Religion in Contemporary Korea: Change and Cont... http://www.koreafocus.or.kr/design1/layout/conten...

Religion in Contemporary Korea: Change and Continuity

Kim Eungi

Professor of Korean Studies

Graduate School of International
Studies
Korea University

There can be little doubt that religion is one of the most important factors in understanding the mental
landscape and behavior of Koreans. Religion is also crucial in comprehending the culture and dynamism of
contemporary Korea. Indeed, the phenomenal growth of Christianity, the growing social inuences of religious
organizations, overrepresentation of Christians and Buddhists in the leadership positions of society, peaceful
coexistence of traditional religions with newly imported religious beliefs, and expansion of the religious
population in spite of rapid industrialization and urbanization all reveal important characteristics of Korea today.
These trends also manifest the continuing relevance and importance of religion in Korean society. However,
despite the signicance of these phenomena in understanding contemporary Korea, they have to date been paid
only scant attention. This paper seeks to redress this imbalance by providing a survey of the major
characteristics of Koreas religious culture. The paper rst describes the religious diversity of Korea, with
traditional religions such as shamanism, Confucianism and Buddhism coexisting peacefully with Christianity. In
addition, there is a discussion of the rapid growth of religions, especially Christianity, since the early 1960s. The
this-worldly tendencies of Korean religions, with a particular emphasis on the fulllment of such material desires
as wealth and good health, and the social impact of religion on individuals are examined as well.

Religious Diversity of Korea

Buddhism is the largest religion in Korea with some 10.3 million believers, followed by Protestantism with 8.8
million adherents and Catholicism with about 3 million followers (National Statistical Oce 1995). A survey
conducted in 1997 actually found Protestantism to be slightly ahead of Buddhism in terms of membership
(Gallup Korea 1998). In any case, Christians, including Protestants and Catholics, now make up about one-
quarter of the nations total population, outnumbering Buddhists. Although these two religions dominate the
religious landscape of Korea, the country does not recognize an ocial religion: shamanism, Confucianism,
Buddhism, and Christianity, as well as a wide range of new religious movements, coexist peacefully in one of the
most religiously pluralistic countries in the world (Table 1). For example, expressions of shamanism are
commonplace in Korea today, with many ordinary Koreans patronizing a shaman ritual, known as gut, for good
fortune. Indeed, a certain gut, or gosa, is customarily conducted to commemorate the launch of a new business
or a groundbreaking or dedication ceremony. An estimated three million Koreans regularly consult modern-day
shamans (fortune-tellers), whose establishments can be seen on virtually every street corner. In fact, there are
reportedly more than 600,000 fortune-tellers in Korea (The Kukmin Daily 1997). Confucianism, albeit more
revered and practiced as a set of moral precepts, still attracts a considerable number of devotees; nearly
200,000 Koreans identify Confucianism as their religion while some 200 Confucian shrines are found throughout
the country. Buddhism, which made a spectacular comeback since the demise of the Joseon Dynasty in 1910,
reveals its dynamism with 39 Buddhist orders, more than 11,000 temples, over 26,000 monks, and a large
number of Buddhist-run media outlets, including cable television and radio networks as well as newspapers.

Table 1. Religious Population of Korea

There are also more than 160 Protestant denominations and nearly 60,000 churches, in addition to 1,100
Catholic churches, which supposedly make Korea the most Christianized non-Western country in the world,
with the obvious exception of the Philippines. Adding to the religious complexity of the nation are large numbers
of independent churches, which reportedly comprise about 10 percent of all churches in Korea, and dozens of
new religious movements. What is interesting about the new religious movements in Korea is that all the
signicant beliefs, numbering over 400, sprouted during or after the most dicult periods in Korean history: the
late 19th century when foreign powers competed against each other for control over Korea; the turn of the 20th

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century when Japan sought and eventually succeeded in annexing Korea; and the 1940s and 1950s during which
partition of the country and civil war led to sociopolitical instability. These new religions share not only a
common timeframe with regard to their emergence but also certain characteristics (Grayson 1989: 240-41).
First, they are syncretistic religions, combining Buddhist, Confucian, Taoist and Christian beliefs and practices
with Korean shamanism to create a new system of belief. Second, these religions promise the advent of a utopia
in this world following an apocalypse. Third, most of these new religions stress the coming of a savior--none
other than the founder of each sect--to herald the dawn of the new world. Finally, most of these new religions
feature strong nationalistic doctrines, with Korea and Koreans being the chosen land and the chosen people.

It is also important to note that a large percentage of those professing faith in a particular religion engage in the
practices of other religions. For example, a considerable proportion of Buddhists and Christians alike, irrespective
of age, class, gender, educational background or profession, are found to be clients of shamans (The Dong-A Ilbo
1997). A survey in 1998 indicated that 77 percent of Koreans went to see a fortune-teller at least once in their
lifetime (The JoongAng Ilbo 1998). They typically consulted fortune-tellers for divination on married life or advice
on auspicious days for signicant events such as a wedding and business launch, or sought fortune-telling based
on geomancy principles. Moreover, a vast majority of Buddhists and a majority of Christians regularly perform
ancestral rites, a Confucian practice. A rigid hierarchy and strict code of conduct within Buddhist and Christian
organizations--among the clergy as well as among laypersons--are other aspects of the Confucianization of
religions in Korea, whereby the notion of everyone having the same potential for becoming Buddha or being
equal before God has no practical implications in real life.

'Christianization' of Korea

Among the distinguishing characteristics of religion in Korea is the phenomenal growth of Christianity, in
particular Protestantism. Since the early 1960s, when Korean Protestants barely topped the one-million mark, the
number of Protestant Christians in Korea has increased more rapidly than in any other country, more than
doubling every decade. This increase was especially conspicuous from the early 1960s to the late 1980s, during
the period of Koreas remarkable economic development and rapid urbanization. As for the socio-historical
factors behind this rapid expansion of Protestantism, most often cited are the psychological scars and
overwhelming sense of shame felt by Koreans over Japans colonial rule (1910-45); traumatic experiences of the
Korean War (1950-53); state of anomie arising from rapid industrialization and urbanization; and extreme sense
of deprivation due to a widening income gap (Kim, A. 2002; Noh 1989). Also, by serving as welfare agencies and
points of contact for displaced individuals, which included millions of North Korean refugees who sought comfort
and fellowship, churches oered a sense of belonging, identity and security.

Adding to the Protestant churchs popular appeal was the fact that it had functioned as the most important
agency behind the modernization of Korea. Since the opening of Korea to Western powers in 1882 and the easing
of religious persecution, the Protestant church has provided the initial and most continuous impetus for Koreas
modernization. In education, the missionaries were the rst to establish a complete system of education, from
kindergarten to college, and they were the rst to implement a modern curriculum, including modern science
and medical science. After taking over from the missionaries, the Protestant church has historically been
committed to enriching the educational life of Koreans, operating dozens of schools at all levels.

Politically, Koreans rst became acquainted with several key values associated with modernity, such as freedom,
human rights, democracy and equality, in large part through Protestant Christianity. Notwithstanding the fact
that a majority of denominations and most Christians remained passive in political matters for the past hundred
years or so, the Protestant church as a whole acted as the most vocal and strongest political group on behalf of
the Korean people during Japanese colonial rule, while the Catholic Church has been most active in the
democratic movement since the 1960s. In addition, a disproportionate number of Christians have played
signicant roles in Korean politics since the establishment of the First Republic in 1948. The presence of both
Protestants and Catholics in leadership positions at all levels of government, paralleled by the conspicuous
inuence of Christians in the academic, business and social circles, continued unabated for the next three
decades. Economically, the post-war relief aid, much of which was channelled through missionary agencies,
included not only modern goods that were distributed to the needy but also advanced technology that was
subsequently utilized in the governments major economic development drives of the 1960s and 1970s.

These circumstantial and non-religious factors have subsequently enabled Protestantism to experience
unprecedented growth in Korea. This zeal is attested to by the fact that Korea now sends more missionaries
abroad than most other countries. As of 1998, Korea had dispatched abroad nearly 8,000 missionaries (4,700
ordained ministers and 3,200 lay evangelists), ranking the country as the third highest in the world (The Kukmin
Daily 1998). The remarkable growth of Protestant Christianity is further demonstrated by the fact that ve of the

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worlds ten largest churches are based in Koreas capital, Seoul, a city of churches. The prime example of this
is Yoido Full Gospel Church, said to be the worlds largest church with more than 700,000 members. The churchs
evangelical theme, which has attracted such a massive congregation and inspired other churches to emulate it,
is a threefold blessings of Christ--good health, prosperity, and salvation--as mentioned in the second verse of the
third epistle of John. Preaching a theology of prosperity, Pastor David Yonggi Cho and his imitators have
advanced a notion that acceptance of the Holy Spirit can mean, in addition to being blessed with salvation in the
next life, that one is graced with good health and materialistic success in this world.

This-Worldliness of Korean Religions

Inuenced by shamanisms emphasis on the appeasement of spirits for the fulllment of material desires,
Koreas religions, both traditional and new, have reinforced these this-worldly and materialistic inclinations of
Koreans. It is a well-known fact that the followers of shamanism as well as large numbers of Buddhists and
Christians have faith in their religion in line with a belief that their venerated spirits, Buddha or God, are able to
grant them earthly wishes. Accordingly, popular Buddhism in Korea has not focused on meditation or asceticism;
rather, the most signicant aspect of Buddhism for the masses has involved praying to wish-granting Buddhas,
such as Mireuk and Gwanseum. In fact, from early on, Korean Buddhism absorbed elements of shamanism in
order to gain acceptance among the Korean populace. Buddhism deied Sansin (Mountain God) and Chilseong
(Spirit of the Seven Stars) of shamanism and built commemorative shrines as part of temple complexes in order
to garner broad support. Korean Buddhist monks, moreover, have been more than ascetics strictly devoted to
world-renouncing discipline, for they performed as fortune-tellers and conducted rituals usually reserved for
shamans: for begetting children, especially sons, and for prosperity, longevity, and spiritual serenity of the dead.

Similarly, Korean Christianity, especially Protestantism, has been shamanized to a substantial extent to suit
the materialistic inclinations of Koreans (Kim, A. 2000; Ryu, D. 1965). For example, many pastors still advocate a
belief that Protestant Christianity, as a faith that believes in the omnipotence of God, is a religion that can yield
prosperity for its followers. Reiterated through biblical verses, in particular those describing the miraculous
deeds of Jesus Christ, and prayer books, the image of God as the Savior, the messiah, and the liberator has
served as a selling point par excellence for Protestant Christianity in Korea. Such a this-worldly Christianity or
prosperity Gospel is, of course, also popular in other parts of the world, including Africa and South America,
but it is notably emphasized in Korea.

Survey results consistently conrm the strong this-worldly tendencies of the Korean people. According to a 1997
Gallup Korea survey, for example, nearly 56 percent of the respondents (n=1,613) believed that heaven or
paradise is not to be found in the other world but in this world. Nearly two-thirds of Buddhist respondents and
nearly one-half of Christian faithful agreed with this view. Furthermore, the respondents regarded this-worldly
values as being more signicant than religious concerns, such as faith and salvation: 36.7 percent of the
respondents cited good health, 13.8 percent family happiness, and 9.7 percent wealth as the most important
matters in life, while less than 5 percent identied faith and salvation as their highest values (Korea Gallup 1998:
113-14).

The this-worldly propensity of many Korean Buddhists and Christians, especially Protestants, is also reected in
the way they associate the purpose of oerings with secular rewards. For Buddhists, a good example of this is
found in the way they donate their oerings along with a list of prayer items to the temple. Prayer-wish lists are
then axed to paper lanterns that are hung aloft the temple grounds. A similar practice is found at Protestant
churches where various forms of oerings are advanced as being intimately related to the fullment of material
wishes. A case in point is a form of oering called sowonheongeum, or oering of petition, with which
Protestant Christians regularly contribute, in an envelope, money and a list of wishes to be prayed for.
Gamsaheongeum, or oering of gratitude, also exemplies the this-worldly nature of Christian life, for many
Korean Christians, both Catholic and Protestant, make contributions to the church for their good fortune, such
as the birth of a son, children passing the university entrance examination, business windfall, or recovery from
illness--all for the purpose of expressing their gratitude to God and ensuring the continuation of such blessing.
Survey results consistently substantiate Korean Protestants general tendency to associate their oerings with
wish-fullment. According to a 1997 Gallup Korea survey (1998: 49), for example, nearly 40 percent of the
Protestant respondents (n=328) agreed with the statement that one who oers money to the church will be
blessed with more prosperity in return.

Social Impact of Religious Organizations

The growth of religion in Korea has been naturally accompanied by the growing social inuences of religious
organizations in Korean society. Unlike most other industrialized nations, rapid modernization and urbanization

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have not undermined the inuence of religion in Korea. In fact, the Buddhist, Catholic, and Protestant
organizations are collectively the nations most prominent non-governmental organizations, operating a wide
range of welfare agencies and commercial enterprises. Each of these three major religious groups maintains its
own nationwide cable television and radio networks. For the Buddhists, operating a television network for
propagative endeavors is the rst of its kind in the world, even outdoing more staunch Buddhist countries such
as Japan and Thailand. These religious groups also publish more than 200 magazines and periodicals, and
operate their own daily or weekly newspapers.

In particular, these three religious organizations have also expanded their inuence through their involvement in
education. In addition to maintaining numerous primary and secondary schools, they operate dozens of post-
secondary educational institutions, which account for more than one-fth of the total number of colleges and
universities in Korea. These religious groups also own large tracts of land and operate a signicant number of
hospitals and publishing houses as well as prayer centers and rehabilitation facilities, all of which generate
substantial revenues that are invested into other enterprises. For all their growth and expanding inuence,
however, religious organizations in Korea, with the exception of the Catholic Church, can be criticized for having
been too preoccupied with their own self-interests. Although the inadequacy of government-sponsored welfare
programs has provided ample opportunity for broadened social involvement, Protestant churches and Buddhist
sects in general have done little in regard to the provision of social services for the underprivileged.

Religiosity of Koreans

In spite of the overwhelming presence of religious organizations and a high level of religious identication,
Koreans in general are not as religious as they are believed to be. For example, a 1997 Gallup survey found
that only 48.3 percent of Koreans believe in God, 42.2 percent in heaven, 52.6 percent in spirits, 59.6 percent in
miracles, and 51.4 percent in angels and devils. Similar results were found in two previous polls by Gallup Korea
in 1984 and 1989. These surveys also show that more Christians than Buddhists believe in these religious
values, while a considerable proportion of those without religious aliation expressed armative views as well.
More importantly perhaps, the ndings indicate that Koreans on average are not any more religious than people
of most other nations. In comparison, a 1985 U.S. survey showed that 95 percent of Americans believed in God,
80 percent in life after death and miracles, 72 percent in angels, and 65 percent in the devil (Stark and
Bainbridge 1985). Furthermore, a World Values Survey published in 1994 revealed that 82 percent of American
respondents considered themselves a religious person, as compared to 55 percent in Britain, and 48 percent in
France (The Economist 1995: 20).

As for the religiosity of Korean Catholics and Protestants, however, they are second to none. For example,
1989-1991 surveys of religious activities in 18 countries, including the United States, Britain, Hungary and
Australia, showed that about 68 percent and 74 percent of Korean Catholics and Protestants, respectively,
regularly attended church on Sunday. The gure for Korean Protestants was the highest by far among the 18
countries, while the results for Catholics were the second highest after Northern Ireland (Gallup Korea 1998:
216-17). Korean Christians high religiosity is also demonstrated in their frequency of prayer and scripture-
reading. According to a 1997 Gallup survey, 64 percent of Korean Protestants and 41 percent of their Catholic
counterparts prayed at least once a day, and more than 50 percent of the former, compared to nearly 34
percent of the latter, said that they read religious scriptures more than once a week, all of which were among
the highest levels in the world (Gallup Korea 1998: 86-89).

As for the relationship between economic status and religious participation, such as attending religious service,
praying, and reading of religious texts, the two are found to have a positive correlation among the religiously
aliated (Table 2). There is also a positive correlation between the level of educational attainment and religious
participation (Table 3).

Table 2. Socioeconomic Status and Religiosity

Table 3. Education Level and Religiosity

Of note, these results contradict the widely held stereotype that low-income or lower-class individuals are more
religious than their higher income-earning counterparts.

Religion, Demographic Characteristics & Socioeconomic Status

In parallel with almost all other societies, among the religiously committed, Korean females outnumber males by
about 6 to 4. While female Christians and Buddhists outnumber their male counterparts, the dierence is slightly

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higher for Buddhists. The average age of the religiously committed is higher than that of the general populace,
with the average age of Buddhists being the oldest, followed by Catholics and then Protestants.

In general, more Catholics and Protestants are from Koreas middle class as compared to Buddhists. In a 1991
nding, more than two-thirds of Catholics and Protestants belonged to the middle and upper-middle class
sectors, while only about one-half of Buddhists did so (Seoul National University Population and Development
Research Center 1991).

Table 4. Religious Aliation and Socioeconomic Status

Buddhists also fared poorly in terms of income level, showing an overrepresentation in the lower-income bracket:
51.8 percent of Buddhists, as compared to 33.4 percent of Protestants and 11.4 percent of Catholics, earned less
than 1.5 million won (about $1,200) a month (Gallup Korea 1998: 239).
Christians and Buddhists also show noticeable dierences in their education levels. In general, Buddhists have
attained a relatively lower education level, while Christians tend to be better educated. For example, some 30
percent of Korean Buddhists have only an elementary-school education or less, as compared to 11 percent for
Protestants and 3 percent for Catholics (Gallup Korea 1998: 56). Meanwhile, about one-fourth of Korean
Protestants have received at least an undergraduate university degree, which is also true of Korean Catholics,
while this is the case for only 7 percent of Buddhists. As for the reasons why Christians have attained a generally
higher socioeconomic status than that of Buddhists, in large part this can be attributed to the fact that more
Christians resided in urban areas and that more upwardly mobile young people have been converted to
Christianity. Still, there has been no study that provides denitive answers to the question of why Korean
urbanites tend to prefer Christianity over Buddhism.

Religion, Attitudes toward Traditional Values, and Politics

Given their relatively lower education level and relatively higher likelihood of residing in a rural community,
Buddhists are expected to display more conservative and traditional attitudes than their Christian counterparts
toward various social issues. And in fact, survey results do support this. For example, Buddhists tend to exhibit
more conservative, Confucian inclinations than do Christians. In addition, more Buddhist than Catholic and
Protestant respondents agreed with the following Confucian-oriented views in Gallup Koreas 1984, 1989, and
1997 surveys: An adult male should play a dominant role in the family to ensure order in the family; a gender
division of labor between husband and wife should be maintained; and children should abide by the wishes of
their parents.

Korean Buddhists also tend to be more traditional than Christians. For example, more Buddhists than any other
group believe in gunghap, a form of divination that uses the Oriental zodiac cycle to predict the future of a
couples life together. Also, more Buddhists than Christians believe in geomancy or fengshu--the 1984, 1989, and
1997 Gallup Korea surveys found that more than 70 percent of Buddhists believed that auspicious grave sites
were important for the welfare of later generations. This gure is more than double the average rate found for
Christians. In addition, more Buddhists than Christians believe that ones given name--typically comprising two
meaning-laden Chinese characters--exerts great inuence on an individuals fate. Traditionally, Koreans have
long believed that auspicious names can result in good fortune. As such, it is not uncommon for unlucky
individuals to change their names, formally or otherwise. It is also common for parents to consult a name
specialist, or jakmyeongga, who, for a fee, will come up with supposedly auspicious names for babies, usually
based on the related birth sign, birth date and time. One interesting nding for each of these variables is that
Catholics are found to be slightly more traditional than Protestants.

As for the relationship between religion and politics, Korean Buddhists, with their relatively stronger traditional
attitudes, are found to be more politically conservative than Christian followers. In a 1980 survey (n=9,809), for
example, 36.1 percent of Christians, 45.3 percent of Buddhists, and 34.5 percent of non-believers responded
armatively to a view that people should submit fully to the government ruling ideology (Park, Y. et al. 1980:
335-57, 341-43, 433-35, 463-65). In the same survey, 35.9 percent of Christians, 48.8 percent of Buddhists, and
40.8 percent of non-believers agreed with the statement that South Koreas political circumstances warrant
stricter political control. Meanwhile, a joint survey by Seoul National Universitys Social Science Research Center
and Korean daily newspaper The Hankook Ilbo also indicated that Buddhists are relatively more conservative
than Christians on all political issues, ranging from support for the ruling party to assessment of the student
democratic movement. The study found that Buddhists are inclined toward an armation of reality, social order
and status quo, while Christians tended to be relatively more progressive and express more critical views. This
seems to be consistent with the fact that Christians have been at the forefront of the movement for
democratization in Korea for several decades.

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Conclusion

This paper has shown that a strong religious impulse remains intact in contemporary Korean society in spite of
rapid industrialization and urbanization. The proportion of Koreas religious population has indeed increased
steadily in the last four decades, with traditional religions and Christianity as well as a myriad of new religious
movements showing much vibrancy in a vastly modernized society. Religious organizations have also branched
out into virtually all spheres of society, exerting far-reaching inuence on Korean politics and the everyday life of
ordinary citizens. Widespread syncretism and this-worldly orientation also characterize the nature of religion in
Korea. As for their religiosity, Koreans in general are no more religious than people in the rest of the world,
although both Korean Catholics and Protestants are found to be among the most religious in terms of their
frequency of church-going, praying and scripture-reading. In contrast to their Christian counterparts, Buddhism
tends to disproportionately attract members from the older population and the lower economic strata. Buddhists
also tend to have attained lower education levels and maintain more conservative attitudes toward traditional
values and politics.

Statistical data indicate that religious expansion in Korea may have reached a plateau after decades of
remarkable growth. Then, the question is: What is the future of religion in Korea? Will it follow the path of
industrialized countries where the level of membership in religious organizations, religious organizations political
and social inuence, and the level of religiosity have all trended downward? Based on current trends, it is safe to
say that even though Koreans are likely to become less institutionally committed, the decline of religion will be
minimal. This is because the rapid growth of religion is usually followed by a long period of slow growth and
stability. Another reason for optimism pertains to the strength and dynamism of Koreas traditional religions,
which continue and will continue to exert powerful inuences on peoples thought and behavior. The ever-
growing presence of religious organizations and their enterprises, both charitable and commercial, is another
reason to believe that religion in Korean society will continue to expand its inuence into virtually all spheres of
society. Fully aware of this development, a majority of Koreans reportedly believe that religion will exert an even
greater inuence in Korean society in the future.

[The above is a revised version of the paper presented at the 2002 Korean Studies Workshop, co-
organized by the Korea University and the Korea Foundation, that was held in Seoul on July 1-16,
2002.]

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