussed as representing a com-
plete new and yet unparalleled concept of the Chal-
colithic society organization (see, for example, Biehl
& Marciniak 2000; Chapman et al. 2006; Hansen 2013;
Lichardus 1991b; Marazov 1988; Renfrew 1978). The
unequal distribution of the grave goods, especially of
the gold objects, was frequently assessed as indication
for a hierarchical society structure (Renfrew 1986). So
far, there is nowhere else a comparable abundance of
Chalcolithic gold objects. In total c. 3100 items were
recorded, belonging to the assemblages of 65 out of the
320 burials that have so far been excavated. Amongst
these 65 burials, five burials alone (burials nos. 1, 4,
36, 41 and 43: Fig. 2) comprise over 80 per cent of the
whole gold assemblage. These five burials caught the
primary scientific interest and have been frequently
discussed (e.g. Hansen 2013; Ivanov 1988; Lichardus
1991b; Marazov 1988; Renfrew 1978). Interestingly,
there is only one inhumation amongst these extraor-
dinarily rich burials, which is the famous grave no. 43

Cambridge Archaeological Journal 25:1, 353376 

C 2015 McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research

doi:10.1017/S0959774314001140 Received 19 May 2014; Accepted 07 Dec 2014; Revised 30 Nov 2014
 Verena Leusch et al.

Figure 1. Map of sites mentioned in the text. 1. Varna I; 2. Varna II; 3. Durankulak; 4. Hotnica; 5. Ai Bunar; 6. Razgrad;
7. Varli brjag, Rosen and Medni Rid; 8. Burgas; 9. Majdanpek; 10. Akladi cheiri; 11. Belovode; 12. Darudere; 13.
Novoselo; 14. Dvoinitsa reka (Bjala); 15. Gorenchiflik; 16. Kalovo; 17. Kotel; 18. Kuzdere; 19. Sungunlare; 20. Neikovo;
21. Novoselci; 22. Rakovdol. Dashed line = constraints of the KGK VI cultural complex. Mapped are the three eponymous
sites Kodzadermen, Karanovo and Gumelnita. Grey areas = copper occurrences. Yellow areas = gold occurrences. Brown
areas = flint occurrences. (Map made with Natural Earth; mapped information according to Gale et al. 2000; Lehrberger
1995; Leshtakov 2013; Lichardus 1991a; Manolakakis 2005; Pernicka et al. 1997; Radivojevic 2010; Sirakov 2002 and
Danail Yovchev (personal information). Chronology according to Bojadziev 2002; Gorsdorf & Bojadziev 1996; Higham
et al. 2006; Krau et al. 2014; and Todorova 2002.)

(Fig. 2, left). The other depositions are often charac-
terized as symbolic graves or cenotaphs (Lichardus
1991b), as they do not contain any skeletal remains.
Hence, the extraordinary wealth of this funerary place
is distinguished especially by these ritual depositions
and not as much by the inhumations of the societys
members. This is specifically interesting when we try
to approach questions about a potential hierarchiza-
tion of the society and the newly occurring represen-
tational needs that triggered the excessive use of gold.
Apparently, these needs were not so much connected
to an individual representation of wealth, social
importance or prestige. The archaeological record
rather suggests that we also should consider the im-
portance of displaying the communal effort behind
these depositions. Performing such rites of passage

354
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy
Figure 2. Three of the famous burials from Varna I: burials nos. 43, 4 and 36. (Photographs, left to right: K. Dimitrov, B.
Armbruster, B. Armbruster.)
also represents public activities and, thus, reflects the
societal potential that served these specific transcen-
dent purposes (as discussed briefly in e.g. Hansen
2013, 1456).
In this light, the validity of rich burials as indica-
tors for a progressing social segmentation or even hier-
archization (see e.g. Chapman et al. 2006; Hansen 2013;
Renfrew 1986) must be discussed carefully. How-
ever, judging from the abundant and elaborate artisan
products, the capabilities of the society and its poten-
tial structure become apparent (e.g. Chapman 2007,
68). These appear to have involved a certain degree
of specialization, a corresponding social inequality,
and economic organization. For instance, the various
commodities that were found within the burials dis-
close the accessibility of different raw materials, such
as flint, copper and spondylus shell (Fig. 1) (Cernych
1992; Chapman et al. 2006; Ivanova 2012; Kostov 2007;
Krau 2010; Muller 1997; Todorova 1995; 1999). This
points to well-organized supply or economic net-
works. Moreover, we may recognize advanced tech-
nical expertise of the craftsmen: for example, the pro-
duction of the long flint blades (Manolakakis 2005),
the copper implements (Dimitrov 2002) and also the
gold objects from Varna (Dimitrov 2013) illustrate
such elaborate skills and specialized knowledge. De-
spite these peculiarities, the Varna I cemetery may
be placed into a development that has its roots in
the Southeast European Neolithic, as summarized in
e.g. Bartelheim & Krau (2012). Archaeological evi-
dence shows that, especially from the so-called Mid-
dle Chalcolithic onwards, there is a strong correlation
between demographic growth, emergence of larger
cultural complexes, a growing social complexity or
inequality and technological enhancement and inten-
sification, particularly of copper metallurgy (Gale et al.
2003; Todorova 1981; Windler et al. 2013). It is this con-
text and within these trajectories that gold occurs for
the first time. According to current archaeological re-
355
search, it appears later than copper, but seemingly
also somewhat earlier than the famous Varna gold,
which has often been addressed as the oldest gold of
mankind (e.g. Eluere 1989). These earlier gold objects
stem from graves from the cemetery of Durankulak
(Avramova 2002, 193, 202, table 24; Todorova & Vajsov
2001, 55) and belong to the phase IV of the Haman-
gia culture. According to Bojadziev (2002), this cor-
responds to an absolute dating between 4650/4600
4550/4500 bc, but so far no 14 C dates are available for
the particular burials. In addition, at the burial site of
Varna II (KGK V or Hamangia IV, no 14 C dates pub-
lished), very close to the Varna I cemetery, 31 gold
beads were found within burial no. 3 (Todorova & Va-
jsov 2001, 55). According to the relative chronology the
Durankulak and Varna II gold finds are slightly older,
immediately preceding the famous Varna I cemetery.
The latest AMS data from Varna I (Krau et al. 2014),
however, also suggests them to be in parts chrono-
logically similar (Fig. 1). This shows that still a more
precise dating specifically of the older features is nec-
essary. Thus far, in contrast to the Varna I gold, KGK V
gold finds are represented by simple gold beads. More
gold objects are known from the subsequent KGK VI
or Hamangia IV sites, e.g. from Durankulak or the
deposition of Hotnica (Fig. 12). Yet they by no means
display the splendid variety of the coeval gold from
the Varna I cemetery. All these other gold adornments
underline the exceptional development of gold use
at Varna I. Nevertheless, their chronological sequence
still remains a matter of discussion (as summarized in
Chapman et al. 2006).
To summarize, we are looking at a complex
picture of both cultural changes and technological in-
novations during the Chalcolithic, of which gold met-
allurgy is a part. We also must be aware that the Varna
I cemetery so far must be still regarded as quite excep-
tional, as we are confronted with its many peculiar-
ities. Thus, it remains difficult to generalize about the
 Verena Leusch et al.
development of gold metallurgy and to draw precise
conclusions about its invention and its consequences.
Nevertheless, it is a good starting point to illustrate
the capabilities of early gold metallurgy that may
contribute new insights into the inception of this craft.
The gold from Varna I: material and analyses
The studied material upon which this paper is based
comprises almost the entire assemblage of gold ob-
jects found at the famous Late Chalcolithic Varna I
burial site. It serves as a well-documented starting
point for discussion of the emergence of gold metal-
lurgy. Furthermore, in order to approach this ques-
tion it was necessary to compare the Varna gold with
other gold items, e.g. from the site of Varna II (Figs. 1
& 11). Within a multidisciplinary research project,1 it
was possible to investigate this material in its entirety
for the first time. Within this process, chemical anal-
yses by X-ray fluorescence analysis (XRF) and laser
ablation-inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrom-
etry (LA-ICP-MS) were performed with the objective
of a reliable material classification of the used gold.
Full details of the XRF method are provided by Per-
nicka and Lutz (2014) and details about the analysis
of gold samples with laser ablation are given in Ehser
et al. (2011), Kovacs et al. (2009) and Schlosser et al.
(2009). In addition, optical analyses of tool marks and
surface topography were carried out2 with the aim
of a better understanding of the manufacturing tech-
niques (Dimitrov 2013).
The gold from Varna I: selected results
In the following, the technological background of the
gold objects from the Varna I cemetery will be dis-
cussed on the basis of these new analyses. Hitherto,
observations and reconstructions in this respect were
based on only a small number of objects (see, for exam-
ple, Echt et al. 1991; Eluere 1989; Hartmann 1978; 1982).
Furthermore, in earlier attempts to understand this
early gold industry as Todorova and Vajsov (2001)
called it, little attention was paid to the contempora-
neous and, more importantly, the older gold objects
discussed previously. There has similarly been little
investigation relating to the technological link to Chal-
colithic copper metallurgy. Thus, the technological
and eventually innovative coherences were formerly
scarcely accounted for (Hansen 2011, 656), perhaps
also due to an academic void, specifically concerning
the older gold finds. Subsequently, selected results of
the new investigations on Varna I gold shall be high-
lighted to illustrate the technical level and also the
356
attached logistics that can be deduced from the ob-
jects (already discussed in Leusch et al. 2014).
Casting
In the production of the gold objects from Varna, cast-
ing was formerly rarely considered to have played a
major role. Instead, pure cold-working methods, i.e.
cold-welding of gold nuggets or their deformation by
hammering, were assumed to be the basic methods for
the supposed earliest gold of mankind (Eluere 1989,
37; Guerra & Calligaro 2003, 1527; Raub 1995, 24753;
Renfrew 1978, 200). However, this assumption should
be dismissed, according to examination of the produc-
tion techniques of the Varna objects (Echt et al. 1991).
Recently, this identification of casting could be cor-
roborated by new comprehensive studies on the tech-
nological aspects of the gold artefacts. Both studies
confirm that various and quite complex casting tech-
niques were used to produce the gold objects from
Varna (Dimitrov 2013; Leusch et al. 2014). Even lost-
wax casting apparently was applied for producing
solid as well as hollow objects of thin-walled section
(for detailed technical explanation of this technique,
see Martinon-Torres & Uribe-Villegas, this volume;
Fig. 3). The hollow bracelet with v-shaped cross sec-
tion from burial 4 shows surface irregularities (Fig. 3c
& 3d). These might stem from the wax model and the
clay mould. The surface appears to be not entirely pol-
ished, leaving observable dots. Mostly, complex, hol-
low objects were accurately overworked or finished
and only their inner surfaces indicate the casting pro-
cedure (Fig. 3b). A solid object of three-dimensional
shape is the golden pendant in the form of a knuckle-
bone or astragalus from burial 36 (Fig. 3a). This com-
plex shape also must have been realized by lost wax
casting (Echt et al. 1991, 647).
Alloying
Clear evidence for the prevalent casting of gold can
also be found by chemical analysis. A small group
of objects consists of Au-Cu alloys. They comprise
beads from burial no. 3 and a ring-idol from burial no.
271. The chemical composition of these objects yielded
copper concentrations of more than 30 per cent. These
far exceed contents in natural gold as summarized, for
instance, by Hauptmann et al. (2010, 154). Hence, these
objects attest to the melting of both metals and, more
importantly, represent the earliest intentional metal al-
loys (by mixing two different metals) so far recorded
(see Fig. 4). Analyses of the ring-idol in Figure 4 re-
vealed the following average composition: 50 per cent
gold, 14 per cent silver and 36 per cent copper. One
might suspect that, by the addition of copper, the fine
metalworker perhaps tried to manipulate the colour to
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy

Figure 3. Gold objects cast in lost wax technique. (a) Golden knucklebone or astragalus from the symbolic deposition
burial no. 36; (b) globular bead and (c) bracelet with tapered cross-section from the symbolic grave no. 4; (d) detail of traces
from the model or the mould (?). (Photographs: B. Armbruster.)

make the initially green-yellowish gold (with c. 80 per
cent gold and 20 per cent silver; Fig. 6) appear more
yellowish, or perhaps they wished to save gold metal.
Regardless of their intention, these alloys (even if they
only represent a small part of the thus far discovered
gold objects from Varna) indicate a technological link
between copper and gold metallurgy.
All that glitters is gold
Some of the ring-shaped beads particularly from
the burial no. 43 (Fig. 5) caught our attention be-
cause of their peculiar silvery (pale greenish-yellow,
Fig. 6) colour. It seems as if they were purposefully
arranged together with yellow-coloured gold beads
within bracelets or necklaces, perhaps to increase the
shimmering effect of these adornments (Chapman
2007; in other chronological and cultural contexts sim-
ilar preferences for bichrome metal ornaments are
known: see e.g. Meeks et al. 2008). Chemical analyses
of these beads yielded very high silver concentrations
of around 45 per cent (Fig. 7) that might be also ar-
gued to represent intentional alloys of gold and silver.
However, there are only a few, and not well-dated,
Late Chalcolithic silver objects that rather indicate
that silver was not available in significant amounts
during the fifth millennium bc. Currently, a necklace
with ring-shaped, globular and cone-shaped beads,
two pairs of earrings and one silver ring-idol from
the Alepotrypa cave in the southern Peloponnese and
another silver ring-idol from Eileithyia near Amnis-
sos (Crete) are dated to the Chalcolithic period, with
a given time span between 4500 and 3200 bc (Pap-
athanassopoulos 1996, 227, cat. nos. 41, 42 & 43). Yet
their stratigraphic contexts are unclear. Another find
of a ring-idol presumably made of silver was found
at the Cucuteni-A settlement of Trusesti in Romania
(unfortunately no analytical data has been published
yet: Dergacev 2002, 78). Finally there is also one sil-
ver ring-idol allegedly from the looted Early Bronze
Age necropolis of Goller [ . . . ] from Northern Anato-
lia [that, according to] its shape clearly testifies to Chal-
colithic Balkan/European traditions (Zimmermann
2007, 28), however without precise dating.

357
 Verena Leusch et al.

Figure 4. Different ring idols. The reddish one (centre, bottom line) is made out of a goldcopper alloy. (Photograph: B.
Armbruster.)

Figure 5. Golden and silvery coloured beads. (Photograph: B. Armbruster.)

So far the fuzzy dating of these finds and the lack
of corresponding analytical data hinder any draw-
ing of a clear connection to the Varna material. How-
ever, if silver working was indeed already practised
at Varna, corresponding chemical indications should
be expected (as summarized in Bartelheim et al. 2012,
296). For instance, one would expect a positive corre-
lation of lead with growing silver contents as cupelled
silver, which is extracted from argentiferous lead ores,
typically contains between c. 0.1 up to 2 per cent lead
(Gale et al. 1980; Pernicka & Bachmann 1993; Zivkovic
et al. 2014). The same positive correlation should be
observable for bismuth, as it is a typical trace element
in cupelled silver (Bartelheim et al. 2012, 296). How-
ever, such a correlation could not be found in the re-
cent data and, moreover, the lead concentrations are
well below 0.1 per cent (Fig. 7). Another source of
silver could be the native metal, which does occur in
nature but has so far only been identified in prehis-
toric artefacts from Spain, where it could be attested
for jewellery production in the El Argar culture of the
second millennium bc (Bartelheim et al. 2012). Yet, if
gold was diluted with (even native) silver by alloying,
the trace elements that are connected to the gold, such
as platinum and palladium, should decrease. Such a
negative correlation with increasing silver content is
not visible in the analytical data (Fig. 7). Considering,
moreover, that silver concentrations in natural gold

358
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy
Figure 6. Ternary diagram of the goldsilvercopper
system that indicates the specific colours of each gold alloy
of the beads from grave no. 43. (Diagram: V. Leusch,
according to Moesta & Franke 1995.)
can vary from practically nil to about 4050% (Raub
1995, 245), the silver-rich gold objects from Varna may
rather be regarded as a silver-rich natural variation of
gold.
Gilding
The seemingly intentional use and probable attempts
to manipulate the gold colours at Varna may reflect
a general interest in combining differently coloured
materials with each other (e.g. Chapman 2007). Cor-
respondingly, beyond the use of gold as jewellery, it
also served for the decoration of the hammer axes,
bows, a Spondylus bracelet (which was broken and
repaired by covering the damages with gold sheets)
and also of ceramics. This may be termed the gild-
ing of non-metallic materials. In addition, the clay
heads from burials nos. 2, 3 and 15 and apparently
the textiles were also decorated with gold by wrap-
ping or covering them with gold sheets (Fig. 8). It is
apparently through this gold decoration that the so-
cial and/or religious meaning of the respective objects
was emphasized.
While the term gilding in the presented cases
might be technologically debatable, a further group of
objects undoubtedly represent sheet-gilded or plated
copper beads (Fig. 9; the technique of plating is well
described in La Niece & Craddock 1993). The tube-
shaped copper beads were wrapped in small, thin
gold sheets (Fig. 9). This is, comparable to the alloy-
ing, also an unprecedented way of combining these
two metals.
359
Exploitation
The prospection and exploitation of gold represents
an invention that may be directly linked to the ap-
pearance of gold metallurgy during the Chalcolithic.
Contrary to the previous assumption that the gold
from Varna was partially exploited by hard rock min-
ing (Hartmann 1970, 42; 1982, 41), the new analyses
revealed no evidence that this activity was practised
for gold exploitation. Instead, the gold objects from
Varna reveal a chemical pattern that points solely to
placer gold exploitation from stream sediments. Plat-
inum, palladium and tin are considered characteris-
tic trace elements that indicate the use of such gold
placers. As minerals or nuggets they reach the river
sediments, where they mix with the equally weath-
ered gold nuggets and enrich to heterogeneous plac-
ers (see e.g. Hauptmann et al. 2010; Tsintsov 2013;
Leusch et al. 2014). In simple terms, during the pro-
duction processes these heterogeneously composed
placers are enriched in gold and then melted to arte-
facts. However, the previously mentioned impurities
or accessory minerals within the placers can be re-
moved only to a certain extent, which is hardly repro-
ducible as it is highly dependent on the heterogeneity
of the placer and the individual effort of the miners.
During melting under reducing conditions, many im-
purities dissolve in the gold matrix and form specific
trace elemental patterns that we may recognize in the
artefacts.
In recent studies, several of these placer occur-
rences have been documented in eastern Bulgaria3
(Bachmann & Tsintsov 2003; Tsintsov 2013; Tsintsov
& Popov 2012). Whilst previously the import of
gold from a distance was assumed (Hartmann 1982,
40; Lichardus 1988, 106), these new findings rather
point to the regional potential for gold supply dur-
ing prehistory. Moreover, the Chalcolithic economic
networks that can be demonstrated from the various
commodities at Varna also support a more regional
supply of gold. For example, there is the yellow flint
from which the long, fragile blades, the so-called su-
perblades, were formed (Manolakakis 2005). The raw
material derives from deposits in northeast Bulgaria
from the region around the town of Razgrad (Fig. 1),
where it was mined and worked in specialized work-
shops (Sirakov 2002, 221). Similarly to the flint, cop-
per can also be ascribed to special deposits during
the Chalcolithic. For the fifth millennium bc in the
West Pontic region, the copper deposits of Ai Bunar in
the southern Sredna Gora Mountains and Medni Rid,
Rosen or Varli brjag near Bourgas in the West Pontic re-
gion (Pernicka et al. 1997, 1323, 141) obviously played
an important role. Some Bulgarian objects were even
made from ores in deposits near Majdanpek in Serbia
 Verena Leusch et al.

Figure 7. Analytical results of selected gold objects. Some revealed very high silver and increased lead concentrations (a).
However, the lead concentrations are not exceedingly high as would be expected for the intentional admixture of (cupelled)
silver. Moreover, the bismuth content (another trace element connected to silver) does not correlate with the silver
concentration (b). Other trace elements that are ascribed to typical gold impurities like palladium and platinum (c & d) do
not decrease with growing silver content, which would indicate a dilution of the gold by alloying. Hence, a presumed
intentional alloying of gold and silver cannot be substantiated analytically. (Diagrams: V. Leusch.)

(Pernicka & Anthony 2010, 171; Pernicka et al. 1993;
1997). For Varna, copper from various sources, such
as Varli brjag and to a lesser extent from Ai Bunar,
could be attested by chemical and lead isotope anal-
yses (Gale et al. 2000, 116, 122). Generally, investiga-
tions, specifically on these early copper objects, show
that their production relies upon a specialized knowl-
edge of mining and smelting, a directed distribution
and well-organized logistics (Gale et al. 2000; 2003;
Pernicka et al. 1997). Moreover, elaborate production
techniques that included different casting and finish-
ing methods can be attested (Dimitrov 2002, 14850).
A further commodity that confirms even wider rang-
ing exchange routes is the Spondylus shell, which is
frequently found as a jewellery component in Late
Chalcolithic contexts in the West Pontic region (see
e.g. Todorova 1995; Todorova & Vajsov 2001). There
are also strong connections indicated in the northern
regions in what is currently Romania and Moldavia
that must be considered as parallel finds (including
gold finds) (Oanta-Marghitu 2013). Hence, all these
commodities outline the economic exchange networks
and the vast interconnected region of which Varna was
a part (Hansen 2013).

360
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy

Figure 8. Examples of gold covered or gilded objects from the Varna I cemetery. Photographs from top to bottom right:
B. Armbruster, B. Armbruster, K. Dimitrov.

But where did the gold from Varna derive from?
Unfortunately placer gold mining, contrary for in-
stance to hard rock copper mining, does not usually
leave archaeological traces by which potential prove-
nance regions might be archaeologically identified.
Thus, we are lacking information about an impor-
tant part of the chane operatoire of this material. Nev-
ertheless, according to the large quantities of gold
that accumulated during the Chalcolithic and espe-
cially at Varna, we might infer that exploitation most
probably involved various placer occurrences, simi-
lar to what could be shown for the supply with cop-
per (Gale et al. 2000, 116, 122; 2003; Pernicka et al.
1997, 134). The map in Figure 1 shows that some of
the recently documented gold placer occurrences are
in the vicinity of important, previously mentioned
Chalcolithic copper deposits, such as the Bourgas
region and the Sredna Gora Mountains. Hence, an

361
 Verena Leusch et al.
Figure 9. Sheet-gilded or plated copper beads from burial no. 41 (Varna I). Diameter c. 0.8 cm. (Photographs: V. Leusch.)
exploitation of these placer occurrences for gold dur-
ing the Chalcolithic seems very conceivable in the
light of the traceable exchange networks and in-
terlinked regions.4 These gold occurrences yielded
gold alloys that contained between c. 5 per cent sil-
ver up to c. 25 30 per cent silver (Fig. 10a) and
in some cases even nuggets of platinum group el-
ements (PGE) (Tsintsov 2013). Similar values of sil-
ver and measurable PGE contents can be seen fre-
quently within the data assemblage of the Varna arte-
facts (Fig. 10b). Thus, according to the silver con-
tent of the naturally occurring gold in this region,
these occurrences again may strongly be considered
as potential sources for the Varna gold, at least in
part.
Trace element analyses initially were thought to
be an independent means for precise provenance stud-
ies. However, a clear correlation between analytical
results of the artefact gold and the geological sam-
ples was not entirely successful. This is mostly due to
the general differences of the sample material and the
analytical method that was applied. There is highly
heterogeneous placer material but the artefact gold is
homogenized by the melting procedure. Moreover,
both materials were analysed by a micro-scale an-
alytical method, namely LA-ICP-MS, that yields re-
producible results for the latter, but is biased for the
placer material. These analytical difficulties have hin-
dered provenance studies on gold. Additionally, we
are confronted with the absence of archaeological ev-
idence for Chalcolithic gold exploitation and also of
362
the production sequence as discussed earlier. Thus,
we usually only have the final products to reconstruct
the whole of the chane operatoire of gold. Furthermore,
due to the abundance and frequently large size of the
gold objects found at Varna I, it may well be conceiv-
able that gold from different occurrences might have
been mixed in order to produce them. Thus, consid-
ering the different and elusive factors that may influ-
ence the chemical composition of the artefact gold, the
analytical results of the trace elements should be con-
sidered primarily as representing potential produc-
tion groups and, to a lesser extent, geological finger-
prints. Nonetheless, the indications for the economic
and logistic networks that were outlined earlier, and
the evidence of a significant amount of potential gold
placers in this economic framework, may be assessed
as strong indication for the exploitation of these oc-
currences during the Chalcolithic.
Discussion: on the invention of gold metallurgy
All commodities that were found at Varna elucidate
different chanes operatoires that involved (a) numer-
ous deposits or occurrences; (b) significant labour
by scores of people; and (c) specialized knowledge.
These commodities were apparently regularly and re-
peatedly provided in exchange for others with the
consequence of an increased economic dependence
between people, which basically fits Costins gen-
eral definition of specialization (Costin 1991, 34).
Such a specialization apparently affected the cultural
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy

Figure 10. (Above) Silver concentration of selected alluvial gold from eastern Bulgaria. The silver concentrations may
vary widely within one occurrence. The results show that in the region of investigation gold with natural silver contents
between c. 5 per cent and 25 to 30 per cent can be found. (Below) This corresponds to silver concentrations that also were
found in the Varna gold artefacts. (Diagrams: V. Leusch.)

363
 Verena Leusch et al.
Figure 11. Gold beads from grave no. 3 from Varna II.
Similar beads were found within contemporaneous,
Middle Chalcolithic graves from Durankulak.
(Photograph: K. Dimitrov.)
region under consideration. The exploitation, pro-
duction and distribution of the multiple materials
are linked to developed organizational skills and en-
hanced complexity of social structures (Ottaway &
Roberts 2008, 203). Increasing social inequality during
the Chalcolithic (e.g. Windler et al. 2013) should to be
put into the context of increased need for such new or-
ganizational structures or institutions. The emergence
of these organizational bodies might have triggered
the formation of new types of persons with new sta-
tuses (Chapman et al. 2006, 1623) and consequently
the implementation of gold as representational means.
An important aspect that also potentially played a
great role for the implementation of gold within KGK-
VI societies was driven by the polychromic aesthet-
364
ics connected specifically with the material culture of
the Copper Age in that region (Chapman 2007). The
high level diversity [of materials and correspond-
ing colours] is interpreted as the product of com-
plex communities (Chapman 2007, 68) and termed by
Chapman the social impact of colour and brilliance
(Chapman 2007, 70).
In the introduction it was already pointed out
that a gold metallurgy that precedes Varna I could
be attested by finds from the Durankulak cemeter-
ies and the grave group Varna II. From these two
sites, a total of 61 ring- or tube-shaped gold beads are
known (Avramova 2002, 193, 202, table 24; Todorova
& Vajsov 2001, 55; Fig. 11). Within the chronological
sequence of these gold finds, major differences are
apparent. A significantly wider distribution and an
increasing consumption of gold, especially within the
funeral rites, are evident. Gold finds from Bulgaria
that belong to the KGK-VI culture and are consid-
ered as coeval to Varna I derive, for example, from
the sites of Durankulak and Hotnica (the distribu-
tion and a general typological classification of Chal-
colithic gold is given in Todorova & Vajsov 2001).
Furthermore, the typological spectrum of gold ob-
jects substantially increases. In addition to the gold
beads that already occur in the Varna II and early
Durankulak contexts, gold within the KGK-VI con-
texts was formed to create differently shaped beads,
rings, piercings or small labrets, and pendants like
the so-called anthropomorphic ring-idols, which were
found not only at Varna I, but obviously represent
the common range of shapes used within the KGK-VI
cultural complex and beyond (Fig. 12). Other forms,
such as domed appliques, differently shaped sheets
like the famous tauriform appliques (Fig. 13), com-
plex shaped armlets and sheets to wrap or decorate
tools or weapons made of gold (Fig. 8, left) seem so
far to be specific to the Varna I cemetery. Hence, un-
til now such an exceptional manipulation of gold is
only visible at this unique site, and therefore does
not allow generalizations upon the gold work of the
entire Chalcolithic. However, it shows the high tech-
nical skills and creativity of the responsible craftsmen
or artisans and demonstrates their highly specialized
knowledge.
The question arises, if changes in the organiza-
tion of production can be identified that correspond
to the observable development of the increasing con-
sumption of gold during the Chalcolithic. The in-
vestigations indicate that many objects from Varna
I appear to have been produced for specific con-
sumers or even funerary purposes. The frequent lack
of traces of usage, such as worn surfaces, supports this
interpretation. Other objects, however, apparently
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy

Figure 12. The gold assemblage from the Late Chalcolithic Hotnica hoard. It contains typical Late Chalcolithic ring idols
that were also found at Varna I. (Photograph: K. Dimitrov.)

Figure 13. Domed and tauriform appliques and armlets with convex or tapered cross-sections represent specific forms
that were mostly found at the Varna I cemetery. (Photographs: B. Armbruster.)

have been worn by a person or several persons before
they were deposited. Specifically, some of the ring-
idols show traces of their use as pendants (Fig. 4).
These observations and the large quantity of gold
items which were used in the burial contexts lead
to several questions. Were specific funeral items pro-
duced within special, and perhaps even specialized,
workshops? Is there evidence for heirlooms that
would point to specific connections between funeral
contexts or even the deceased? To approach such ques-
tions, potential production groups are classified by
means of typology, technological characteristics, and

365
 Verena Leusch et al.

Figure 14. Golden sheet decoration of the sceptres from burials nos. 4 and 43. Their analytical results by LA-ICP-MS
reveal material differences, like deviant tin, bismuth, or platinum contents that point to different production groups.
(Photograph/drawing: R. Kostadinova, R. Docsan, V. Slavcev.)

366
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy
chemical composition.5 These production groups may
relate, for example, to coherent workshops or raw
material supply (Costin 1991, 33). Additionally, a se-
lection of objects was investigated by LA-ICP-MS to
obtain a more detailed material classification of the
gold.
The diagrams in Figures 1416 illustrate selected
results of this classification. Three groups of objects
were chosen to illustrate their distribution: the
gold sheets that decorate the so-called sceptres; the
pendants or so-called ring-idols; and the domed ap-
pliques, which appear to have been used for garment
decoration. The analyses of the golden decoration of
the so-called sceptres from grave no. 43 and burial no.
4 stylistically appear to be very similar (Fig. 14). Yet
their trace element composition yielded distinct pro-
duction groups for each burial (Fig. 14) that indicate a
separate, customized production of both sets. The sec-
ond comparative group are the ring-idols that occur
within the so-called symbolic graves at Varna I and at
other contemporaneous sites. The data set presented
here comprises such pendants from four different
contexts: burials nos. 2, 3, 15 and 36 from Varna
I (Fig. 15a). According to analysis of the major
components by XRF, the material composition of the
ring-idols from burials nos. 2, 3 and15 and one pen-
dant from burial no. 36 appear very similar (Fig. 15a).
Two of these ring-idols (one from burial no. 3 and one
from no. 36) were analysed by LA-ICP-MS to test this
finding. It turned out that the trace element patterns of
these ring-idols are also fairly similar (Fig. 15b). This
result points to the same raw material that was used
to produce these pendants. Yet there are differences in
their appearance (Fig. 15a: ii & iii, right) that indicate
their individual production, perhaps in different
workshops and, thus, in different production groups.
In contrast to this, it is certainly conceivable that the
ring-idols from burials nos. 2 and 3, and also perhaps
from no. 15, indeed might belong to one coherent
production group, because chemically (according to
their major components) as well as typologically they
are strikingly similar (Fig. 15a). Moreover, these three
burials show a common structure. They represent a
group of symbolic burials that contained clay heads,
which were decorated with gold jewellery and, thus,
reveal specific and standardized burial customs
that apparently belong to the same rite of passage
(Bertemes 2010; Krau & Slavcev 2012; Lichardus
1991b). Unfortunately, it was not possible to test and
compare these ring-idols for material consistency
on the basis of the available samples provided for
LA-ICP-MS.6 The third group of objects considered
for the definition of production groups and potential
connections between different features are the domed
367
appliques (Fig. 13, left). They appear for instance in
burials nos. 1, 36 and 43, and some seem to show
traces of use. Thus, the potential connections between
the features in which they occur were investigated.
However, according to the XRF data most of these
appliques seem rather to have been individually
produced (in groups) for each purpose or person(s)
(Fig. 16). Hence, in the case of the domed appliques as
well, no clear connections between different features
on the basis of the available sample material can yet
be traced.
Following Costins definition, these results re-
flect a rather low degree of specialization of gold
working, presumably involving a small-scale inde-
pendent workshop production (Costin 1991, 36) ac-
cording to specific demands. Moreover, the various
material groups of the whole Varna gold assemblage,
which are represented by the different point clouds
in the XRF diagram (Fig. 17), argue for a high vari-
ability in the supply of the raw gold and corre-
spondingly of the producers or production processes.
Such a material variability additionally supports the
hypothesis of rather customized or small-scale in-
dependent workshop production of the gold items
found at Varna (Costin 1991, 36). In comparison, the
preceding gold objects from Durankulak and Varna
II also seem to represent mostly coherent produc-
tion groups and a similar organization of produc-
tion (Fig. 17). The production groups appear differ-
ent from the Varna I gold. Interestingly, the XRF data
of the Durankulak assemblage overlap with one re-
sult from the Varna II assemblage. Whilst this may
indicate the same production group, it must how-
ever remain unclear until corresponding trace ele-
ment analyses are conducted. This is also the case
for the Varna I material, where comparable material
similarities of objects from different burials by over-
lapping XRF results are recognizable, e.g. for domed
appliques.
Thus, so far no clear structural differences in the
general organization of the production of the gold
objects from the investigated sites can be traced that
would indicate different levels of craft specialization
of gold metallurgy. An increased level of production,
a wider typological spectrum and enhanced techni-
cal skills can be demonstrated in KGK VI features,
and a wider distribution of gold in archaeological
contexts can be found. Beside Varna I there are sev-
eral such KGK-VI sites, like Hotnica and Durankulak
(Fig. 1), where gold occurs. These finds demonstrate
clearly that standardized forms of gold implements
were used in very similar ways in a wider region.
This is most clearly demonstrated by the wide dis-
tribution of the golden ring-idols, which indicate a
 Verena Leusch et al.

Figure 15a. Ring idols from burials nos. 2 (i), 3 (ii), 15 (iv) and 36 (iii). They are typologically similar; also their XRF
results, displayed in the diagram, reveal mostly similar material compositions. (Photograph/drawing: R. Kostadinova, R.
Docsan, V. Slavcev. Diagram: V. Leusch.)
socially or religiously motivated standardization. may hypothesize about such centralized or special-
Such ring-idols are found frequently along the Tisza ized workshops.
river, in northeastern Bulgaria, along the Danube river
and on the Peloponnese (Hansen 2009, 21, fig. 10). Copper metallurgya techmeme for gold working?
Such disseminations do not necessarily need to be con- Another question that is raised by the abundant gold
nected to a specialization of the production sequence objects from Varna is: How could such elaborate work
or centralized workshops, as has been hypothesized techniques and mature implementation and iconog-
for the Varna gold (e.g.Todorova & Vajsov 2001). De- raphy develop so quickly? The earliest gold objects
spite the significant material similarities of the inves- currently known occur when broader technological
tigated ring-idols (Fig. 14a, b), more detailed analyses and economic developments are already highly ad-
of a wider range of such objects is required before we vanced. Technologically, the affinity for copper met-

368
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy

Figure 15b. Two of the ring idols discussed were analysed by LA-ICP-MS. The trace element pattern for one ring idol
each from burial no. 36 and burial no. 3 corroborate the material similarity of these two objects. This might point to the
same production group. (Diagram: V. Leusch.)

Figure 16. Chemical results by XRF of the domed appliques from burials nos. 1, 36 and 43. The distribution patterning of
the results within the diagram reveals mostly context-specific material groups that indicate separate, customized
production for each deposited assemblage. (Diagram: V. Leusch.)

allurgy must be emphasized as the earliest evidence
currently documented precedes gold metallurgy (see
Radivojevic this volume). Recently, also in the West
Pontic region, archaeological evidence for metallur-
gical activities has been found. These include, beside
copper objects, even a structure that is interpreted by
the excavator as a smelting furnace (Leshtakov 2013,
45), which dates broadly to the Early Chalcolithic con-
texts (5000/49004500 bc) at the settlement of Akladi
Cheiri (Fig. 1) (Leshtakov 2013, 44). Interestingly, in-
creasing evidence for copper smelting and melting
practices is evidenced in the subsequent Late Chalcol-
ithic period at the same site (45004000/3900 bc: Lesh-
takov 2013, 4750). The cemeteries from Duranku-
lak show a similar chronological sequence for metal
finds (Dimitrov 2002, 140). The first copper objects
appear sporadically in the Early Chalcolithic graves
(Hamangia III, 4950/49004650/4600 bc). They
include copper jewellery, like finger rings or beads,
that later are also produced in gold. Heavy copper

369
 Verena Leusch et al.

Figure 17. The diagram is a compilation of all XRF data that could be collected from Varna I, Varna II and grave no. 732
from Durankulak that is classified into the Middle Chalcolithic period. The different densities of the plotted results or point
clouds from Varna I indicate diverse material or production groups. Most of the Varna II beads are also produced in one
coherent production group with c. 20 per cent silver concentration. Seven beads are outliers, which might have been
individually produced. There are no significant material overlaps with the Varna I gold. However, with the Durankulak
beads there seems to be a recognizable material similarity with the Varna II gold. Yet whether this points to the same
production group remains doubtful and needs to be confirmed by trace element analyses. (Diagram: V. Leusch.)

implements only start to occur within the graves dur-
ing the later phases of the Late Chalcolithic (so-called
Varna culture IIIII; Dimitrov 2002, 14041) that date
to 4450/44004250/4200 bc, according to Bojadziev
(2002). This seems to be slightly later than at Varna I,
where such heavy copper implements belong to fu-
nerary assemblages, e.g. burials nos. 43, 143 and 255
that date c. 4550/4500 cal. bc (Higham et al. 2007, 644
5, 647, fig. 3). But radiocarbon dates of the respective
burials from Durankulak are lacking that would al-
low a more detailed interpretation of the chronological
setting.
Unfortunately, due to the large time-spans that
are given for the relative chronological sequences,
specifically for the Early Chalcolithic copper metal-
lurgical evidence, it is not yet possible draw precise
conclusions on the chronological relationship between
copper and gold metallurgy in the West Pontic region.
However, according to current archaeological knowl-
edge, the metallurgical development there seems to
parallel the general development evidenced in the
central Balkans and Thrace, where heavy cast copper
implements, and thus a well-developed metallurgy,
start to appear already in the first half of the fifth
millenium bc (Cernych 1978; 1988; Hansen 2013; Per-
nicka & Anthony 2010, 170; Radivojevic this volume;
Radivojevic et al. 2010; Todorova 1999). In this regard,
copper production evidence from the Vinca culture
provides the earliest securely dated record of extrac-
tive metallurgy and some of the earliest cast copper
objects so far (between c. 5000 and 4650 cal. bc: Radi-
vojevic et al. 2010, 2778).
Generally, there is more evidence for the chane
operatoire of copper than for that of gold. The current
state of evidence in the West Pontic region suggests
that technological development of copper metallurgy
starts sometime in the first half of the fifth millennium
bc. The provenance of the copper and its exchange
routes are traceable as discussed above (Gale et al.
2003; Pernicka et al. 1993; 1997). The provenance stud-
ies reveal highly interconnected regions that demon-
strate well-developed exchange networks. Moreover,
the technological processes underlying copper metal-
lurgy can be reconstructed relatively well through the
analysis of the evidence for copper exploitation, tech-
nical ceramics and copper products. As such, an ef-
ficient pyrotechnology (including smelting and melt-
ing) can be traced back to the first half of the fifth
millennium bc in the Central Balkans, Thrace and
the West Pontic region. It has to be emphasized that
copper (with a melting temperature of 1083C) clearly
shows that the technology for casting gold (with a

370
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy
slightly lower melting temperature of 1064C) was
also available. This is also supported by the finds of ce-
ramic tuyeres, which may have belonged to blowpipes
used in these high-temperature processes (Cernych
1988; Lichardus 1991b). Seen in this light, it is not so
surprising that the earliest currently known gold ob-
jects were cast.
Yet, there is still a general lack of precise 14 C dates
of metallurgical debris in the region under investiga-
tion that would allow for more detailed interpreta-
tion. Thus far, a coeval emergence and development
of both metallurgies in the West Pontic region cannot
be excluded. However, the evidence from sites such as
Belovode and Akladi Cheiri (Radivojevic this volume;
Radivojevic et al. 2010; Leshtakov 2013) strongly sup-
ports the hypothesis of a sequential invention, first of
copper and then of gold metallurgy. In this case, and
in consideration of the discussed technological simi-
larities, the technology of copper metallurgy possibly
resulted in developing the technology of gold produc-
tion. This is why we hypothesize that the technolog-
ical traits for producing copper might have acted as
technological memes (or techmemes) for gold met-
allurgy.7 Yet this interpretation is potentially highly
influenced by the unequal amount of copper met-
allurgical evidence versus gold in the archaeological
record. Instead of judging this as an anthropogenic
consequence and inferring an evolutionist model for
both metallurgies on this basis, the significantly un-
equal natural abundance of these two metals should
also be considered as an influential factor in any in-
terpretation.
Beyond the technological affinities to copper
metallurgy, gold metallurgy itself may also have trig-
gered metallurgical inventions from its earliest stages
onwards. An indication for this is in the evidence
of lost-wax casting.8 The particular social or cul-
tural meaning of gold, its specific material proper-
ties, such as its good castability, its corrosion resis-
tance, its colours and appealing lustre may have stim-
ulated technological inventions. For instance, Radi-
vojevic et al. (2013) propose that the invention of
early tin bronzes might have been stimulated by
the desire to imitate gold. It is important to say
that the current state of knowledge concerning early
gold, but also copper metallurgy for the region and
period under investigation still requires more re-
search, particularly when it comes technological de-
bris and the precise dating of metallurgical remains in
general.
To conclude, the invention of gold working
should be seen within the technological context or
perhaps within the technological trajectory of copper
metallurgy. However, it certainly shows technological
371
peculiarities that apparently are directly attributable
to gold as a material. Last, but not least, we also must
strongly consider the social and wider cultural stim-
uli that triggered the need for gold, as for instance
an evolving aesthetic taste of colourful and shiny ob-
jects that may be ascribed to the Chalcolithic (Chap-
man 2007). Interestingly, typologically similar finds
to the gold objects are often produced in other ma-
terials, like stone, copper or bone (Todorova & Va-
jsov 2001), which often may be regarded as preceding
antetypes. Moreover, gold often serves as decoration
of apparently anachronistic forms, e. g. stone ham-
mer axes or the Spondylus bracelet from grave no. 43.
This indicates that the emergence of gold metallurgy
is highly connected with the local cultural traditions
and development. Within this development, the so-
cial requirements have to be set, that regularize the
distribution or consumption of gold as it particularly
becomes evident at Varna I. Gold is a metal that always
was restricted to specific socially or religiously deter-
mined purposes or persons. Thus, the emergence of
gold metallurgy must be assessed within these com-
plex dynamics of technological development, cultural
traditions, economic interconnections, specific social
needs and evolving new aesthetics that formed the
world of the fifth millennium bc (e.g. Chapman 2007;
Kienlin 2014, 449).
Conclusion
This contribution has highlighted the inception of
gold metallurgy on the basis of the hitherto earliest
known gold finds from Chalcolithic Bulgaria. Central
to this paper were the famous gold finds from the
cemetery Varna I, which were named with contempo-
rary gold from other Bulgarian sites and contextual-
ized with preceding gold finds from the burial places
of Varna II and Durankulak. The considerations pre-
sented on the invention of gold metallurgy focus on
the timespan between c. 4650/4600 and 4450/4400
bc according to the published chronological dates.
The available archaeological remains point to
a growing consumption of gold from the so-called
Middle Chalcolithic to the Late Chalcolithic. More-
over, recent analyses show that already at the earliest
recorded stages of gold working, elaborate and un-
precedented techniques were applied to produce the
deposited objects. The advanced technology is espe-
cially evident on the gold finds from Varna I, regarded
as enigmatic ever since the discovery of this famous
site. It can be shown that the Chalcolithic artisans were
capable of different casting techniques (i.e. lost wax
casting). The earliest known alloys of gold and cop-
per also occur in theVarna assemblage. In contrast to
 Verena Leusch et al.
this specialized knowledge and technical expertise,
the investigation of production groups does not pro-
vide evidence for an enhanced specialization of the
production process. Instead, the analytical findings
rather point to independent workshop production re-
sponding to specific demands.
Generally, it can be shown that the invention of
gold metallurgy should be placed within preceding
and contemporary economic, technological and social
processes that seem to culminate in the Varna I ceme-
tery. Noteworthy are the wide economic exchange net-
works that are evident in other commodities such as
copper, yellow flint and Spondylus shells. Such materi-
als also demonstrate technologies that are frequently
linked to specialized mining and production pro-
cesses. It is also noteworthy that the region under in-
vestigation possesses the geological requirements that
most probably strongly promoted the vast participa-
tion in the economic networks and technological and
social developments that become evident at Varna.
The copper deposits from the southern Sredna Gora
Mountains (e.g. Ai Bunar) and around Bourgas were
important resources for a Chalcolithic copper sup-
ply. Moreover, the new evidence for numerous placer
gold occurrences in eastern Bulgaria is located in close
proximity to these important copper deposits. These
geological investigations help explain the abundance
of gold within the Varna I cemetery and support the
regional potential for its supply. The geological vicin-
ity of the two metallic materials of the Chalcolithic
is reflected also in their technological characteristics.
In this paper, it is stressed that a stronger empha-
sis should be placed on the technological relationship
between these two metallurgies. The copper metallur-
gical remains from the Chalcolithic clearly shows an
advanced pyrotechnology that included the smelting
and melting of copper. This is important, because such
evidence is lacking for contemporary gold metallurgy,
but certainly demonstrates that the casting of gold
was not a major difficulty during the Chalcolithic, in
contrast to the assumptions of former scholars. The
substantial quantity of copper items from the Chal-
colithic and their chronological sequence, starting in
the early fifth millennium bc, makes it tempting to
infer a chronological sequence that starts with the in-
vention of copper metallurgy followed by gold. How-
ever, there are unfortunately no precise 14 C data of
the metallurgical activities from investigations in the
West Pontic region published yet. Hence, it was dis-
cussed that both metallurgies might equally be part
of the same development and, thus, potentially are
synchronous inventions.
Thus far, gold appears in the archaeological
record when the development of the respective Chal-
372
colithic societies demonstrated an increase in social
inequality. It may be assumed that the craftsmen, es-
pecially those who produced the Varna objects, were
part of a prosperous society, which enabled a creative
implementation and experimentation of the available
resources (i.e. technologies, wide socio-economic net-
works, well-organized social structures, sophisticated
ideology). The sophisticated demands for social or
religious representation obviously contributed to the
specific dynamics in gold working that can be most
clearly observed in the various gold objects and the
diverse implementation in the Varna I cemetery. This
development shows strong local cultural routes rather
than an external impact. Astonishingly, the Varna phe-
nomenon does not appear to continue, according to
the currently available archaeological record. The rea-
sons for this are still debated. Hence, more inves-
tigation concerning these discontinuities and possi-
ble continuities is required to elaborate a clearer pic-
ture of the diachronic meaning, impact and develop-
ment of gold metallugy that was invented in south-
east Europe sometime during the first half of the fifth
millennium bc.
Acknowledgements
The authors specifically want to express their thanks
to Raiko Krau (Eberhard Karls Universitat, Tubingen,
Germany), Kalin Dimitrov (National Institute of Archae-
ology with Museum Bulgarian Academy of Sciences,
Sofia, Bulgaria) Danail Yovchev (Department of Mineral-
ogy, Petrology & Economic Geology, Faculty of Geology &
Geography, Sofia University St Kliment Ohridski, Sofia,
Bulgaria), Olga Pelevina (Varna Museum of Archaeology,
Varna, Bulgaria) and Svetla Tsaneva (National Museum of
History, Sofia, Bulgaria) for their kind support and fruit-
ful discussions. We also are very grateful for the language
revision of this paper by Miljana Radivojevic and Ben-
jamin Roberts, who also encouraged us to present this topic
here.
Notes
1. The project was funded by the Deutsche Forschungs-
gemeinschaft from 2009 until 2013 (PE 405251) and
primarily dealt with the palaeoanthropological and ar-
chaeometallurgical investigation (focusing on the gold
objects) of the remains from Varna I cemetery.
2. Barbara Armbruster and Kalin Dimitrov were in charge
of these technological investigations.
3. Danail Yovchev was in charge of the geological prospec-
tion of placer gold occurrences in that region that
greatly elucidated our knowledge about the geo-
economic prerequisites of the area.
4. The gold occurrences in the eastern Rhodope Moun-
tains and the Carpathians might also have played a role.
 On the Invention of Gold Metallurgy

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Author biographies
Verena Leusch is a PhD student at the Eberhard Karls Uni-
versitat Tubingen (Germany) and research associate at the
Curt-Engelhorn Centre for Archaeometry (Mannheim, Ger-
many). Her PhD thesis focusses on the archaeometric anal-
yses of gold finds from the Varna I cemetery and other
Middle and Late Chalcolithic gold objects from eastern Bul-
garian sites. Within this work she pursues questions about
early goldworking and its structural prerequisites and con-
sequences. As research associate she is further involved in
the investigation of gold metallurgy from other cultural and
chronological contexts.
Barbara Armbruster is a research director at the CNRS re-
search laboratory TRACES in Toulouse (France). Her re-
search activities comprise the investigation of metal pro-
duction from the Late Neolithic to the end of the Early Me-
dieval period (4500 bc to 1200 ad), based on archaeometric,
ethnoarchaeological, and experimental approaches. Her re-
search focusses on the diachronic investigation of the tech-
nological and typological development of fine metal work-
ing and the social role of artisans.
Ernst Pernicka studied chemistry at the University of Vi-
enna and has been involved in the scientific study of ar-
chaeological materials since his dissertation in 1976. He
spent some 20 years at the Max-Planck-Institute for nuclear
physics in Heidelberg as senior scientist. He also taught
courses at the University of Heidelberg. He then held the
first chair for archaeometallurgy at the University of Tech-
nology Bergakademie Freiberg from 1997 to 2004, where he
established the first university curriculum in archaeome-
try in German-speaking countries. Currently he is professor
for archaeometry and archaeometallurgy in the Institute for
Geosciences at the University of Heidelberg and scientific
director of the Curt-Engelhorn Centre for Archaeometry in
Mannheim.
Vladimir Slavcev is the curator of the prehistoric collection
at the Archaeological Museum in Varna (Bulgaria) that hosts
almost the entire assemblage of the burial finds from the
Varna I cemetery. He is in charge of the preparation of a com-
prehensive catalogue of all archaeological remains from that
site, which he was able to commence as a scholarship holder
of the Humboldt Foundation at the Eurasien-Abteilung of
the German Archaeological Institute (Berlin).