Propaganda and Utopianism: The F Amil y and Visual Culture in Earl y Third Republic France (1871-1905)

INFORMATION TO USERS
This manuscript bas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI
films the text directly trom the original or copy submitted. Thus, some
thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter 00, while others may be
trom any type of computer printer.
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality
illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins,
and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete
manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if
unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate
the deletion.
Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and
continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each
original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced
fonn at the back of the book.
Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white
photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations
appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to
order.
UMI
A Bell & HoweD Information Company
300 North Zeeb Road. Ann AIbor MI 48106-1346 USA
313n614700 8OO/s21~
NOTE TO USERS
The original document received by UMI contains pages with

slanted print. Pages were microfilmed as received.
This reproduction is the best copy available
UMI
PROPAGANDA AND UTOPIANISM: THE F AMIL Y AND VISUAL CULTURE IN
EARL Y THIRD REPUBLIC FRANCE (1871-1905)
VOLUME I
A THESIS
SUBMITIED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA
BY
JILL MILLER
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
GABRIEL P. WEISBERG, ADVISER
JULY, 1998
OKZ Humber: 9903642
Copyright 1998 by
Miller, Jill Eileen
All rights reserved.
UMI Microfonn 9903642

Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.
This microfonn edition is protected against unauthorized

copying under Title 17, United States Code.
UMI
300 North Zeeb Road
Ann Arbor, MI 48103
Copyright Jill Miller 1998
UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA
This is to certify that I have examined this bound copy of a doctoral thesis by
and have found that it is complete and satisfactory in all respects,

and that any and all revisions required by the final
examining committee have been made.
GRADUATE SCHOOL
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This dissertation is a contribution to the study of visual culture. While social
history studies focusing on early Third Republic family issues have been rich and varied
in the last few decades, little has been done to explore period images in this context.
Even fewer attempts have been made to focus upon images that the average person would
have seen on a daily basis. The journals, children's books, and posters of the era are only
a few visual sources I have mined for an abundance of images. I have discovered that
such images were profoundly propagandistic. These ubiquitous agents of persuasion
stimulated the health of the family and the strength of the military. To understand and
prove the status of these images as propaganda, I have consulted extensive archival
sources. My effort to excavate these images and to give them meaning, however, has
only been possible with the help of others.
It is difficult to adequately thank those who assisted and inspired me in this
project. Hopefully their identification here will serve as a small token of the huge debt of
gratitude lowe each of them. As I reflect on the role Gabriel P. Weisberg has played in
this study and in my life for the past several years, ideas surface as a prominent theme.
Professor Weisberg has taught me that ideas are central to a vital existence and to expect
that the pursuit of them can be joyous, painful, plodding, and exhilarating all at once.
From my first encounters with him and with his own publications, I realized that visual
culture may be discovered and interpreted to tell a much more profound story about the
turn-of-the-century than I had ever imagined. Professor Weisberg encouraged me to think
critically about the canonical, and gave me the inspiration and the tools to seek out the
non-canonical. The ferment of ideas in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century
cannot be adequately understood without examination of objects people enjoyed on a
daily basis. My work reflects Professor Weisberg's perseverance in and enthusiasm for
re-discovering and embracing printed imagery, the decorative arts, and other visual
elements that were inextricable parts ofjin-de-siecle life. My debt to him is much larger
than that, however. His tireless contribution of ideas and time have been key factors in
the earliest conception through to the ultimate success of this dissertation. I thank him for
his extraordinary level of dedication and support.
Yvonne Weisberg's generosity has been astounding. Both here and abroad, Mrs.
Weisberg has lent great intellectual, temporal, spiritual, and technical support to this
dissertation. Throughout my years as a student in Minneapolis she has been a willing and
patient sounding board for project ideas. Her cheerful support of my work and guidance
through rough periods have been strong. Most of all, I cannot thank her enough for the
considerable amounts of time and work she contributed in France. Her assistance with
logistics of meeting key individuals and the securing of images from sources in northern
France makes her irreplaceable.
Elizabeth Menon is another person who made this work possible. Her perceptive
readings of early projects that led to this dissertation and her continued willingness to
foster ideas linked to it were crucial. Her orientation and assistance with research
logistics, both in the United States and in France, profoundly influenced the original
content of the work. Having Professor Menon as a model of a dedicated and original
researcher has been even more important.
ii
The human, material, and financial resources I have been able to draw from at the
University of Minnesota have been startlingly rich. I am deeply grateful for the financial
and intellectual support of the Department of Art History. The faculty have generously
awarded me consistent funds for a period of time that allowed me to see this project to
completion. The ideas and advice I have drawn from them, the staff, and my student
colleagues in the department have been invaluable. The remarkable research facilities
and personnel at Wilson Library at the university also largely contributed to the quality of
my research. Those staffing the journal annex, the copy center, acquisitions, and the
interlibrary loan departments deserve special admiration and thanks for doing their jobs
extremely well.
I also wish to directly thank the members of my examining committee, whom I
found most challenging, yet encouraging. Professor Gabriel Weisberg served as the
primary advisor and Professor Eileen Sivert as Chair. The participation and ideas of
Professors Lyndel King, Mary Jo Maynes, and John Steyaert have been invaluable. I
thank them for their criticism and assistance with the work from its rudimentary concepts
to its finished form.
Norma Bartman and her family in Beverly Hills provided some of seminal source
material on SteinleD. Mrs. Bartman warmly welcomed me into her home and could not
have been kinder or more generous as she shared rare Steinlen materials with me. I thank
her for allowing me learn from some of the great knowledge and insight she has gained
from years of collecting and promoting the work of Steinlen.
iii
People on the other side of the Atlantic also gave me eager and timely assistance.
The staff at the Musee National de l'Education research facilities in Rouen provided
some of the most important images, information, and ideological directions for my
research. Director Madame Armelle Sentillhes and Curator Michel Manson provided
particularly expert and willing help. Staff at the Paris branch of the Institut National de
Recherche Pedagogique also helped a great deal.
I am one of countless researchers who have been impressed by and grateful for the
considerable holdings and professional staffs at the Archives Nationale and the
Bibliotheque Nationale. It is important to note that most of the B. N. divisions
(Imprimes, Estampes, Manuscrits, and Services de reproduction) were rich troves of
source material and staff assistance. Other archives yielded similar profoundly valuable
support, including: the Musee d'Orsay documentation, the Ville de Paris library, the
archives of the Prefet de Police de la Ville de Paris, and the Musee de I' Assistance
Publique.
Other individuals and museums yielded crucial images and guidance. Catherine
Moindreau and the fine collection of the Musee d'Orleans were particularly helpful
sources for Boutet de Monvel research. The Musee Poulaine at Vernon and the Musee
Sociale in Paris also featured important works by featured artists in this dissertation.
Staff within the Parisian government and school system provided access and
photographing of crucial works of Geoffroy not on public display. Similar access to
rarely-seen Geoffroy work was facilitated by the Institut Universitaire de la Formation des
Maitres and the Ecole Normale Primaire, Batignolles. The family of the late Roger
iv
Lepeltier (in Paris) was also generous in sharing their collections with me and providing
photographs of some unique Steinlen work. Monsieur and Madame Fran~ois Boutet de
Monvel deserve particular thanks and affection for their gracious acceptance of me into
their charming home. Monsieur Boutet de Monvel was most generous in sharing his
family history, rare publications, and even rarer source material about his great-uncle with
me.
Lastly, I would like to thank some of the scholars who laid the groundwork that
help me place these images in a meaningful context. I was explosed to the work of social
historians, such as: Philippe Aries, Linda L. Clark, Lori Anne Loeb, George Mosse, and
Karen Offen through Professor Mary Jo Maynes. I am grateful for their important
research and ideas. Scholars and institutions who have worked more directly with the
artists' history and images I treat here also made this work possible, including: Rejane
Bargiel, Fran~oise Beaugrand, Philip Dennis Cate, Serge Chassagne, Ernest de Cmuzat,
Christopher Zagrodski, the Musee National de l'Education, and the Trust for Museum
Exhibitions. This is truly a collaborative effort and all of the individuals and institutions
above have my respect and thanks.
v
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments
Contents vi
Abstract IX
List of Illustrations xi
Chapter One: Introduction 1
Reconceptl.lalizing the Family 5

Administering the Propaganda 9
The State and the Opposition 14
The Artists 17
Chapter Two: Repopulate and Repatriate: The Need for Persuasive

Imagery 31
A State of Fear 31
Instability and Rehabilitation: Events and Politics of the
Early Third Republic 34
Nationalism and Normalism 45
Regeneration 51
Patrie 53
Hygiene 57
Cleanliness and Children 61
The State of the Family 69

Father and Mother Roles 72
Motherhood: Joy, Duty, and Virtue 76
Questioning the Nourrice Tradition 81
The Working Class Family and Vice 85
Protecting and FSting the Child 89
Interest in the Child's Mind and Environment 100
Education 108
Jules Ferry and the Ministry of Instruction 109
Goals for Education 111
Secular vs. Parochial 113
Restructuring Primary Schools 118
The Construction of the Ecole Maternelle 122
Curriculum Content and Teacher Training 125
Physical Environments 134
Gender and Patriotic Duty 140

Training une fllle to be une femme 145
vi
The Male and Active Obligation 153
Conclusion 167
Chapter Three: Exhibiting the Image of the Child 170
Art, Art History, and the Child Exhibitions 170

Government Educational Programs at the Expositions Universelles:
1889 and 1900 176
Chapter Four: Jean-Jules Geoffroy and Control of the Child's Mind 191
Persuasion on Paper: Geoffroy's Work in the Publishing World 194

Reaching and Teaching Through Journals 195
Books: Another Vehicle 219
Le Peintre Realiste des MO!urs Contemporaines 226

Recorder and Reporter: Geoffroy and Student Life 227
Philanthropic Orientations 240
Conclusion 250
Chapter Five: Cultivating Frenchness Through Pretty Pictures:

The Illustrations of Boutet de Monvel 254
Painting, Drawing, and Twists of Fate 255

Ideological Exposure Through Journals and Visual Culture at Large 274
Imaging Power 284
Lessons in Patriotism: Boutet de Monvel's Political Children's Books 279

The Early Outlines 280
Collaborations with Anatole France 295
Joan of Arc: Regeneration's Visual Paradigm 307

Boutet de Monvel's Conception as a Cultural Construct 308
Jeanne d 'Arc Imagery 313
The Impact of Jeanne d 'Arc and Boutet de Monvel 319
Conclusion 322
Chapter Six: The Domestic Retreat vs. The Mean Street:

Steinlen's Art of Social Conscience 324
The Creation of an Artist and an Advocate 327
vii
Tea and Sympathy: Steinlen's Posters 334
Ephemera and Charitable Causes 357
Bound and Determined: SteinIen's Voice in the Publishing World 367

Conscience, Ambition, and Journals 367
Catering to the Book Readers 379
Conclusion 388
Chapter Seven: Conclusion 381
Bibliography 396
lUustratioDs
viii
ABSTRACT
"Propaganda and Utopianism: The Family and Visual Culture in Early Third
Republic France, 1871-1905" brings together visual images that have been understudied
or ignored. interpreting them as agents produced with an intent to stimulate French
patriotism and birth rates. The Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune (1870-71),
had decimated France's military and morale; critics cried that population decreases would
further diminish France's status as an international power. Period literature and images
were designed to stimulate deep-seated improvements in the family; parents and children
became the targets of intensive propaganda designed to strengthen the nation. Based on
social history studies and primary documents, this thesis presents paintings, printed
journals, children's books, and posters as persuasive tools used to stimulate French
population growth and to restore needed optimism.
Chapter One presents an overview of issues linked to this regeneration campaign
and the criteria for the selection of images and artists. The complex interrelationship
between popular culture imagery and issues of crisis and growth in the Early Third
Republic are established in Chapter Two. Chapter Three studies the nature of public
exhibitions of child imagery, such as the 1900 Education Pavilion at the Exposition
Universelle in Paris. Previously ignored primary documents reveal propagandistic
designs by the republican government, while stimulating interest in children and public
education. The next three chapters are case studies of specific artists as regenerative
propagandists. Jean-Jules Geoffioy (1853-1924), the subject of Chapter Four, was an
illustrator for the children's publishing industry and a painter of public school themes.
Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel (1850-1913) was a primary ideological and artistic
ix
contributor to children's book and journal imagery, as referenced in Chapter Five.
Chapter Six demonstrates that Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen's (1859-1923) posters,
books, and journal illustrations were also propagandistic agents for strengthening the
nation. Thus, images became crucial political tools in an information campaign designed
to stimulate French growth and confidence. Regeneration propaganda in period texts has
been previously recognized by social historians-, but the.evaluation of the dissemination
of such ideas through images emerges as an original contribution of this study.
x
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
CHAPTER ONE
Fig. 1.1 Auguste Renoir, Madame Charpentier and Her Children, 1878.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 1.2 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L 'Apotheose, 1885. Musee d'Orleans,

Orleans
CHAPTER TWO
Fig. 2.1 Edouard Morin, L 'An mil huit cent soixante et onze! ... , 1871. Le Monde
lliustre, December, 1871
Fig. 2.2 Anonymous, 1871-1872. LeJournal lliustre, January, 1872
Fig. 2.3 Bertall, La Liberation du te"itoire. Le Monde Rlustre, April, 1872
Fig. 2.4 Anonymous, Ecole franfaise en Alsace, 1870s. Postcard
Fig. 2.5 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Pate Dentifrice du Docteur Pierre.

Reproduced in Revue de I 'Art Ancien et Moderne, January, 1898
Fig. 2.6 Uonce Petit, Une Epidemie de sante. Journal Amusant, August, 1874
Fig. 2.7 Maxime Faivre, Le Lever de bebe. Le Monde Rlustre, February, 1892
Fig. 2.8 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Cheminee Silberman, n. d. Reproduced in

Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste
Fig. 2.9 Photograph, Classe des en/ants infirmes, Ivry. Le Monde lliustre,
September, 1899
Fig. 2.10 Claverie, Hopital maternite. Le Monde lliustre, March, 1884
Fig. 2.11 Pascale-Adolphe-Jean Dagnan-Bouveret, La Vaccination. Le Monde

lliustre-Figaro Exposition, 1889
Fig. 2.12 Scalbert, La Vaccination gratuite a Paris, mairie du Pantheon.

L 'lliustration, May, 1890
Fig. 2.13 George Redon. Le Vaccin de la diphterie: Culture du 'Serum. '

L'lliustration, October, 1894
xi
Fig. 2.14 George Redon, Le Vaccin de la diphterie: L'inoculation. L'Rlustration,
October,1894
Fig. 2.15 P. Semeghin, La Fete de Victor Hugo: La Delegation des enfants.

L 'Rlustration. March, 1881
Fig. 2.16 Anonymous, IDustration from Hugo's L 'Art d'etre grand-pere, 1884
Fig. 2.17 Moreau de Tours, La Famille. Magasin Piltoresque, January, 1898
Fig. 2.18 A. Forestier, La Petitefee, 1892. Figaro Rlustre, 1893
Fig. 2.19 Leon Lhermitte, La Sommeil de I 'enfant. Magasin Piltoresque, May,

1891
Fig. 2.20 Perrault, Joies maternelles, 1873. L 'Olustration, May, 1874
Fig. 2.21 G. Dutriere, Joies d'enfance. Revue Olustree, January, 1903
Fig. 2.22 Maximilenne Guyon, Maternite. L 'Art Franfais, January, 1901
Fig. 2.23 Anonymous, La Mortalite des enfants en bas age. L'Rlustration,

December, 1874
Fig. 2.24 Anonymous, Le Lait maternelle. Le Journal Rlustre, February, 1879
Fig. 2.25 Anonymous, Anciennes mamrs franfaises. Magasin Pilloresque, March,

1888
Fig. 2.26 Andre Gill, L 'Homme ivre. Le Journal Rlustre, 1880
Fig. 2.27 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Ce que I 'alcool a fait du pere from Histoire d June
Bouteille, 1902
Fig. 2.28 Anonymous, Anciennes mtZurs franfaises: les emmaillotements, les

berceaux, Magasin Pilloresque, April, 1888
Fig. 2.29 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Au Benefice de la creche du 16e

Arrondissement, 1895. Reproduced in Crauzat, L '(Euvre grave et
lithographie de Steinlen
Fig. 2.30 Lobrichon, L 'Hospice des en/ants troUlles. L'Rlustration, 1890-91
Fig. 2.31 Hubim, Mendiantes bretonnes, 1872
xii
Fig. 2.32 L. Bombled, La Misere en Bretagne, 1903
Fig. 2.33 Anonymous, Le Noel des enfants pauvres au Palais de I 'Elysee, 1889
Fig. 2.34 T. Haever, Au dispensaire de Belleville: Distribution de jouets par Mme.

Felix Faure, 1896
Fig. 2.35 Anonymous, Chambre de jeune fllle. Revue Rlustree, October, 1894
Fig. 2.36 Lobrichon, Variations on a Known Theme. L'Rlustration, April, 1885
Fig. 2.37 Tofani, Bal d'Enfants. Le Monde Rlustre, December, 1896
Fig. 2.38 Mars, Matinee en/antine. L'Rlustration, March, 1889
Fig. 2.39 Mars, Au Pare Monceau. L'Rlustration, June, 1886
Fig. 2.40 Anonymous, La Mode en aoat. Le Monde Rlustre, August, 1891
Fig. 2.41 Photograph, Une c/asse d 'orphelines aI 'ecole de la rue Salneuve.

L 'Rlustration, August, 1902
Fig. 2.42 Laurent, Dans I 'ecole. Magasin Pittoresque, October, 1870
Fig. 2.43 Photograph, Ecole primaire superieure de garfons, Sens, 1900. Courtesy
Musee National de I'Education, Rouen
Fig. 2.44 A. Lan~on, L 'Instruction primaire. L 'Rlustration, 1872
Fig. 2.45 Albert Bettannier, La Tache noire. Salon, 1887
Fig. 2.46 Photograph, Lavabo nouveau modele, 1900. From Leblanc,

Rapport du Jury International de 1900, Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale
Fig. 2.47 Photograph, Lavabo a I 'ecole maternelle, 1900. From Leblanc,

Rapport du Jury International de 1900, Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale
Fig. 2.48 Photograph, Lefon de Temperance, 1900, Courtesy Musee National de

l'Education, Rouen
Fig. 2.49 Anonymous, Amour filial, from Claude Auge's Grammaire en/antine,
1894
Fig. 2.50 Photograph, Vestibule, Lycee Victor Hugo. Figaro Rlustre, 1896
xiii
Fig. 2.51 Photograph, Courtyard, Lycee Fenelon, Figaro Rlustre, 1896
Fig. 2.52 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Ecole materne/le, 1894. L'Ecole Normale

des Batignolles, Paris
Fig. 2.53 Photograph, Une c1asse modele avec une seule maitresse, 1900. From
Leblanc, Rapport du Jury International de 1900, Courtesy Bibliotheque
Nationale
Fig. 2.54 J. Mensina Ruzesz, Les Cantines scolaires. L'Rlustration, 1888
Fig. 2.55 Paul Dubois, La Charite et Ie courage militaire. Le Monde Rlustre, 1876
Fig. 2.56 Anonymous, Zouave and bergere, from Claude Auge's Grammaire
en/anline, 1894
Fig. 2.57 Photograph, girls school, Courtesy Musee National de l'Education, Rouen,
1900
Fig. 2.58 Photograph, boys' school, Musee National de l'Education, Rouen, 1900
Fig. 2.59 E. Delaplanche, Education maternelle. Le Monde Rlustre, May, 1873
Fig. 2.60 Mme. Colin-Libour, Premieres etudes. L 'nlustration, 1895
Fig. 2.61 a
Janelle Bole, Allant I'ecole, 1876
Fig. 2.62 L. Kratke, Le Rive du Iyceen. Figaro nlustre, 1896
Fig. 2.63 Anonymous, lllustration from La Toilene des en/ants, January, 1886
Fig. 2.64 Nils, Dis, papa, pourquoi if est habille comme un petit garfon?, from Le
Journal Amusant, Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale
Fig. 2.65 Henri Girardet, L'Invalide: Un volontaire de trois am. Magasin

Pittoresque, 1876
Fig. 2.66 Paul Legrand, Un lefon de strategie. L 'Art Franfais, 1890
Fig. 2.67 Rene Fath, Les Premieres armes. L'Rlustration, 1886
Fig. 2.68 B. Lemeunier, C 'est la garde qui passe: Paris, 1900
xiv
Fig. 2.69 Anonymous, Preparation DUX exercices militaires des petites ecoles du
XIXe arrondissement, sur la Place du Chateau d'Eau. Le Monde Rlustre,
July, 1872
Fig. 2.70 Anonymous, Petits soldats en marche, cover illustration, 1872
Fig. 2.71 Edmond Morin, Je serai soldat!, 1871
Fig. 2.72 Anonymous, Auxpetitsfreres, from Claude Auge's Grammaire En/antine,

1894
Fig. 2.73 Photograph, Atirien Vincent, from d'Haucour, Jeunes heros et grandes
Herofnes, 1902
CHAPTER THREE
Fig. 3.1 Photograph, L 'Exposition de I 'en/ance, from Figaro Rlustre, 1901
Fig. 3.2 Photograph, Berceau offort au Prince Imperial par la Ville de Paris, 1856,
from Figaro Rlustre, 1901
Fig. 3.3 Plan, 1889 Education Display, Courtesy Archives Nationales
Fig. 3.6 Anonymous, A Portrait ofa Father and His Children, Musee Tesse, Le
Mans,c.1784-1800
Fig. 3.7 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, En Classe, 1889. Education Ministry, Paris
Fig. 3.8 Photograph, Palais d'Enseignement, Exposition Universelle, from Rene

Leblanc, Rapport du Jury International de 1900, Courtesy Bibliotheque
Nationale
Fig. 3.9 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Ecole bretonne, 1896, location unknown
Fig. 3.10 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Une Ecole indigene, 1897, location unknown
Fig. 3.11 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Lefon de dessin, 1895, Institute Universitaire

de la Formation des Maitres, Paris.
xv
Fig. 3.12 Jean-Jules Geoftioy, L 'Atelier scolaire aDellys, Courtesy Musee National
de l'Education, Rouen
Fig. 3.13 Plan, Ground Floor, Education Pavilion, Exposition Universelle, from
Leblanc, Rapport du Jury International de /900, Courtesy Bibliotheque
Nationale
CHAPTER FOUR
Fig. 4.1 Anonymous, Collection Hetzel, from L 'Rlustration, December, 1885
Fig. 4.2 Jean-Jules Geoftioy, La Premiere Cause de I 'avocat Juliette from

Le Magasin d'Education et Recreation, 1881
Fig. 4.3 Jean-Jules Geoftioy, L'Institutrice, from Le Magasin d'Education et

Recreation, 1881
Fig. 4.4 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L '[nstitutrice, from Le Magasin d'Education et

Recreation, 1881
Fig. 4.5 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, "La Bataille des petits soldats de plomb et des
petits soldats de bois," from Le Magasin d'Education et Recreation, 1879
Fig. 4.6 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Nuit de Noel, from Le Magasin d'Education et

Recreation, 1880
Fig. 4.7 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Le Quart d'heure de Rabelais, from Le Magasin

d'Educution et Recreation, 1881
Fig. 4.8 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Une Page difficile, from Le Magasin d'Education et
Recreation, 1883
Fig. 4.9 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Union/ail a laforce, from Le Magasin

d'Education et Recreation, 1889
Fig. 4.10 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Fianfailles d'Arlequin. L 'Ecolier Blustre, May,
1900
Fig. 4.11 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'En/ant du troupe. L 'Ecolier Rlustre, 1891
Fig. 4.12 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les AjJames. L 'Ecolier Rlustre. 1890
Fig. 4.13 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Une Visite aI 'hopital, reproduced in L 'Ecolier

Rlustre, January 1895
xvi
Fig. 4.14 Jean- Jules Geoffioy, L 'Huile Ricin, reproduced in L 'Ecolier
Olus.re, September, 1901
Fig. 4.15 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, Ecole maternelle, from Mon Journal, 1890
Fig. 4.16 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, La Lefon de couture. Magasin Pittoresque, 1885
Fig. 4.17 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Histoire de bebe. Magasin Pittoresque, June, 1900
Fig. 4.18 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, C 'est une vipere!, from Les Deux Cotes du Mur,
1886
Fig. 4.19 Jean-Jules Geoffroy Jean-Martin Charcot, from Claretie, L 'Universite

Moderne, 1892
Fig. 4.20 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, Les Ravages de I'alcool, from Histoire d'une
Bouteille, 1902
Fig. 4.21 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Ce que I 'alcool afait du pere, from Histoire d'une
Bouteille, 1902
Fig. 4.22 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Unfutur savant, 1880. Courtesy Musee National de
l'Education, Rouen
Fig. 4.23 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, Nous les aurons... , 1885. Chassagne, Geoffroy,
peintre de I 'en/ance
Fig. 4.24 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Derniere goulle. L 'Olustration, 1888
Fig. 4.25 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, Un jour de fite de I 'ecole. L 'Olustration, December.

1893
Fig. 4.26 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La veille des prix, 1898. Chassagne, Geoffroy,
peintre de I 'enfance
Fig. 4.27 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Studies. Revue Olustree, February, 1899
Fig. 4.28 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Infortunes, 1883
Fig. 4.29 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Homme Roi, L 'Ecolier Olustre, 1890
Fig. 4.30 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, La Creche, 1897, Chassagne, Geoffroy,

peintre de I 'en/ance
xvii
Fig. 4.31 Jean-Jules Geoffi'oy, Les Resignes. Magasin Pittoresque, 1901
Fig. 4.32 Jean-Jules Geoffi'oy, L '(Euvre de la Goutte de Lait au dispensaire de

Belleville, 1903. Musee de l' Assistance Publique de Paris, Un Palriote
aux Origines de lapuericulture: Gaston Variot
CHAPTER FIVE
Fig. 5.1 Photograph, Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel in His Rue Rousselet

Studio, 1876. Trust for Museum Exhibitions, Maurice Boutet
de Monvel. Master ofFrench Rluslration and Portraiture
Fig. 5.2 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Vente de Suzanne. Revue lliustree,

December, 1886
Fig. 5.3 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Vente de Suzanne. Revue lliustree,

December, 1886
Fig. 5.4 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, lllustration from L 'Ecolier Rlustre,

October, 1898
Fig. 5.5 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L 'Age sans Pitie. L 'Ecolier

llluslre, August, ! 896
Fig. 5.6 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Rlustrationfrom "Children's Costumes

in the Nineteenth Century," Century, 1908
Fig. 5.7 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Portrait ofRose Worms-Baretta, before

1910
Fig. 5.8 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Bernard et Roger. Figaro lliustre,

1889
Fig. 5.9 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Program for Fifth Arrondissement

Creche Fund-Raiser, c. 1898. Reproduction in Musee d'Orsay
Documentation Archives
Fig. 5.10 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Le Pont d'Avignon, from Vieilles

chansons et rondes pour les Petits Franfais, 1883
Fig. 5.11 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Queue leu leu, from Vieilles
chansons et rondes pour les petits Franfais, 1883
xviii
Fig. 5.12 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, As-tu vu la casquette?, from Vieilles
chansons et rondes pour les petits Frant;ais, 1883
Fig. 5.13 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Le Petit Chasseur, from Vieilles

chansons et rondes pour les petits Franr;ais, 1883
Fig. 5.14 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Fait Dodo, Colas, from Vieilles
Fig. 5.15 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Ah! Vous dirai-je, maman, from Vieilles
Fig. 5.16 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Bonne Aventure from Vieilles

Fig. 5.17 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Bonne Aventure, from Vieilles

Fig. 5.18 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, from La Civilite puerile et

honnete, 1887
Fig. 5.19 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, lllustration from La Civilite puerile et

honnete, 1887
Fig. 5.20 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, illustration from La Civilite puerile et

honnete, 1887
Fig. 5.21 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, lllustration from La Civilite puerile et

honnete, 1887
Fig. 5.22 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Laitiere au pot au lait from Fables
choisies pour les en/ants, 1888
Fig. 5.23 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Cover lllustration, Nos en/ants, 1887
Fig. 5.24 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Convalescence from Nos en/ants,

1887
Fig. 5.25 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Convalescence from Nos en/ants,

1887
Fig. 5.26 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L 'Ecole from Nos en/ants, 1887
Fig. 5.27 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L 'Ecole from Nos en/ants, 1887
xix
Fig. 5.28 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Suzanne from Nos enfanlS, 1887
Fig. 5.29 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L 'Ecurie de Roger from Nos enfants,
1887
Fig. 5.30 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Revue from Nos enfants, 1887
Fig. 5.31 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Peche from Nos enfants, 1887
Fig. 5.32 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Les Petits loups de mer from Nos
enfants, 1887
Fig. 5.33 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Cover Dlustration from Jeanne d'Arc,
1896
Fig. 5.34 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Dlustration from Jeanne d'Arc, 1896
Fig. 5.38 Chapu, Jeanne d'Arc, 1872. Magasin Pittoresque, 1873
Fig. 5.39 Emile Chatrousse, Jeanne d'Arc. Le Monde Rlustre, December, 1891
Fig. 5.40 C. A. P. d'Epinay, Jeanne d'Arc. Figaro Rlustre, July, 1891
CHAPTER SIX
Fig. 6.1 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Compagnie franfaise des chocolats

et des this, 1895, reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen,
Affichiste
Fig. 6.2 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Lait pur sterilise, 1894 reproduced in

Bargiel and Zagrodsld, Steinlen, Affichiste
Fig. 6.3 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, La Rue, 1896, reproduced in Bargiel and

Zagrodsld, Steinlen, Affichiste
Fig. 6.4 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Le Coupable, 1896, reproduced in Bargiel

and Zagrodsld, Steinlen, Affichiste
xx
Fig. 6.5 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Chemins de foT de L 'Ouest, 1900,
reproduced in Bargiel and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste
Fig. 6.6 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Dans la vie, 1901, reproduced in Bargiel

and Zagrodski, Steinlen, Affichiste
Fig. 6.7 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Clinique CheTon, 1905, reproduced in

8argiel and Zagrodski, Stein/en, Affichiste
Fig. 6.8 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Chanson de la vie, 1894, from Crauzat,

L '(EuvTe grave et lithographie de Stein/en
Fig. 6.9 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, En Attendant!, 1895, from Crauzat,

L '(Euvre grave et lithographie de Steinlen
Fig. 6.10 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Lycee Racine, 1902, Courtesy Bibliotheque

Nationale
Fig. 6.11 Photograph, Lycee Racine, c. 1900, Musee National de I'Education, Rouen
Fig. 6.12 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Cover Dlustration for L 'Education de

Demain, 1906, Musee Sociale
Fig. 6.13 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Charity, L 'R/ustration, Courtesy

Bibliotheque
Fig. 6.14 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, L 'Attentat du Pas-du-Calais, Le Chambard

Socialiste, 1893
Fig. 6.15 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Jolie societe! Le Chambard Socialiste,

January, 1894
Fig. 6.16 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Noel des petits sans-soulieTs, from Gil Bias
Rlustre, December, 1892
Fig. 6.17 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Marchand de MarTons. Gil Bias R/ustre,

1896, Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale
Fig. 6.18 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, ApTes 30 am de Republique. L 'Assiette au

Beurre, 1901, Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale
Fig. 6.19 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Gamines Sortant de I 'Ecole. The Studio,

1912, Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale
xxi
Fig. 6.20 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Ah! mon beau chdteau!, from Les Rondes
de ['En/once, 1895, Courtesy Norma Bartman
Fig. 6.21 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Quand nous serons vieux, from Chansons
des femmes, 1897
Fig. 6.22 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Title Page from Histoire du Chien de

Brisquet, 1899, Courtesy Norma Bartman
Fig. 6.23 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, lliustration from Almanach du Bibliophile

pour ['Annee 1900, 1900
Fig. 6.24 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Jacket lliustratioD, La Maternelle, 1905,

Courtesy Bibliotheque Nationale
xxii
CHAPTER ONE
PROPAGANDA AND UTOPIANISM: THE FAMILY AND VISUAL
CULTURE IN EARLY THIRD REPUBLIC FRANCE (1871-1905)
Fear of depopulation and the weakened state of the military threatened the
existence of the early Third Republic in France from 1871-1905. The violence of the
Franco-Prussian War (1870) and the ensuing Paris Commune (1870-71) had an
immensely destructive impact. Events damaged French morale, causing increasing and
instability.' Regeneration was necessary, but there was by no means a consensus on who
should lead such a campaign or what form such efforts should take. 2 "French elites traced
their nation's downfall to an inferior educational system, and to the decline offamilial
virtue, evident especially in birth control, which resulted in depopulation, and in divorce,
a symbol of the egoistic and pleasure-seeking mores of the French people."3
I Sanford Elwin. The Making ofthe Third Republic: Class and Politics in France. 1868-/884, (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1975). History texts on the Third Republic and the republican movement in France
trace sometimes desperate political attempts to establish order and reassurance after the war and the Commune of 1870-
71. Elwitt looks at the capitalist response to fear more than creating a political analysis. His methodology
demonstrates how capitalist entities sensed the instability and tried to re-COMcct France, even for ends such as the
enrichment of railway barons. Another sign that the violence and destruction disturbed people was the desire to find
places of mental and physical isolation and comfort. In Deborah Silverman's Art Nouveau in Fin-de-siecle France,
(Los Angeles: University of Califomia Press, 1989), the home as a psychological retreat is examined. The increasing
differentiations between aspects of public and private life prompted the polarization of public and private spaces.
Alienation, retreat, and their effect on home interiors are also recurring themes in Michelle Perrot, ed., A History of
Private Lifo. IV: From the Fires ofthe Revolution to the Great War (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1990) and Priscilla
Robertson, "Home as Nest: Middle Class Childhood in Nineteenth-Century Europe," The History ofChildhood, Lloyd
de Mause, ed. (New York: Bedrick Books, 1988): 407-31.
2 The fear and suspicion that stemmed from fears of military weakness and the falling birthrate resulted in the
development ofa "policing" attitude within the government and those who were trying to save the institution of the
family. The best source in the explanation and proof of a policing movement is Jacques Donzelot, The Policing of
Families (New York: Pantheon Books, 1979). See also Philippe Meyer, The Child and the State (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1977); Roddey Reid, Families in Jeopardy: Regulating the Social Body in France. /750-
/9/0 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993); and Theodore Zeldin, France. /848-/945. vol. I, (London: Oxford
University Press, 1973).
] Claudia Scheck Kselman. The Modernization ofthe French Family: The Politics and Ideology ofFamily Reform in
Third Republic France (Unpublished dissertation, University of Michigan, 1981): 12.
The government which succeeded the Second Empire (and the chaotic rule of the
Commune)4 was one founded by individuals who had visualized a new republic. But
even though this objective finally became reality, the would-be republicans were not
united in their causes, nor did they have a stable grasp on their power. In The Making of
the Third Republic, Sanford Elwitt states that contemporary historians agree that survival
was to be the primary focus of whichever form of government was in power at any given
time.5 Thus, social change and concern for a fair, orderly society often came from
institutions other than the government. Private businesses and investors were critical to
the rebuilding of France. As Elwitt describes, entities such as European railway cartels
culturally influenced the French for commercial gain.6 In a 1987 dissertation, The
Modernization ofFamily Law: The Politics and Ideology ofFamily Reform in Third
Republic France, Claudia Scheck Kselman also points out that while republicans
promised social change, they delivered little actual reform. 7 The government was not the
influential beacon for society it claimed to be. Because one of the shared fears over the
future of France was its rapid depopulation rate, the family became the target of
movements promoting change.8 For instance the Catholic church and the government
were locked in bitter dispute, but each felt the need to promote and normalize the image
of the two-parent family with several children.9 The medical profession assisted these
4 For a visually oriented discussion of the uproar of the Commune and women within it, see Gay L. Gullickson, Unruly
Women ofParis: Images ofthe Commune (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. 1996).
S Elwitt i.
6 See Elwitt's chapter, "Rails for the Republic", 103-13S.
7 Kselman 16. In her chapter "Divorce Restreint" the author outlines the nature and importance of 1886 divorce
. legislation. but explains that lawmakers were motivated to act more by their anti-clerica1ism than their desire to insitute
~sitive social change.
Kselman 3. Both the republicans and those who supported and guided the church ..... believed that the French family
was essential to order and national defense and that it needed the assistance of the state.
9 Feminists, homosexuals. and even masturbators. it was thought, were undermining and perverting acceptable sexual
practices and roles. The quest for the definition and practice of sexual "normalcy" is documented in Robert A Nye's
2
efforts with treatises and pamphlets that encouraged heterosexuality, procreation, and
ways to achieve optimal reproductive health. to Women as domestic nurturers and men as
virile breadwinners were desired norms. 11 Institutional propaganda adamantly asserted
that this type of family was key to a revitalized France and stronger French people. There
was also a focused attempt to project images and ideals onto children so they would find
prescribed gender roles natural. Becoming parents, or training soldiers, became every
citizen's required duty.t2
Major institutions chose several vehicles to visualize the messages of gender
normalcy and necessary regeneration. One of the most conscious and organized efforts
was through the establishment of accessible public schools. Several scholars, including
Linda L. Clark in Schooling the Daughters ofMarianne, have traced how governmental
education officials ideologically designed instructor materials and training. 13 Particular
sources of pride in the education system were the ecoles normales, teacher schools that
uniformly disseminated Third Republic ideals. But the Catholic church and the state
bitterly fought over how education was to become widespread; public schools trained
"Honor, Impotence, and Male Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century French Medicine," French Historical Studies 14:1
(1989): 48-71 and George L. Mosse, "Nationalism and Respectability: Normal and Abnormal Sexuality in the
Nineteenth Century," Journal o/Contemporary History 17 (1982): 221-46.
10 An example, widely read in the Third Republic, was Dr. Louis Seraine's The Health o/Ma"ied People, (paris,
1865). Seraine wrote that children who are well-behaved were rewards for good unions and terrors as punishment for
bad parents or marriages.
II Women were expected to behave as domestic nurturers and males as dedicated, but often absent breadwinners; these
were the heavily promoted norms for each gender. See Karen Offen, "Depopulation, Nationalism and Feminism in
Fin-de-siecle France," American Historical Review 89 (1984): 648-67. Also in Offen 670, the author cites Third
Republic political economist Charles Gide as claiming that bourgeois families owed the state four children.
12 Kselman 7. In her dissertation Kselman found that the legislation passed throughout the Third Republic usually
centered around the welfare of children. The rights of children came under scrutiny, while parents seemed to be
instructed on their patriotic duties rather than their rights, Kselman concludes.
\3 Linda L.CIark, Schooling the Daughters o/Marianne: Tutbooks and the Socialization o/Girls in Modern French
Primary Schools (Albany: State University of New York: Press, 1984). Instructors received propagandistic training in
the ecoles normales; the messages the education ministry wanted to spread were further reinforced by the curriculum
and newsletter-style journals that existed in surprisingly large numbers during the Third Republic. These included
L 'Education Nationale: Journal General de l'Enseignement Primaire and Journal des Coles: Politique, Lilleraire et
Scientifique. These periodicals ran during the 1880s and 18905.
3
children in patriotism despite parochial efforts to minimize the impact of secular
education. Ways to lead strong, hygienic lives also emerged as the center of govemment-
sanctioned curricula 14 Adults received significant family-oriented messages from
advertisements, images, and articles in illustrated journals; the increasingly omnipresent
large, colorful poster that advertised goods in the streets became important visual tools.
Children's literature was now written and illustrated with a new understanding of young
people's interests and abilities to comprehend. There were record literacy rates and
parents responded by reading to their children. Children's picture books and illustrated
journals now became an effective tools for sending messages to the heart of the French
family. IS
The Ministry of Education and Fine Arts actively commissioned art to express its
own ideologies during the late 1880s and 1890s. Large paintings and sculpture were
displayed in public places. Highly visible art reminded citizens of their patriotic duties.
Opportunities for the Third Republic to demonstrate that France was a center of ambition,
culture, and achievement came in the form of expositions (namely the Paris Exposition
Universe lIe of 1889 and 1900). At these fairs special pavilions and galleries highlighted
achievements in government-sponsored schools.
All types of images were central to the development and control of early Third
Republic family life. This chapter will introduce the state of family life that brought
14 Documents recording the development of the government's school curriculum are in the Archives Nationales,
F/I7112964. Curricula were different for boys and for girls. Both were taught civic duty, but girls were also taught
domestic duty. Girls were taught chanting (singing), movement, and hygiene (both personal and domestic). Boys and
girls were instructed in drawing courses.
IS Offen 663-64. See also Isabelle Jan, "Children's Literature and Bourgeois Society in France Since 1860," Yale
French Studies" 43 (1969): 57-72. Jan outlines some ways French values are mirrored in children's books. In addition
writers of fiction also assisted by championing patriotic, procreative, gender-specific ideals. including Zola in
Ficondile.
4
about the perceived need for propaganda. It will also address issues that were central to
the system of messages dispersed. Further discussion will distinguish vehicles through
which persuasion was attempted. Most important will be the identification of the images
and the image-makers who were the most influential in developing a new public
awareness of regeneration themes.
RecoDceptualizing the Family
The middle class family was the target for much of popular culture propaganda.
The quality of child-rearing was similarly scrutinized on a national level. 16 Jean-Jacques
Rousseau's 1762 novel, Emile, finally started taking effect. 17 Already devoutly followed
in England and Germany, II French parents took over a century to apply the mission of
Emile. Rousseau's message was this: adults needed to guide and mold children, who
were born as blank slates. In the past children had been identified as depraved agents of
Original Sin that needed to be constantly monitored with cruelty. Frederic Le Play's On
Family, Work, and Social Change (1875) influenced the ideal of the Third Republic
family. Le Play advocated freedom of testation (allowing the estate to be divided among
the children as the father wished), rather than primogeniture (the automatic practice that
16 Mona Ozout: L 'Ecole,l'Eglise et la Ripublique, 1871-19/4 (paris: Editions Cana, 1982): 8.

17 Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Emile, Barbara FoxIey. trans. (New York: Dutton. 1974). Rousseau's work was both a
novel and a philosophical treatise on child-rearing. He advises by writing about his practices of raising a boy to whom
he has become a guardian. Emile and his guardian-teacher spend a great deal of time out of doors and Emile receives
no fonnal education until the age of fourteen. Until then. he is guided to use his natural curiosity and powers of
observation to learn. Parents who understood the message of Emile saw to it that their children could ask many
questions and were physically and intellectually freer than children of previous generations.
II The absorption of the teachings from Emile (primarily within France) are discussed in Robertson. The author treats
the impact of Rousseauian theory on the creation of the child-oriented family and the increasing desire for privacy. See
also Anne Pellowski, editor, World o/Children 'oS Literature (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1986): 102. "Emile gave
England and Germany inspiration and momentum to develop literature for children. but in France, the ideal of Emile
seemed to be more one for adults to think about and to revel in. than one to actually practice on chiidren...Despite the
early entrenchment of Rousseau's Emile, it was childish for the French to discuss children '5 literature until late in the
twentieth century."
5
the eldest surviving son inherited all of his parents' assets). Children were no longer
simply a means of guaranteeing that the ''family line" would be maintained. Le Play's
writings contributed to equal treatment, each child was seen as an individual. Parents
now were more open than ever before to following the advice of Rousseau, Le Play, and
other theorists. Quality of parenting became a central concern to mothers and fathers.
Parenting skills were also highly valued by the government and the church. 19 These
institutions, along with others such as the medical profession, educated parents to raise
more children in cleaner, healthier homes.
While living conditions did not immediately improve with the origin of the Third
Republic, cities such as Paris gradually became cleaner. Sewers and running water in or
created hygienic environments. These improvements lowered the chances of contracting
deadly diseases, such as cholera--a plague from the past. Sanitary, pre-packaged foods
such as cocoas and cookies became favorite middle-class foods, especially for feeding to
children. The cleanliness and convenience of these foods further reinforced hygiene,
allowing Third Republic mothers to spend more time with their children.20 Some of the
greatest concerns about food and health centered around milk. In 1893 Louis Pasteur
announced the discovery of the microbe and dairies promoted the "pasteurization" milk. 21
The improvement of food quality, the consciousness of the presence of germs, and
19 Good parenting, procreation. and gender and sexual nonnalcy were highly valued by the medical profession, the
church, and the state, in a rare instance of ideological hannony. See Mosse, as well as Anthony Copley, Sexual
Moralities in France, 1780-1980 (New York: Routledge, 1989): 42.
20 Although some brand names and specific imagery differed, English and French advertising shared many of the same
tactics, claims, and stereotypes, as discussed in Lori Anne Loeb and Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture of
Victorian England (Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1990).
21 Lori Anne Locb, Consuming Angels (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994): 14. Milk was at the center of the
fight for cleanliness and against disease. Raw milk had been targeted as one of the most dangerous foods and those
who served it to their children were considered nearly immoral.
6
fighting of filth in the home were concerns that made the family of this era different from
families of earlier times.
Why was there so much concern for child-raising methods and improvements
within the home? There were many concerns that centered great attention on the family.
On a national level, the falling birthrate became a great source of dismay. Coupled with
military weakness after the disasters of 1870-71, the future of France as a nation was in
serious doubt. Another condition that frightened demagogues and doctors was the new
independence of women. Although by modem standards women in general were better
and more involved mothers than ever before. The freedom of women threatened the
family itself.22 In addition the middle class became increasingly concerned with its
standard of living and realized that having fewer children resulted in more comfortable
homes. Information on birth control was slowly disseminated and practiced by the
middle class who educated themselves on this subject. 23 The declining birthrate,
however, became a source of alarm for Third Republic officials and supporters. In the
eyes of those who were trying to increase the birth-to-death ratio, parenthood was
becoming a French citizen's national duty. This would supposedly be achieved when
men strove to be soldiers and strong providers and when women remained at home to be
prolific, tender mothers.
22 Of course, most working class women worked and would not be classified under the "New Woman" prototype.
Many women had unprecedented economic independence as more of them were working outside the home than earlier
in the century in France. In 1896 33% of women worked outside the home, compared to 25% in 1866. Joan W. Scott
and Louise A. Tilly, "Woman's Work and the Family in Nineteenth-Century Europe," Comparative Studies in Society
and History 17: I (197S): 37. Fora broader assessment of women 's slowly increasing independence, see Copley.
23 Angus Mclaren, "Abortion in France: Women and the Regulation of Family-Size, 1800-1914," French Historical
Studies I0:3 (Spring, 1978): 461-8S. The nineteenth-century fertility decline actually appeared fist among peasants,
rather than the middle class.
7
Women as mothers were the most prevalent of all of the types of images in Third
Republic visual propaganda. But who was the ideal Third Republic Mother? Perhaps she
was the elegan~ serene middle-class woman. This type was represented as one who lived
for her family in a beautiful "nest."24 She was visualized on posters, in illustrated journal
articles and advertisements, and in many other forums.2S One of the most important
issues to note when considering the creation of this ''type'' is that it was ubiquitous in the
lives of children-pressuring girls to grow up to want to be such women. Girls would
encounter images of the ideal middle-class mother in their homes (including images in
the picture books produced especially for them). Young females would also see images of
the mother-goddess everywhere. Pictures, words, and literature were particularly
propagandistic--they were clearly meant to influence girls to help raise the birth rate.
The virile, healthy, refined male was just as much of a Third Republic ideal.
Images of men and boys appeared in many of the same forums as those of women and
girls, but their behavior and goals were clearly expected to be very different. Strength
and independence through physical, commercial, and intellectual endeavors made the
male a good provider. He would be a caring and polite gentleman. He would be a good
role model and pleasant to be with in the home, if not always a doting father. Anti-
alcohol pamphlets, medical treatises, and journals begged men to keep themselves free
from activities that drained their potency.26 The ideal male's ability to procreate were
24 See Robertson for description of this tenn and a discussion of the fact that women were expected to create a beautiful
respite from the outside world. much like feathering a nest. Similar issues are treated throughout BOMie G. Smith s
Ladies ofthe Leisure Class: The Bourgeoises ofNorthern France in the Nineteenth CenlUry (princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1981): 93-122.
2S See Consuming Angels. Loeb describes this delicate. paIe-skiMed creature around whom the home revolved and
illustrates them in English advertisements. French types in posters and other advertisements are nearly identical.
26 Appeals bombarded men and begged them to behave in ways that would maintain their potency. and thus regenerate
the nation. Groups such as La Socic!tc! Antialcoolique des Agents de Chemins de Fer sponsored journals, such as La
Sante de la Famille, 1903-04. This journal was inexpensive and was blunt and condemning about the use of alcohol
8
impeded by masturbation, extramarital sex, and prostitution. These filthy activities made
it harder for him to remain free from harmful mierobes.27 Males had another sphere of
moral responsibility. If France was to become strong again, male participation in and
regard for military activity was critical. As mothering messages influenced girls, boys
were bombarded by the promotions of positive qualities of being a soldiering. Even the
clothes boys wore were patterned after military uniforms. Special military schools, the
bataillons seo/aires, were celebrated in popular images.
There was also a common quality demanded from both males and females in
visual propaganda for the Third Republic. Self-sacrifice was expected from both sexes;28
boys should be soldiers and providers before following their own interests, and girls
should become mothers with no dreams of careers or even of the outside world that
would hinder having babies. Family-directed propaganda was focused carefully and
differently on each gender, as males and females were asked to put the survival and health
of the country first.
Administering the Propaganda
It is important to look at who developed and promoted such demands for Third
Republic citizens. The individuals, their goals, and their methods will be explored in
and tobacco. Men in this periodical are encouraged to abstain from-these vices to preserve themselves and their
families.
27 Recent studies haved focused upon a complete system of taboos and expectations of men and of women which,
hopefully, would regulate and guarantee "nonnal" marital sex resulting in procreation. See Nye and Mosse, as well as
Robert Wheaton and Tamara K. Harever., Family and Sexuality in French History (philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1980).
21 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel's children's book, Jeanne d'Arc (Paris: Pion, 1896) is a paragon of propaganda
aimed at children. Jeanne is willing to sacrifice hersclffor God, her country, service in the military, and the little
children oCher village. She is both nurturing and soldierly, and her androgeny makes her a perfect Third Republic
child's hero.
9
Chapter Two. Certainly the government ministers who held positions linked most closely
to family and to the military had the most direct contact with the propaganda machine.
There was no ministry with more desire and ability to influence the development of
family life than that which oversaw both arts and education. The leader of this agency
was a powerful agent of change in the lives of children-Jules Ferry (1832-93). The
Minister of Education and the Fine Arts from 1879-1885, Ferry caused great upheaVal
and controversy by sponsoring the law that caused some of the greatest changes in
education in France's history. Specifically with legislation named for him and passed in
1881,29 primary education became "free, compulsory, and secular" for children from ages
six to thirteen. While the law was not widely enforced until the twentieth century,
increasing numbers of French boys and girls attended school at thefin-de-siecle. 30 During
the Second Empire there had been movements to democratize education. There were
particular strides in opportunities for girls' education with acts sponsored by Education
Minister Victor Duruy in 1867 and Paul Bert in 1869.31 In some regions of France,
schools were divided into primary, middle, and superior levels by Octave Greard in 1868.
Ferry imposed this model on the entire French school system in the 1880s. Further acts
refined and strengthened the public schools and the power of those who worked within
them. In 1886 the Goblet Law made the training and hiring of female teachers easier and
29 Ferry and his colleagues announced education that was "gratuite. obligatoire et laique" with the 1881 act. Several
a
sources discuss the development of Ferry's act and the opposition to it. See Yves Gaulupeau, La France I 'Ecole.
(paris: DCcouvenes Gallimard. 1992) and Ozouf. For specific documents concerning Third Republic education
debates and content of curriculum and textbooks, see Andre Chervel, ed., L 'Enseignement du Francais a I 'Ecole
Primaire: Tutes officiels, tome 2-1880-1939, (paris: INRP Economica, 1995) and Alain Choppin and Manioe
Clinkspoor, eds., us Manuels Seolaires en France: Tutes officiels, 1791-1992, (paris: Institut National de Recherche
Pc!dagogique, 1993).
30 Gaulupeau 86. Between 1880 and 1900, 700,00 additional children began to attend French public elementary
schools.
31 G:lulupeau 75-77.
10
more frequent. 32 The republicans committed a significant number of actions that
weakened church-run schools-the Associations Law of 1901 imposed strong restrictions
on congregations wanting to operate schools. 33 Great strides had been made in the
shaping of education during the Second Empire, and Ferry liberally built upon and
borrowed from these advances. His republican philosophies permeated changes he made
in the public schools. Ferry and his colleagues believed that education was necessary for
universal equality (they were naturally aware of its importance as a tool for their own
political survival). The republicans "knew their sovereignty required education as a
priority."34 They believed a more educated citizenry would be more supportive of the
new government. One of the most important designs was to create a republic full of
children trained with republican ideals. The previous educational system consisted
largely of schools run by the Catholic church; the republican-schooled generation, it was
thought, would be a more active agent of change. Ferdinand Buisson (1841-1927),
Ferry's Director of Primary Instruction, made clear the republican desire to diminish the
power of catholic schools. He said, "in school, prayer and catechism will be replaced by
moral and civic instruction. m5 Republican propaganda infiltrated the students' minds and
the community at many levels. Republican control was present at every level; it can be
seen in curricula, in school uniforms, in the construction of new buildings and classroom
design, and even in the institution of night courses for adults.
32 Ozouf242.
33 Ozouf23 I.
34 Ozouf79-80.
35 Gaulupeau 82.
II
As a prominent republican, Jules Ferry presented important educational
groundwork and reform in the early 1870s, before he became education minister. Taking
the position in 1879, Ferry assembled a supporting cabinet of directors and oversaw the
passage of minor acts and actions that supported the 1881 law. Ferdinand Buisson was
appointed in 1879 and remained in that position for sixteen years. 36 Thus, from the early
1870s until the mid-1890s, there was comparative stability and uniformity with the
Ministry of Education and Fine Arts' goals and operations. During the 1880s, in
particular, there was great, but organized dedication to change the educational system.
This relative harmony contrasted with the state of flux and anxiety in the other elements
of the Third Republic government during the same years. The republican schools were
effective through consistency in policies and policy-makers. Another way the
government tried to exert its influence on education was by commissioning artists to
create images for use in schools, as well as dispersing images of secular schools for
publicity purposes. The ideological climate within the educational system was fairly
stable for the making of images, making this thirty-five-year time period appropriate for
this study. The laic, civic messages of the Third Republic were best spread by scores of
the malleable young women hired to reach a large audience as teachers. The presence of
more women in the schools provided more nurturing females as role models, similar to
what children were being taught to expect from the nation's mothers. 37
36 Chervel 12. In his introduction to primary texts concerning French primary education, Chervel asserts that under
Buisson's direction in particular, the Ministry's objectives and operations remained notably stable. Many acts of the
Ministry were overseen by the twenty Ministers oflnstruction. This unity in pupose and practice within this
government entity for over twenty years contrasts remarkably with the volatility of most aspects of early Third Republic
regimes.
37 Female teachers were also desirable for their perceived malleability as agents of state-directed messages. For a study
of teachers' gender in relation to their students and to the difference between what boys and girls were taught, see
Clark. The teaching of girl students and female teachers was cyclical; females were indoctrinated to educate their
children to be parents who educated their children.
12
To ensure the defense of France, militarism was also embedded in school
instruction. Bataillons seolaires were founded for boys twelve years-old and up.
Physical education in schools was conducted in a militaristic fashion. The boys lined up
neatly and performed exercises with items such as wooden bars that would increase their
dexterity with bayonets. 31 Rationalism, patriotism, and moral law remained central to
teaching in the bataillons seolaires. (These concepts were commonplace in curriculum
prepared for students in all government schools.) Another important component of
education that the Third Republic was particularly proud of was the creation and
development of nursery schools. The eeoles maternelles were places in which children
were taught by nurturing females. One of the most important tasks assigned to the eeoles
maternelles was the teaching of hygiene. 39 The government was especially proud of the
installation of sinks in the schools. The children were washed and tidied up before
beginning class (as this was often the only chance they had to keep clean). This contact
between children and teachers, as well as the indoctrination ofthree-, four-, and five-year-
olds into the benefits and importance of cleanliness, was central to a child's primary
education. In the 1880s action was also taken to make secondary education more widely
available for boys as well as for girls. The imagery which is at the crux of this
dissertation focused on primary school activity, and so will the discussion. French
educational historian Jacques Ozoufwas quick to point out that Ferry should not receive
31 Gaulupeau 93. The bataillons seolaires were created in 1882, accepting boys ages twelve and up. Their public
parades and exercises helped rally public support around the effort to build military strength. However, in most boys'
schools militarism was a part of the curriculum, but not at the center of it.
39 The eeoles maternelles were not new in concept; salles d'osiles had gained some popularity throughout the
nineteenth century. The currriculum and environment of the eeoles maternelles was revitalized and regulated. One of
the central issues within the schools was cleanliness; sinks were installed in most of the schools and the teachers were
responsible for cleaning up students as they arrived each day and before they left school for the day. See Jean-Noel
Luc, La Petite En/ance aI'&ole, XIXe-XXe Siecles (paris: INRP Economica, 1982).
13
primary credit for these changes. It is true, as Mona Ozouf reports, that many of the
mechanisms for secular, universal education were in place before the Third Republic was
formed.40 Ferry, however, regularized what was in place. He also expanded the facets of
French public schooling and effectively assembled all aspects of French schools to
support and spread republican ideologies. The special discipline and control desired by
republican supporters of secular education was needed to bring the country together.
Subtle messages would indoctrinate citizens into what it meant to be a good French
person. Realizing the impressionable nature of children, the revised educational system
provided for the successful nurturing of future citizens and the Republic.
The State and the Opposition
The official Third Republic approach to education met bitter opposition. Some
felt that by forcing its way into the provinces, mandatory schooling undermined the role
of the patriarch in a rural family. The vigorous teaching of the French language and
subjects such as economie domestique was met with accusations of "linguistic and
cultural oppression.'>41 The press exploited the inflammatory nature of this situation, but
particularly the battle between those who supported secular, government-sponsored
(laicisalion) education and those who advocated parochial schools (c/erica/isme). So
deep and bitter was this split between the two that there were continual press references to
les deux France. 42 The ''two Frances" refers to life in rural areas dominated by the
Catholic church and to urban life. The latter was more open to change and a new
40 Ozouf 124.
410zoufll.
42 Gaulupeau 19.
14
educational discourse. Catholic-controlled schools had existed for centuries, and the
government fervently insisted on operating schools in areas with any significant
population. It also demanded that Catholic schools meet certain standards and
requirements. This caused great resentment and resistance among those involved in
parochial education. Many educational journals were founded during the 1880s; few of
these remained neutral about the issue of laicisation. 43 Periodicals on each side of the
debate ranged from pragmatic journals (full of essays for teachers and those involved in
educational politics) to propagandistic children's entertainment (full of poems, stories,
and illustrations of pious and patriotic heroes). Chapter Two examines the vehemence of
the politics in the battle over the secularization of schools, but it is important to note that
the Third Republic usually responded defensively with intensified propaganda to combat
critics. This is why conceptual vehicles such as the education pavilion at the 1900
Exposition Universelle became so important. Nearly twenty years after the passing of the
Ferry Law, 1900 became a time to assess what progress or damage had been caused by
the schools formed by the efforts of Ferry and his colleagues. Objects, text, and images in
the pavilion revealed the effectiveness of secular schools in spite of Catholic opposition,
and to other detractors, such as anarchists and socialists. The display also served as a
didactic showpiece for the rest of the world.
The government and those who were attempting to influence and strengthen the
Third Republic family chose several visual avenues to promote their cause well before
1900 and continued into the new millennium. The most official forms of propaganda
41 One of the most vocal and inflammatory (as well as being the most instructive today for its presentation of the issues
from the catholic point-of-view) is the Gazene d'Education, which ran from 1882 until 1908.
IS
meant to promote the goodness of the Republic were works of art commissioned by the
Minister of Education and Fine Arts. Large paintings were purchased, or commissioned
from artists,44 depicting idyllic scenes, such as clean children flourishing under the eye of
their teacher in the classroom.4s These hung in prominent public places to remind people
of the good works being carried out by their tax money and by their government. Works
in multiples, such as portraits of famous Third Republicans were another form of
officially-commissioned propaganda. Individuals who supported and shared official
views also sponsored the production of images that promoted identification with clearly
defined gender roles that conformed to patriotic duties. Many of these images appeared
in proliferating journals common in Third Republic homes. 46 As journals became
increasingly specialized and many homes subscribed to more than one; family members
of all ages and both sexes read and were influenced by them. Engravings and lithographs
with subjects ranging from fashion to sports and from toys to sea monsters all reached a
mass audience. Another pervasive and eye-catching source of family propaganda were
the large color lithograph posters that covered the walls along Paris streets. Images of the
family helped promote novels, sterilized milk, as well as cocoas and teas. Some of the
most widespread images were those of serene, responsible parents and rosy-cheeked,
healthy, obedient children. It was impossible to ignore the posters-they were frequently
immense and numerous. Another source for images that was very common in the Third
44 These commissions were usually awarded to artists wcll-ensconced in the academic system, and the majority of the
art was subsequently rather conservative.
45 The Archives Nationales series F21 documents the purchases and correspondences between artists and the
government regarding these transactioDS. Specific boxes and documents will be referred to when artists are discussed
who collaborated with the governmenL
46 Robert Justin Goldstein. Censorship ofPolitical Caricature in Nineteenth-Century France (Kent. OH: Kent State
University Press, 1989): 232. After the lifting of caricature censorship in 1881, over 200 journals of that genre were
founded until 1914. Journals of all other sorts proliferated as other factors were ripe for growth of the industry-higher
16
Republic home was the illustrated children's book.47 Even anti-republican artists created
images in books for children and families that illustrated some of the most desired
stereotypes. Texts and images revealed well-behaved children and illustrated the evil that
could befall bad children. By the tum-of-the-century, advances in color printing
techniques, a new pride in bookmaking artistry, and a new realization that children were
an important audience to reach established the children's book as a primary vehicle for
idyllic, but potent images. This direct, child-oriented source of propaganda was a major
promotional tool for the patriotic, productive, harmonious family.
The Artists
Who were the artists who created images of the regenerated Third Republic
family, and how were they chosen to participate in the regeneration campaign?
Depending on the medium, there are several answers to this question. Some entered into
agreements with the government to create imagery in a variety of media. Artists who
represented the family sometimes were subsidized by achats (government purchases).
The Republic both commissioned and purchased work that illustrated its ideologies and
then displayed or disseminated them to the public. Many of these paintings, sculptures,
and prints were seen at the Salon (the official, government-sponsored art exhibition held
in Paris usually on a yearly basis) and were hung in public places, such as schools, city
halls, and expositions after the government obtained the works from the artists.
literacy, cheaper and better quality paper, improved printmaking techniques, increases in literacy, and higher
availability of discretionary income.
47 An unparalleled proliferation of literature for children and adolescents in France took place in the 18905. Zeldin
credits parents' eagerness to purchase these books for children to an 18905 adult nostalgia for the state of childhood.
Zeldin 339.
17
Companies who produced goods and services significant to the cause also
recruited artists to spread the message of that product as an ingredient of a healthy Third
Republic family. Some created imagery for advertising within journals. Others
illustrated articles, poems, or simply created independent images. Some of these works
were commissioned; some were executed by artists who were or hoped to be associated
with a certain journal and hence were submitted on speculation. This system was similar
to that of the book illustrators. Of course, there were artists who created family-related
imagery with absolutely no "establishment motivation or connections." Some, like Mary
Cassatt, painted images of mothers and children to follow her own inspiration, not to
propagandize. Yet when we look at such works, there is a tenderness and gravity of the
contemporary French mother and child that is new. Mother, child, and the quality of their
relationship were now on center stage. This coincided with the type of family life the
republicans were attempting to promote. The new family ideal surfaced everywhere
within the fine arts. In portrait commissions there was a new desire by parents to be
envisioned as attentive and someone around whom their children were relaxed and happy.
Such a painting is Pierre-Auguste Renoir's Madame Charpentier and Her Children (Fig.
1.1). Whether Renoir was creating for personal reasons for those dictated to him, the
importance of a happy, healthy family led to the production of images that supported
basic Third Republic goals. This was true even if the artist maintained political
affiliations opposing the state.
There were three artists who produced works that were more specifically intended
to manipulate family members about issues of nationalism and family importance. These
18
artists were: Jean-Jules Geoffroy (1853-1924), Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel (1850-
1913), and Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen (1859-1923). They have been selected as case
studies for this project as they were each prolific image makers who communicated
strong messages about the French family. As the individual chapters featuring their
works will indicate, the works of these three artists were propagandistic in nature and
were pervasive to members of the middle class during the early Third RepUblic. Here
propaganda will refer to materials that were designed with the intent to influence. The
imagery included in this study was often designed to inform and entertain. However, they
all share a common subtext that relates to a desire to promote a vision of childhood and
the family that artists were offering as an ideal. Clearly artists of this era had a wide
variety of reasons for working with children and the family as subject matter. Their
varying intents and the impact of the images they created that function within the body of
regeneration propaganda will be explored here.
The personal politics and goals of Geoffroy, Boutet de Monvel, and Steinlen were
48
each radically different from the next. Whether attempting to project or reject
establishment values, the work these three artists were significant elements of the era's
visual culture. Their work also reached everyone from the youngest to the oldest French
citizens of their era, making them essential for examining educational value of images.
These artists reached audiences with children's books and journals, as well as periodicals
and literature for adults. Geoffroy, Boutet de Monvel, and Steinlen are especially
important because their work reached so many people at once. One or all of these artists
created posters,journal illustrations, children's books and highly visible public paintings.
41 Boutet de Monvel's and Steinlen's works were at times seen as threats to the republican regime.
19
This dissertation will examine each of these artists as propagandists. Although their
intentions and methods are diverse, the intertwining of their work and the social impact of
each are significant.
Jean-Jules Geoffioy is the artist whose goals and practices most closely resemble
those identified with the Third Republic regime's political priorities. While both
Geoffroy and Boutet de Monvel were trained as academics, Geoffroy's republican
loyalties allowed him to develop a close working relationship with the Minister of
Education and Fine Arts. This ministry was responsible for selecting and processing state
purchases and for commissioning works by artists (primarily paintings and sculpture). It
was the most influential body within the Third Republic for devising the pictorial
messages the government wanted to disseminate. Visual messages were arguably the
most powerful, because they could be experienced by the most people and were most
effective in reaching the large segment of the population that was still illiterate. As a
central provider of images for the ministry's visual arsenal, Geoffroy's paintings fostered
the government's messages. The popular appeal and precise, complexly presented
narratives he created came from the academic tradition in which he was trained. There is
another element in Geoffroy's work, however, that reveals his willingness to create an art
of persuasion. Through much of his career, spanning the early Third Republic, Geoffroy
depicted schoolchildren as happy cherubs or carefree imps. These images appeared over
many years in multiples, most visible in illustrated children's journals. Artistically,
Geoffroy focused on children and the glorification of people who made children's lives
20
better, such as Louis Pasteur and Doctor Gaston VariOt.49 Geoffi'oy began selling work to
the government in the early 1880s; later in this decade, the government sought him out to
paint works for 2,000-5,000 francs. 5O The large paintings that were the subject of
abundant negotiations between the Ministry of Fine Arts and Geoffroy were primarily
paintings of special sources of pride within government school programs. Pre-schools,
well-run primary schools, and professional schools for adolescents had been the result of
the effort and resources of Ferry and his colleagues. Geoffroy created images that appear
to be objective and which will be discussed extensively in Chapter Four. The structure
and content of his images, as well as photographs of actual schools included in the 1900
Exposition Universelle education pavilion,51 were extremely propagandistic. Geoffroy
was carefully chosen by the government to show the significance of productivity, warm
human relations, and cleanliness within republican schools. 52
Geoffroy's artistic preoccupation, in addition to painting, involved working for
illustrated journals. He illustrated numerous poems and plays for children. Engravings of
his paintings were made and printed in magazines (thus allowing the reproductions of his
paintings to be seen by thousands of additional people). The most popular and plentiful
ofGeoffi'oy's illustrations were for stories published as serials. Not only did these serials
49 Geoffroy was commisioned to create a partait of Pasteur for the ministry's office in the late 1890s. Another hero of
hygiene. Dr. Gaston Variot was the founder of a milk dispensary for the poor and was a pioneer in puiriculture. See
Musee de I' Assistance Publique, Un Patriote (lUX Origines de la Puiriculture (paris: Musee de I' Assistance Publique,
1984) Geoffroy commemorated Variot in paint on several occasions-most strikingly in a large triptych. now in the
collection of the Musee de l'Assistance Publique in Paris.
so Archives Nationales, F2112083, 4213, and 7054. Records of state purchases and commissions at the level of2,000-
5,000 francs reveals the high regard the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts had for the work of Geoffroy by the late
I890s.
SI These photographs are currently held and available for reproduction at the National Museum of Education in Rouen.
S2 Rene Leblanc, Exposition Internationale de 1900: Rapports du Jury, vol. I (paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1902).
21
run for up to one year in weekly journals, but many of these were later printed in book
form.
The periodical that launched Geoffroy's illustration career was the influential
Magasin d'Education et Recreation. The Magasin was founded by Pierre-Jules Hetzel,
who almost single-handedly created a children's publishing industry. 53 Many of the
books he put into print began as serialized stories in his journals. The connection
between Geoffroy and another editor of this publication is also significant-Jean Mace
(1815-94). The founder of the Ligue d'Education, Mace was the most recognized leader
among citizens for secular education. 54 Branches of his organization were initiated in
nearly every French city; they were underwritten by the Ministry of Education and Fine
Arts. Geoffroy's long-lasting alliances further underscored his sympathy for the cause of
schools run by the government. These included the Magasin d'Education et Recreation
and the various printing enterprises of the flamboyant, powerful, republican Hetzel.
Boutet de Monvel (1850-1913) was more independent in his approach to
illustration, but no less propagandistic. In fact, once Boutet de Monvel was established as
an illustrator, he promoted a specific agenda. Born to a long line of royalists and a family
of painters, Boutet de Monvel entered the academic system as a young man. He became a
nimble portraitist and painter of narrative scenes. His outlook changed, however, when
he served in the Franco-Prussian war. He witnessed destruction and the experienced the
dampness of the battlegrounds that caused life-long health problems. He became cynical
53 See Esther Kanipe, "Hetzel and the Bibliothcque d'Education et de Recreation." Yale French Studies 43 (1969): 73-
84. Correspondence between Gcoffioy and Hetzel is held at Bibliotheque Nationale, Salle des Manuscrits, Hetzel
Archives Dossier d' Auteurs, n. a. fro 16953, volume XVII, numbers 222-84.
54 Jean Mace founded the Ligue d'Enseigncment in 1872 in opposition to c:atholic schools. He also worked to form an
alliance with the fight for and eventually the fight to maintain secular education. Archives Nationales FI7I12527.
22
and began to think independently of his academic training.55 In 1885 the pre-Salon
removal of his painting, The Apotheosis (Fig. 1.2) changed his career. This large scale,
satirical work, commented on the rise and ineffectiveness of the ruling power of the
middle class. This led to Boutet's removal from the academic system for painting a work
critical of the Republic. Out of pity a friend invited Boutet de Monvel to join the French
Watercolor Society, so that he would still be able to exhibit his work publicly. He began
to gain commissions through watercolor society connections, although he already had
some experience as a children's book illustrator. The artist received some illustration
commissions, namely black-and-white line drawings for children's books. 56 Soon Boutet
de Monvel was also illustrating journals. He and Geoffroy occasionally illustrated for the
same journals, most notably one of the most lively illustrated children's journals,
L 'Ecolier Rlustre. Boutet de Monvel's elegant, yet humorous style, kept him in demand
as a journal illustrator until just after the turn-of-the-century, when another endeavor
superseded his involvement.
In 1881 Boutet de Monvel illustrated his first children's book, Les Pourquois de
Mademoiselle Suzanne. 57 He collaborated with many authors during the remainder of his
career, but he simultaneously developed his own projects. He was concerned that French
children were not being patriotically educated. He also seems to have lamented a lack of
SS Little scholarly attention has been paid to this artist after his own time. One of the most recent and most valuable of
sources on Boutet de Monvel is the Trust for Museum Exhibitions, Maurice Boutet de Manvel: Master ofFrench
Illustration and Portraiture (Washington. D.C.: The Trust for Museum Exhibitions, 1987): 4-5. The work includes a
complete bibliography of books andjoumals for which Boutet de Monvel provided illustrations. In the catalog
introduction a sbort but thorough biograpby is provided, stating that Boutet de Monvel studied with Cabanel, Lefebvre,
and Carolus Duran.
S6 Trust for Museum Exhibitions 7-9. For more biograpbical information on Boutet de Monvel, see Jean-Louis
Vaudoyer, "Maurice Boutet de Manvel, Gazette des Beawc-Arts 10 (July 1913): 131-42 and Michael Patrick Hearn.
"Maurice Boutet de Monvel: Master of the French Picture Book" The Horn Book (April 1979): 170-80.
S7 Emile Desbeaux, Us Pourquois de Mademoiselle Suzanne (paris: P. Ducrocq, 1881).
23
awareness of French tradition among young people. He chose twenty-four old songs and
folk songs and had them printed as bound sheet music in VieilIes Chansons et Rondes
Pour les En/ants in 1883. In the margins around each song, Boutet de Monvel created
colorful images that were both cartoon-like and delicate. Due to the success of Chansons,
a similar volume, Chansons de France pour les Petits Franfais, was published the
following year. It is important to realize the significance of Boutet de Monvel's
contribution to the history of illustrated children's books. In France children's books had
not blossomed as an art form or as an educative tool as they had in England or Germany.
Books that children read were often adult books with adventure themes (children read the
works of Jules Verne and Victor Hugo). 58 Shorter and simpler books were illustrated
with black-and-white images that were small and low in quality. Boutet de Monvel's
books appeared just as French parents were beginning to realize the importance of
guiding their children's intellectual development stemming from the absorption of the
teachings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Emile. Their popularity was due largely to his use
of clear, colorful, charming graphics, high quality paper, and child-oriented themes.
Soon, Boutet de Monvel began illustrating books that were true collaborations, two of his
most popular with Anatole France. 59 At the turn-of-the-century the artist was often
writing his own texts, choosing ambitious subjects such as the life of Joan of Arc (1896).
These themes were ripe for illustrations that were equally grand in scale--they soon
exceeded his other books in popularity. Whether working alone, or with an opinionated
S8 See Jan 62. Until the Third Republic, children reading French books were given those with a great deal of action,
such as Les Miserabfes.
S9 These collaborations were Nos En/ants: Scenes de fa Ville et des Champs, (paris: Hachette et Cie., 1887) and Fi//es
el GaJ'fOns: Scenes de fa Ville el des Champs. (paris: Hachette et Cic., 1900).
24
writer such as Anatole France, there are common themes and values observable among
the artist's book illustrations. Boys are energetic and often play or dress as soldiers; girls
are inert, nurturing creatures. When middle class children were not being used as
examples of virtue, Boutet de Monvel promoted manners of eighteenth-century court life
or the innocent goodness of country children. These messages were often present in his
journal illustrations. However, it is when Boutet chose his own projects and partners that
his ideologies were the strongest and most deliberate. Boutet de Monvel discovered the
enterprise of the colorful, entertaining children's book and he tried to educate young
people about ideas and traditions he believed would make France great again. 60 Thus, he
found a popular and profitable way to send carefully contrived messages to middle-class
homes.
Theophile Steinlen (1859-1923) was equally concerned with what was occurring
in society and with what messages he could relay through his artwork. His attitudes and
goals, however, were very different from Geoffroy's or Boutet de Monvel's. All three,
however, promoted interest in the child and self-sacrifice. While there is little
documentation from Steinlen's own hand regarding his political affiliations. But his
strong allegiances with socialist and anarchist journal publishers, in addition to the
devotion in his prints and journal illustrations to the working class, indicate that he had
60 While Boutet de Monvel's personal papers are still being examined, his politics have to be pieced together from
sources other than his own words. The Trust for Museum Exhibitions catalog, pages 8-9, provides some insight into
Boutet's anti-republican sympathies. His images speak loudly, as he advocates patriotism, tradition, and the virtue of
simplicity in life (he perceived the lives of peasants to have these qualities). When Boutet became sufficiently
successful to choose his own projects, he chose to work with those who advocated return to tradition and non-
republican forms of government, such as Anatole France. He also illustrated articles that promoted the virtue of French
nationalism and tradition, such as Anna B. Dodd's "The Education of French Children," Cenlw'y 81 (December 1910):
193-203.
25
radical sympathies and serious objections to the existing social struCture.61 Steinlen's
images of families, for example, reveal a concern for poverty-related social problems,
such as drunkenness or violence. There is evidence that Steinlen did not believe that
government-supported entities (such as schools) were successful. Yet he illustrated
children in situations such as returning from schools that were made possible by
government programs. Steinlen rarely seems critical of the conditions of the lives of
schoolchildren; the viewer senses the unfairness of poverty only when comparing them to
other images, such as the classroom paintings of Geoffroy. Steinlen's preschoolers and
elementary schoolgirls are disheveled and unclean--yet there is a sense of importance of
education in their lives. Steinlen completed illustrations for a few children's journals;
because these were aimed at the middle class, the subjects in these images are happy,
cozy middle-class children and their parents and nannies. 62
One of the most important characteristics ofSteinlen's propaganda is duality of
intent. For all of his visual campaigning against the disparity of the comfort of the
working class versus the desperate environments and situations facing the proletariat,
Steinlen promoted the ideal Third Republic home when commissioned to do so. He was
a primary artist involved in the development of the color lithograph poster, along with
61 Steinlen's political sympathies have to be assumed from the nature of his hundreds of prints featuring the proletariat,
as well as the sheer number of these images and the passion with which they were executed. What little of Steinlen's
correspondence is in existence yields no information that he formally joined a single political party. At approximately
the time Steinlen arrived in France (1881), the socialist movement was experiencing a rebirth. His near-obsession with
and romanticism of the working class betray socialist sympathies as do his long-running collaborations with editors of
socialistjoumals such as I.e Chambard socia/iste. I.e chambard was also anarchistic in its editorial orientation.
Steinlen was also a primary illustrator for strictly anarchist publications, including La Feui//e. The artist made his
political statements through his an. rather than official political party memberships, according to Phillip Dennis Cate,
"Empathy with the Humanity of the Streets," ArtNews 67:3 (1977): S7.
62 In 1888-89 Mon Journa/ ran illustrations each by Steinlen and Geoffioy, sometimes in the same issue.
26
Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec.63 Steinlen's advertising posters are often very different in
their subject matter and presentation from his other images. Many of his posters
presented the advertisers' products, such as sterilized milk and cocoa, as essential
elements of the healthy middle-class home. These items are also linked to close
relationships between mothers and children, as well as domestic animals and children.
With clearly defined gender roles and an emphasis on happy, healthy children, Steinlen's
images of the middle class in his advertising posters perfectly supported the Third
Republic campaign to strengthen men, women, and the family. Steinlen created several
images of poverty-stricken people for poster projects. His working class subjects seem to
be his effort to create awareness and evoke sympathy.64 The middle class images, on the
other hand, clearly are presented as ideals to emulate. Steinlen's influence was wide, as
found in his thousands of journal illustrations and his scores of posters. His highly
visible and accessible images supported the growth and protection of the institution of the
family, while simultaneously using the medium to enlist sympathy for the working class,
who were shut out of this nest.
Developing a social history context for the study of the images of this specific
period (1871-1905) is easier because of the work of scholars over the last twenty years.
With the growing study of French social history of the late-nineteenth century within the
6J Techniques for producing the color lithographic poster were perfected in Paris in the early I 880s-approximately the
same time Steinlen came from Switzerland. For an introduction to the art of the French poster at the tum-of-the-
century, see Phillip Dennis Cate and Sinclair Hitchings. The Color Revolution: Color Lithography in France. /809-
1900 (Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith, 1978). See also Rcjane Bargiel and Christopher Zagrodski in Steinlen,
affichiste. catalogue raisonne, (Lausanne: Editions du Grand-Point, 1986). Like many published works on Steinlen
(particularly in the English language) there is surprisingly little interpretation of the images in this volume. Steinlen's
posters, as a body of work, have previously been the least well-interpreted examples of his mlvre.
64 Steinlen often created posters of the working class and the poverty stricken when the subject matter was his own
choice. He created idyllic images of the middle class when commissioned to do so, but images of homeless people and
boisterous life on the streets were often projects he created as a volunteer for the cause and for his own volumes of
images of the street
27
last two decades, there is now a number of valuable studies examining issues of
regeneration, patriotism, education, and gender. Jacques Donzelot's La Police des
Familles is one of the best, providing proof of government attempts to influence what
was taking place inside homes where children lived. 65 Several dissertations in history
have been groundbreaking in their treatment of subjects of family life and the
governmental relationship to it. Recent works, such as Kselman' s The Modernization of
Family Law: The Politics and Ideology ofFamily Reform in Third Republic France and
Sylvia Schafer's Children in "Moral Danger" and the Politics ofParenthood in Third
Republic France, 1870-1914,66 have been important for updating subject matter and
bibliographies. No such work in art history exists that focuses on Third Republic family
issues, the government's instability and desire to influence, and an interpretation of
images against this background of social history.
There are numerous published histories of the Third Republic, but many are
unsatisfying because of a lack of breadth, depth, or bibliographic soundness. Sanford
Elwitt's work is valuable and detailed, as the author chooses one aspect or economic
point-of-view of Third Republic politics on which to focus. The history of education in
France has been creatively and thoroughly documented in French-language texts over the
last twenty years. Mona Ozouf s I 'Ecole, I 'Eglise et la Republique and compilations of
government education documents by the Institut National de Recherche Pedagogique (I.
N. R. P.) are recent, important sources for primary source material. The Musee National
6SSee Donzelot
66Sylvia Schafer, Children in Moral Danger" and the Politics ofParenthood in Third Republic France (Unpublished
dissertation, University of Califomi a, Berkeley, 1991). See also Ozout: Clark, and INRP publications by Chervel, Luc,
and Choppin and Clinkspoor.
28
de l'Education in Rouen (which operates under the auspices of the L N. R. P.) has
gathered popular culture objects and images related to education and has provided some
historical interpretation in the form of exhibition catalogues. In the English language
advanced studies of the history of French education are only beginning to emerge. A
1991 study, School, State, and Society, by Raymond Grew and Patrick Harrigan, is a
thorough overview of issues in nineteenth-century French schooling. 67 The text traces
interactions of institutions that had a stake in the development of education. A study of
Third French Republic education that is most helpful in its examination of propaganda
and gender issues is Linda L. Clark's Schooling the Daughters ofMarianne. There is an
important body of work, therefore, on which to build an interpretation for images.
It seems that art historians, however, have largely ignored images of the Third
Republic family and schools. There are several possible reasons for the lack of art
historical work on this material. Most importantly, the images may often have stemmed
from popular culture, but they have not been popular with researchers. The poster is
often viewed as an art form inferior to painting, sculpture, and architecture. Furthermore,
images from popular journals and those found in children's books are not considered by
some to be art at all. This view of these images, so pervasive in everyday life in the early
Third Republic, would make the work of Steinlen and Boutet de Monvel useless or
unimportant, as well as some of Geoffroy's work. The artists themselves have also not
received the attention from art historians their work warrants. Steinlen was long seen as
merely a second-rank Toulouse-Lautrec, and until the last twenty years was not given
67 Raymond Grew and Patrick 1. Harrigan. School. State. and SOCiety: The Growth ofElementary Schooling in
Nineteenth-CenllUy France: A Quantitative Analysis (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 1991).
29
sufficient attention and credit as a great draftsman and a crusading humanitarian. 68 Even
those who have brought him into the limelight have focused on the overtly political and
aesthetically pleasing images Steinlen created. Rarely has sharp focus been placed upon
the way Steinlen treated the family and children-a subject so prominent in his oeuvre.
Boutet de Monvel and Geoffroy are rarely studied at all. This may have resulted from the
current unpopularity of academically-trained artists, as well as their subsequent
preoccupations with "lower" art forms such as journal illustration and children's books.
Art history has come to prize avant-garde artists whose names are well-known; artists
such as these are ignored. Another reason these images have not received attention is
because images of the family, especially those featuring children, are understudied within
art history. With the exception of paintings from seventeenth-century Dutch culture,
paintings of children throughout art history are under-examined and under-interpreted. 69
Secular images of children are only beginning to be taken seriously enough to study. This
parallels the way that journal illustrations are separated from "high art." Attitudes toward
the media sources of the images, the traditional lack of importance of the work of these
artists, and the subject matter they shared are reasons these images have previously been
ignored and not compared. Their visual and social history connections certainly
warrantbringing these artists and their work together for the first time.
61 Studies that have prompted new, but limited interest in Steinlen include Philip Dennis Cate and Susan Gill,
Thiophi/e-A/uandre Stein/en (Salt Lake City: Gibbs M. Smith, Inc., 1892).
69 Two of the best studies offamily life, social history, and seventeenth-century Dutch art are Wayne Franits, Paragons
o/Virtue: Women and Domesticity in SeventeenthCentury Dutch Art (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993)
and Mary Durantini, The Child in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Painting (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1979).
30
CHAPTER TWO
REPOPULATE AND REPATRIATE: THE NEED FOR PERSUASIVE
IMAGERY
A State of Fear
Journal images from the earliest years of the period of this study, namely 1870-
1875, illustrate a sense of apprehension about the future of French life.
Although the war of 1870 brought a strong left-wing nationalist revival,

the devastating defeat by Germany brought about a much modified world
view. The fantasy of a mighty France, supported by the peoples of Europe,
creating a new order faded before the reality of a weakened and vulnerable
France facing the menace of Germany: on this, and on the recovery of
Alsace-Lorraine, patriotic attention focused. A new radical nationalist
movement emerged in the 1880s.. .Its nationalism was more than ever
inward-looking, aiming to purge the nation of its enemies within... 1
Articles and illustrations, full of fresh ideas from the weekly periodicals, are appropriate
sources for gauging the new vulnerable sentiment of the time. An image from the
December 30, 1871 issue of Le Monde Rlustre, shows the lack of optimism and the
presence of confusion in Edouard Morin's personification of L 'An mil huit cent soixante
et onze!... " (Fig. 2.1). A figure resembling Father Time flies away from the land
(presumably France--one can barely make out the word "Alsace," a province overtaken
and annexed by the Prussians from 1871-1919).2 An eagle wearing a helmet,
I Robert Tombs. Paris. 18J4-19U (New York: Addison Wesley Longman. 1996): 85.
2For a history of the conflicts in and over A1sace. see Bernard Vogler, Histoire politique de I 'Alsace (Strasbourg: Nuee
bleue, 1995). There are many studies tn:ating the history of the Commune and, in some cases, its effects. Among these
are Adrien Donsclte. Les Origines de la Commune de 1871 (paris: Pion, 1944); Lucien Dubois. Ch(zpitres nouveaux
SUI' Ie siege et la Commune. 1870-7/ (paris: s. 0.,1872); Louis Fiaux, Histoire de la guerre civile de 1871 (paris:
Charpentier, 1879); and Jean T. Joughin, The Paris Commune in French Politics. 1871-1880 and the History ofthe
Amnesty of 1880 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 1955). Sources on the war of 1870 include Alfred
31
representing Prussia, covers much of the land, peppered with small towns. The eagle's
shadow is just about to overtake Alsace. The powerful bird has left darkness and
destruction in its wake, but appears to be weakening, spewing fluid from his mouth over
the land. The figure representing 1871, however, has walked over the Prussian allegory,
leaving footprints. From the prints and Father Time's scythe, the fluid (perhaps blood)
drips. The old man, who presumably represents a tired France, appears dejected and
burdened. He carries an hourglass and scythe, typical attributes of death and time. He
also supports a basket on his back; he is wracked with trouble. The figure is weighted
down by the problems of 1871. The contents of the basket are remnants of the horror of
the war and the Commune. In the basket are: items labeled as rations, a marker for the
war debt to the Prussians, the Vendome Column,3 national glories going up in smoke, and
the civil war flag. These and other items stand for the ideological, economic, and
material costs of war. In contrast, the dark, bloody Bismarckian ground more vaguely
alludes to human and national costs. Perhaps most important to the pessimistic
iconography of this image is the sun on the horizon of the dark sky, labeled "1872?" The
gloomy atmosphere of the engraving and the figures, plus the symbols, represent the
heavy toll that conflict has taken on France (and even Prussia). This demonstrates that
France was deeply anguished in 1871. The Franco-Prussian War and the Commune left
anxiety and doubt in their wake, particularly in the largest French city. "Paris since the
armistice had been in a state of agitation that verged on collective neurosis. ,,4
Darimon. Notes pour servil' /'histoi1'e de la guerre de 1870 (paris: P. Ollendorft: 1888) and Lansing Hoskins Beach,
The Sieges ofthe Franco-Prussian War (Washington: s. n., 1922).
1 For a contemporary reaction to such events. see L' Abbe Lamazon. La Place Vendome et La Roquette: documents
historiques sur la Commune (paris: s.n., 1873).
4 Gordon Wright, France in Modem Times (New York: Rand McNally, 1974): 219.
32
Another allegorical journal image from less than a month later does not minimize
the loss of human life and ruin of the French environment, yet there is a sense of hope in
the anonymous 1871-1872 image from Le Journal Rlustre (January 14-21, 1872, Fig.
2.2). A dead soldier is shown in the foreground, with a cannon, weapons, and destroyed
buildings at the horizon. The center of the image features two figures. One, a male
whose pose resembles Adam from Michelangelo's Creation o/Man (except that he is
seen from the front), is draped and holds a sword broken close to the hilt. Tears fall from
his eyes; he seems to have passed power or hope to the figure in front of him. Perhaps
the muscular (but weakening) figure represents the French fighting spirit from the past
two years. The figure who seems to be preceding him is a small girl. She is dressed
simply in a wrap-around drape, supported by a band marked "1872." Thus, the strong,
but failing male figure must be 1871, and the child represents 1872. A shining star casts
light over the child's entire body, and she holds a bunch of flowers in her hand-a symbol
of peace and hope. Most importantly, the artist has chosen to symbolize the coming year
and a recovering France with a child figure. While this iconography corresponds to a
"Baby New Year" type, this is not an infant. The vaguely classical clothing as well as the
grave surroundings signify that the image is meant to represent something more
important. In the late nineteenth century children were seen, as never before, as key
elements for the future of France. They were crucial to repopulation and regeneration of
the military-both of which would obviously be needed to reclaim a weak, annihilated
land. The identification of children as vehicles of future, hope, and revitalization is at the
heart of this study. This early image serves as an ideological centerpiece.
33
Instability and Rehabilitation: Events and Politics of the Early Third
Republic
Nous sommes de ceux, qui ont travaille toute leur vie i acquerir a
Republique. La Republique est acquise, mais nous ne nous faisons pas
illusion. Nous savons tout ce qu'a d'instable us Republique, meme assise
sur la large base de la souverainete du peuple et la pratique du suffiage
universel, Ii ou Ie peuple manque de lumiere, de patriotisme et de la
morallte.
-Charles Fauvety, editor of L 'Education Lai"que:
Organe de Regeneration Sociale s
As a result of the wars, ever-changing political situations, the fluctuating
economy, and urbanization, people in 1876-1877 (such as Charles Fauvety) were asking
"Qui nous sommes? ..6 Children were thought to be at the root of the answer, as this
question and similar ones flooded educational journals. It is important to note that
organizations such as Fauvety's, focusing on social regeneration, ultimately focused their
demagoguery on children. Equally important is the fact that Fauvety questioned the
stability of the Republic, even though it was already five years-old. There were many
organizations that were working to help rebuild France ideologically, but not all emerged
from the secular-versus-parochial educational battle. The young person were political
tools; this is obvious from the existence of articles in journals such as the one named for
the patriotic organization, "L'Union de la Jeunesse Republicaine.,,7 This group was
founded in 1882 and the young people it sought to influence were students and other
young, intelligent men who wanted to have political voices. The Society was concerned,
S Charles Fauvcty, "Qui nous sommcs," Education Lalque: Organe de JUgeniration Sociale I (1876-1877): 1.
6 The title of Fauvcty's leading editorial from this fiercely anti-Catholic journal means "Who arc we?"
7 L 'Education LaIque ran from 1882 to 1894. In 1882 Victor Hugo was named president of the organization.
34
however, with the republican ideological education of citizens of all ages. In an article
summarizing the group's achievements, "Notice sur les travaux de l'Union de 1882 a
1895,,,8 there is a description of the democratic instructional activities of the organization.
''Nos conferenciers, nos professeurs, appartiennent aux nuances diverses de I' opinion
rq,ublicaine, mais tous sont intimement unis dans cette pensee commune: l'imperieuse
necessite d' enseigner au pays Ie gouvemement de soi-meme.,,9 The Union's literature
admitted that even within the republican party there was strife and dissent, but claimed its
members recognized that the teachings of the concepts of democracy overrided any
difference. The group met in primary schools, libraries, and schoolyards--also indicating
Republican desire to reach the youth of the country. The Union cooperated with Mace's
Ligue d'Enseignement to combat monarchism (the major political threat to
republicanism) in 1886-1887. 10 The president of the Societe pour l'lnstruction
Elementaire, Henry Pierret, wrote an 1882 letter to the Union's president. He approved
of the instructional goals of the Union and supported democratic teaching in the schools.
In a letter written on the behalf of the society by E. Gosling, the presence of republican
ideals in the school curriculum would raise "de plus en plus ensemble de la nation ainsi
vers un niveau superieur de savoir et de moraiite.,,11 While debates over the merits and
effectiveness of the republican state were disputed in the 1870s and 1880s, children were
clearly an important group to be influenced and won.
G. T., "Notice sur Ics travaux de l'Union de 1882 a 189S," Union de 10 Jeunesse Ripublicaine (I 894-9S): 7-11.
9 "Notice sur Ics travaux de l'Union de 1882 A 189S" 7.
I~otice sur Ics travaux de l'Union de 1882 A189S" 8.
II Union de 10 Jeunesse Ripublicaine. Bulletin Aranuel (1882-83): 21
35
A defensive and rallying tone filled the Republican literatme at this time. This is
found especially in texts concerning the indoctrination of children and families. But why
was it necessary for Republicans to support their own cause among themselves? If
France was officially a Republic and if it had control of public schools (particularly after
1881), why did pedagogical literature of the era echo with battle cries rather than
acknowledgment of the status quo?
It is best to start at the dawn of the Republic to trace the causes of unrest and fear,
as well as a general lack of solidarity. 12 The images at the beginning of this chapter
illustrated the uneasiness caused by the destruction of France by the Prussians as well
civil war that emerged within Paris. Perhaps it was in Paris that environmental changes
caused the most disruption. Familiar monuments such as the Vendome Column were
toppled by Communards. Artillery and pillaging that took place during the Franco-
Prussian War and the Commune decimated housing and street life in much of the city.
Rationing and scarcity of food and became another demoralizing side-effect.
Haussmannization, a Second Empire urban renewal project, had recently imposed
sweeping changes in Paris' terrain, edifices, and public works. 13 Georges Haussmann, a
12 There is a wide spectrum of studies, both primary and secondary, on the Third Republic. Republicanism. and
opposing factions threatening the Republic. Among them are Christian Ambrosi and Arlette Ambrosi, La France.
1870-1975 (New York: Masson, 1976); J. P. T. Bury, France. 1814-1940 (New York: Methuen, 1985); Jacques
Chastenet, Histoire de la Troisieme Republique, vols. 1-7, (paris: Hachette, 1952-63); Eustace Clare and Grenville
Ming. Men o/the Third Republic (philadelphia: Porter and Coates, 1873); Gaston Deschamps, I.e Malaise de la
dimocratie, (Paris: A Colin et Cie., 1913); Paul Eugene Louis Deschand, La Ripublique nouvelle (paris: s. n., 1898);
Samuel Denis, Histoire contemporaine: La Chute de I'empire, Ie gouvernement de la difonse nationale, l'Assemblee
nationale (Paris: s. n., 1897-1903; Robert Gildea, France, 1870-1914 (New York: Longman, 1996); Patrick J. Hutton,
Historical Dictionary o/the Third French Republic, 1870-1940 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1986); Jean-Marie
Mayeur and Madeline Reberioux. The Third Republicfrom its Origins to the Great War. 1871-1914, J. B. Foster.
trans. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984); Jennifer Mollier and Jocelyne George, La Plus Longues des
Republiques: 1870-1940 (paris: Fayard, 1994); Philip G. Nord, The Republican Moment: Struggles/or Democracy in
Nineteenth-Century France (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994); Louis Teste, Anatomie de la
Ripublique (paris: Librairie du XXe siecle, 1910); David Thomson, Democracy in France Since 1870 (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1964).
13 Tombs 189. The street fighting stemming from the Revolution of 1848 prompted Napoleon III to appoint
Haussmann to redesign the city into one that would "hamstring future inSUl1'Cdion." The long. wide, straight
36
prefect for Napoleon m, engineered the demolitions and renovations to change Paris from
a medieval maze of boroughs to a clean, easily-policed modem city in the 1860s. Huge
areas of Paris were radically changed under Haussmannization, including the demolition
of thousands of dwellings occupied by the working class and the poverty-stricken. Poorer
citizens slowly gravitated to the outskirts of Paris, where a limited amount of employment
and inadequate, but stable, housing was available. 14 Unlike the July Revolution of 1830
where they fought side-by-side, the middle classes moved away from the working classes
in 1871. Bourgeois republicans, living comfortably, thought of the working class as a
hostile entity that was taking over their city. The conflicts and "improvements" during
and immediately preceding the years 1870-1871 segregated the social classes of Paris and
destabilized the environment of almost everyone.
Physical environments were changing in other ways for many Frenchmen. These
shifts can generally be linked to "progress" and urbanization. A significant portion of
France's population was moving from the countryside to cities, especially to Paris. IS This
occurred for several reasons. Economic and living conditions were extremely poor for
thoroughfares were to facilitate police and military surveillance and action against foreign soldiers and citizen
uprisings. There were other benefits for the Second Empire to reap from the changes "including to modcrnize the city,
shed prestige on the regime, and create jobs."
14 Leonard Berlanstein, The Working People a/Paris, 1871-1914 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984).
The author documents the gravitation of the working classes to the banlieue at the outskirts of Paris and the nature of
the living conditions and activities of the people who lived and worked in these areas. In Chapter One, "The Working
Population," the author provides maps, tables, and text that demonstrate the rapid growth of the Paris suburbs from the
1860s to 1914. On page eleven Berlanstein states the "the banlieue had replaced Paris proper as the destination of
most migrants to the metropolitan area" by the 1880s.
IS Leslie Page Moch, "The History of Migration and Fertility Decline: The View from the Road", The European
Experience a/Declining Fertility, 1850-1970: The Quiet Revolution, John R. Gillis. Louise A Tilly, and David Levine,
eds. (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1992): 17S. Here the influx of males and females into the larger urban areas is
described as a "flood." Moch states that there were 23 cities in Europe of 100,000 or more in 1800. By 1900 there
were 13S. Specifically in France, more than one-fifth of the population lived in cities of20,OOO or more in 1890 (an
unprecedented number). Moch makes it clear, however, that many migrations did not involve a one-way move from
the country to the city. Since many different factors dictated the reasons for migration, some laborers moved
seasonally; some made more than one move for family or social reasons, touched upon by Moch. The author
emphasizes that ruraI-to-urban migration may have accelerated in the nineteenth century. It was not a new
phenomenon, as there was similar mobility in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
37
most peasants in the nineteenth century. Parcels ofland grew smaller, stemming from
generations of inheritances. There were also some severe droughts and near-famines, as
well as low prices for produce. These conditions caused rural citizens to seek the means
of making a living elsewhere. Men began to leave the countryside to find employment in
cities-sometimes their families would be summoned or would follow them. 16 There was
a significant amount of factory and other types of industrial work available in the cities of
the Second Empire and the early Third Republic. This was one of the largest reasons for
population shifts and subsequently, the process of urbanization. 17 Cities became more
crowded. Class distinctions between neighborhoods, as well as the need for employment,
became more important than ever.
Other elements of the cityscape changed for both good and bad. With larger and
more concentrated areas of poverty, health and cleanliness worsened greatly. There were
great strides, beginning with Haussmannization, to provide more effective sanitation as
well as cleaner water (there was already running water in higher income neighborhoods).
Unbearable odors and extreme conditions of filth dissipated with a cleaned-up,
modernized Paris. This was a significant contrast to life known in the city for hundreds
of years. IS Some complained of the aesthetic changes. The monotony of the widened
16 See Berlanstein. as well as Leslie Page Mach. For additional discussions of the movement of workers from the
countryside to the cities and of their lives before and after their migrations, see Leslie Page Mach. Paths to the City:
Regional Migration in Nineteenth-Century France (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, c. 1983); Philip E. Ogden and
Paul E. White. Migrants in Modern France: Population Mobility in the lAter Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries
(Boston: Unwin Hyman. 1989); Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization o/Rural France. 1870-
1914 (Stanford. CA: Stanford University Press. 1976); and Raymond Williams, The Country and the City (New York:
Oxford University Press. 1973).
17 GiIlis. Tilly, and Levine. "The Quiet Revolution.n I. In their introduction the authors state that industrialization.
urbanization. and fertility decline were separate. but interconnected phenomena in Europe in the nineteenth century.
and these three patterns are components of some of the most important changes in the modern world.
II For a history and discussion of smell as a social phenomenon. see Alain Corbin. The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor
and The French Social Imagination (New York: Berg. 1986).
38
streets and the muted colors of the rapidly-appearing, multi-story dwellings around Paris
affected virtually everyone. There was, however, a new sense of order and space for the
individual within the City.19 Scholars have noted other modem developments that caused
psychological changes for Third Republicans. The advent of gas jet streetlights and the
spread of the availability of electricity changed the lives of nearly everyone in the city.
The transformation of the night to a time of activity and energy had immeasurable impact
on citizens. Conveniences made possible by electricity also changed lifestyles and
produced leisure time. There were other developments that made the times seem to move
faster and with more vibrancy-Paris became the world capital of excitement, modernity,
and debauchery. Leisure time activities became more important for all classes. The
upper-middle and upper classes spent time at the beach, at spas, and at ice-skating rinks.
Various classes flocked to parks and nightclubs, immortalized by Impressionist paintings
and the colorful night life posters of Toulouse-Lautrec. The cafe-concerts, featuring
dancers and chanteuses who became world famous, were one of the most infamous,
pulsating facets of Parisian nightlife. 20 One of the vehicles that made these clubs and
performers so popular were large, color lithograph posters, plastered in multiples allover
Paris. Artists such as Toulouse-Lautrec and Steinlen created designs that instantly spread
color over Paris. There were other ways color and fashion became a part of people's
everyday lives. The expansion of department stores and the art of colorful window
dressing changed the way goods were sold to people--demanding that retailers display and
19 Phillip Dennis CalC, cd., The Graphic Arts and French Society, 1871-1914 (New Brunswick, N. 1.: Rutgers
University Press, 1988); and Jacques Dupacquin and Denis Kessler, cds. La Societe fra~aise au XIXe siecle:
tradition, transition, transformations (Paris: Fayard. 1992).
:zo See Phillip Dennis Cate and Mary Shaw, cds., The Spirit ofMontmartre: Cabarets. Humor. and the Avant-Garde.
1875-1905 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996).
39
advertise their products with striking hues and styles.21 Thus, city dwellers' senses were
ambushed by their rapidly changing, energy-filled environment.22
The forces that manipulated the Republic changed as rapidly as the lives of the
citizens they governed. Adolphe lbiers took office as president even before the Third
Republic was even an official entity. There were years of tumult and confusion on
France's political stage that were to be characteristic of the first thirty years of the
Republic. Yet, the 1870s saw France become the first Ewopean nation to be
republicanized. When the nation's voters elected the republicans into office in February,
1871, a third or fewer voted republican; more than half were voting republican by 1880.23
A seasoned politician who held Ministry positions in the July Monarchy cabinet in the
1840s, Adolphe Thiers remained in office only from 1870-1873.24 While the
septuagenarian leader provided stability with his political experience and contacts, he did
not represent the largest political faction, and not even the entire republican party. His
regime soon toppled in favor of Marshal de MacMahon (who was president from 1873 to
1877).25 While both men represented warring factions that supported the idea of the
Republic, the circumstances and forces behind their terms in office were characteristic
11 For treatment of the use of color of the depanment stores to entice and influence the consumer, as well as the
growing importance of displays in retail spaces see Michael Barry Miller, The Bon Marchi: Bourgeois Culture and the
Department Store. 1869-1920 (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1981). For a more detailed discussion of
the development of the retail world's an and science of attracting and manipulating people in America (but based on
French department stores and department store display tactics), see William Leach. Land ofDesire (New York:
Random House, 1993).
12 Fatigue resulting from the stimulation of modem life, as well as accounts ofrcactions in the form of retreats arc
documented in Deborah Silverman, Art NOIllleQU inftn-de siecle France: Politics. Psychology. and Style (Berkeley.
CA: University of Califomi a Press, 1989 and Rosalind Williams, Dream Worlds: Mass Consumerism in Late
Nineteenth-Century France (Berkeley, CA: University ofCalifomia Press, 1982).
13 Pamela M. Pilbeam, Republicanism in Nineteenth-Century France. 1814-1871 (New York: St Martin's Press, 1995)
332-333.
14 Two contemporary accounts of the life and achievements ofThiers are Fran~is Le GotJ; The Life ofLouis Adolphe
Thiers, Theodore Stanton, trans. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1879) and Jules Simon, The Government ofM.
Thiers (from Febf1lQ1)l. 1871 to May. 1873). (Scribner's Sons, 1879).
lS See Leon Louis La Forge de Vitanval, Histoire complete de MacMahon. marechal de France. duc de Magenta
(paris: Lamullc et Poisson, 1898).
40
and symptomatic of confusion. Thiers represented a libertarian faction. This moderate
group clashed with the egalitarian-allied members of the party. There was a significant
number of Monarchist conservatives, particularly during the war and the Commune.
There existed such infighting that this majority was not able to gain control of the
Republic. When they did succeed in cooperating sufficiently to install Marshal
MacMahon, they were able to maintain his position for seven years-an eternity in early
Third Republic politics.
With the first republican presidents of the Third Republic-Jules Grevy, Leon
Gambetta, and Jules Ferry--there was more stability of purpose, but still a significant
amount of challenge and change. After this 1879-1885 period the upheaval continued.
The late 1880s saw fervent support for the Radical Nationalist General Boulanger and the
decay of republican power. While republicanism of the I 890s was more unified,
inflammatory events stoked the fire of instability and the volatility of the political scene.
Radical factions such as the socialists and the anarchists became more organized and
clear in their purpose. The late 1890s were times of renewed embroilment, with the
various religious and political debates and violent outbursts stimulated by the Dreyfus
Affair. This period of study did not end with peace, as radical control of the government
from 1902-1909 further confused the status of the precarious republic. 26 Socio-political
chaos paralleled the precipitous changes in French citizens' lives during the early Third
RepUblic.
26Tombs provides a clear and efficient summary of the succession and events of early Third Republic politics in Pan
V, "The Government that Divides Us Least, 1871-1914" 43S-472.
41
The church was in as much upheaval as the state during this period. The Catholic
church was under literati attack since the Second Empire. Republican regimes were
united in their cause against Catholicism.27 Sensing the instability of their power, the
republicans felt the church would only undermine them. 28 A succession of steps were
taken to undermine the church's hold on the minds of the people. One of the most
important was the government's usurping of control of schooling France's young people.
With the free, compulsory, and mandatory schooling provided by the Ferry Laws in the
early 1880s, literacy and more egalitarian access for children of all social classes to attend
school was attained. But the steps taken to guarantee education for youngsters was not as
altruistic as it may seem. 29 Much of the controversy that prompted passage of the laws
was meant to take students and exclusivity away from schools run by churches,
particularly in rural areas. The Catholic church bitterly fought the laicization laws, but it
had no mechanism to overpower the determined state.
To control the minds and behavior of the French people, the church, the state, and
other entities strove to establish "moral order" agendas. 30 The Royalist government of
the mid-1870s had clear ideas about how citizens should and should not think and
27 For sources on anticlerical ism, see Geoffiey Cubitt, The Jesuit Myth: Conspiracy TMory and Polilics in Nineteenth-
Century France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Andre Encreve and Michel Richard, cds., Les Protestants
dans les debars de la TroisielM RifJllbl;que (187/-/885), (paris: Societe de I'histoire du protestantisme fran~s,
1979); Libres entretiens. premiere serie. /904-/905: sur la separation des eg/ises et de ('etat (paris: s.n., 1905); and
Theodore Zeldin. French Society: Anticlericalism. Education and Morals in the Nineteenth Century (London: Allen
and Unwin, 1970).
21 Tombs explains the development of church-state antagonism in his chapter "A New Order, (primarily in the section
H
"A Catholic Order") 65-68.

29 The lack of widespread enforcement of these laws until well into the twentieth century indicates that those
supporting state-sponsored education had an agenda that included much more than the education of all French children.
Linda L. Clark, Schooling the Daughten o/Marianne: Textbooles and the Socialization o/Girls in Modern French
Primary Schools (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1984).
30 See Tombs' chapter "A New Order" 61-87 and Phyllis Stock-Morton. Moral Education/or a Secular Society: TM
DeveloplMnt o/Morale Lafque in Nineteenth-Cenlllry France (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press,
1988).
42
behave. However, ''when the conservative 'moral order' government tried to rule with a
strong hand in 1877, it was defeated. ,,3 1 The ardent republicans, headed by Gambetta and
Ferry, had their own concept of moral obligations. This was imposed, most notably,
through Ferry's role in establishing schools and school curriculum. From 1879 until the
mid-1880s "stress (was placed upon) the patriotic duty of the individual to the nation and
to defend the rights of private property.,,32 Naturally the Protestant and Catholic faiths
had their own moral codes to promote-that of the Catholics often was carefully
constructed to steer parishioners from republican moral influence. Robert Tombs
describes the various entities' battles to control the ethical base of France "rival
utopianisms.,,33 Certainly a French person would have no trouble finding or being
influenced by prescribed codes of virtue, but the myriad definitions of "moral order"
being prescribed to people of the early French Republic could only have added to the aura
of bewilderment that was found in nearly every aspect of life during this highly-charged
era.
In this discussion of the atmosphere of uncertainty, the family and school climates
of the early Third Republic are significant. Of course, the Ferry Laws changed the lives
of French children, and subsequently their families. Children were now required to attend
school. Since the laws were enforced only gradually and sporadically, children's lives did
not change overnight. In addition large numbers of middle-class boys were already
31 Tombs 67.
32 Tombs 72. On page 74 the author elaborates, "In the short tcnn, the republican in government-soon nicknamed
'opportunists'-wanted to win the trust of the electorate and defeat both 'reaction' and 'anarchy'. In the long term. they
had an ambitious strategy-the utopian aspect of their new order-to create a republican society, led by a republican
political class drawn from what Gambetta called a 'new social strata', a democracy based on shared secular progress.
on political equality and on the stady extension of property. Ideologic:al and class conflict would have no place in the
republic of harmony."
33 Tombs 86.
43
attending school. It was perhaps the lives of girls and very small children (who were
suddenly required to attend school) that changed the most. Perhaps the most dramatic
changes prompted by the Ferry Laws were also in the lives of working class children. As
the least officially-monitored of French society's children, they were some of the last to
be forced to attend school, but when they did, the lives of the whole family changed.
Many working class children were breadwinners-their incomes were crucial to the
family's survival. 34 While most educational and child welfare reformers recognized that
removing children from factories and twelve-to-fourteen-hour workdays was essential to
these children's futures, the families and the factories fought changes that would affect
their meager family incomes. The education laws were well-timed with industrial
developments. As machines took over more and more jobs in factories in the last decades
of the nineteenth century, jobs were needed by those who had to be the major family
breadwinners--predominantly the fathers. Also, children were not as efficient as new
technology, and the menial tasks they performed were often replaced by machines. 3S As
the end of the century drew near, fewer women and especially fewer children were found
in the factory. Children simultaneously were being called to come to school and had
more freedom to attend. These changes sometimes were bewildering to the working
classes, but only moderately changed the lives of those with higher incomes. The entire
34 Viviana Zclizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Vallie o/Children, New York: Basic Books,
1981. The author traces the change of the child's role in the modem family to fellow moncy-c:amerto a cherished
being at the center of the family's purpose and adoration. Sec also Colin Heywood, Childhood in Nineteemh-Celllllry
France: Work. Health, and Education Among the classes poprdaires (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
Other sources that treat the changing value and treatment of children in the ninctccnth-ccntury French family are
Maurice Crubcllicr, L 'En/ance et la Jeunesse dans la Societe F~aise, 1800-J950 (paris: A Colin, 1979); John
Gillis, cd., YOIlth and History: Traditions in European Age Relations, J nO-present (New York: Academic Press,
1981); and Catherine Rollet-&:haIier, La Politiqlle Ii l'Egard de la Petite En/ance SOIlS la Troisieme /Upubliqlle (paris:
Institut national d'etudcs dcmographiqucs, Presses Univcrsitaircs de France, 1990)
lSSee Shai Weiss, Child Labor RI!/orm in Nineteemh-Cenlllry France: Asnuing the FllhUe Harvest (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1989).
44
family structure was changing-another challenge for those trying to cope with the
increasing speed and differences of modem life. It was with the early Third Republic that
the child finally arrived at the center of the family in France. The new views of children
had staggering ramifications for society and for visual culture.
Nationalism and Normalism
For the family to change, French behavior and procreative patterns had to be
modified. It was necessary for the government, supported by the medical profession, the
press, and literary figures, to successfully fight against depopulation.36 The issue of the
falling birthrate touches every image in this study. The lament that France would soon be
nothing if the population did not begin to drastically increase is found in both words and
images from the period. France never lost hope that it would be able to amend the
situation-authors, artists, and politicians believed that it was only temporary and could be
overcome with effort and education. One of the best treatises on depopulation from the
Third Republic is Jacques Bertillon's La Depopulation en France. 37 Bertillon carefully
outlined the problem and offered this prediction if immediate action was not taken: "La
France, naguere si grande, devient une nation de second ou de troisieme ordre.,,38
36 There are several scholars who have researched institutional monitoring and influencing of family life, down to the
most private details. Most important is Jacques Donzclot, La Police des Families; sec also Jean-Marc Berliere, La
Police des Menus sora la TroisiemeRepublique (Paris: Seuil, 1992); Jack D. Ellis, The Physician-Legislators 0/
French Medicine and Politics in the Early Third Republic. 1870-1914 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990);
Phillippe Meyer, The Child and the State: The Intervention o/State and Family Lifo, Judith Ennew and Janet Lloyd,
b'anS. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Roddey Reid, Families in Jeopardy: Regularities the Social
Body in France. 1750-1910 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993).
37 Dr. Jacques Bertillon. La Depopulation en France: ses consequences. ses causes. menues aprendre pour la
combattre (paris: Librarie Felix AJcan, 1911). Bertillon was the head of the city of Paris' statistics bureau at the time
of pUblication. Other inJportant discussions of depopulation discourses of the era appear in Arsene Dumont,
Depopulation et Civilisation (Paris: Lccrosnier et Babe, 1890); Paul leRoy-Beaulieu, La Question de la Depopulation
(paris: AJcan, 1913); Emile Levasseur, La Population Fr~aise (paris: A. Rousseau, 1889-1892), and Charles Tilly,
ed., Historical Studies a/Changing Fertility (Princeton. NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978).
31 Bertillon 9.
4S
Although this text was printed in 1911, it represents beliefs that had accumulated since
the 1880s. Fertility decline began in the 1870s39 and the problem was recognized late in
that decade and was addressed in the next thirty years. The fear of inferiority, mixed with
hope (found in depopulation essays such as Bertillon's) echo in the journal image, 1871-
1872 (Fig. 2.2). Bertillon acknowledges the destruction of France's human strength, but
places considerable hope in the child and the nation rallying behind. Although he was
writing nearly forty years later, Bertillon and the nation were still comparing themselves
with the Germans; this was a motivation for change. "L' Allemagne et la France
(territoires actuels) comptaient en 1851, la meme population, a savoir 35 millions
d'habitants. Aujourd'hui, I' Allemagne possede 65 millions d'habitants et la France
39.'.40 Contemporary French social historian Martine Segalen corroborates Bertillon's
figures. While most of Europe's population was increasing, France was the only country
that showed41 virtually no growth. Considering the period 1800-1915, Segalen finds that
the net birthrate in France was reduced by forty percent.42 Historians argue, in some
cases, that there was no depopulation problem in France, but indeed the birthrate was very
low. It was low enough that some sort of national collective effort was needed, at least to
create the belief that something was being done about the problem.
Of course the solution would have to come from the most private spheres. The
interest taken by major institutions in French men's and women's sex lives during this
39 Gillis, Tilly, and Levine 8.

40 Bertillon 21. Figures taken from censuses as reported in contemporary sources corroborate Bertillon's figures and
dcmonstraIC that France saw only a slow rise from the 18S I population to that of 1911. The period of this study, 1871-
I90S, saw figures rise from 36,000,000 to 38,000,000 despite the repopulation propaganda that was issued. Brian R.
Mitchell, European Historical Statistics, 1750-1970 (New York: Macmillan Pres. 1978): 4.
41 All major European nation experienced falling birthrates after the 1860s. however.
42 Martine Segalen. "Exploring a Case ofLate French Fertility Decline: Two Contrasted Breton Examples," The
European Experience o/Declining Fertility, Gillis. Tilly, and Levine. cds. (New York: Blackwell, 1992): 227.
46
period is astonishing, as are the lengths to which those with any control over public
thought would go to use it. George L. Mosse, in ''Nationalism and Respectability:
Normal and Abnormal Sexuality in the Nineteenth Century," explains.43 While this
article focuses on private life and public influences in England and Germany, he traces
the ideal of "modem nationalism and the ideal of respectability'M to a patriotic
consciousness linked to private life that emerged with the French Revolution.
The attempt to cope with a nervous age brought to a climax changes in

manners and morals which had been evolving slowly in previous centuries.
The French Revolution was viewed as divine retribution for aristocratic
frivolity, and modem manners and morals were to a large extent the
products of pietistic and evangelical revivals. Religious revival and
revolution were accompanied by the development of middle-class life,
with its emphasis on hard work and the fulfillment of man's vocation, and
its endeavor to confront the restlessness of the age with respectability.4$
Medical and theological texts on sexuality proliferated and were very influential
in the nineteenth century, but some of the most influential were those written just after the
Revolution. German physician Johann Valentin MUller wrote The Outline ofForensic
Medicine in 1796. MUller's advocated the use of outward appearances to cover up sins46
against conventions. Such connections between conventionality and the health of the
state47 were incorporated into the ideologies of Third Republic repopulation propaganda.
A source that linked political and social problems to sexual aberration and
43 George L. Mosse, "Nationalism and Respectability: Nonna! and Abnormal Sexuality in the Nineteenth Century,"
JOUf'M1 o/Contemporary History 17 (1982): 221-26. Mosse concentrates on male sexuality, primarily in Germany, in
this article.
44 Mosse 221. Complementary concepts are the subject ofRobat A Nye's Masculinity and Male Codes 0/Honor in
Modern France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
4S Mosse 222.
46 Homosexuality and masturbation Wcfc practices under intense attack. Masturbation was cited as the cause of many
evils and was believed to lead to homosexuality.
47 Mosse 223. Behavior and nationalism are subjects of essays in John R. Gillis, ed., Commemorations: The Politics 0/
National Identity (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1994) and Raoul Girardet, ed., I.e Nationalisme
Fra~ais. /87/-/914 (Paris, A Colin, 1966).
47
overindulgence was Andre Tissot's L 'Onanisme, first appearing in 1758.48 Sexual
excess, in his eyes, was a neurological disorder.49
Tissot believed that masturbation led to imbecility, and that all sexual
excesses, whether performed in the marriage bed or alone at night, led to
disastrous consequences. The medical profession, became by the middle
of the nineteenth century, the guardians of the 'plaisirs
d'amour." ...Physicians came to see themselves as guardians of the
people's health and morals. 50
Physicians were the most credible group to promote gender and sexual norms among the
masses.
Mosse identifies sexual norms, differentiating males and females as central
control mechanisms for countries seeking to develop their own brand of nationalism. The
heavily-promoted behavioral expectations for each gender helped define what was
"respectable." Physicians, educators and police advocated and promoted these norms.
They assisted by regulating and subtly changing sexual attitudes. Institutional agents
worked in tandem with the larger republican goals of controlling sexuality in order to
establish normalcy and subsequently, nationalism. 51 By operating and cooperating as part
of the machine of nationalism, doctors, 52 police, and educators were given exceptional
power. This occurred precisely at a time when public confidence in them flagged, as did
trust in all things official and bureaucratic. "Frequently nationalism supplied the content
41 Samuel Auguste David Tissot, L 'Onanisme, dissertation SUI' les maladies produites par la masturbation (Lausanne:
Marc Chapuis, 1764).
49 This element ofTissot's theories was crucial for its relevance to nineteenth century medical treatises. Sexual
aberrations and excesses needed to be characterized as diseases to operate within reproduction and nationalistic
c,ropaganda. In the nineteenth century, diseases were thought to have neurological causes.
Mosse 225-26.
51Mosse 222. See also Mosse 225: "Abnormal sexuality, exemplifying chaos and restlessness, threatened to upset (the
social) order, and private vice increasingly became a public matter."
S2 Many examples of doctors'participation in the campaign for sexual norms and nationalism are presented and
analyzed in Robert A Nyc, Crime, Madness and Politics in Modem France: The Medical Concept ofNational Decline
(Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1994).
48
and the goal of the inward spirit. The line between normalcy and abnormality had to be
drawn in order to protect the nation against its enemies."S3
Of course, the enemy could be found within French citizens themselves.
"Confusion between the sexes was feared all the more because it was thought that
children were bisexual and their masculine and feminine components could develop in a
normal or abnormal way," writes Mosse. "During the second half of the nineteenth
century Darwinism strengthened the nationalists: the survival of the fittest necessitated a
S4
healthy national organism, free of hereditary disease and moral weakness.
Demographic growth was dependent upon eliminating those vices that sapped men's
virility, led to physical sickness, and weakened will-power,',ss Isabell Hull adds,
"Sexuality was a most suitable metaphor for the conflict between the individual and
society, a conflict at the heart of nineteenth-century concems."S6 Especially among the
middle class, masturbation and the mere satisfaction of sexual desire without procreative
intent was portrayed as selfish and unpatriotic.
Such self-centered acts were the seeds of societal destruction, at least in
contemporary authors' predictions. "The emphasis on manliness in the struggle for
survival went hand in hand with the concept of 'degeneration.' First formulated by
Benedict Augustin Morel in 1857, degeneration was a medical term describing the
53 Mosse 229.
54 Linda L. Clark. Social Darwinism in France (University, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1984).
5S Mosse 228-229.
56 HuIl2SI-S2. "Procreation as sexual, and therefore as social control was one of the main reasons that the only
'legitimate' form of sexuality in the nineteenth century was heterosexual activity. Non-procreative sex (masturbation,
homosexuality, oral and anal sex, bestiality, sex with or amoung children, and so forth) escaped the social fabric and
therefore exemplified selfish individualism and contempt for the community." Hull points out that before 1848 the
bourgeoisie wished to separate itselfftom the aristocracy and sexual self-restraint was seen as an important separation
from the self-gratifying ancien regime. In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, it was the working class
which became more of a threat and they were cast as animalistic and unable to control their sexual desires and channel
them productively and conscientiously.
49
destruction of men and women through what he called moral and physical poison.,,57
Being congenital, degeneracy, primarily in the guise of immorality, would weaken the
gene pool. Degeneration would also sap the physical strength of the entire nation's
citizens. This aversion to immorality as a violation of national duty was firmly
entrenched during the first decades of the Third Republic. In contrast licentiousness
seems to have run rampant and was even cultivated by the young, avant-garde at the fin-
de-siecle. The younger generation reacted against the bourgeoisie's espousal of
restrained, controlled, and nationalistic prescribed roles, particularly after these fermented
for the first two decades of the Third Republic. Mosse attributes the "fear of the speed of
time" to both the middle-class' desire to find stability within a structure of patriotism and
the new sexual freedom of youth. 58 Immorality and loneliness were particularly thought
to breed in those who lived in larger cities. Urban dwellers were often mobile, or at least
had lost some geographic connection to their roots. "The village, the small town close to
nature, possessed no dark bowels within which vice could flourish; it symbolized those
eternal values which stood outside the rush of time. Such values harked back to a healthy
and happy universe, in contrast to the rush of time symbolized by the modem City.,,59
This could not help but result in a loss of a feeling of belonging and ownership, especially
in one's country. Thus, sex, youth, and the teeming cities became perceived as threats to
patriotism and French national health.
57Benedict Ausgustin Morel, Traile des Deginiresences Physiques, Intellectuelles el Morales de l'Espece HumailU!
(paris 18S7) noted in Mosse 223.
51 Mosse 229.
59 Mosse 227-28. Sec also K. W. Swart, The Sense ofDecadence in NilU!leenth-Century France (The Hague: M.
Nijho~ 1964).
so
When the revolt against respectability began to take place, it threatened the virtues
linked to family. To protect these virtues, the differentiation between the ideal male and
female needed to be promoted among the primary target citizenry-the middle class. In
her response essay to Mosse's article, Hull sums up clearly the strong connections
between middle class and ideals linked to strengthening the birthrate to those of the
nation. ~~Respectability, nationalism and liberalism were the bourgeois strata's three
greatest bequests to the nineteenth century... Respectability...had at least the dual purpose
of defining the bourgeoisie (and defining it as better than other classes) and of protecting
the status quo from demographic and hence political revolution. ,.60 It is primarily to the
respectable bourgeoisie we now turn to inspect the dynamics of Third Republic family
life.
Regeneration
With the birth rate falling and the military in shambles, France needed to regroup
after the tragedies of 1870-71. The country needed to stimulate positive thoughts in its
population, its economy, and in its morale. It was clear why the military had fallen into
such a weak state, but why and how the birth rate had descended was part of a larger
debate. Those who participated in the discourse included doctors (writing medical
treatises), church officials, government ministers, and feminists. 61 Every pundit seemed
to suggest a cause. Henri Thulie, director of Paris' Ecole Anthropologique, focused on
150Hull 248-249.
61 For discussions on the need to regenerate based on concerns over the falling birth rate, see Paul Leroy Beaulieu., La
Question de la Population (paris: Librarie F~lix Alean. 1913) and Jacques Bertillon. For contemporary analysis on
trends, causes, and perceived problems concerning the French birth rate at thefin-de-siicle, see John R. Gillis, Louise
A Tilly, and David Levine, editors, Tire European Experience a/Declining Fertility. 1850-1970 (Cambridge, MA:
Blackwell Publishers, (992). See also Clark, SOCIal Darwinism in France.
51
high rates of infant mortality as a force that would result in a negative population growth.
Charles Richet, a Paris Faculty of Medicine professor, attacked those using birth
control.62 Ultimately, in his eyes, women taking control of their own lives were causing
the declining birth rate. 63 Feminist activists, namely Maria Deraismes, blamed child
mortality and women's declining productivity on the lack of legal rights and on the
stagnant moral dilemmas she perceived women and children faced in tum-of-the-century
France. Some of those who agreed with Deraismes tried to change the lives of women
and their children by lobbying for financial and social support. Socialist feminist Leonie
Rouzade argued that state subsidies should be given to women as their roles as mothers
were central to women's social function. 64 Anarchists, some under the neo-Malthusian
banner, claimed "since women were only producing cannon fodder for the armies of the
state, they should be given the wherewithal to refuse.'.6S No matter who was blaming or
being blamed, one concept became key--having children was the first step toward serving
France. Parents' patriotic duties were now enlarged to encompass how one rearedd
children. Raising them in a morally and physically clean and healthy environment
became the subject of direct propaganda.
61 Jack D. Ellis, The Physician-Legislators ofFrance: Medicine and Politics in the Early Third Republic, 1870-/914
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990). This text treats the elevation of doctors to lawmakers, bolstered by
public respect for physicians' knowledge and advice on hygiene and germs. See also Theodore Zeldin's chapter,
"Doctors," France, /848-/945, vol. I, (London: Oxford University Press, 1973): 23-42 and Jacques Donzelot's
chapter, "The Priest and the Doctor," pages 171187.
63 Karen Offen, "Depopulation, Nationalism, and Feminism," American Historical Review (1983): 6523.
64 Offen 656-S8. Susan Groag Bell and Karen M. OtTen discuss "the woman question" in France in Women, the
Family, and Freedom, vol. 2, 1880-1850 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983). See also Angus Mclaren,
Sexuality and Social Order: The Debate over the Fertility of Women and Workers in France, 1770-1920 (New York:
Holmes and Meier, 1983).
6S Offen 652. "In the aftcnnath of the Franw-Prussian Wac...some physicians denounced French women as socially,
and even patriotically, irresponsible for neglecting their infants and for avoiding pregnancy."
S2
Patrie
Jeunes gens, eleves dans Ie respect de la religion et de la patrie, soyez les
boucliers vivants du patriotisme et de la foi! C'est un vous regardent que
l'onjugera rune et l'autre. Jouissez donc de cet honneurs supreme et
garder avec fidelite vous etes depositaires. Deja la France se ressaisit, deja
son oreille attentive ecoute les voix qui lui rapellent ses grandeurs passees,
"Elle a faim et soif d'honnetete, de justice et de liberte; aidez-la a
reprendre sa place historique a degager sa tete du joug et a redevenir la
plus fiere, la plus genereuse, la plus chretienne des nations. Vos S<Eurs
aideront dans cette ceuvre de regeneration patriotique et religieuse, elles
savant si bien allumer, entretenir Ie feu sacre... Si j' etais homme, je ne
craindrais rien, je mourrais avant ene, en la defendant. Mon amour pour
ma patrie passe par dessus toutes ses fautes. 66
Appeals made to young people to sacrifice themselves for their country in the
roles of soldiers and parents ranged widely in sentiment and tone. This editorial, from the
children's Catholic and patriotic journal, Vail/ante Jeunesse, energetically recruited
children for the French cause while carefully defining roles. Third Republic schoolbooks
actively persuaded through word and image. Some of the most widely used and
nationalistic of these were numerous books written by G. Bruno67 (each was reprinted
numerous times). In Bruno's primer for children ages eleven to thirteen, the functions
and duties of women were explicitly outlined: a woman's life was to be centered entirely
around the household, where her role was to influence children, especially sons, to
become exemplary adults. 68 In an 1874 article from Le Magasin Pittoresque, a father
states what he and his country expect from his children in their allegiances and behavior:
J'ignore queUe fortune vous aurez unjour. Plus ou moins reduite, sachez
tout regler sur ce qu'eUe sera. TravaiUez, travaillez toujours! enfin soyez
66 Y. d'(sne, "Bonne Annee!" Vaillanle Jell1U!sse I (January S (906): 2-3. Madame d'(sne wrote the opening editorial
for each issue of the patriotic children's journal, Vaillanle Jeunesse. Her enthusiastic, rousing literary sennonettes
usually linked God, the Virgin. and patriotism appropriate to each gender in the service of the Catholic church, rather
than the Republic.
67 G. Bruno was the pseudonym of Madame Fouill~ according to Clark. Her husband. Alfred J. E. Fouill~ was the
philosopher of Solidarisme.
61 Offen 666.
S3
des hommes, des hommes libres; et si Ie destin vous conduit a gouverner
vos semblables, restez simples au pouvoir, jamais obsequieux pour ceux
qui sont au-dessus de vous, toujours bienveillants pour les autres; et si la
Providence vous a choisis pour rendre quelques services a votre pays,
remerciez-la humblement de vous avoir pris pour instrument de ses
desseins, mais n'en tirez aucune pensee d'orgueil. Les vaniteux, les
courtisans, sont les plus dangereux ennemis de notre chere patrie. 69
The loss of Alsace-Lorraine inspired image-makers to reinforce patriotism:
children became special subjects. In poems, stories, and images, children are easily
influenced to see the value of self-sacrifice. One such boy appears in Bertall' s 1872
illustration for Henri Jousselin's poem, La Liberation du le"iloire (Fig. 2.3).70
Dedicated to the vice-president of the Committee for National Subscription, a young boy
witnesses his mother giving money from her charity work to the effort to pay to the
Prussian debt while ridding this from France. At home the father explains to his son,
"Toute autre doit etre eifaceeJ La femme donne ses bijouxJ L'ouvrier son salaire." After
hearing of the importance of the cause and the sacrifices made by others, the young boy
empties the few sous he has from a small box and says, "Et moi, papa, je veux que tu
reprenneslCes beaux louis re~us pour mes etrennes.l Nous forcerons G'en serai bien
heureux)ffous les Prussiens de retourner chex eux."
It was important for the survival of the Republic that children in the occupied
region remember their French roots. In a hand-colored postcard from the 1870s, Ecole
jranfaise en Alsace (Fig. 2.4), the French tricolor waves outside the window. Girls in the
staged classroom wear the hat of the Revolution and they and their boy colleagues are
happy in a state-supported school. Intense nationalism is reiterated through the French
69 M. de Chasscloup-Labat. "Dcmiers conscils d'uo perc a scs enfants," I.e Magasin Piltoresque 42 (October 1874):
343.
70 Published in I.e Monde [Ilustre 30:1 (April 6 1872): 224.
S4
map on the wall, the words "Paris" and the beginning of the name "Anvers". The teacher
is dressed as the typical republican instituteur was, complete with a blue coat and medal.
Most importantly, the message taught is written on the chalkboard-''Nous sommes
Fran~s." Depicted on a postcard, the message travels around France. Children were
expected to learn that they should give what little they had for their country (and continue
to expect to do so as they aged).
One of the most important areas of discussion within public discourse on patriotic
issues was the theme of future soldiering. The Union Patriotique de France published a
journal by the same name; it serves as an important forum for determining what
republican officials expected of its young citizens. Prescriptions for children's actions are
clear in an 1888 article, "Soldats pour demain.,,71 The subject of bataillons seo/aires, not
surprisingly, was a popular topic in this society's journal.
Societes de tir, societes de gymnastique, societes de topographie,

bataillons d'enfants, bataillons d'adolescents, tout ce qui a pour but de
preparer les citoyens de France aux eventuel cachees dans l'avenir, tout ce
qui peut avoir pour resultat de durcir les muscles et d'affermir les ames,
tout ce qui peut contribuer a familiariser les esprits avec la pensee des
inprescriptibles devoirs patriotiques, veut, selon nous etre encourage,
applaudi, glorifie...On dit: ces enfants, vous Ie prenez trop jeunes; c'est
trop tot; ils ne comprennent pas. Que si, les comprennent! Regardez leur
fierte sous les annes! Est-ce la seule gloriole naive du hebe jouant un
soldat? Non, c' est deja une noble, une saint emulation...Ne touchez pas au
bataillons scolaires. Laissez-les se developper, progresser, grandir, et
battez des mains a leur passage. Us sont la promesse, ils sont l'espoir.
Many children's books promoted soldierly ambitions through words, and especially
through attractive, colorful pictures.
71 "Soldats pour Demain," L 'Union Palriotique de France (Dcc:ember 1888): I.
ss
The patriotic family as moral force was discussed in many journals, including La
Gazette des Families:
La Famille est la base de toute societe car une nation, si grande qu'elle
soit, n'est qu'un compose de families. Quand l'union regne parmi celles-
ci, la paix est dans la rue et la prospente dans I' etat. ..Depuis cent ans,
bientot, si notre pays a perdu sa force morale, c'est que la famille n'a plus
la sienne; la societe est desunie, decbiree, parce que les membres qui la
composent, ne s'entendent plus, parce qu'enfin l'esprit de famille est
detruit; pour moi, voila Ie mal supreme de notre epoque, et c'estje crois,
faire acte de bon citoyen que d'en combattre les effets de toutes ses forces,
et par tous les moyens dont on dispose. 72
Catholic journals such as La Gazette played heavily upon patriotism as visualized through
a pious, morally healthy family. While most journals used words and images to depict
virile males and passive, domestic females, the Catholic journals utilized gender
stereotypes. With articles on the French flag, tips for housewives, and the canonization of
Joan of Arc, 73 many French people were exposed to journals that promoted the
regenerated family as not only the will of the individual and the state, but also as the will
of God. 74
12 Sophronyme Loudier, "La Famille," La Gazette des Families I (March IS 1874): I. Loudier and Julie Fertiault were
among several women who wrote for La Gazette, oriented toward the Catholic church. Like Vaillante Jellnesse, this
journal contained articles that almost exclusively subscribed to a philosophy built upon a juxtaposition of religion and
a conservative patriotism. Monseigneur Doupanloup was promoted in this journal as a major contemporary French
hero. La Gazette supported and promoted his effons to rescue parochial education as it was threatened by
secuJarization that became a reality in the 1880s.
73 The impaaofthe canonization of Joan of Arc in children's (as well as adults') visual culture during the 1890s and
the beginning of the 1900s has not been fully studied. This subject will be treated as an in-depth study of
iconographical impact in relation to patriotism and self-SKrfice in the Boutet de Monvel chapter. See also Nora Mary
Heimann, Joan ofArc (Unpublished dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1993).
74 This highly eclectic, but clearly didactic ideological program was followed in La Gazette des Families during the
first half of the 1870s. After 187S the editorial philosopby seems to have changed to be oriented less toward women
and religion and more toward men, science, and current events. See Donzelot's chapter, "Government Through
Family," 48-9S for a clearer picture of means of republican control over the family ideal.
56
Hygiene
In Boutet de Monvel's 1898 advertisement for "Dr. Pierre's Toothpaste," (Fig.
2.5) in the journal Revue de I 'Art Ancien et Moderne,75 the artist selected a child as a both
a symbol and target. Neatly dressed, standing in front of a wash basin, the girl holds a
toothbrush and dentifrice. Boutet has depicted a popular ''type''-the innocent girl,
angelic and blonde. She is dainty and symmetrical, drawn in clean lines, typical of
Boutet's style. The advertisement reflects Pasteur's mid-1890s groundbreaIdng work on
microbes and the subsequent quest for increased personal hygiene. In contrast to the
sleek, middle-class girl in the toothpaste poster are peasants from another popular culture
image, "A Health Epidemic" (Une Epidimie de sante,), a series of caricatures by Uonce
Petit (Fig. 2.6).76 Satirizing or noting concern for the health in the provinces, the 1874
caricature raised timely issues even though it was published over twenty years before the
Boutet illustration. Physical health, breastfeeding, and alcoholism are the themes evoked.
Fathers in the communes, states the caption, are oak-solid. Visually, however, he is
compared to a pig. Petit jokes that housewives often breastfeed two children at once-a
wry remark probably regarding wet nursing. Like the adults, the children (second from
the right) have stocky builds and coarse features and dispositions. The elderly drink cider
''that is better than ever before," alluding not to the importance of the quality of the cider,
but to the common instance of alcoholism among members of this group. This was one
in a series of drawings that reiterated the concern that France's rural ''folk'' remain well-
fed and that children be well-raised, while simultaneously depicting exaggerations and
75 Reproduced in Revue de I 'Art ancien et motkrne 3 (January 1898): D.p.

76 Reproduced in Journal Amusant, Dumber 936 (August 1874): 3.
57
aberrations that differ from the captioned words. n The earthy humor and the issues
addressed remain different from the visual and theoretical sophistication of the dentifrice
advertisement. This could be for several reasons: each image was meant to serve a
different purpose and to reach a different audience; the bases of concerns for rural and
urban hygiene were different; and the sophistication of the worldly Boutet of the 1890s
and the robust humor of Petit in the 1870s were each part of the print culture of their day.
Articles in journals on hygiene ranged from specific treatises on combating
"microbes" to more general recommendations for healthy living habits. The latter is
exemplified in "Hygiene, comment on doit lire et ecrire," from an 1885 edition of Le
Magasin Pittoresque. 78 The author, Dr. Dechambre, discusses reading-not the beauty of
calligraphy or other aesthetic qualities of the process, but ''rappeler les conditions
materielles dans lesquelles il importe de se placer pour lire ou pour ecrire sans nuire a la
vue.,,79 The doctor recommends various types of lamps, the distance one should sit from
the page, and the angle for holding the book. The physical qualities of the learning
environments were particularly significant for the developing child-reader. 8o
Concerns for health in the public and private spheres grew in number and
intensity. "The sanitary law" was passed in February of 1902 by the Consul d'Etat, with
the advice of the Academie de Medicine. 8t The law included three points: the
healthfulness of public places, of homes, and the prevention of contagious diseases.
n Petit develops peasant "types" that appear through the cartoon series-particularly the housewife and the standing
toung children.
Dr. A Dcchambre, "Hygiene. comment on doit lire et Ccrire," I.e Magasin Pilloresque S3 (August ISSS): 24S-S. Dr.
Dcchambre was a member of the French National Academy of Medicine.
79 Dcchambre 24S.
10 Dcchambre 246.
II Paul de Lacroix, "Chronique scicntifique: La Loi Sanitaire," I.e Magasin Pinoresque 71 (February 1903): ii-iii.
58
Cleanliness strategies in the home became the focus of a conference held at the 1900
Exposition Universelle. A congress of architects met to discuss building apartments and
other living spaces according to hygiene-based logic. The world's fair edition of
L 'Rlustralion82 admits that dining rooms and salons had been the subject of hygienic
concerns, but now bedrooms, especially nurseries, were under scrutiny. Many discussed
the means of designing rooms to be more healthful by admitting greater amounts of air
and light. Nurseries were not to be on the north side of buildings, the commission
determined after consulting with doctors at the conference.
The most influential issue in the consideration of daily hygiene remained the
"fear" of microbes. With Pasteur's widely-publicized identification of the microbe in
1893, positivist-based regeneration society had a real enemy to combat. With fewer
military problems, the nation united to fight against enemies in the form of micro-
organisms. It was appropriate to fight germs harboring meningitis, tuberculosis,
diphtheria, typhoid, and cholera as one would fight an armed conflict. Microbes were at
the heart of disease in the public consciousness. IDustrations, books, articles, and other
forums provided information and outright scare tactics in combating germs. Milk,
connected with the heroic doctor's development of pasteurization, became one of the
primary sources of fear connected with microbes. Any microbial activity interfering with
the conception, survival, and raising ofheaIthy children led to France's fear of its own
demographic survival. 8J The way in which microbe-themed images and literature
developed indicates the importance of the idea to French society and to this study. The
Anonymous, L'lIIustration liS (April 19(0): 238.

12
For a discussion on pre-packaged foods and cleanliness. see Lori Anne Loeb, Consuming Angels (New York: Oxford
13
S9
history of the awareness of germs is treated by Dr. Galtier-Boissiere in his 1898 article,
"Microbes d' autrefois et de demain.,,84 Images of microscopic organisms causing disease
accompanied the doctor's text.
"Le dogme microbien regne et gouveme," claimed Mi.khael Suni in "La Question
du microbe" in La Nouvelle Revue. 8s Suni explained serum therapie and sarcastically
hailed it as a "supreme panacea" Writing for this radicaljoumal, Suni criticized the
central ministries' recommendations for inoculation as "infallible.,,86 " ...(O)fficiels, qui
viendront conferer au neophyte, au nom du Dieu-Etat et suivant les rites administratifs,
les immunites reglementaires.,,87 In his argument, Suni claimed there are problems with
micro bien theories. These did not provide for the complications of viruses nor the
variables of climate, age, physical strength and other factors in the victim. Suni did not
deny the existence of microorganisms, but he was convinced that they were causing
everything.88 He was convinced that the government's treatment of serum as a remede
obligatoire. 89 Suni was not the only author to indicate that microbes were not the answer
to all health problems. He was one of several who warned that the phenomenon was
nearly out of hand. Several articles provided cautions to abandonment of reason in favor
of fighting microbes. In "La Peur des microbes" it was recognized as a phenomenon and
even a phobia.90 Contemporaries of early Third Republic microbe-fighters recognized
excess within this national pre-occupation.
14 Dr. Galtier-Boissiere. "Microbes d'auttefois et de demain," I.e Magasin Pittoresque 66 (May 1898) 146-48 and May
IS, pages 163-6S.
15 Mikhatl Suni, "La Question du microbe," La Nouvelle Revue 12 (190 I): SS I.
16 Suni SS2.
17 Suni SS3.
u Suni SS9-60.
19 Suni S6l.
90 See Man:elle Tinaybe, "La Peur des microbes," L'lIIustration 121 (May 23 1903): 343 and Dr. Lucas-
Cbamponniere. "La Peur des microbes," Le Montie I/Iustli 109 (September 1911): 192-93.
60
history of the awareness of germs is treated by Dr. Galtier-80issiere in his 1898 article,
"Microbes d' autrefois et de demain.,,84 Images of microscopic organisms causing disease
accompanied the doctor's text.
"Le dogme microbien regne et gouveme," claimed Mikhael Suni in "La Question
du microbe" in La Nouvelle Revue. 8s Suni explained serum therapie and sarcastically
hailed it as a "supreme panacea" Writing for this radicaljoumal, Suni criticized the
central ministries' recommendations for inoculation as "infallible.,,86 " ...(O)fficiels, qui
viendront conferer au neophyte, au nom du Dieu-Etat et suivant les rites administratifs,
les immunites reglementaires.,,87 In his argument, Suni claimed there are problems with
microbien theories. These did not provide for the complications of viruses nor the
variables of climate, age, physical strength and other factors in the victim. Suni did not
deny the existence of microorganisms, but he was convinced that they were causing
everything.88 He was convinced that the government's treatment of serum as a remede
obligatoire. 89 Suni was not the only author to indicate that microbes were not the answer
to all health problems. He was one of several who warned that the phenomenon was
nearly out of hand. Several articles provided cautions to abandonment of reason in favor
of fighting microbes. In "La Peur des microbes" it was recognized as a phenomenon and
even a phobia. 90 Contemporaries of early Third Republic microbe-fighters recognized
excess within this national pre-occupation.
14 Dr. Galtier-Boissicre. "Microbes d'autrefois et de demain," I.e Magasin Pittoresque 66 (May 1898) 146-48 and May
IS, pages 163-6S.
15 Mikhael Suni, "La Question du microbe," La Nouvelle Revue 12 (1901): SSt.
16 Suni SS2.
17 Suni SS3.
II Suni SS9-60.
19 Suni S61.
90 See Marcelle Tinaybe, "La Peur des microbes," L 'Illustration 121 (May 23 1903): 343 and Dr. Lucas-
Champonniere, "La Peur des microbes," Le Montk JIIusrre 109 (September 1911): 192-93.
60
Caveats given by those in fear of the microbe fight, however, did little to quell the
national fixation with killing micro-organisms. The concern for cleanliness in all aspects
of life is indicated by the recommendations of articles, such as "Les fruits devant
l'hygiene.,,91 Dr. Felix Regnault mentioned ''theories microbiennes," claiming fruit was
essentially antiseptic on the inside. The bacilli such as that causing cholera were found
on the outside, and Regnault wanted to warn parents and citizens. He extensively listed
the benefits of eating fruit for one's health, but in this early piece, he only hinted at the
mania that would result in more vehement pleas for cleaning fruit, as well as other
substances (both those ingested and not) after Pasteur's discoveries. One of the most
important cleanliness concerns for the safety and survival of France's citizens was the
cleanliness of water. In addition to fear of contracting cholera and other deadly diseases
spread in this way, there was fear of lead poisoning.92 From the early 1870s hygienic
concerns shifted from basic ones about water to intricate currents of hygiene-related fears
and practices in the 1890s.93
Cleanliness and Children
Hygiene became a cultural obsession. It was only natural that systematic teaching
91 F~lix Regnault. "Lcs fruits devant hygi~ne," Le Magasin Pittoresque 61 (August 1893): 258-9.
92 Jean L'Ennite, "Hygiene publique," L 'Illustration 56 (July 1870): 18
9J The cleanliness of hair and habits of hairdressers are the subjects of Dr. Felix Regnault's, "Hygiene et Coiffeurs," I.e
Magasin Piltoresque 62 (March 1894): 103. "Mal~ les recents progres de I'hygiene qui reposent aujourd'hui sur une
base scientifique la badCriologie, les maladies contagieuses de la chevelun: ont beaucoup augmentC en ces demiercs
annecs. On se plaint surtout de I'extension de la pelade; les cheveux tombent par places, et au bout d'un temps
variable repoussent fins et blanes. Or, on la emit parasitaire, bien qu'on n'en connaise point encore Ie parasite, car elle
est ccrtainement contagieusc."
61
would be developed for regeneration-era public schools.94 This public often was aimed
directly at children or in adult literature, had the welfare of children at heart.
(1)he novelist Daniel Lesueur argued that for feminists grace and
goodness were duties; other staff writers not only lauded the founding of
cooking schools (where women could be taught the principles of nutrition
and hygiene that would contribute to a better pot-au-feu) but propounded
the establishment of creches in all quartiers and cooperative kitchens as
well. Such reforms might ameliorate the condition of women in their
prescribed domestic sphere; they did not strongly challenge the sexual
division of labor or male supremacy in the family but sought to subvert it
fromW!thin.95
Dr. Regnault's 1893 article "Les Jardins publics et l'hygiene des enfants," outlines
the dangers of being outdoors and taking one's children to the park--a favorite Parisian
leisure activity.
Le public croit generalement qu'on ne saurait mieux faire pour promener

les enfants que de les conduire dans un square. On ne se preoccupe de
rien, sinon de se renseigner si Ie temps restera beau, et on s'asseoit sur un
banc, laissant Ie bebe jouer a sa fantaisie. Une teUe pratique, qui parait a
presque tout Ie monde tres naturelle, est pourtant detestable au point de
vue hygienique...Ce n'est pas seulement Ie contact de milliers de
personnes et d'enfant qu'it faut craindre pour lui, mais justement cette
poussiere remplie de germes et qui peut devenir la cause de maladies. Un
fenfant gueri du croup fut ainsi, un dimanche, promene par ses parents, a
la sixieme semaine de sa concalescence, malgre ma defense formelle. II
revint avec des fiissons et, quarante-huit heures apres, il etait mort de
broncho-pneumonie. Combien d'angines, de fluxions de poitrine et de
fievres eruptives ne reconnaissent d'autre cause que ces promenades
inconsiderees.96
94 Offen 661. This included Dr. Pinard's campaign for obligatory infant care training-puericulture. The teaching of
this science and of cleanliness practices taught in schools are detailed in Linda L. Clark, Schooling the Daughters of
Marianne.
95 Offen 667.
96 Felix Regnault, "Les Jardins publics et I'hygiene des enfants," I.e Magasin Pillore.sque 61 (August 1893): 242
62
Regnault later states that taking a child for a walk in the Park will always be a healthful
activity, but children are jeopardized by cigarette butts with macuies of saliva, as well as
by the hazards of waste left by dogs and other animalS. 97
The home became the focus of parental hygienic precautions, one of which is
exemplified in Maxime Faivre's 1892 painting, Le Lever de bebe (Fig. 2.7).98 An elegant
mother and her happy child are warmly lit by a fireplace in an elegant nursery (the
bassinet is seen in the background). The mother warms a white cloth with the heat from
the fire for her half-naked child. Water is nowhere to be seen and yet the title and the
woman's action indicate that this is part of bathing. This curious action is illuminated
when one compares a sketch for an uncompleted poster project by Steinlen for Silberman
fireplaces (Fig. 2.8). Steinlen's sketchy lettering states that the fireplaces are hygienic--
they "clean the air." Exposing oneself and especially one's children to fireside air was
thought to be a cleansing practice in the 1890s. The mother in the Faivre picture, a
middle-class woman is concerned enough to be cleansing the child herself when she is
obviously wealthy enough to have a servant do it. She purifies the washing cloth or
diaper by holding it close to the fire. Heat and fire, therefore, were seen as cleansing
elements in the home environments--there seems to be no concern for the smoke and
ashes that certainly would have been present in the air.
There were numerous articles and illustrations indicating great concern for public
entities providing care for sick children. Such concern for the welfare and survival of
children who had no families or whose families were not wealthy enough to send them to
97 Regnault 243.
91 Reproduced in Le Montie [/lustre 70 (February 1892): 89.
63
private hospitals-underscored that survival of the "French" extended to all classes. The
"incurables" Hospital at Ivry, a working class area in the southeast of Paris, was the
subject of a lavishly illustrated series of articles in Le Monde Olustre in 1899.99 This
2,000 bed hospital, funded by the fifth arrondissement's Municipal Council, was
established to care for the old and the poor. Care at Ivry centered around adults, but there
are several photographs indicating care provided for children who were blin~ paralyzed,
deaf, mute, retarded, and amputees. This "ceuvre de regeneration"IOO also provided a
form of occupational therapy. As illustrated in the photographs (Fig. 2.9), adolescent
males who were able ran the press as apprentices would. The hospital's teacher also
believed it was important for the children to learn music, and the children, many of whom
hold their instruments and crutches, are seen in the photograph. Scenes of the children
outdoors are reminiscent of photographs of physical education in regular public schools.
Interest in children's health education warranted an article in one of France's most
popular illustrated journals. The modem approach to educate and train the children, even
though many of them were never expected to leave the institution, signifies that they were
important enough as individuals to be cared for physically and intellectually.
Institutions saving babies received some of the greatest public attention and
support. The "Maternity Hospital" attempted to care for sick or premature babies. In an
1884 image by Claverie (Fig. 2.10), methods used to try to save the lives of babies who
were born before term are illustrated. Incubation was the primary concern in this ward
and an accompanying short article explains that the apparatuses shown were of a recently
99 Dr. A Richaud, "L'H6pitai d'Ivry," u Morrde {Ilustre 8S (ScplCmbcr 1899): 266-69.

100 Ibid., 268
64
improved model. The infants were put on the top level of the box and beneath vats held
hot water. A small hole between the two levels allowed hot air to circulate in the section
where the babies were placed (they were covered with a glass lid). The hospital
employees were responsible for maintaining a thirty-two degree centigrade temperature
inside the couveuses. The article predicted that "intelligent and attentive mothers" would
soon be using such devices in their own homes to keep their babies healthy. 101 This
technology marked intense efforts to save children, already being carried out by 1884,
indicates how important it was to try to save France's infants.
Of course Pasteur's discoveries involving microbes had an immeasurable impact
on health care, particularly for children, but the vaccines developed by Pasteur and others
were another important preoccupation with raising the birthrate by keeping more children
alive and well. In aLe Magasin Pittoresque article from 1882, "Le Charbon: les
vaccinations; resultats des experiences,,,102 the item describes, in heroic terms, Pasteur's
discovery of the serum that would prevent the virus that caused sheep-afflicting charbonic
fever. This early article recognized Pasteur's work in combating isolated microbes.
Admiration and heroicization of those involved with vaccines continued in
images, particularly of the late 1880s and 1890s. Paintings depict vaccination scenes, for
example, Pascale-Adolphe-Jean Dagnan-Bouveret's 1889 work La Vaccination (Fig.
2.11).103 Shown at the 1889 World's Fair, the painting depicts a kindly old doctor
administering shots to babies held by their mothers, who are dressed in the head
101 Reprouced in I.e MonJe lIIusue S4 (March 1884): 148-S0.

102 Anonymous, "Le Charbon: les vaccinations; resultats des experiences." I.e Magasin Pilloresque SO (July (882):
210-11.
103 Reproduced in I.e MonJe lIIusue-Figaro E:xposilion 6S (1889): 6.
65
coverings and skirts of women in the Franche-Comte region of France. In addition, an
older daughter stands waiting, holding her shirt around her so that her shoulders are bare
like those of the infants, so she may receive an injection. In vaccination pictures it was
very common for the working class to be shown receiving free or low-cost medical
attention. Even more common, it seems, is the glorification of those administering,
developing, or paying for the serums. In Scalbert's 1890 work, La Vaccination gratuite a
Paris, mairie du Pantheon (Fig. 2.12)104 a variety of classes of women bring their
children in for shots. Two middle to upper-middle class women are closest to the
physician administering the free inoculations. A woman who is a nursemaid and two
women in the back who appear to be working class women, also hold babies, waiting for
their tum. The mother who is last in the line in the picture is breastfeeding her child.
Outdoors, other mothers hold their children, possibly waiting for their tum to enter the
building. A man in an apron administers a vaccination to a bull in front of the doorway.
The entire composition is centered around the doctor who is vaccinating the baby. He is
slightly backlit and the shape of his head, and presumably his expertise and intelligence,
are emphasized. An anxious-looking man stands before him, consulting him with
information from a small booklet. As in most vaccination images from the early Third
Republic, the administering doctor appears as both a sage and savior.
The manufacture and dispensation of the diphtheria vaccine are among other
subjects of the numerous vaccination pictures found in journals, particularly in the 1890s.
Engravings after photographs, such as George Redon's Le Vaccin de la diphterie: Culture
du 'Serum' and Le Vaccin de la diphterie: L 'inoculation (Figs. 2.13 and 2. 14--both from
104 Reproduced in L'IlIustration 95 (May 1890).
66
an 1894 page in L 'Rlustration)los demonstrated interest in and exaltation of those who
developed and administered the vaccinations for such maladies as diphtheria. In the
Culture image a man who presumably is a doctor, examines a flask placed on a shelf that
contains the serum. The spartan quality of his laboratory is similar to that in the second
illustration in which the serum is injected into the posterior of a small boy. A doctor and
two nurses administer the injection on a table which appears to be in a hospital-there is
also a small bed, a sink, and another examining table in the room. Many images were
reproduced in journals or hung in public places as monuments to health care and
individuals within the field. Paintings showing the importance and progress in the realm
of vaccinations were plentiful and beloved in both popular journal images and Naturalist-
influenced paintings at the tum-of-the-century.
Another major health care and hygiene concern revolved around the quality of
milk, primarily that of cows for human consumption. 106 The "question du lait,,107
weighed heavily on the minds of the public and the press, as found in journal articles,
books, and images. Issues of concern included: whether or not cow's milk could be
substituted for human milk in the feeding of babies; how milk could properly be stored
without sophisticated refrigeration; how diseases such as cholera and tuberculosis were
spread through milk consumption; and the sanitization of milk containers for the storage
and dispensing to babies. At the Hopital des Enfants-Assistes, Dr. Gaston Variot
distributed thousands of bottles of sterilized milk and medication to patients. lOS His
105 Reproduced in L'lIlustration 109 (October (894): 313.

106 For some early general concerns. see"Le Lait de Paris," L 'Illustration 81 (January (883) 47.
107 Sec Dr. Dhomont, "Le Lait dans I'alimentation dcsjeuncs enfants." Le Magasin Piltoresque 70 (July 1902): iv-v.
101 Musee de I' Assistance Publique, Les Enfonts et la Puiriculture: Le Programme de Dr. Gaston Variot (paris, 1988).
67
activities were connected with a society concerned expressly with the health issues linked
to milk, "L'<Euvre sociale du bon lait," founded by Ambroise Rendu. 109
With so much concern for hygiene, it was natural that there was interest in
providing clean facilities within the republican school system. The public school
program of Jules Ferry, begun in 1880-81, saw that by January of 1882, a "Commission
d'Hygiene des Ecoles" was established. The group, under the direction of Ferry was
headed by Paul Bert. In a republican newspaper, "Les Oroits de la Jeunesse," the group's
structure was outlined. It was divided into five subcommissions, which supervised the
following divisions of school hygiene: the establishment of local schools and hygiene of
boarding schools; classroom furniture; the cleanly appearance of classrooms; the study of
hygiene within the schools, intellectual and physical education; and the education of
nursery-school-aged children. 110 Publications written by doctors also contained
prescriptions for hygienic schools. A journal that focused solely on such concerns was
L 'Education Moderne: Hygiene sco/aire. Each article in the publication was about
physical and mental health issues relating to teachers and students. These included
general articles on cleanliness and the spread of germs. An exceptional article reveals
exactly how much thought editors put into the ''threat'' of the spread of germs within the
school environment. In Albert Maire's "Hygiene du livre dans les bibliotheques et dans
les ecoles," teachers and school officials are warned that books, used by more than one
person, could become a source of disease and filth. Teachers and librarians are asked to
encourage students to touch only the top comers of the book pages when turning them, to
109 Variot's hospital distributed 133,147 bottles of milk and 8,541 dispensations of medicine in 1910 alone. Sec
Magdalen, "L'(Euvn: sociale du bon lait," I.e Monde [Ilustre 109 (December 1911): 424.
110 "Commission d'Hygiene des Ecolcs," Les Droils de la JeIlMSse 1 (October 1882): 2.
68
wash their hands immediately before reading, to avoid allowing sick people to use the
books, to encourage students not to get saliva on the pages (for example, licking fingers
before turning pages), and to put all books in the sun once a year so some of the germs
might be eliminated. III Other articles warned of diseases that could be spread among
students. In a regular column in La Jeune Revue Scientifique et Litteraire, Journal de
vulgarisation et d'education, "Hygiene Scolaire," diseases such as tonsillitis, croup, and
diphtheria were seen to be particularly likely to attack numerous schoolchildren
concentrated in single spaces. 112 The extreme awareness of life-saving and Iife-
enhancing practices and issues relating to health included more than just the preservation
of one's family or one's self. When advice was given in such forums as republican
education journals, good health became an act of patriotism. The desire to make homes,
schools, and public places aware of hygienic beliefs and discoveries were linked to larger
ideologies in the regeneration of France.
The State of the Family
The malaise that infiltrated French public life in the early 1870s was equally
present in early Third Republic private life. Considerable effort had to be channeled into
improving the institution of the family for the nation's survival. Just as noticeable as this
phenomenon was the possible success of these efforts--by the 1880s images from both
high and popular culture indicated there was an upswing in morale and a consensus on
III Albert Maire, "Hygiene du livre dans les bibliotheques et dans les ecoles,.. L 'Education Moderne, Hygiene
Seo/aire" I (January 1906): 7 and IS.
112 Dr. G. Van Gelder, "Hygiene Scolaire: L 'angine et Ie croup," La Jeune Revue SeienJijique elliniraire, Journa/ de
vu/garisation el d'iducalion 1:22 (September 1882): 347-49. Dr. Van Gelder warns about the child's VUlnerability to
epidemics in schools and describes innoculations for these infirmities that were on the horizon at the time.
69
what the operations and goals of the family should be (among middle-class families in
particular). This section will examine the changing perception of what the family was
expected to be, the general ideas given to families through propaganda, and the general
characteristics of family life during this era.
There is no question that the family as the core of society and the producer of
children was a center of discourse and action in the late nineteenth century. Children
came to be seen as necessary elements of a fulfilling life. This opinion is reflected in the
era's images and literature. Victor Hugo (an old, deeply-respected national hero by
1870)113 wrote L 'Art d'elre grand-pere in 1875. This essay, written at a time when
family and national stability was in such doubt, indicates his involvement in national
family politics. A remarkable etching from the March 5, 1881 cover of L 'lllUSlration
features the author being honored by a group of children as their parents look on. At La
Fete de Victor Hugo (Fig. 2.15), by P. Semeghin, the well-dressed "Children's
Delegation" gathers around the writer, dancing and bringing offerings of flowers. Hugo
seems touched by the children's enthusiastic presence. In actual illustrations from
Hugo's grandfather treatise (Fig. 2.16) the author adoringly and attentively sits in front of
an infant's bed. Reproduced in L 'Art d'elre grand-pere and in the December 13, 1884
issue of L 'lllustration, these vignettes demonstrate Hugo's delight in children interacting
with him and among themselves. Hugo was always an advocate of children's welfare,
recognizing their individuality early on. He created three-dimensional young characters
early in the nineteenth century (Gavroche in Les Miserables, for example). By the 1880s
113 Victor Hugo, L 'Art d'el1'e grand-pen (paris. IS7S). After Hugo's death the national paternal icon became Louis
Pasteur, whose importance to this study will be discussed at length later in this chapter.
70
the French watched Hugo's every word and deed, and interpreted them as weighty
endorsements of certain values and behaviors. That Hugo chose to commemorate his
grandfather status and that he promoted it as an "art" indicates how crucial family
involvement was to him. Carol Duncan states that in eighteenth century art "good parents
have become happy grandparents, and the fuss they make over their grand children is
thoroughly modem.,,114 It was not until the late nineteenth century, however, that the role
of the grandparent in art became a visible theme. L 'illustration's choice of imagery
featuring Hugo and the children's delegation is important-particularly the editorial
choice of featuring the moment of the children's tribute for the illustration. (It was part of
a longer ceremony involving adults' dedications.) It is clear that mainstream journals
with wide circulations, such as L 'Rlustration, desired to promote the importance of
children in France's future. In this case the journal validated child focus by
supplementing it with Hugo's popularity and credibility.
The joys of being part of a close-knit family were extolled in words and images.
Good children were defined and lauded--poets and authors dedicated pieces to and about
their own children with unprecedented frequency. The literati also began to record
memories of their own childhoods. Ideal prototypes of big sisters and big brothers
developed. It seems as though these roles were important because they were the closest
children could come to fulfilling the most important role of all: that of a parent. There
were countless depictions, descriptions, prescriptions, and odes to parenting in Third
Republic literature and visual culture. Certainly parenting had become a more important
and publicly-discussed occupation than during the era of the Second Empire. Since
114 Carol Duncan. "Happy Mothers and Other New Ideas in French Art. " Art Bulletin 65:4 (December 1973): 579.
71
French parents had not taken Emile as seriously as did their English and other European
counterparts a century earlier, the role of the serious parent and the entity of the ideal,
tightly-knit family came from somewhere else.
Father and Mother Roles
"La Famille (Fig. 2.17) rewe I' esprit aux temps antiques. Elle fait rewe en nous
les principes de cette association humaine, ses devoirs, ses vertus domestiques."lls This
description ofa painting by Moreau de Tours appeared in the January 15, 1898 issue of
the popular Le Magasin Pinoresque. The painting reproduced in the engraving hung in
the "Salle de mariage" in the office of the mayor of the twelfth arrondissement in Paris.
The image is significant for several reasons. Originally exhibited in the 1882 Salon, the
work was purchased by the government for this municipal building. '~La Decoration des
Salles de Mariage est d'une utilite incontestable. C'est Ie symbole des institutions qui
parle aux yeux qui rappelle la vie sous toutes ses formes," reported Desire Louis. I 16 Not
only did the author wish to promote the benefits of marriage, he also was identifying the
importance of decorating these spaces with didactic imagery. The image also shows the
importance of the physical closeness of the family, among all generations. The setting of
the work is also important. The family is meant to represent primitive, instinctual
manifestations of gender roles (Louis states that the grouping is reminiscent of Work and
the Days by the ancient writer Hesiod).117 The young adult male is the virile chief of the
family. The importance of his wife's submission is explained in the text. While
115 Desire Louis, citing fA Famille in Le Magasin Piltoresque 66 (January IS 1898): 2S.
1\6 Louis 24.
1\7 Louis 27.
72
marriages were not formed from love in the past, claimed Louis, love of perpetuating the
family bas and always should drive women's behavior.IIB The father's role is carefully
defined, visually. Despite the hard, masculine physique and demeanor of the father, he is
surprisingly affectionate and sweetly embraces his children. His family is very important
to this antique agrarian hero. It seems that the grandparents' role is to assist and to help
raise the children, who play and smile. The basic responsibilities of men and of women
as parents are illustrated here and the image was placed where it might remind people of
their own unfettered duty (to have a large, healthy family), just as they were beginning
their lives together.
Other writers offered portraits of what the family should be. In an earlier issue of
Le Magasin Pittoresque, March 31 1890,119 P. Janet asks
Qu'est-ce que l'esprit de famille? C'est un melange de crainte affectueuse

pour Ie pere, de tendresse craintive pour la mere, de respect pour tous les
deux, d' admiration pour leurs vertus, de volontaire aveuglement pour leurs
travers, de reconnaissance pour leurs bienfaits, de compassion pour leurs
souffi'ance, de pitie pour leurs sacrifices. 120
The affectionate and benevolent side of marriage being prescribed was to result in
the overall health of the family. In A. Forestier's 1892 painting, La Petite fee (Fig.
2.18),121 a family that truly enjoys each other's company is depicted. Activity centers
around dressing a young girl in a fairy costume (the reason why she is wearing it is not
clear). The important message conveyed is that the family lovingly operates with the
child at its center, even in the most serendipitous activities. The upper-middle class
III Louis 26.

119 P. Janet, "Qu'est-cc que I'esprit de farniller' Le Magasin Pilloresqlle 58 (March 31 1890): 83.
110 Janet 83.
III La Petitefle, I.e FigQl'o [/lustre (1893): n. p.
73
mother seen here is a type-typical of those found countless times in fine arts and popular
visual culture of the era. 122 The father's proximity to his wife and daughters illustrates
the affectionate behavior discussed by Janet. One of his hands rests on his little
daughter's shoulder, and his other on his wife's shoulder. This father represents a type as
well--one that is discussed more often than shown. The middle class male's ideal role
was complex. He was supposed to be genteel but aggressive in the commercial world,
and yet show self-restraint and tenderness in the home. l23 The children, therefore, are
loved and smothered with attention (even from the maid) and live in a well lit, refined
home interior. Certainly this image is a paragon of upper-middle class regenerative
ideals.
It is significant that images of families as ideal, child-centered, harmonious units
were not restricted to those that focused on the middle class. If one considers images in
which the entire family is depicted, during the early Third Republic there were as many
images that represented peasant and worker families--becoming a separate genre with
countless examples. Representations of the middle class family as a unit are not difficult
to find. Among images of bourgeois affection only the mother and child are usually
122 For a description and an outline of the development of the serene mother type in Victorian advertisments. see Locb.
III Here the father is cast as a loving type. This contrasts with roles advocated for fathers earlier in the century. The
father, loving and comfortable in his contact with his family, contradicts family ideals promoted by Catholics since
1837-41. As Michael Driskel describes, artist and theorist Victor Orsel believed that paternal authority should govern
the family. Driskel quotes Orsel "No citizen submissive before paternal power, or exercising it himself: can trouble the
social order, of which this power is the image." Driskel himself says that Orsel was combatting a society malaise he
observed, similar to that which France needed to overcome in the early Third Republic. "The only proper relationship
between parents and children was one offearful respect. the same relationship that should obtain between the social
classes... Mobility, the principle of 'becoming, , as opposed to stasis or 'being, , represented a deadly threat to those
values to which he was committed." Certainly the conservative ideal (voiced by Orsel and others) served the
repopUlation effort by casting the working-class family, working the land their ancestors had, as that which provided
stability within society. New and contradictory, however, is the parents' affectionate devotion and almost worship for
the child. Due to factors such as the need for more children to repopulate France, theftn-de-siecle child's role was one
of a priceless treasure. rather than earlier ideals of parent-child relations as a rigid hierarchy. See Paul Michael Driskel,
Represenling Belief Religion. Art, and Society in Nineteenth-Centruy France (University Park, PA: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1992): 119-20.
74
shown. Often the working class family is depicted with a more spiritual tone. Leon
Lhennitte's 1891 La Sommeil de l'enfant (Fig. 2.19)124 represents the reverence the
family has for its children. Lhennitte's work is a true emblem of the virtue of the family
and is in complete concordance with repopulation ideologies. A humble father, mother,
and child are gathered around the crib of an infant. The mother pauses from her sewing
to gaze lovingly at the baby. The father is either about to return to work or has recently
left it in order to view the new child-he carries a scythe over his shoulder. The big sister
is the doting prototype of helper and miniature mother-she lifts a covering at the top of
the bassinet. She has a demeanor that expresses she is revealing something priceless.
Most important in conveying the sacred and joyous nature of having a new baby in the
house is the bassinet's proximity to the window and the light cast on the family. The
baby is lit almost supernaturally, reminiscent of images in which the Christ child
emanates light from the manger. Religious symbolism, therefore, is implied. The faces
of the sister and the mother are flooded with the same intense light. The use of
illumination in the image indicates the artist's desire to make a strong, spiritual impact on
the viewer. Thus the peasant family reveres its young as much as the refined family does
in Le Petite fee (Fig. 2.18). Families of agrarian and seafaring workers are most
commonly presented in the adoring working-class family imagery. There was as much
124 Lhennitte's 1891 entry for the Salon de Charnp-de-Mars was this painting, reproduced in an engraving in Le
Magasin Pilloresqlle S9 (May IS 1891) 14S. "A P.... the author of the accompanying article, describes the family in
this way: "La, pres de la fen!tre, se trouve Ie berccau. OU dort I'enfant nouveau-nco La mere. dont la pcnsCc s'oc:c:upc
du cherubin, Ie surveille du coin de I'a:il. Et Ie perc, avant de quitter la maison, avant d'a1lcr ICgratigncr de sa beehe
c:ctte terre toujours feconde, qU'on apc~ut de la veille... i1 aevoquc c:c qU'on pourrait appclcr I'idylle des champs, et c:c
qui cst, en rCalire. la vic scntimentale, simple et hOMete des c:ultivatcurs. A c:cttc dcrnicre apparticnt Ie tableau en
partie, atravers la croisee ouvcrte, - Ie perc veut dire un dcrnicr adieu au bebe jouftlu. C'cst la petite sa:ur ainec qui
favorise les projcts du chef de la famille. Avec: queUe minutieuse et touchante precaution eUe soulcve Ie voile qui
c:ac:he Ie visage de lenfant!...Ce spectacle dclicieux, Ie pere I'cmporte au fond de son Ame! II semble que c:c soit pour
lui comme une aide mystCrieuse, gnke a laqueUe sa bcsogne quotidicnne lui semblcra plus Icgere!" The infant, in the
author's opinion at least, is a spiritual inspiration for the father in his daily work.
7S
concern (and in some ways more) for the quality of the childrearing and environment in
poorer homes. Images such as this demonstrated that humble families could live in
simple but clean environments and could love and raise their children just as carefully as
well-off, urban families. Mothers and fathers were expected to revere their children
together, in the country and in the city. There were, however, more complexities in what
was expected of mothers and fathers separately.
Motherhood: Joy, Duty, and Virtue
Notre France se depeuple. On n'a plus d'enfants parce qu'on aime trop les
enfants. Paradoxe? non, mais verite indeniable. Regardez autour de vous
et voyez la place que tient I'enfant dans la famille. C'est un dieu, et
I'essence d'un dieu, c'est d'etre seul. La femme, la mere, porte surtout Ie
poids de cette responsibilite si lourde. Dans la famille fran~aise, la femme
exerce presque toujours la plus grande part d'autorite. L'homme vit peu a
la maison, il n'y revient que Ie soir, fatigue d'une laborieuse joumee. n a
completement abdique entre les mains de sa femme; elle est Ie ministre de
l'interieur. 12S
There were many facets to the glorious ideal of the Third Republic mother. She
was usually beautiful, smooth-skinned, devoted, and affectionate, and middle- or upper-
middle class. She was always available for her children because her home was her
domain and she made it a comfortable, beautiful center of the life of each member of the
family. Both she and the/oyer she created were warm havens. An image demonstrating
the comfort level and familiarity between a mother and her child is found in Joies
maternelles (Fig. 2.20) from 1873. 126 A mother, perhaps in her bedroom after having just
awakened in the morning, plays with her serene, naked baby in this painting by Perrault.
IlS M. J. Porchcur. Revue Encyclopidiqlle 7 (1897): 402, excerpted from Revue Bleile (Apri124 1897).
126 L'lIIustration 61 (May 3 1874): 307.
76
The mother's state of partial disrobing, her freely flowing hair, and such clutter as a
Polichinelle doll draped near her feet indicates this is a moment of private, spontaneous
affection that was a common occurrence in her home. This kind of smothering physical
affection serves as a link to images from the late eighteenth century. In the work of
eighteenth-century painter Jean-Baptiste Greuze, in particular, mothers allow their
children to climb allover them. Love is demonstrated by casual, boisterous physical
affection displaying the "spectacle of family love" in works such as Greuze's 1165 The
Beloved Mother. 127 The nature and sheer number of works with such sentiment suggest
what Carol Duncan calls ''the warmth and intimacy of conjugal life." This was revived or
intensified in late-nineteenth century art, borrowing from eighteenth-century models. The
Joies maternelles prototype was to change. Expectations and ideals for mothers'
demeanor and appearance also shifted after 1873, but the sentiment behind them
stabilized and intensified.
A typical representation of a mother and child from popular journals can be found
in a 1903 issue of Revue lllustree. 128 For a story titled "Joies d'enfance," G. Dutriere
depicts a mother holding her child on her lap, kissing her, with each putting their arms
around the other (Fig. 2.21). While the moment is just as close and tender as Maternal
Joys, this image is closer to the prototype arrived at by the tum-of-the-century. This well-
dressed and perfectly-coiffed mother kisses her child's temple. In the accompanying
story we learn that the mother has been crying after hearing an old song--the little girl
117 Duncan 570. The works ofGreuzc. KCOrding to Duncan. were among the first to characterize motherhood as
blissful and morally rewarding. Certainly this had become a widespread pictorial and ideological standard by the time
covered by this study.
III Mathieu de Saint Vidal, "Joics d'Enfancc." Revue Illustree 35:3 (January 15 1903): unpaginalCd.
77
seems to instinctually want to care for her mother. The slim, attractive woman is full of
physical affection, yet there is something restrained, mostly refined, about the
composition. The appearances of the mother and the daughter are perfect. They have a
relaxed relationship in the formal beauty of their home; one wonders when a servant will
come in to whisk away the child and take her to the nursery-this is indeed what happens
in the story. It is important that Simone, the daughter, is concerned for her mother.
Females were expected to be self-sacrificing and concerned for the welfare of others.
Looking after the family was to come first for women. In repopulation ideology a
mother's dedication would strengthen the family as individuals and as a unit. We will see
more models of self-sacrifice in the posters of Steinlen, the children's books of Boutet de
Monvel, and especially in the paintings of Geoffroy. In the ideal image of the Third
Republic mother, therefore, she appears to give herself completely to her children.
Ironically, this would often be incompatible with her immaculate appearance.
Another mother type was connected to religion. It was inevitable that the purity
and generosity that mothers were to represent would be compared to that of the Madonna.
Considering the attacks on the power of the Catholic church as this time, the appearance
of a blatant Madonna/mother figure is not surprising. In the image a mother holds her
child in Maximilienne Guyon's Maternite. 129 (Fig. 2.22) The two are wrapped in a shawl
and are framed by a design on the wall behind them that is reminiscent of both a halo and
of a cross. The mother has, once again, a peaceful look on her face, but this is directed at
the viewer, not at her child (who also looks forward). The composition, simple and
129 L 'Art Frtlllfais, 13 (January 1 1901).
78
iconic, links directly to images of the Madonna and Child. The associations of purity and
goodness are apparent to any viewer familiar with western art.
Of course, working women and the budding feminist movement threatened the
domestically centered mother. Michel Corday, writing for the popular journal,
L 'R!ustration, was able to see both sides of the issues of feminism, which most writers of
the time did not or could not do. He describes tension between what the mother's role
once was and what the feminist movement wanted it to be.
Dans Ie mariage, I' epouse tendra donc, non pas adevenir I' egale de
I'homme, - car ce serait mal poser Ie probleme et preter Ie tlanc a de
faciles plaisanteries, - mais a devenir son equivalente. On voit tout de
suite Ie contlit, au moins apparent, pret d' eclater entre cette conception
nouvelle et l' antique formule de l' ange du foyer. 130
Women as mothers were at the moral and educational core of the regenerated vision of
Third Republic society. While they were not meant to be their children's intellectual
guides, women were encouraged to teach their children a great deal, nonetheless. In an
editorial for L 'Rlustration by Andre Fagel, the author speaks of a charming woman he
met at an evening social event. He was impressed with both her attitude and her
commitment toward teaching her daughter. The woman was praised for having told
Fagel,
Je me suis d'avoir donne a ma fille Ie desir d'etre aimee et d'aimer. J'ai

laisse a ses institutrlces et ases professeurs, Ie soin de lui enseigner Ie
calcul, l'anglais, la litterature, la musique; me suire reserve de lui inspirer
Ie desir d'etre heureuse. Je pense qu'il n'est pas de bonheur en dehors de
I'amour. J'ai follement aime mon marl etje peux dire qu'il ressentait pour
moi une egale passion; il nous en demeure une grande tendresse. 131
130Michcl Corday, "La Vic conjugalc: Lc Feminismc ct Ic mariagc", L'lIIustration 121(Man:h 28 1903): 199.
131Andre Fagcl, "Courrier dc Paris," L 'Illustration 118(Fcbnwy 8 1902): 82. Sec also Duncan 580. La Nouvelle
Heloise and thc early impact of Rousscau's ideas is discussed. Thc main character, Julic stops nursing and educating
hcr son when hc is at age of reason ... "Thus docs Julic contribute to two major functions of thc conjugal family: the
creation of active, independent males and of submissive, scrvice-oricntcd females."
79
By the beginning of the Third Republic married mothers had come to be
considered as "guardians ofrespectability.,,132 For such responsibility, a model from the
past was revived. The warm, affectionate mother of the last half of the eighteenth-century
became the prototype. The mothers depicted in the last several illustrations follow this
pattern:
From (the mother) was to flow that warmth and tranquillity that
Enlightenment bachelors like Diderot so ardently eulogized as the central
attraction of family life...Pretty, modest and blushing, her happiness
consists in making her husband happy and in serving the needs of her
children. Indeed, everything in her make-up, including her personality, is
determined by her situation in the conjugal family, a situation from which
eighteenth-century writers deduced the "nature" of woman... She is the
traditional bourgeois wife, but with a difference: she has been educated to
find personal and emotional fulfillment in the execution of her
duties ...(She) is psychologically trained to want to do the very things she
must do in a middle-class family society. According to Rousseau, this is
the goal of women's education: since it is their natural lot to be subject to
the will of men, girls should become accustomed from the first to
restrictions and constraints.
This ideal mother may have resurfaced in part because of the uneasiness caused by
feminism and the increasing presence of women in the workplace. Also the "blue-
stocking" was a mid-nineteenth century type--one that needed to be suppressed to make
way for the devoted Third Republic mother. Intellectual devotion on a woman's part to
anything but her family was considered selfish, wrong, and unpatriotic. Mothers who
served as desirable role-models for their daughters would assist the Republic in
establishing a crucial dialectic of female life cycles that would help perpetuate the nation.
112 Hu1l2S4.
80
Questioning the Nourrice Tradition
The 1870s nervousness was visible in family imagery from popular journals. One
example is an 1874 image tided La Morlalile des en/ants en bas age from
L'Rlustration 133 (Fig. 2.23). The illustration cautions against the most unpleasant
hazards that might befall an infant sent to a wet nurse. It was common for people of any
means to send their children to wet nurses in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
These women were usually peasants who lived in the country-the nourrissons would not
see their parents from the time they were a few days-old until they were several years-old.
Many wet nurses (not all, of course) were negligent, lacked caring, and were
overburdened (often taking care of several of their own children and several of other
people's). Many needed to work in fields during the day, and in some of the worst cases
they would leave the baby swaddled and lying in a bed of straw or hanging from a wall
hook for many hours until their return. NaturaIly there was a high infant mortality rate
and very poor hygiene in many of the wet nurses' homes. Enlightenment philosophers,
such as Rousseau, recognized the virtues and benefits of a baby being breastfed and
indeed raised by its own mother, but tradition and some women's love for some personal
III "La monaIitc des enfants en bas age," by Charles Baude, L 'Illustration 64 (December 12 1874): 377. An
accompanying article by Henri Cozic, "La monaIite des nourrissons en France", is found in the same issue on pages
378-9. Cozic reveals a1ann over the decrease of the French population and seems angry over what he and others have
identified as its causes. He cites the work of such doctors as Trousseau, Bertillon, Depaul, Bouchut, Barthez,
Brochard, Donne, and Foussagrives, among others, as identifying the wet nursing business as a major source of
"homicides." He reports that Alexandre Meyer, secretary general of the Society for the Protection of Children recently
released the statistic that over five million children in the care of nourrices had died since 1820. Cozic states that there
are S4,OOO children born in Paris each year and approximately 20,000 are sent to les nolll'rices and nearly half of these
children die before returning. In the lower Loire Valley, he claims, the mortality rate has risen to 9O-9S per 100
children. Those who are sent to wet nurses, he cautions, are subject to a "mort presque certaine!" At this time the issue
was going before the National Assembly; Cozic remarks on the timely appearance of these images published by this
journal...Mlons! n 'en dCtoumez pas les yeux, res et meres qui vous consolez en vous disant que si votre cher hebe
n' a pas vos caresses et vos soins, it a du moins I'air pur de la compagne." There is a considerable appeal to the
emotions in this message. In essence the author cautions parents that they think they're getting nourishing milk and
fresh air but that is really not the case or that is minor compared to the evils.
81
freedom did not subside quicldy or easily. While the growing awareness for the nature
and importance of a guarded childhood developed in the nineteenth century, the wet-
nursing practice was still substantial enough for Third Republic officials and members of
the medical profession to recognize that this was still a contributing factor to
depopulation. The Societe d 'allaitement maternel opened a bureau in 1895 to serve as a
refuge for pregnant women. The government's public assistance program, during roughly
the same period, established a resource center for indigent women. 134 Both of these
organizations were established to encourage mothers to breastfeed their own children.
From these concerns, an illustration was born. Six episodes depicting possible ills that
could be fall the baby sent to the wet nurse imply that all will end up buried in a pauper's
grave in the countryside, as seen in the "epilogue." A number of graves of other infants
taken in by the wet nurses remind the viewer of the high instance of infant mortality. 135
The other episodes depict horrors that might befall an infant in the nou"ice's home. The
baby might be smothered by a cat, burned alive, or eaten by a pig in the barnyard. The
"evil" characters who threaten the baby's life are also depicted-the nourrice herself, and
the meneur, who traveled to the city to find babies to bring to the wet nurse, for a fee. 136
The nou"ice is shown with a sour look on her face and she impersonally and rather
114 Henri d'Almeras. "La Protection de I'enfant," La Nouvelle Revue, III (189S) lOS.
115 Cozic 379. "Un maire de ces pays de nourrices disait 'Mon cimetiere est pav~ de petits Parisiens!'" Cozic claims in
this emotionally-charged article.
116 Cozic 379. "Les agents qui recrutent Ie personnel de ces Petits-Bureaux s'appellent les Menerus et les Me1U!usu.
Le Meneru, vous avez sous les yellX; nous vous presentions un type de ces industriels campagnards... Sa vie est un
mouvement perpetuel, de Paris a son pays et de son pays a Paris, OU it arrive tous les mois ajour fix~, avec son
contingent de nounices. Les unes sont placees sur lieu, c'est adire Paris marne, dans les families; les auttes retoument
avec lui dans leurs villages, et toutes lui payent, bien n'entendu, sa rcdevance et son courtage. Ces voyages
n' enjendrcnt pas la melancholie. II a Ie mot pour rire, Ie Me1U!ru, et les petits Paruiens, avant de commencer leur
martyrc, ont Ie don de provoquer les plaisanteries au gros sel du meneur qui a fait un bon voyage ...Pour lui, les plus
mauvaises sont les meilleurcs, car elles changent plus souvent d'enfant, et ce sont naturcllement celles qu'it preiCre. Et
les nourrissons, qui donc en prend souc:i? 'Bah! s'ils doivent venir, its viendronl!' Ce fatalisme repond a tout Mais
I'opinion dans les campagnes n'est pas de eel avis, et quand les paysans voient passer la carriole du meneur avec sa
cargaison de nourrices et d'enfants, ils discot: - VoilA Ie purgatoire qui passe!"
82
carelessly holds the wrapped baby-upside down. This is particularly alarming in
comparison to the relationship between the mother and child in Joies materne/les (Fig.
2.20), so close to the same date. Clearly these images stemmed from developing
ideologies that told women (who were well-off enough to read the journals) that informal,
physical closeness and constant contact with their children was expected. In the center
vignette, La source miraculeuse, a wet-nurse dips a sick child in the water-the only
medical attention or "medicine" the child will receive, according to Henri Cozic in the
accompanying article. In the Rambouillet Forest, explains Cozic, there was apetite
source where this is common practice, no matter what the malady. The child would be
more likely to become ill, claims Cozic, after being left wet and cold from the "healing"
waters. Clearly the author meant to contrast the superstitious practices of the peasant
surrogate with the scientific ones available from Paris doctors, many of which he named
as allies in the cause of repopulation. One of the most disturbing elements of this image
is the very faint form in the trees in the background. It appears to be another child, tightly
wrapped, who has been hung on a tree branch until it is that child's tum to be "bathed."
Wet nursing had been condemned in many forms before this, but this very early Third
Republic image makes it clear that this practice was quickly ceasing to be tolerated.
Breastfeeding itself became a crucial and emotional issue in the campaign to
repopulate France. Not only was there great debate over the use of nou"ices, but there
was a desire to educate women about breastfeeding in general. In an illustration titled Le
Lait materne/le, from an 1879 issue of Le Journal Rlustre,137 a cross-section of a lactating
137 Excerpt published of Dr. 1. Rengadc's, "La Vic Nonnalc et la Sante," by I.e Journal Jllruue 7 (February 16 1879):
SI. Dr. Rengadc's illustrated volume was meant to popularize science and increase understanding in thc workings of
the human body and the maintenance ofhcalth.
83
breast is illustrated (Fig. 2.24). The closeness of the mother and child and the satisfied
look on the mother's face makes this image by Demarle an emotional and scientific
symbol of support for infant health and for breastfeeding over wet-nursing. The fact that
this image appeared at the end of the 1870s and presented breastfeeding as a norm (it is
not the cautionary image from the evil nou";ce page from the 1874 L 'Hlustration),
suggests that there was more widespread acceptance by mothers at this time that they
should breastfeed their own children and raise them themselves. It was believed that lack
ofbreastfeeding would result in badly behaved youngsters who could only become
138
morally weak adults. Evidence that wet-nursing was a finally thing of the past is
indicated by an 1888 article from Le Magas;n Pinoresque. "Anciennes mreurs
fran~aises"139 presents a history, in engravings, of the wet-nursing business. On one page
typical vignettes featuring the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century wet nurse are included
(Fig. 2.25). The nourrices appear to be competent and the children's family wealth has
bestowed fine garments upon it and the wet nurse in the latter illustration. Clearly this is
presented as a history lesson-the text and historic costumes within the illustrations
demonstrate that wet-nursing is a quaint phenomenon ofthe past. How different an
attitude this is from the cautionary tales of illustrated breastfeeding articles from the
1870s. The aura of confidence over the shift to maternal breast-feeding can be surmised
from this article, it parallels the gradual confidence found in France after the tumultuous
1870s. In Emile Rousseau claimed that ''the whole moral order of France had
degenerated because the wealthy refused to nurse and raise their own children.,,14o Most
III Duncan S77.

139 H. Bouchot. "Anciennes ma:urs fran~scs: Les nourrices," Le Magas;n Pittoresque S6 (Man:h 1888): 87-90.
140 Duncan S77.
84
of Rousseau's parenting advice, such as that about breastfeeding, did not seep into the
French consciousness until his prescriptions were utilized to help create the Belle Epoque
ideal of motherhood. 141
The Working Class Family and Vice
Much of the imagery connected to regeneration was found in forums that depicted
the middle class, often because the middle class made up most of the patrons of such
vehicles as the illustrated journals. This would lead one to think that the working class,
often depicted as vice-ridden, was not included as a target group for repopulation
propaganda. This was not the case. Certainly the more educated and educable middle
class was fed most of the propaganda about having babies and about human and domestic
cleanliness. But the child mortality rate was very high among those who had little or no
income. It did not escape the government, the medical profession, and others interested
in the birth rate, that too large a number of French children with lower-class parents were
dying. Efforts were made to influence factors so that more of these children would live.
Vices were among the most common factors blamed for low birth and survival
rates among the working class. While drinking and smoking were problems influencing
people of all castes, these behaviors were particularly lamented for those who could least
afford them. Alcohol, and to a small extent tobacco, were identified as obstacles to
working-class children living to adulthood. Anti-alcohol leagues sought to educate the
workers more than any other group, and several journals were established that dealt
141 It will also become clear in the chapter on Steinlcn that socialist and anarchist educational theorists were another
group that were responsible for a renaissance of Rousscau's ideas.
85
almost exclusively with this subject. Some highly emotional images, featuring drunks,
nightclubs, and the working class were featured in popular journals, aimed at audiences of
various income levels. Steinlen and Geoffioy were among those who worked for anti-
alcohol projects and visualized the evil effects of the habit.
Alcohol was identified as a crucial enemy to health, social harmony, and fertility.
The poverty and violence it caused within the home were seen as even more fearful
threats to the future of France. Thus, anti-alcoholism was an important element of
depopulation literature and the entire regeneration campaign. Popular journals commonly
reported causes and statistics aiming to prove that alcohol abuse was negatively affecting
France's children. In a short entry from the Revue Encyclopedique, "Enfants
d'alcooliques," alcoholic parents were shown to have produced children afllicted with
"idiocy" three times as often as those who did not consume alcohol. From records kept at
the Hospice of Bicetre, the incidence of alcoholic parents was recorded for 1,000 children
admitted who were "idiots and epileptics" from 1880 to 1895. Out of the thousand, 620
were determined to have come from alcoholic homes and 209 from homes where no
alcohol was consumed. "These (statistics) prove, once again, the considerable role that
alcoholism plays in the production of degenerate or epileptic children.,,142 Alcohol was
blamed for other medical problems, such as pneumonia, typhoid, meningitis, tuberculosis,
and death. These aftlictions are listed as results of studies by such doctors as Rene
Arrive, who wrote L 'Influence de I 'Alcoolisme sur la depopulation. 143 "The alcoholic
142 "Enfants d' A1cooliqucs," Revue Encyc/opidique 7 (1897): 1048. These statistics were originally reponed by the
Society for Public Medicine and Professional Hygiene.
14] Dr. Rene Arrive, Influence de I'alcoolisme sur la dipopulation (1899): S.
86
group showed us one of the most important obstacles to the repopulation of France. In
433 cases there were 182 deaths (SO abortions) at birth..."I44
Images supported the negative effects alcohol was purported to have on the
family. L 'Homme ivre (Fig. 2.26), an etching of an Andre Gill painting, appeared on the
cover of Le Journal Rlustre in 1880. lbis is a typical image of alcoholism from popular
periodicals of the era. A man, presumably a husband and father, has stumbled through
the door and fallen. He stares into space, appearing to be in a drunken stupor, and bears a
bloody wound on his forehead. It can be assumed that he bas been in a brawl and from
the pipe in his hand, that he smokes. Tobacco was another of the vices, like alcohol, that
diverted the attention of users from more serious matters. It was also thought to
physically weaken the human body and to impede reproduction. The man already has
children--a toddler clings to a woman shrinking behind a door. The mother protects her
infant in her arms. She seems disturbed, yet not surprised at her mate's behavior. Clearly
his drunkenness is disrupting their humble home. The pious nature of the clean dwelling
and the dutiful young mother is emphasized by the cross on the wall on her side of the
room. The disorder of a life of drink is symbolized by the man and the chair on the floor.
This image is a Third Republic stereotype of working class life.
As the result of a commission, Jean-Jules Geoffroy illustrated Histoire d 'une
bouteille. Geoffroy created various illustrations for this propagandistic anti-alcoholism
text. These included simple drawings of bottles, as well as exaggerated before-and-after
portraits of a fictional man. One section, "The Family and Alcohol: A Story in Twelve
Images," features one of the most disturbing anti-alcohol visual messages found in Third
144 Arrive 43.
87
Republic visual culture. A father, according to the caption, has created misery in a
humble apartment from his use of alcohol (Fig. 2.27). A mother, who holds an infant and
shields a young girl, is apparently about to be beaten with a broken chair. The emotional
level of this piece is much higher than that in the image by Gill-there is violence within
the family. The apartment is in disarray and clearly its shoddiness and the ragged
clothing the family wears implies that any money the family may have had for necessities
was being sapped by the alcoholic habit. It is also possible that because of his drinking
the father had no prospects of a job.
Another source of fear on behalf of the children of the working class was the fact
that their mothers worked and they were not properly supervised at home. Women needed
to work, for various reasons. In many cases the various contributing incomes could not
feed the family and the mother had to work, in or out of the home. 14S Naturally, the
repopulation activists lamented this situation as women were not focusing on their "duty"
to repopulate and it was difficult for them to take proper care of children they did have.
Berlanstein's The Working People ofParis presents a more human side to the plight of
such women, including a chapter on what they did in their free time. l46 There are many
sources covering the working class, its problems, its demographics, and its lifestyles. It
remains difficult to do this large group of people justice in short, particularly the poorer
women on whom so much valuable scholarship bas been conducted in the last twenty-five
145 Kaethe Sc:hirnw:her, "Le travail des femmes en France," Le Mruie Social. Memoires et documenls 6 (paris: A
Rousseau, 1988): 322 and 338. According to the 1900 census, France's adult population was 28,329, 988. Those who
were in the work force numbered 18,467,338 and a full third ofthosc-6,382,6S8 were women. In 1892 a law was
~ that limited a woman's work day to eleven hours.
46 Bcrlanstcin, Chapter Three.
88
years. 147 Our study is meant, however, to create awareness of visual issues connected to
the working classes of depopulation and education, issues which will be more fully
addressed at length later.
Protecting and Feting the Child
Perhaps one of the most important ideologies in the reconstruction of the French
family was the message that the family should focus on its most priceless entity: the child.
While there were many novels, articles, songs, and other literary elements that were
dedicated to the joys of having children, there was also a rather militant body of work that
asserted the rights of the child. There literally was a need for articles that convinced
parents that children were individuals who were highly impressionable and that the
children were at the center of the family's purpose. If that belief became universally
accepted, the regeneration of France would succeed.
Several laws passed, in addition to the abundance of education activity within the
National Assembly, reveal concern for the quality of children's lives. Child labor
legislation of 1889 limited the number of hours a child could work and built-in special
provisions for children who worked in circuses, fairs, and other itinerant professions. In
the same year legislation established surveillance of the raising of children by nourr;ces
and gardes, clearly making raising a child in his or her family's home preferable. In 1889
recommendations were made to "prescrite la decheance paternelle mais seulement dans Ie
147 These include Marilyn Boxer, "Women in Industrial Homework: The Flower-maker of Paris in the Belle Epoque,"
French Historical Studies 12, no. 3 (Spring 1982), Mary Lynn Stewart Women, Work, and the French Slate: Labour
Protection and Social Patriarchy. J879-/9/9 (Montreal: McOill-Queen's University Press, 1989 and the landmark
study by Louise Tilly and Joan Scott. Women. Work, and Family (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1978).
89
cas ou it y a scandale public et eclatant--c'est-a-dire trop rarement et trop tard.,,148 A law
was passed that year to protect children who were maltreated or morally abandoned. The
establishment of the child's home as the best place to be raised, in addition to
improvements made within it, may be among the late nineteenth century's most important
contribution to childhood history.
In Viviana Zelizer's Pricing the Priceless Child (1981), the author traces the
development of the child as economic entity to priceless treasure. With the dawn of the
industrial revolution a large number of children became wage-eamers. Particularly
among poorer families, the child's wage became an essential portion of the family
income. Despite activism and legislation in different parts of the world to stop or
decrease ~hjld labor, ~hildhood became a celebrated and protected entity for other
reasons. Increasing numbers of children attended school. When the Ferry laws slowly
began to be enforced, a child's job came to be that of a student. Many working-class
parents fought this bitterly as their families could not subsist without the income of sons
and daughters. At this time, however, mechanization of the workplace was occurring
more rapidly, and adults began losing their jobs. They needed for themselves the
positions held by children. Children who worked, as well as those who did not attend
school, existed in large numbers well into the twentieth century. When these numbers
decreased, there were great effects on the perception of the child and his or her place in
the family.
141 d'Almeras liS. The author remarks that three pieces ofJegislation are insufficiant to right the wrongs of the lives of
many Frenc::h children. He offers a list of legislative acts from other countries that were designed with more protec::tion
in mind for children who were abandoned and who were vagabonds, for example. On page 113 d' Almeras complains
that the sum of the French laws is that they are less indulgent toward delinquents, but institutes no moral reform that
will affect the lives of children.
90
The whole philosophy of child-rearing was, therefore, challenged as the Third
Republic dawned. As Zelizer discusses, the child had a determinable economic value as
long as it was an employee outside the home. Families now could either afford to have
their children do nothing but play and go to school or just saw their children as being too
precious and in a stage of development to do anything else, they became "priceless.,,149
Children became the center of the activity and purpose of the home during this time, and
they also were a target audience for commercial enterprises developed especially to aid
child development. A materialistic dialectic in this burgeoning capitalistic society played
upon parental fears and guilt that prompted them to wish to buy more for their children.
The more wealthy a family was, the more it could provide the goods and opportunities
that became fashionable to obtain for one's children. The specialized development of
clothing, cribs, and especially bottles coincided with the extreme concern for the child's
growth and hygiene. Articles such as "Anciennes ma:urs fran~ses: Les
emmaillottements, les berceaux," from Le Magasin Pittoresque, provides a brief
illustrated history of the ways children were wrapped and bedded. ISO (Fig. 2.28, a page
from the journal). The article discusses and displays methods of swaddling children and
early cribs-both meant to restrict the child's movement. lSI Well into the nineteenth
century, particularly in the homes of wet-nurses, swaddling was still in use. Realization
that growth would be stimulated by loose, comfortable clothing was slow in coming.
149 Viviana Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing SOCial Value o/Children (New York: Basic Books,
1981).
150 H. Bouchat. I.e Magasin Pittoresque 56 (April 1888): 107-110.
15\ Until the mid-eighleenth century. children were perceived to be depraved elements of Original Sin at birth. It was
thought that babies would pull off their own ears and nose during their wicked gyrations if they weren't properly
bound. The tightness of swaddling was thought to be more comfortable and healthful in general.
91
Material things that were connected with children were not the only parenting
practices under scrutiny at this time. Paralleling the great affection for children and
reverence for the very state of childhood was an alarm for their emotional and moral well-
being. It is important to realize that childhood had, by the fin-de-siecle, come to be seen
as something to be protected. Tender treatment and carefree innocence seem to have
become elements of an unofficial bill of rights for the child, and many organizations and
publications fought fiercely for these elements to be part of the state of mind of all young
people. The "Union fran~se pour Ie sauvetage de l'enfance" was founded in 1885 by
Madame Barrau and Pauline Kergomard. (52 The society endeavored to lobby and educate
the French to treat children with more concern for their fragile state of development and
to hold parents accountable when they infringed upon a fair upbringing of their child.
The Union helped many children who had been taken away from alcoholic parents.
Ideological and physical programs--manifested in everything from magazine articles to
foundling hospitals --were activities sponsored by this, the most important of the many
organizations dedicated to both salvation and preventative action on behalf of children.
Kergomard made perhaps more difference in Third Republic children's lives than nearly
any other individual--not only did she found the Union, but she was also instrumental in
152 d'Aimeras 112. The author lists the endeavors of the scx:iety. "L'intervention de cette scx:iCte s'cxerce de trois
manieres, suivant la gravite des cas:
Si les parents paraissent amendables, on les fait appeler, on les avcrtit, au besoin on les menace de poursuites.
S'ils sont indigoes - soit que Ie perc soit atteint d'alcoolisme, soit que la mere ait a I'egard a I'enfant
I'incurable haine d'uoe manitre - on essaye d'obtenir d'eux, au profit de la Societe. uoe renonciation aux droits dont
ils font si triste usage. C'est, par la decheance patemellc, la victime crachee au bourreau. L'enfant est alors place en
apprentissagc, surveille et protege jusqu'a sa majorite et gralifie, a cette epoQuc, d'uoe petite somme d'argent, trente
francs pour les ~ons, cinquante francs pour les filles.
Si les parents ont cxerce des sevices graves, la scx:iete se charge d'en saisir Ie parquet et foumit les premiers
elements de I' enquate."
For details of later activities and the mission of the organization, see Magdalen, "L'Union fran~se pour Ie
sauvetage de I'enfancc, Le Montie IIIustri 92 (March 21 1908): 191.
92
the popularization of formal early childhood education in France. After influencing the
implementation of legislation that created the successful ecoles matemelles. Kergomard
served as the supervising inspector for the nursery schools. What were some of the
specific societal ills that prompted activism by such individuals as Kergomard?
There were many problems identified in the child world; there were many
solutions offered to amend them. As previously mention~ child labor was addressed by
legislation, but it was still both a problem and the subject of a campaign of concern. In a
1903 article, "Les Enfants 'Industrlalises,,,IS3 Henri Dagan of La Nouvelle Revue reported
that 433,636 children were employed in industrial production in France in 1903. 1S4 Care
for children who had suffered injuries or maladies from or in their workplaces was
imperative, according to the article. There was an alarming number of paralytics and
sufferers of illnesses among young workers. ISS Efforts were made to help children in
such specific situations. In Nancy, for example, there was a religious group calling
themselves the "Bon-Pasteurs." This organization provided facility and care for girls
whose families could not take care of the girls' work-related health problems. 1s6
Exploitation, then, was a major concern of child activists. Dagan insisted that workplaces
IS] Henri Dagan, uLes Enfants 'lndustrialises." La Nouvelle Revue 32 (1903) 433-44.
154 Dagan 433. The author obtained his statistics from the inspecteurs du travail in the offices of the Minister of
Commerce. The thrust of the article is that in England and France the regulation of the considerable problem of child
labor had been slow and late from the beginning of the nineteenth century. At this late date it was still common for
working children to spend twelve hours or more at their jobs.
ISS Dagan 439-40. Respiratory diseases were particularly prevalent Infirmary-suffering children who worked in the
printing and jewelry-making industries are a focus of this socialist-slanted expose. On pages 443-44 a Swiss hygienist,
Dr. F. Gehrig, discusses a long and disturbing list of work-related mental and physical problems that child laborers
were being treated for.
156 Dagan 442.
93
bad in effect become leagues working against repopulation, the greatest threat to Third
Republic success. IS7
Other concerns and charitable efforts focused around children who were abused,
neglected, or abandoned. An 1898 law was established to control ''violences, voies de
fait, actes de cruaute et attentats commis envers les enfants."IS8 The law amended
previous acts to define more extensively and specifically what constituted abuse and
neglect and outline punishment for those who committed such acts. Relatives of the
victims were assigned a different and slightly more strict punishment schedule than
others, with longer prison and workhouse terms and larger fines. The death penalty was
supposed to be imposed upon anyone who habitually commited acts which would bring
about a child's death, even if death was not the result. A summary article in Revue
Encyc/opedique made it clear that childhood was considered precious enough that neglect
bad become a serious crime and that mental as well as physical hann done to a child was
a serious offense. It was not until the late nineteenth-century that there was sufficient
awareness of child development and psychology to warrant considerable concern for
abuse of the mind in addition to that of the body.
"Moral abandonment" became an umbrella term in the public eye for the
mistreatment of children. The "Congres international pour l'etude des questions relatives
au patronage des detenus et a la protection des enfants moralement abandonnes" took
place in October of 1890. 159 Conference proceedings centered around issues of general
157 Dagan 444. "Ainsi I'enfant 'iodustrialise' se dcbilite, conlraCte plus facilement toute espece de maladie et glisse
peu apeu a la degenerescence. Et c'est la majeure panie des enfants qui se trouve dans ces conditions dCsastreuses.
Or, on s'Ctonne qu'il existe des Ligues contre la repopulation!"
151 R. G., "Enfants, Violences commises envers eux," Revue Encyc/opediqlle, 8 (1898): 823.
159 Procedings of the conferences were summarized by P. Ladame in the Archives de / 'Qnthrop%gie criminelle el des
sciences penates, 6 (1891): 69-85. This was an international congress, held in Anvers, Belgium. Although the
94
protection of children and childhood, education opportunities, medical attention, the
rights of abusive parents, the boundaries of punishing a child, juvenile delinquency,
shelters, mendicity, and vagabondage. Resolutions were assigned to municipal public
assistance programs for implementation. A variety of public and private funds were used
to create various entities that helped families with children and children who did not have
families. One of the most prevention-oriented fonns of charity were creches--crude day-
care centers where low-income working mothers could bring their children for the day. A
Steinlen lithograph, used on an invitation to a benefit for a sixteenth arrondissement
creche, represents a need for awareness and funding of such charities (Fig. 2.29).160 It is
important to note that such entities indicate recognition that the children of working
women were not being properly cared for and community effort was needed.
Other types of facilities were founded as sites for the care and protection of
children. Exactly at the tum-of-the-century, many reports appeared injoumals of the
establishment of foundling hospitals. 161 The Hospice des Enfants Assistes was one of
several organizations that took in some of the 66,000 children abandoned between 1865
and 1882. 162 At Christmas time charitable donations were given to provide toys to
children in the foundling hospitals. In an illustration by Lobrichon,163 L 'Hospice des
en/ants trouves,l64 a frail boy has been given a Polichinelle doll (Fig. 2.30). Despite his
weak, bedridden status, the boy is enchanted by the pull-string toy. Images such as this
conference was not held in France, doctors and officials from the government's public assistance programs figured
Erominendy in the procedings.
60 This image will be discussed at length in Chapter Six.
161 d'AJmcras 110. Foundling hospitals had been organized in Paris during the middle ages and proliferated,
~cularly in the nineteenth century.
62 Jules Claretie, "Les Etrennes de I'enfant trouve," L'llIustration 80 (December 23 1882): 439.
163 Lobrichon was among the most prolific of Third Republic artists who painted scenes of children, accompanied by
Geoffioy and Trupheme.
164 "A I'hospice des enfants trouv~ " L 'Illustration 96 (1890-91): n. p.
9S
rewarded those who committed charitable acts, raised public awareness that such children
existed, and encouraged more philanthropic deeds. Pictures and illustrations abundantly
represent charitable acts; many were meant to congratulate the charitable work of
prominent wealthy women, such as the wife of President Felix Faure.
Children without families were sometimes seen as threats to society.
"Vagabond,,16S children were those who were under sixteen (too young to be prosecuted
in the court system) and sufficiently poor and alone to need society's help.l66 The Third
Republic took this issue under the most extensive consideration since the beginning of the
nineteenth century. The Napoleonic Civil Code had simply established that parents were
responsible for providing means of subsistence for their children. Acts in 1885 and 1892
further defined vagabondage and mandated legal procedures l67 for dealing with destitute
children. There was a great desire to help these children before they passed on to the next
stage-juvenile delinquency.
Children under the age of twenty-one were considered to be juveniles within the
penal system. By 1902 there was still great debate over whether older children should be
punished by internment or whether they should be pardoned because of their vulnerable
status as children. There was great concern for their reform as well, prompting a law in
1898 that made provisions for an altruistic individual or a charitable organization to
individually assist a convicted juvenile. 168 Another important component of the debate
165 An article by Adolph Guillot presenting the case for assisting these children appeared in a socialist journal See
"L'Enfant vagabond et I'ecole de preservation," La Nouvelle Revue 83 (1893): 449-68. 451. Article 270 of the Penal
Code defined the vagabond. "Les vagabonds et gens sans aveu sont ceux qui n'ont ni domicile certain, ni moyens de
subsistance, et qui n'cxercent habituellement ni metier, ni profession."
166 Guillot 450. In 1892, 888 children under the age of sixteen were arrested for vagabondage.
167 Guillot 487.
161 Victor Garien, "La preservation de I'enfance," La Nouvelle Revue 21 (1903): 507-8.
96
was what role the child's family should have in the juvenile's life after conviction. Many
articles and novels, including Fran~ois Coppee's Le Coupable, posed one side of the issue
or the other. There was cause for concern as the number of juveniles arrested in 1875
was 20,836; this figure jumped to 30, 763 by 1895. 169 In 1900 a socialist organization,
Patronage Familial, was founded to provide three services to try to assist delinquents:
counselors to provide moral guidance within the home of the child's family; placement in
the home of another family to change the environment and provide apprenticeships; and
funding for special corrective homes that would replace the "outmoded" penal
colonies. 170 The Third Republic's concern for family climate prompted extensive efforts
to change the juvenile penal system so that it might be one of salvation rather than
condemnation.
Concerns for children in other types of situations encompassed mendicity. Child
beggars--in Paris-were highly visible and disturbing to those who were concerned for the
general welfare of children, there was also a surprising amount of press attention to child
poverty in Brittany. The engraving of a Hubim painting published in L 'Rlustration,
Mentiiantes bretonnes,171 represents a popular Salon painting of 1872 (Fig. 2.31).
Painted representations of destitute peasants was an independent genre. Many artists,
particularly the naturalist painters who focused on natives of the Franche-Comte,
illustrated the humility and piety of their poor, rural subjects. These works are
169 Victor Garien,"Le patronage familial," La Nouvelle Revue 14 (1902): SSI-90. The organization that was the subject
of this article was founded by Albanel.
110 Garien. "Le patronage...", SS4. The socialists who wrote a significant body of articles on cbild protection issues
argued that refonn schools were unsuccessful and the ecole de preservation founded in the IS60s by Theopbile
Roussel emerged as a preferred means of correction. In Garien's 1903 article (page S09) be outlines curriculum and
ttaining within the icoles de preservation, which included ttaining in industrial arts, gardening, plumbing, and other
~ ofvocational education.
1 Mendiantes bretonnes, L'IIIustration S9 (June I 1872): 341
97
particularly moving and significant, and were featured often in reproductions in widely-
distributed journals. Two girls, presumably an older sister and younger sister, beg for
alms outside a church. The beseeching look of the older girl, her rosary, her protective
arm around her sister, and her head covering make her an icon of spiritual, virtuous
poverty. The large-eyed younger sister also has tom clothes, but her soft face with eyes
turned only slightly upward from the viewer, her hand softly resting on her sister's and
her Breton cap evoke sympathy from the viewer as well and remind the viewer that
poverty strikes the most tender innocent A key to interpreting this image might be its
date. While there were many peasant painters who worked from the beginning of the
Third Republic through the beginning of the twentieth century, this painting was executed
at the time when emotions over the loss of Alsace-Lorraine would have been highest.
Choosing Brittany peasants as subject matter would touch viewers' senses of national
pride. As we saw in the illustration at the beginning of this chapter (Fig. 2.2), the child
was a symbol of hope for a needy France. Concern for the Brittany peasant continued
throught the next thirty years. In a 1903 illustration by L. Bombled, La Misere en
Bretagne (Fig. 2.32)172 poverty and charity in the province were carefully depicted. A
montage of efforts to feed peasants in this image includes the labor of fishermen, a
convent soup kitchen, the receiving of a shipment of bread, and the possession of the
relief food by some of the Brittany peasant mothers and children. Fishermen's families
needed food assistance in large numbers at the turn of the century. This distribution and
the inclusion of such scenes in journals widely circulated in Paris indicates that concern
112 Le Montie IIIwtre 92 (January 31 1903): 99-100.
98
for the well-being of families, namely children, extended to those around France who
were equally responsible for helping to repopulate the nation.
There were, therefore, many children for society to be concerned about. There
was also a variety of ways, in addition to those already discussed, that altruists attempted
to reach the people. It is important to realize that charity, as a phenomenon, became
distinct and prolific in the early Third Republic. I'3 Certainly Europeans had always given
alms and other personal donations to help the poor. At thefin-de-siec1e there were new,
organized fonns of fundraising and assistance, particularly by the middle class.
Dlustrated journals printed many images of charity functions and programs. Some
of the most popular and picturesque of these events took place in December of each year.
In an 1889 image, Le Noel des en/ants pauvres au Palais de I 'Elysee, 174 huge Christmas
trees are loaded with gifts-mostly guns, dolls, and books (Fig. 2.33). Well-dressed
donors look on as gifts (that they presumably donated or paid for) are dispensed to
smiling children. The size and lavishness of the trees and the interior of the Palais
emphasize the opulence and scale of the charitable event. Similar benevolence and
generosity, on a slightly more human scale, is depicted in a Christmas illustration from an
1896 issue of L 'nlustration. Here the wife of the president, Madame Felix Faure is
distributing toys at the Belleville dispensary (Fig. 2.34). 17S Dispensaries were another
important type of charitable institution. There poor families could receive medical
173 An extensive series ofarticlcs on the phenomenon and state of charitable activity was published by La Nouvelle
Revue. Because of the strong socialist bias of this pUblication, the efforts of Paris' public assistance office is criticized
as is that of the bourgeoisie. Nonetheless this negative article results an exposition of the variety and depth of
charitable efforts of this era, particularly revealing the high level of consciousness at thefin-de-siecle. See A. Elbert's
"La Charite," La Nouvelle Revue, vols. 111-12 (1898) 451-465 and 496-512; vols. 113-14 (1898) 90-107, 120-135,
and 655-667; and vol. 116 (1899) 494-505.
174 L'llIustration 94 (December 28 1889): 569.
175 L'lllustration 107 (January 4 1896): 8.
99
attention and medicine. In this image Mrs. Faure and her equally well-dressed entourage
take pleasure in distributing toys to the children, who step forward, flanked by their
hesitant parents. One of the wealthy women, on her knees, embraces two children and
their toys. The dispensary, which was presumably a habitually spartan place, has been
decorated for Christmas, with political accoutrements. Events such as these Christmas
charity functions, therefore, were equivalent to present-day'l1hoto opportunities."
illustrations of such events provide important glimpses into the kinds of services the rich
saw the poor needing and the kinds of settings in which these events were held. The
"Union fran~ais pour Ie sauvetage de l'enfance" held raftles that were successful
fundraisers for their activities. 176 While the radical La Nouvelle Revue criticized the
government and the bourgeoisie for their lack of effective assistance, factions from all
classes demonstrated care for the status of children's health and happiness and made
some attempts to improve them.
Interest in the Child's Mind and Environment
With the birth rate falling and the military in shambles, France needed to regroup
after the tragedies of 1870-71. The country needed to stimulate positive thoughts in its
population, its economy, and in its morale. It was clear why the military had fallen into
such a weak state, but why and how the birth rate had descended was part of a larger
debate. Those who participated in the discourse included doctors (writing medical
treatises), church officials, government ministers, and feminists. 177 Every pundit seemed
176 Magdalen 191.

of the need to regenerate based on conc:cms over the falling birth rate. sec Paul Leroy Beaulieu. La
177 For discussions
Question de la Population (paris: Librarie Felix Alean. 1913) and Bertillon. For contemporary analysis on trends.
100
to suggest a cause. Henri Thulie, director of Paris' Ecole Anthropologique, focused on
high rates of infant mortality as a force that would result in a negative population growth.
Charles Richet, a Paris Faculty of Medicine professor, attacked those using birth
control. 178 Ultimately, in his eyes, women taking control of their own lives were causing
the declining birth rate. 179 Feminist activists, namely Maria Deraismes, blamed child
mortality and women's declining productivity on the lack of legal rights and on the
stagnant moral dilemmas she perceived women and children faced in tum-of-the-century
France. Some of those who agreed with Deraismes tried to change the lives of women
and their children by lobbying for financial and social support. Socialist feminist Leonie
Rouzade argued that state subsidies should be given to women as their roles as mothers
were central to women's social function. 180 Anarchists, some under the neo-Malthusian
banner, claimed "since women were only producing cannon fodder for the armies of the
state, they should be given the wherewithal to refuse.,,181 No matter who was blaming or
being blamed, one concept became key--having children was the first step toward serving
France. Parents' patriotic duties were now enlarged to encompass how one rearedd
children. Raising them in a morally and physically clean and healthy environment
became the subject of direct propaganda.
causes. and perceived problems concerning the French birth rate at thefin-de-siecle, see John R. Gillis, Louise ATilly,
and David Levine, editors, The European Experience o/Declining Fertility, 1850-1970 (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell
Publishers, 1992). See also Clark, Social Darwinism in France.
171 Jack D. Ellis, The Physician-Legislators o/France: Medicine and Politics in the Early Third Republic, 1870-1914,
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990. This text treats the elevation of doc:tors to lawmakers, bolstered by
public respect for physicians' knowledge and advice on hygiene and gcnns. See also Theodore Zcldin's chapter,
"Doctors," France. /848-1945, volume I, (London: Oxford University Press, 1973): 23-42 and Jacques Donzelot's
chapter, "The Priest and the Doctor," pages 171-187.
179 Karen Offen, "Depopulation, Nationalism, and Feminism.," American Historical Review (1983): 652-3.
110 Offen 656-58. Susan Groag Bell and Karen M. Offen discuss "the woman question" in France in Women. the
Family, and Freedom, vol. 2, 1880-1850 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983). See also Angus Mclaren,
SuuDlity and Social Order: The Debate over the Fertility 0/ Women and Worun in France. 1770-1920 (New York:
Holmes and Meier, 1983).
101
It is safe to say that there was no previous time in France when such great
attempts were made to understand and cater to the child. 182 Again, popular culture serves
as a gauge. The proliferation of children in posters, charming books produced especially
for children, as well as child-centered journal illustrations and articles marked an interest
in the mental activities for children. The amounts and levels of sentimentality of these
items increased as 1900 loomed closer--some of the most child-oriented items appeared
during the years 1890-1905.
The child's physical environment came under great scrutiny. Hygiene in the home
and in the school were some of the most important topics of the era in literature. The
science of cleanliness in the home and the teaching of it will be treated later, but certainly
there was an ideal for the family dwelling and cleanliness was an important quality within
it. Idyllic homes are both described l83 and depicted in Third Republic visual culture.
Such imagery in the posters of Steinlen will be discussed at length in Chapter Six and we
have already seen examples of the peaceful and elegant homes in Figures 2.18 and 2.20.
Prescriptions were made for home interiors in such publications as Revue OIustree. In an
III OtTen 652. 'In the aftennath of the Franco-Prussian War...some physicians denounced French women as socially,
and even patriotically, irresponsible for neglecting their infants and for avoiding pregnancy."
III The French also showed comparative interest in child-rearing and education in other countries. For samples of such
studies in popular forums see Maurice Wolff: "La Puericulture en Allemagne," La Nouvelle Revue, 10 (1901): 537-44
and Ren~ Sevin Desplaces, "Les Enfants Japonais," Le Magasin Piltoresque 64 (1896): 306-7.
III An excerpt from an eight-verse poem by Albert Delpit expresses the sanctioned type of joy the child brought to the
home and had within it. "A un enfant," Le Montie //lustre 39 (July 8 1876): 22.
"Comme je regarde ton sourire joyeux,
Comme je te voyais, un rayon dans les yeux,
En chantant ta chanson t'asseoir sous rna fenetre,
Je me suis dit, enfant, qu tu venais de naitre
A peine, et que pourtant, a vous qui commancez,
Dieu gardait tout Ie prix de nos labeurs passees.
Un jour tu seras homme, et la pensCe amerc
Ridera Ie front blanc que caresse ta mere...
Tu connaitras alors nos douleurs d'aujourd'hui!
Quand ton insouciance ajamais aura fui,
Tu reveras de rendre Ii sa splendeur premiere
Notre a:uvre de progres, de force et de lumiere!..."
102
1894 series, "La Maison Moderne," an installment was devoted to "Cbambres de Jeune
Fille et d'Enfants."I84 Elevation designs (such as Fig. 2.35) indicated precisely which
types offurniture, wallpaper, and bibelots were appropriate for the modem girl's room.
The delicate and highly ornamented furniture now seem uncomfortable and costly for a
child's room, as do the canopy bed and an elaborately designed carpet recommended for
the rooms of young girls. The article's unidentified author acknowledges the designs'
debt to the English Arts and Crafts movement, particularly to the work of Walter
Crane. 18S Thus, the world's tinest designs were being used as inspirations for the highest
ideals of children's rooms; beauty and comfort were prime considerations in improving
children's lives.
The educational and design quality of toys were also a new topic of interest in this
era. As toy historian Leo Claretie stated in an article titled "Les Jouets," "Rien n' est si
serieux que Ie jouet. Autour de lui s' agitent tant de questions graves, qui interessent
l'economie politique, Ie commerce, l'industrie, la philosophie, la morale, la
pedagogie!,,186 Journal articles, illustrations, and even the budding advertising sections of
journals were usually carefully designed to be appropriate for one gender or another. The
114 "La Maison Modeme: XXI-Chambres dejeune fille etd'enfants," Revue lIIustree 14:165 (October IS, 1892):
unpaginated.
115 "La Maison Modeme," fourth and fifth pages. uNous developperons, par exemple, bien a la ponee et a la hauteur
de leur taille, au-dessus des lambris, un de ces contes si bien ilIustres par Walter Crane. Ces images aux couleurs si
vives et cependant harmonieuses, au dessin si ferme et si consciencieux, seraient en marne temps qu'une rCcrCation un
enseignement pour leurs yeux...Gardons-nous bien sunout d'imiter les Anglais, qui confinentleurs enfants dans une
nursery sous la surveillance mercenaire de bonnes et de gouvemantes et les tiennent ainsi exiles du reste de la famille.
'A la verite, a dit Montaigne, nous voyons encore qu'jJ n'est rien si gentil que les enfants en France.' C'est un peu
I'opinion d'Aifred de Musset qui voulait qu'on les g4t4t tous, et aussi celie de Victor Hugo qui, dans son indulgente et
majestueuse sCrenite de grand-pere, les laissait un peu trop les maitres de son cabinet de travail. Comme lui, ne
laissons pas les oiseaux s'envoler et sachons leur aranger une cage dont ils ne voient pas trop les barreaux! On
comment du reste acomprendre I'utilite d'une telle piece' cenaines maison en sont deja pourvues, et dans quelques
annees Ie 'hall des enfants' scm cenainement devenu une des parties indispensables de l'appartemenL Les meubles qui
Ie gamiront, tables, sieges, pupitres, scront expressement faits a leur taille, et tout en suivant ponctuellement les
conseils de I'hygiene, nous eviterons par un choixjudicieux les inutilites et les encombrances."
116 See Leo Claretie, "Les JouelS," Le Magasin Pittoresque 65 (1897): 396
103
new toys that arrived at the beginning of each new year were examined and heralded in
the preSS.187 A popular painter of child scenes, Lobrichon demonstrates that the
importance of play and the nature of children were understood by 1885. In his work,
Variations on a Known Theme,188 six children play near toys, but several of them have
abandoned them for pots and pans or damage a doll in a fight (Fig. 2.36). This humorous
and understanding work summarizes the knowing fondness the French developed for their
children under regeneration ideologies of the early Third Republic.
Other forms of entertainment that became central to childlife took place outside
the home. Activities that were more specialized and more removed from the home and
everyday life were primarily enjoyed by middle- and upper-class children. Just as large
adult parties became popular, so did "Bals d'Enfants." Such an event is illustrated by
Tofani in an 1896 watercolor that appeared in Le Monde Rlustre (Fig. 2.37).189 While
well-dressed adults attend, they are sitting at the sides, attending to children's hair and
clothes when the children are not on the dance floor. Most of the children wear costumes,
many resemble the toys that were in their bedrooms at home, such as the clown
Polichinelle. The elaborateness of the costumes, the orchestra, and the manners of the
dancing children make them seem as if they are not children at all. Instead, they resemble
miniature adults. Providing such grown-up entertainment was a special ritual, reserved
only for this select class of children.
111 Michel, "Les Jouets de I'Annee," La Science en Famille 2:25 (December 3 1887): 25-29. The author of this science
journal reviewed specific toys, new in 1888, for soundness in construction and interest to children.
10 L 'Illustration 75 (April 25, 1885): 277.
119 Le Monde IIIustre, 79 (December 26 1896): 415-16.
104
Well-off children also attended the theater. Special performances with large
monster puppets were designed for their entertainment. Artist and writer Mars describes
and depicts the Matinee enfantine, held in 1889 (Fig. 2.38).190 The illustrated article
recreated the type of children in the audience. They were generally those whose nurses
might take them for a walk in the Parc Monceau, confirming that this was a pastime for
the wealthy. Somewhat more accessible to a wider audience was the Theatre Enfantin.
Not only did this troupe star childre~ but it performed ''representations de pieces
enfantines et morales ecrites pour les enfants et jouees par des enfants. ,,191 Just as the art
and literature of the children's book was finally being understood at a child's level at this
time, so was special theatrical entertainment created for young people, even if only for
those from the "best" homes.
Mars was an effective observer of bourgeois childlife for illustrated journals of the
1880s. Another of his illustrated pages, Au Pare Monceau,192 depicts nurses bringing
lavishly dressed children to the elegant park (Fig. 2.39). Mars later stated that the
children found in this park were the type who would attend a lavish theatre performance.
These sleek, well-dressed children participate in a pastime that was becoming
increasingly common in French cities--family park outings. The families who lived near
the Pare Monceau were wealthy enough to have nurses for their children who would take
the children on outings. But it was recommended that parents take them as well,
affording more opportunities for them to obtain sunshine and fresh air. While girls were
often discouraged from boisterous or grimy play, they played in the park dirt with
190 Mars. "Uoe Matinee Enfantioe," L 'Illustration 93 (March 16 1889): 214-IS.

191 E. M~-Picard, "Le Theatre des Enfants," I.e Monde IlIustre 97 (December 30 I90S): 860.
192 L'lIIustration 87 (June 26 1886): 466-67.
lOS
shovels. Child-sized shovels and buckets were popular. They were even more common
at the beaches. Middle class families flocked to the seashores, beginning in the 1880s. In
a fashion illustration from Le Monde Olustre l93 (Fig. 2.40), girls are allowed to dig in the
sand with their delicate spades. This is one of the rare forms of unstructured exercise we
see depicted in the journals. There were reasons for the arrival of the beach vacation as
an escape for urban dwellers. Efficient rail lines, running both ways from Paris to the
northern coasts, made it quick, simple, and relatively cheap for Parisians to go to the
coast. Another reason might be that while father worked at time same time, the wife
could take the children to the shore during the week. He might join them there in some
cases. One of the largest reasons for the popularity of seaside holidays was to experience
the perceived healing powers of sea air. In carefully controlled situations it became
gradually more fashionable for children to spend time outdoors and there were many
illustrations of this fashionable activity in the journals.
Finally, there was a new desire to understand the child's mental capacities and
new respect for the need for a mentally healthy environment during youth. It was
recognized that children were individuals, and treatment of them would result in the kind
of adults they became. This would subsequently affect how France developed. Perhaps it
was this connection of children to the survival of France that brought about a "golden age
of childhood." There was unprecedented interest in the intellectual capabilities and
psychological complexities of children. This is evidenced from conflicting tones of texts
of articles, as "Idees des enfants et des sauvages"l94 and "Les Signes du genie chez les
193 "La Mode dans Ie Monde," Le Monde llIustri 69 (AUgust 22 1891): 125.
194 Paola Lombroso, "Idees des Enfants et des Sauvagcs," La Nouvelle Revue 190 (1894): 137-45.
106
enfants.,,19S Of course, this was the time when the science of child psychology was in its
early developmental stage. While the literature on the topic does not reveal depth of
knowledge, there was extreme enthusiasm for psychological discoveries. The work of
Bernard Perez (a Freud contemporary) received French press attention, particularly in the
journal, Revue Bleue. In an 1897 article Perez was reported as having distinguished
children's learning patterns from those of adults. He was also credited with
differentiating between learning and instinct in children and with some of the first
systematic studies of early childhood. Child psychology would be the final major step in
the Third Republic's great progress in understanding the importance and the minds of its
children.
With the dawn of the twentieth century, the child occupied a richly textured and
complex place in society. The images with which this section began and ends attest to the
changes that occurred in perceptions of children during the early Third Republic. In
1871-72 (Fig. 2.2) the child was a symbol of hope and innocence, born from social
upheaval and worry. The plate of children modeling beach fashions from 1891 (Figure
2.40) contrasts with the earlier image. While it is true that the purposes of these images--
an allegory and a fashion illustration--make them inherently different, a comparison
reveals a basic attitudinal change in a span of twenty years. Children at the beach were
there for their long-term health and well-being. Children were recognized as individuals
to the point that it was important to families (with means) to dress their children well and
to participate in activities that would benefit the child as a person. In 1872 the potential
195 G. Labadie-Lagrave. "Les Signes du genie chez les enfants... I.e Magasin Pittoresque 65 (1897): 190-91.
107
of the child was only beginning to be realized; in 1891 the potential to shape the child and
the nation were being savored.
Education
The imposition of Republican ideologies upon France were the most successful
and universal when they were carried out through the vehicle of public schools. It is
important not to underestimate the intensity and amount of propaganda that the
republican government channeled through education. The resources that the Ministry of
Public Instruction used to promote its ideals were considerable. From the early years of
the Third Republic, the regime realized that education would have to be systematized and
taken from the control of the Catholic church. The church had run small, scattered
schools allover France for centuries. Very often these schools instructed boys; these
were usually sons of people who could pay the church to supplement their education.
Wealthy children were usually taught at home by private tutors. If France was to be
demographically and intellectually rebuilt into a thriving republic, the children of the
nation would have to be reached cohesively by following specific standards and content.
Democracy would be reinforced by a school system that was lai"que, gratuite, et
obligatoire.
108
Jules Ferry and the Ministry of Instruction
"Jules Ferry fut Ie grand architect du nouvel edifice scolaire."l96 The Third
Republic might never have reached the stability that allowed it to last through 1940
without the educational vision of Jules Ferry. Controversial, ambitious, anti-clerical, and
determined, Ferry planned and delegated for the advancement of the Republic. Although
he was its president for a short period of time, Ferry was able to mold the Republic
ideologically by educating generations of young people during his tenure as the Minister
of Public Instruction. Between February, 1879 and March, 1885, Ferry served in that
position.1 97 His vision inspired difficult changes resulting in a school system that was
''uniform and invariable.,,198 Under his direction schools were more productive; teachers
were more qualified and adhered to strict curricula. While many of Ferry's detractors
found fault with the lack of religious teaching and study of classic literature in republican
schools, students in the remotest regions of France received a better education than was
possible than earlier in the century.
Ferry was foremost a career politician who loved France and wanted to see it
released from the confines of the Second Empire; he also wanted it to flourish. Jean-
Michel Gaillard calls him one of the fathers of the Third Republic. 199 Universal suffrage
was the cause he fought for most vehemently. This was followed closely by the necessity
Ferry saw for the separation of church and state. Ferry served as a figurehead in an
196 lean-Michel Gaillard. Jules Ferry (paris: Fayard, 1989): II. Other studies on Ferry's achievements include Pierre
BarraI, Jules Ferry: Une Volante pour la Repuh/ique (Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1985) and among texts
by his grand-niece, Fresnette Pisani-Ferry, Monsieur I"lnstituteur: L 'Ecole Primaire a /00 Ans (paris: l. C. Lanes,
1981).
197 Gaillard II.
191 lames Parsons, French Schools through American Eyes (Syracuse, NY: C. W. Barden, 1892): 12.
199 Gaillard II.
109
attempt to restructure popular French thought through its educational system. Ferry's
leadership was sometimes dismissed as nothing more thanforrysme, implying that his
ideas were carried out through others.200 A powerful lawmaker and a shrewd delegator,
much of Ferry's most progressive work was carried out by his cabinet ministers, such as
Paul Bert and Ferdinand Buisson. It was these men who usually received praise and
blame in the press. Republican periodicals featured articles on and written by these men;
Catholic journals often dissected and criticized official statements and laws, blaming
Buisson and his colleagues. Radicals felt that republicans had little or no business in the
schools. Socialist and anarchist factions were dismayed by the large educational
programs, seeing them as harmful governmental intervention that had access to children's
minds. La Plume contributor Leon Riotor lamented the actions of Director of Primary
Instruction Buisson: 201
Ferdinand Buisson orienta l'instruction de la nation selon Ie siecle et selon

la democratie ... njugeait certaines cultures inutiles. L' enfance ne devait
apprendre que les connaissances rationnelles. Ni legendes, ni theories
feodales. Des faits, de la logique, des utilites. Ferdinand Buisson avait
deja, en des brochures celebres, classe I, Histoire sainte parmi les livres
mauvais. 202
Every element of the republican curricula stressed patriotism and practicality.
History and literature were pared down to make way for instruction in sewing, voice, and
physical education. Ferry and the members of his educational cabinet redesigned the
200 Riotor 649.

201 Ibid. 650. After serving as Jules Simon's Inspector of Primary Schools, Buisson was named to this post by Ferry.
Riotor called Buisson' s assignment, to reorganize the primary school system, a "superhuman task...
202 Ibid. Buission was admired for being a cultured and compassionate man. He authored Manuel de I'enseignemenl
primaire, was a friend of Wagner and Sabatier, and was a founding force behind the "Societe contre la mendicite des
enfants."
llO
physical and intellectual makeup of schools to ultimately teach nationalism and morale
lafque. 203
Goals for Education
Certainly the most important promise for the republican school system was that a
public education would be lafque, gratuite, et obligato ire. To discover the more
overarching philosophies actually practiced in the classrooms, it is helpful to consult
state-published periodicals for schoolteachers of the era. In an 1884 issue of La Tribune
des Instituteurs et des lnstitutrices, two cornerstones of republican pedagogy became
instruction morale and instruction civique. 204 The former was defined as the teaching of
what is good, generous, and heroic in the individual (and subsequently in society) through
poems, fables, and stories interesting to the children. "(N)ous demandons a I' ecole
primaire une morale pratique, concrete, une morale en action. ,,205 This philosophy
encompassed the love of one's country, nature, and God. The second component, civic
instruction, stressed that everyone is obligated to sacrifice themselves for the things they
love. The importance of the military, national celebrations, and life-cycle functions (such
as marriage) belonged to this large category, governing curricula. Devotion and sacrifice
were two prominent concepts that were central to the way every subject was taught. 206
Republicans imposed new structure and regularity on the schools. This emerged
203 Phyllis Stock-Morton documents and discusses the battle that arose over the type of morality that was to be taught
in French schools. See her Moral Education for a Secular Society: The Development o/Morale Larque in Nineteenth-
Century France (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988).
204 Bourgeois, La Tribune des lnstituteurs et des lnstitutrices (February I 1884): 51-53. "Bourgeois" is identified as a
teacher at Vroncourt, in the Haute-Marne.
lOS Bourgeois 51.
206 Bourgeois 52-53
III
in the form of establishing systems such as the succession of phases a student might pass
through in his or her education: ecole elimentaire, ecole moyenne, and ecole super;eure
(forms of elementary, middle, and high schools). In the 1880s Ferry became particularly
interested in adding an earlier stage to children's education--the ecole maternelle (nursery
school), for children aged from three to seven. He built on some nursery school programs
that existed, including the scattered salles d'asiles of the Second Empire. Ferry believed
the Republic could reach more and younger children with the official addition of this
category.
Most of these philosophies were officially incorporated into the republican school
system in the early 1880s and remained there until the end of the Third Republic. 207
Entrusting the Chambre des Deputes with this plan for change, Ferry like a general
preparing for a war of educational reconfiguration (which it indeed became with intense
church versus state conflicts). Gaillard used the war analogy when describing the
Chamber's plans to secularize instructors and instructor training. 20S This recalled the
enlistment of an army; indeed educators were expected to become soldiers for the
morality of the secular republic. "Ferry veut que l'ecole eleve 'des generations imbues de
I' esprit national, des citoyens penetres des grandes et genereuses traditions de la
Revolution fran~aise. ",209 The promise of a republic of moral and civically conscious
citizens were to be delivered by the free public schools. This philosophy echoed the issue
of equality that was central to many of the unrealized dreams of 1789.
207 Gaillard 432. "En 1880, s' ouvre une pcriode de gloire pour Ie monde enseign80t Elle durera cinquante 80S."
201 Gaillard 432-33.
209 From Feny's "Discours de LilIe," (August 2S 1880), cited in Paul Robiquet, DiscoU1's et opinions politiques de
Jules Ferry. vol. 3 (paris: A Colin, 1893-1898): 528. Cited by Gaillard.
112
Secular vs. Parochial
Qu'on se figure ce que deviendrait un peuple OU les jeunes generations

seraient elevees en dehors de toute croyance religieuse et de tout
enseignement moral I'instituteur ne parierai jamais a I' enfant de Dieu et de
sa providence, ni des grands principes de Ia Ioi etemelle, qui ont regIe
jusqu'ici les devoirs de la famille et les relations des hommes entre eux; il
laisserait ignorer ason disciple Ie dogme de I'immoralite de I'arne de
I'existence d'une autre vie OU la vertu touvera sa recompense et Ie vice son
chatiment...On aurait tente de creer une morale I'independante de la
religion et I'on n'aurait fait qu'un peuple sans Ioi. 210
A general disenfranchisement of Catholics occurred during the early Third
Republic, resulting from the government's efforts to extricate church from state. One of
the places the republicans' attempts to do so was most visible in the arena of education.
In order to retain ultimate control over young minds and the nation, power had to be taken
from the ecoles libres--parochial schools. As efforts to make school free, secular, and
mandatory intensified, Catholics noted that a war had been declared on Christian
education,211
The Catholic fight against the efforts of Ferry, Bert, and their colleagues was
intense and sustained, One of the most important public vehicles of this fight was the
journal, Le Bulletin de la Societe Generale d'Education,212 This Catholic periodical was
devoted to reporting every legal and moral move made by the republicans in all areas of
210 Monseigneur Ie Cardinal-ArchevCque de Paris. "Sur I'education," Bulletin de la Societe Generale d'Education et
d'Enseignement (January-February): 56
211 "Avis anos lecteurs," Bulletin de la Societe Ginerale d'Education et d'Enseignement (January 1880): I.
212 There were other staunchly Catholic journals that actively campaigned to a variety of audiences, including some
exclusively for children, Those that took firm stands against secularization and morale laIque included: Le Riveil
Catholique: Organe de lajeunesse catholique, L 'Education Chritienne, Etudes pour Jeunes Fil/es, La Foyer: Journal
de la Famille, None, however, had the sustained run nor the serious political focus of the Bulletin. A special
pedagogical journal that informed and updated teachers. I 'Education, was also sponsored by the Societe Generale
d 'Education.
113
education. The journal was founded in 1872, an important date. Catholics believed there
was a need to protect their interests from the secularization of education as the Republic
was born. By January, 1872 tbejournal was lamenting: "De plus, les evenements et
I' adoption de ce qu' on appeUe les principes modemes allaient, dans notre siecle, rendre Ie
peril plus grand que sous l'ancien regime.'.213
Ferry was often under attack in the Bulletin; other key education policy-makers
were identified within as dangerous enemies. During the all-important years of the
realization of the Ferry laws (the early 1880s), the Bulletin was published with
particularly strong language and messages.
La guerre ai' enseignement chretien est ouvertement declaree; dans

I' allocution qu' il pronon~ait I' autre jour en recevant Ie personnel de
l'administration des cultes, Ie nouveau ministre de l'instruction publique,
M. Paul Bert, dont Ie nom seul est une menace et un defi, declarait que
c'est surtout son arrivee au ministere de 'l'education nationale' qui doit
'effrayer' les catholiques. 214
The tone and words used in this passage reveal the intensity of threat felt by supporters of
Catholic education during the Third Republic. The Bulletin responded quickly to each
government decision and proclamation, and even more covert plans, with unilateral
criticism. When the ruling concepts of republican schools, gratuite, laicite, et obligation,
were first proposed, the Societe gathered "plus d'un million de signatures.,,21S The
213 "L'lnstruction laique dans la legislation." Bulletin de la Societe Generale d'Education (January 1872): 65
214 A de Claye, "Compte-rendu des travaux de la Societe Generale d'Education et d'Enseignement," Bulletin de la
Societe Genirale d'Education et d'Enseignement, supplement, 9 (December 1881): 517-20. The announcements
section in this issue of the Bulletin notifies its readers ofan organization that was created to provide for the
economically-stressed Catholic schools. The Comite de defonse religieuse dispersed funds gained through
subscriptions to provide furniture and school supplies to Catholic schools. [n 1888 the Bulletin began a regular column
called La Persecution etles auvres d'enseignement chretien.
215 "Etat des petitions contre I'instruction gratuite, obligato ire, et laique," Bulletin de la Societe Genirale d 'Education
et d'Enseignement (January-February 1873): 21.
114
Societe persistently criticized gratuite, iafcite, et obligation. 216 One of the strongest
points the Society made in this article was that republican education was anything but
free, especially to the people whom the government particularly wanted to reach-the
poor, rural citizens of the communes. Citing the millions of francs in increased taxation
schools would bring to these areas, the Bulletin remarked, "C'est la ce que 1'0n appeUe
l'enseignement gratuit! !,,217 At times, individual elements of education were chosen for
criticism in particularly savage articles in the Bulletin. In a facetiously titled article that
indicates threat imposed by the provision of higher education for girls, "Les Femmes
savantes de la Republique," Charles Clair closed a bitter diatribe with this statement:
Laissons a qui de droit Ie triste honneur de les elever et d' en doter les
odieux Iycees de fiUes. Grace aDieu, c'est a d'autres ecoles que
continuent de se former I' esprit et Ie creur de Ia femme chretienne et
fran~aise.218
Clearly girls' republican high schools were seen as defeminizing-a threat to family, state,
and the church. Designing the curriculum to reach and indoctrinate girls was one of the
most important and concentrated efforts in republican schools. Ferry claimed,
"L'education des femmes est essentieUe dans la lutte engagee contre Ie clericalisme."
21~. d'Hulst, Bulletin de la Societe Generaie d'ducation et d'Enseignement, January-February 1873. Many issues
were raised by obligatory attendance in republican schools. d'Hulst asked such questions as: Who will go to jail for
lack of student attendance-the father or the child. Will the state or the commune pay for this "free" education? Who
will be qualified to teach? (Why should the poor pay for the rich? Will the primary instructors themselves have moral
principles?) What will be obligatory next, bathing? exercise? What will this requirement do to those who depend on
the availability of apprentices? The iIlitemte peasant is already imbued with religion principles-why should he become
merely a scribe without conscience and without faith? Many proponents of Catholic education, particularly in rural
areas, were philosophical descendants of Frederic Le Play. They believed that the father of each family should
determine the content and structure of their own children's education. Mandatory, state-controlled education would
seriously undermine the family, the church, and ironically, the nation, these activists theorized. A professor of moral
philosophy at the Institut Catholique de Paris theorized that the state's extra-familiale organization of the schools were
actuallyanti-familiale. See A. D. Sertillangcs, La Famille et I'Etat dans (Paris: Librairie Victor Lecoffie, 1907).
217 "Observations sur les projects de lois scolaires de MM. Jules Ferry et P. Bert," Bulletin de la Societe Generale
d'ducation et d'Enseignement 3 (1880): I-J.
211 Charles Clair, "Lcs Femmes savantes de la Republique," Bulletin de la Societe Generale d'ducation et
d'Enseignement 34:2 (February IS 1902): 696-701.
115
Education of females was intricately tied to the wresting of educational control from the
Catholic church.
There were religious and political factions beside republican and Catholic that
maintained interest in the secularization of education. Some supported laicity out of lack
of a more viable alternative; some bitterly opposed the government's involvement in
public schools. Protestant goals were not always at odds with those of the republicans.
They both opposed Catholic totalitarianism in education and both the Protestant and
republican traditions held education as one of their highest values. "Les minorites
religieuses sinon toujours, favorables it la laicite.,,219 But Protestants did not always
support the moral basis of state-supported education. Some joined the Catholic cause
because they saw the regime's teachings as being blatantly anti-religious.22o There was at
least a kernel of truth to this, as Ferry was a well-known atheist from his youth and his
aversion to religion was often reflected in the thoughts and actions of his cabinet. At the
radical congress of 1903, Ferdinand Buisson appeared, speaking of the religion and the
changes instituted under Ferry in the 1880s. "Le premier devoir d'une republique est de
faire des republicains et l' on ne fait pas un republicain comme on fait un catholique.'
Certes, il se reprend vite, Je dis catholique mais j' aurais dit tout aussi bien un protestant
ou un croyant quelconque. ",221
Politically radical groups also strongly opposed government control over their
children and subsequently, their country. Radicals produced pamphlets and other
219 Johnson. Jules Ferry 76.

220 ULes ProjelS de lois I'enseignement primaire,juges au point de vue protestant," Bulletin de la Societe Genirale
d'Education et d'Enseignement (May 1881): 94.
221 A. Prost, L 'Enseignement en France (18901967). (paris: A. Colin, 1968): 219.
116
materials denouncing government operations, including what was being taught in
government-sponsored schools. The images that accompanied socialist and anarchist
propaganda depicted disheveled, downtrodden schoolchildren who were not so clearly
benefiting from Third Republic schools.222 Republican officials met with a great deal of
socialist and anarchist opposition, particularly in the area of education. The turn-of-the-
century regime often chose to counteract attacks such as this with prominent displays in
public forums, such as the education pavilion at the 1900 Exposition Universelle (which
will be discussed later).
Finally, on July 1, 1901, the Catholic schools were legally dissolved. In a eulogy
to these schools that appeared in L 'lliustration the following year, this act was seen as a
violation of freedom. The article notes that a bouquet of flowers with the word liberte
inscribed on them had been recently placed in front of the figure of the Virgin on the
facade of Levallois-Perret. 223 The accompanying photograph, one of a nun leading a class
of Paris orphan girls is similar in its serene, orderly tone to the photographs dispersed by
the government of Republican schools (Fig. 2.41). The article continued to describe the
tears shed by the female students and the sisters and the carrying away of the nuns on
buses back to their convent homes. Clearly the issues within the fight between religious
and secular education were complex and emotional. Although the teaching of republican
morale lai"que won, it was not without certain spiritual, emotional, and political costs. In
1880 France was largely Catholic and rural; it was imperative to control these majorities
212 Socialist and anarchist images in this vein will be presented in the chapter on Thcophile Steinlen.
22J Gustave Rabin, "La Fenneture des ccoles Iibres," L'Illustration 119 (August 2 1902): 83.
II7
in the outlying areas. 224 Doing so by reaching the youth in school was a foremost
objective and to make sure that all the children were effectively indoctrinated, the
republicans had to create an educational monopoly.225 Because France remained
Catholic, by and large, an intellectual, rather than religious, revolution began to take
place.
Restructuring Primary Schools
The most important vehicle for the implementation of the educational ideals of the
Republic was the elementary school. This was the level of schooling the greatest number
of young people were likely to receive. The impressionable age of elementary students,
as well as the fact that they were beginning to read made them easy propaganda targets. 226
The public objectives of republican change in schools were largely egalitarian. The more
covert side of plans to influence students to become good republicans made change in
every element of primary school schools crucial. Transformation of primary and nursery
schools were among the proudest achievements of education in the Third Republic.
These were sites where some of the most clever attempts to regulate society were
made. 227 By stabilizing and regularizing institutions such as the primary school, which
could reach such a large and impressionable section of the population at once, Ferry could
both modernize the Republic and make it stronger. 228
224 Le Foyer, primarily a woman's magazine, argued that regeneration of France would only be achieved through
religious education
225 Gaillard 190.
126 Ferry called the youth of primary schools "Ia premiere de nos richesses." Cited in Robiquet, vol. 3, pages 504-06,
as cited in Gaillard 431.
227 Gaillard 386.
221 Gaillard Chapter 2.
118
Changes and ideologies within education are clearly illustrated by popular culture
images of the period. In Dans I 'ecole (Fig. 2.42), the subject is a rural school in 1870.
The image and accompanying story illustrate typicalities of a school that allow us to
understand why Ferry and his administration had such strong desires to mandate change.
It is opposite to ideals of the Third Republic that have already been outlined. The ecole
mixte (co-educational classroom) appears disorderly in arrangement and in student
behavior. In the background a boy seems to raise his fist to strike a student who is pulling
his head down by the hair, although the author of the text claims he is leading his
classmates in a chant. In general the students do not seem to be directed to learn
together--they are scattered around the room. They talk, read, and write. acting from their
own motivation. not by the direction of the instructor. The teacher himself sits back and
cleans his nails, idly listening to one student. The text describes him as a good teacher
because he is ''un vrai pere" and his daughter-assistant provides sympathetic training with
reason and gentleness. 229 He may be a good "father," but a poor teacher by republican
standards that would be implemented. This type of school, in which a family would
provide education, often in their home, for various village schoolchildren whose parents
were willing to pay tuition, had been common in Europe for several centuries. This
domestic, family business approach with no regulation, supervision. or consistency of
curriculum that were hallmarks of this common school experience would understandably
be anathema to Third Republic educational and political goals. There was a strong
difference between what was posed (in this story and illustration) as a good school in
229 "Une Ecole," Le Magasin Pittoresque 38 (October, 1870): 337. It is also possible that the old-fashioned term ecole
male stands for perceived chaos that would occur when boys and girls were educated together-something that was
largely avoided in reorganized education of the Third Republic.
119
1870. With the advent of the Ferry Laws ideals and standards changed. It is helpful to
contrast the earlier image with a photograph of a rural school displayed at the education
pavilion of the Exposition Universelle in 1900. From an Ecole primaire superieure de
gar~ons in Sens (in the Yonne region), the differences are striking (Fig. 2.43). An ideal
Third Republic classroom was gender-segregated. The entire class is diligent and follows
what the alert and serious instructor teaches from the blackboard. The students are
attentive, eager to learn; they sit in neatly arranged desks in an evenly lit, clean room.
Physically and ideologically there was a revolution that took place in education as these
illustrations represent typical schools of 1870 and 1900, respectively.
Reproductions of paintings tell us more about reform in primary education from
the earliest years of the Third Republic to those of educational maturity. An 1872 work.
L 'Instruction primaire (Fig. 2.44), depicts an elementary school class in the Haut Jura
region. A. Lan~on's work (reproduced in L 'll/ustration) has similarities to both Une
Ecole and the Exposition Universelle photograph. Like the earlier work, school is being
held in the same space where the instructor lives (his bed is in the comer of the room.
There is a lack of attention to cleanliness as was seen in the 1870 image of a rural school-
-the wood for the stove is strewn about, and a dog is allowed to rest near the students. 23o
Another distinct difference from the 1900 photograph is the presence of religious symbols
in the room. The cross in the classroom area and the crucifix nearby would have been
extricated after the secularization laws of the early 1880s. There are similarities to the
1900 image, however, that connect this school to republican ideals and suggest that
230There is a rustic and decidedly less hygienic appearance in depictions of rural schools of this era. This is
particularly noticeable, as schools that one images to be located in Paris are immaculate and completely modem.
120
changes were in the air for schools as early as 1872. The students seem to be united in a
teacher-directed task and are even dressed with a degree of uniformity (the girls are
dressed in similar caps, long skirts, and aprons, and the boys wear smocks which are
similar to those seen in the photograph from Sens). The information on the walls is of
great interest as the students are being taught from the all-important blackboard which
contains a message for the students to copy about state funding of education.231 Hanging
from the ceiling is the French tricolor; in the white section of the flag is inscribed,
"Republique Fran~aise, Liberte, Egalite, Fratemite." Behind the flag is a drum and a pair
of soldier's trousers that hang on the wall. The instituteur appears very old and perhaps
sick. The presence of the soldier and patriotic paraphernalia within his living space
implies that he is a veteran or perhaps he is a personification of tired but triumphant
continuing sentiment.
An image from the 1887 Salon, Albert Bettannier's La Tache noire (Fig. 2.45)232
shows further development of republican school ideals and an atmosphere closer to that
of the photograph from Sens. A male teacher gently but firmly puts his arm around the
shoulder of a boy who may be under examination as part of a geography, history, or
patriotism lesson. The teacher's pointer rests on Alsace-Lorraine, the area most dear to
France after its temporary loss to the Prussians. Several boys in the class wear military-
derived garb, but some wear the student smocks, suggesting that this is not a bataillon
scoiaire, but a normal boys' classroom where patriotism and militarism are central. One
of the boys, in the front row wearing white and a medal on his chest, seems to be a bit
2J IThe chalkboard reads "1872 L' Etat donne Ii (' (nstituteur de Quarserett 18 f par mois pour se nourrir et ser."
L'lI/ustration S9 (February 24 (872).
2Jl The work is also known by the name. La Carte endeui/lee: Les prOVinces perdues.
121
older than many of the other boys, and is a bit more decorated (accomplished). The
patriotic nature of the instruction taking place in the classroom is futher indicated by the
presence of drums behind the teacher-identical to the military drums in L 'Instruction
primaire. In these images, therefore, we see that some of the most important changes in
Third Republican education were organization, specialization, curricular focus, and
gender and age segregation.
The Construction of the Ecole Maternelle
In the early 1880s the Societe des Ecoles Enfantines was founded. This was
primarily a women's group interested in education for the very young. One of the most
dominant members of this group was Pauline Kergomard, whose influence on early
childhood education in the Third Republic should not be underestimated. In 1888
interested parties were particularly active in raising both the quality and quantity of ecoles
maternelles. In this year Ferry appointed Kergomard the Inspectrice Generale des Ecoles
Matemelles. Just before officially appointing her, Ferry gave a speech before the Society
that revealed much of what he wanted the ecoles maternelles to accomplish.
... La Societe des ecoles enfantines est issue de ce grand mouvement de

I' esprit public qui, au lendemain des desastres de 1871, a cherche Ie
principe du relevement de la patrie fran~aise dans la reorganisation de
l'enseignement populaire. Ce fut une reuvre d'initiative privee, une
association de penseurs et d'educateurs, epris a la fois de theorie et de
pratique, recherchant les methodes les plus propres areformer
I' enseignement des petites ecoles et des salles d' asile ... 233
2lJ Jules Ferry, "Societe des Ecoles Enfantines: Allocution de M. Jules Ferry," Revue Bleue IS (March 17 1888): 329.
122
Ferry's visions for the education of very small children resulted in a February 14, 1891
decree that children would be enrolled and remain in ecoles maternelles until the age of
seven, at which time they would enroll in either a private or a public school.234 In
December of the same year, it was legislated that any commune with inhabitants
numbering over 2,000 total people should have a nursery school.23s
The nursery school was an evolving idea in French education, but not a new one.
Ferry built on the modest success of the Second Empire's salles d'asiles. The entire
movement to educate children, ages three to seven, was competitively inspired by the
success of nursery schools in Prussia, stemming from the success of Frederick Froebel's
Kindergartens 236 There was further awareness at this time of the extreme malleability of
the small child, as evidenced by scientific work, such as Bernard Perez's experimental
psychology with children in that age group.237
There was also an entire journal, Ami de I 'en/ance: Organe de la methode
franfaise d 'education des ecoles maternelles, that was concerned with physical and moral
development of small children. 238 The content and nature of articles within were also
indicative of the content of French nursery school education (that was some of the most
likely to reflect regeneration ideals). Such articles as "Hygiene est-elle de la science?"
were a part of the overwhelming movement toward cleanliness in the ecoles maternelles.
more than in any other type of school. 239 In 1889 an article outlined how students must
234 L 'Education Chretienne 1(1891-92): 130_

m L 'Education Chretienne I (1891-92): 148_
236 A contemporary French report indicating interest in the theories and achievements of Froebel. dating from early in
the Republic, comprises "Frrebel: Lesjardins d'enfants," Le Magasin Pittoresque 42 (December 1874): 399_
237 Louis Fochier, "Les Trois premieres annees de I'enfant," Publications Philosophiques 15 (August 31 1878): 209
231 L 'Ami de f'enfance (October 15 1881)_
239 Each issue of L 'Ami de I'enfance featured a column, "Causeries sur I'hygiene_"
123
be checked for clean faces, hands and hair as they entered school in the morning. Sinks
and faucets were installed in the nursery school foyers, one of the most prominent
symbols and important teacher-student interactions within the ecoles maternelles. 240
La sal' e affectee aces etablissements du tout premier degre etait partagee a

peu pres en deux parties egales par un couloir: au fond, les tables bancs de
la classe; a I' en-une partie des services dits 'accesoires', mais qui
constituent en realite Ie principal a l'ecole matemelle. C'etait abord un
lavabo, d'un modele nouveau, simple, solide, tes propre, coquet meme, et
d'un entretien facilite; de chaque cote, on avait figure les supports destines
a recevoir, avec son numero distinct, la serviette de chaque enfant. Puis,
en abondance, dans des vitrines, sur des tablettes, on avait dispose des
jouets de toute sorte, Ie plupart faits de rien, OU du moins de materiaux ne
coutant rien. L' ensemble depourvu de cartes, de tableaux de lecture, de
methodes d'ecriture, de compendium, meme d'une table pour la maitresse,
ressemblait peu a ce qu' on appeUe ordinairement une classe; et cependant,
d'apres les photographies, omant les miirs, cet ensemble etait l'image de
realite dans les bonnes ecoles matemelles.
Such features are illustrated in two photographs, depicted in a report on the Education
Pavilion at the 1900 Exposition Universe lIe, Lavabo nouveau modele and Lavabo a
l'ecole maternelle 241 (Fig. 2.46 and 2.47). Each sink had space for two children to wash
their hands, making school an orderly and clean experience. It was hoped that practices
learned here would carry into the children's homes, particularly when they grew older and
had homes of their own. In the photograph of the school washroom, the children busily
wash themselves. The girls who are waiting or who have already finished are neatly
sitting along the wall. In the background the teachers hold towels and individually help
the students to dry themselves. The room is pleasant; it is decorated with dolls and paper
flowers. This is the ecole maternelle: a typical example of pride in modem technology
and cleanliness. Buisson called the years from ages three to seven "la premiere enfance;"
240 L 'Am; de ['enfance (March 1889): 85

241 Leblanc 27.
124
clearly this ''first childhood" was among the central concerns of the reconfigured school
system in the early Third Republic. 242
Curriculum Content and Teacher Training
Personnel, environments, and content were all carefully prescribed and controlled
elements of the new republican schools. The government clearly outlined what subjects
children should be taught and what material within these subjects should be covered.
Other elements of curriculum that were highly regulated were how many hours a day for
each year of schooling the teacher must spend on the topics and even in what order each
day the subjects should be taught. The Reglement d 'Organisation Pedagogique pour Ies
Ecoles Primaires Publiquei43 is an important document in the study of early Third
RepUblic educational curricula. In December, 1880 the Conseil Superieur de l'Instruction
Publique met to determine the structure of the curriculum, beginning with that of the
elementary schools, under the auspices of the Ministere de l'Instruction Publique et des
Beaux-Arts. 244 Through the course of their sessions, the council produced the Reglement.
This guide reveals that there was consistency to the system; certain subjects spanned
education for all genders and ages. All French children in public schools received lessons
Buisson, L 'Ami (Jan 1889): SO

242
AN F117/12964, Conseil Superieur de I' Instruction Publique, Reglement d 'Organisaiton Pidagogique pour les
243
Coles Primaires Publiques, July 1882. This important document outlines the philosophies and important themes in
students' education, broken down by general age levels of students.
244 These were pamphlets and hand-written documents about the procedings of the council that included Buisson, Bert,
Simon, and Aubert. The council made decisions about examinations, courses, and other administrative things as weI!.
They expressly supervised the curriculum for instruction morale and instruction civique et historique. These were
primary vehicles for teaching about government and its relevance to citizens' lives. The structures and functions of
government were key, but there was just as much talk about devoirs-the duties of the individual as connected to the
state. See AN F/17/12962.
125
in: reading, writing, French, history, geography, instruction morale,245 instruction civique,
mathematics, physics, drawing, voice, and hygiene. These subjects were almost always
supplemented with: science, geography, chant, and physical education. 246 The most
important themes in ecoles maternelles were chant, physical education, recitations,
writing, and drawing. The equity, consistency, and effectiveness of Third Republic
schools came from the highly structured nature and content of the educational system. 247
While propaganda was pervasive within all areas of the curriculum, the subject
that most clearly demonstrates Third Republic ideals is instruction morale. There were
several journals that provided ongoing curriculum--in the form of carefully-structured
lesson plans--to private and public schoolteachers and to those who schooled their
children at home. Each of these featured carefully crafted lessons that involved moral
education from the standpoint of the politics of those behind the journal, whether they
were republicans, Catholics, socialists, or other special interest groups. One of the most
prominent curriculum journals filled with Republican ideals was L 'Education Nationale:
Journal General de l'Enseignement Primaire. Founded in 1892, this extremely
nationalistic weeldy periodical featured government-sanctioned lesson plans. 248 Each
245 L'Education Nationale, Journal de l'Enseignement Primaire 6 (1892). This was a government-sponsored
surveillance journal. In the January 31 issue of the weekly lesson laid out for teachers, the Instruction Morale lessons
have been established as a regular feature, "Instruction Morale pour cours moyen." These encouraged teachers to
follow governmental directive through lesson plans, citing the importance of subjects such as gymnastics. The
instruction morale lessons also details moral evils: "Ie mensonge, l'hypocrisie, la franchise, la calomnie et par la
medisance." [n March the journal moralized "i1 est mal de frapper un animal aplus forte raison est-i1 mal de frapper
un homme." This is one of countless statements and images made in the 1890s that contributed to a need to foster in
children the desire to protect the helpless, namely animals. Later in the texts left behind by the committee, (June 5):
362, charity and the noble benefits of it were central themes. "Devoirs de charite-Fraternite, Solidarite. La
bienfaisance s'exerce tout d'abord par I'aumone. Elle s'exerce encore par I'etablissement et l'entretien des asiles, des
hospices, des hopitaux, par toutes sortes de bonnes a::uvres." Thus, instruction morale was one of the most highly
propagandistic and pervasive curricular elements in the ecoles libres.
246 For procedures and contents of these meetings determining curriculum content and structure. see AN F/I7I12964
247 AN F/17/12962 and F/I7I12964.
A. Delapierre was the editor of this periocial, as well as being the Inspecteur des Ecoles Primaires of
241
Paris.
126
issue ofthisjoumal featured a column entitled, "L'Instruction morale." This article
featured a series of lessons focusing on one theme, such as patriotism or the importance
of family. In an 1892 issue of L 'Education Primaire,249 the moral instruction lesson is
one of a series on temperance. It is interesting to note that Catholic curriculum journals
usually covered more refined ideas and shied away from the stark unpleasantness such as
that presented in republicanjoumals. We see this presented directly in republican schools
in a photograph displaying a temperance lesson for the education display at the 1900
Exposition Universe lIe (Fig. 2.48). This demonstrates the direct administration of
propaganda in a Pas-de-Calais boys' elementary classroom. The photograph itself served
as propaganda to fight alcoholism when displayed at the 1900 exposition. A classroom of
boys rigidly stands or sits at attention, listening to their zealous teacher. The mass-
distributed poster illustrates the theme "Alcohol poisons slowly," elaborated upon by
immaculately-written blackboard messages. The images on the poster illustrate the
hereditary effects of alcohol, including seizures, and the state of the alcoholic's home.
Both the poster and the blackboard state that alcoholism is a dignity issue. The need to
enlist students in the "fight" against the evils of substances such as alcohol and tobacco
tied to issues of public and individual health, as well as nationalism.
The materials from which the school children learned were also carefully created
and controlled. Third Republic elementary schoolbooks were among the most blatant
carriers of propagandistic messages. Claude Auge was one of the most prolific and
reprinted authors of grammar and language books well into the twentieth century. His
mass-produced texts were inexpensive (one cost one franc, fifty centimes), and could be
249 "L'lnstruction morale," L 'Education primaire (January 17 1892): 39.
127
used to teach children both at home and at school. In Grammaire en/anline (1894),250 a
grammar primer, Auge filled pages with messages of patriotism, family closeness, and
militarism. Throughout the book there are texts for students to copy and illustrations to
underscore the messages. In one of the first lessons, students are instructed in amour
filial. "n faut aimer de tout votre creur maman qui, nuit et jour, veille sur vous vous
comble de soins, vous couvre de caresses. n faut aimer aussi votre pere, qui travaille sans
cesse pour subvenir avos besoins et qui guidera vos premiers pas dans la vie, lorsque
vous serez devenus grands.,,251 Accompanying the text is a thumbnail illustration (Fig.
2.49) featuring a close-knit family in a humble home. The mother is seated, breastfeeding
a baby and the father is doing carpentry work immediately next to them. As primary
children looked at the picture and copied the words, located at the beginning of this book,
gender-appropriate roles would have been reinforced. Auge instructs children to love
their tender, affectionate mothers, and to be grateful to their laborious fathers for
providing for them. The primer is full of intense and complicated messages. The
combination of words and images to communicate ideologies, are some of the most
important propagandistic devices utilized. The purposeful construction and placement of
these emblems were aimed at schoolchildren, the most impressionable Third Republic
SUbjects. They may be considered ideological investments in France's future. More
elements of the curricula that relate specifically to gender will be treated later in this
chapter.
2SO Claude Auge, Grammaire En/antine (Paris: Larousse, 1894). Maurice Crubellier's comment on the book is this:
"Une 'grammaire enfantine' qui n'est pas innocente."
251 Auge 10.
128
Increasingly important parts of school training were chant and other skills related
to speaking. Reciting in a group helped children learn rhythm, cooperation, and literature
by repetition. Patriotic passages were often the featured texts; this provided another
opportunity for drilling students on propagandistic messages. The elements of
declamation included learning rules of pronunciation, articulation, and respiration. There
were separate ideals for uses of the voice by men, women, boys, and girls.252
(L)'organe de la voix a de la souplesse et par consequent se plie de lui-

meme atoutes les delicatesses, atoute la justesse des intonations. La voix
de l'enfant est I'instrument qui s'accorde et se desaccorde Ie plus
facilement. L' etude de la lecture ahaute voix doit avoir sa place dans les
cinq annees du cours; elle s' eleve en meme temps que tous les autres
objets d'enseignement et peut venir en aide au developpement de toutes
les facultes: la memoire, l'intelligence, et l'imagination?53
Declamation was seen as one of the most important part of one's long-tenn personal
grooming. "Le gout de la declamation, dans Ie monde elegant, est essentiellement
modeme ... Elle est cultivee par les deux sexes et comporte un grand nombre de
nuances. ,,254
Naturally, the training (or re-training) of teachers was one of the most important
ways of assuring uniformity in Republican school instruction. The establishment of
ecoles normales,255 or teachers' schools, was a seminal part of the professionalization of
teachers. It was also crucial in the creation of uniform republican schools. In 1886 Ferry
and Bert petitioned parliament for eighty-six new Normal schools. This would provide
252 Tom. "La Declamation de Salon" L '//Iustration 93 (Mar 25 1889): 235.

25] AN FI7I12964. Ministere de I'lnstruction Publique et des Beaux-Arts, Enseignement Secondaire des Jeunes Fil/es,
Instruction pour la Lecture a Haute Voice (July 29 1882): 1-2.
2S4 Untitled article on care of the voice, La Femme Chez Elle (190 I): 374.
m Jo Burr Margadant, Madame Ie Professeur: Women Educators in the Third Republic (Princeton, N: Princeton
129
each geographical department in France with at least one educator-training facility.256
This also indicates the great importance that these architects of education placed on state-
trained teachers. The teacher training school was entered at age thirteen and programs
lasted for three years. A specialized system was needed to train teachers and to monitor
their progress. "Much of French schooling had from the first been shaped by the state, by
legislation requiring schools and setting revenue and pay. But centralization increased
with the growing importance of ecoles normales, examinations for brevets, 257 and a corps
of inspectors. ,,258
There were more ecole normales in 1870 than ever before, but at this time the
church still directed two-thirds of the teacher academies. 259 The number of women
teachers rapidly grew to exceed the number of teaching nuns in the next few years,
however. Because many of these women were educated in the old system, however,
Linda L. Clark points out that they often taught a curriculum that had the religious
underpinnings that Ferry was trying to extricate from public schools. Catholic opposition
to secularization was expressed in numerous periodicals, such as the Journal de la
Premiere Enfance. It seems that the Catholics admitted the need for teachers in students'
lives, lamenting the deterioration of motherly figures. The journal is quick to point out,
however, that mothers and both parochial and lay teachers all wish to educate children
based on religion:
Les conditions de la societe modeme ont necessite malheureusement la

creation de nombreuses ecoles enfantines OU des femmes devouees
2S6 Riotor 650-51.

lS1 The brevet was a teaching license exam.
lSI Grew and Harrigan 225.
lS9 Clark 12, citing Chevallier and Grosperrin. Clark points out that Victor Duruy had already begun to see the
importance of providing secular teacher training schools during the Second Empire. Duruy, however, was not opposed
to religion in school curriculum as his Third Republic successors were.
130
essaient de remplacer celles qui ne se remplacent pas: les meres... Toutes
les meres chretiennes, toutes les maitresses des ecoles libres,
congreganistes ou non, et beaucoup d'autres assurement, ont Ie desir de
former les enfants a la vertu et de leur faires aimer, avec la religion oil
elles ont ete elevees elles-memes, son divin fondateur, Notre-Seigneur
Jesus-Christ. 260
This cleverly constructed statement grudgingly admitted the need for the state's founding
of ecoles maternelles. Yet it included all who educate children in an assumption that
religious ideas will be at the heart of the curriculum. The church was quickly losing its
foothold on the training of teachers. It chose to try to indoctrinate educators through the
accessible and widely circulated vehicle of the printed journal. Many of these periodicals
were directly associated with the church and Catholic education.
It is important to recognize the journal as an ongoing and pervasive form of
propagandistic teacher training. The ecoles normales may have given teachers their
initial training, but articles and lesson plans in scores of education journals were a crucial
means of keeping the teachers indoctrinated. Of course, there were education journals
allied with any point-of-view that had a stake in education, even some joumaIs aimed at
those who chose to educate their children at home. Government-allied pUblications such
as L '!nstituteur and L 'Ecole were among the many Republican-oriented periodicals.
Operating essentially as lesson-plan newsletters, every issue featured editorials, news, and
carefully plotted outlines for teachers to use with their students that linked school
teachings with nationalism. Rival Catholic journals following the lesson-plan format
included L 'Education Chretienne, founded in 1892. Such journals generally treated the
260 "A Nos Lecteurs," Journal de la Premiere Enfonce 1 (October 1 1891): I.
131
same subjects, but featured a moralizing tone and editorial themes aimed at resisting the
secularization of French society.
Teachers' genders and behaviors expected from each gender were important
elements of Third Republic educational discourse. While men continued to be teachers,
the importance of the presence of women in children's early school experiences was
focused upon by public school proponents. Males remained eligible to teach in ecoles
mixtes, but after legislation passed on October 30, 1886 teaching roles for men and
women were somewhat restricted. Laws connected to the organization of primary
instruction stated that girls were to be taught by women, but that either males or females
would be permitted women to teach boYS.261
The cultivation of an institutrice 's motherly qualities was greatly encouraged in
teacher training. Jobs for women proliferated because this allowed children be required
to go to school and still come in constant contact with a motherly figure. Not only would
the female teacher nurture the students, she would ideally act as a parental agent that was
versed in republican doctrine. Women were also desirable for their ability to be surrogate
older sisters and model wives. 262 For these reasons women became more desirable
primary school teachers than men in the eyes of the state.
The selection of teachers was one of the most carefully planned and highly
propagandistic activities within Third Republic education. Ferry spoke of the importance
261 Education Laique 23 (August IS 1893): 97.

26% Ferry stated. "L'instituteur represente la regie virilement; Ie plus souvent I'utilite des temperaments lui echappe. II
ne connait pas, et il a generalement peu de gout a etudier les acces si divers, si multiples, de cesjeunes intelligences;
or, c'est la chose qui demande Ie plus d'experience. L'institutrice peut mieux acclimater I'enfant a "ecole. La femme
a "instinct de I'education. Comme fiUe, comme sa:ur, comme epouse, comme mere, eUe est habituee a I'abnegation,
au sacrifice."
132
of the motherly role of an institutrice in the lives of very young children. In fact Ferry
strove to replace male teachers with females for students aged seven and younger.
Jusqu'a l'age de sept ans au moins, les petites gar~ons et les petites files
dans une classe commune, sous la direction non pas d'un maitre, mais
d'une institutrice...Ce sera par-dessus tout une femme, une vraie femme,
donnant aux enfants des autres Ie meme amour qu'elle donne aux siens,
coordonnant tout son savoir et toute sa vie par Ie sentiment, qui sera
toujours la puissance maitresse de l'esprit humaine. 263
The qualities and practices of these women were of intense importance to the education
ministry. Despite the simple level of concepts taught and the fact that women were asked
to teach the classes because of their "natural" motherly tendencies, special licenses were
required for teaching at this level. 264 With high child mortality rates threatening
population growth, nursery school teachers helped children to survive and thrive through
attention and cleanliness. "The teacher should submit herself to all-else.,,26s These
women were expected to serve as models for all women. This was, of course, an
embodiment of the self-sacrificing, motherly ideal of Third Republic women that Ferry
and his colleagues hoped to create for the small children. Most importantly, female
teachers were encouraged to behave this way through ecoles normales. lesson-planning
journals, and other curriculum and training documents. The teachers and what they
taught were carefully monitored, beginning in the early 1880s. Curriculum was the most
easily controlled element of republican schools. What was actually taught was directly
linked to the individual beliefs of the teacher. The teaching of religion remained
somewhat uncontrollable for the government. But the promotion of women and their
263 Ferry 329.

264 Ferry 327.
265 Ferry 327.
133
"natural" tendencies in teaching positions strengthened gender stereotypes and ideals of
self-sacrifice that were believed would benefit all of France.
Physical Environments
There were other elements of public schools under heavy government control.
One of the most carefully studied and monitored aspects of Third Republic schools were
..
the buildings themselves. Minister of Instruction, Paul Bert, instituted the Commission
d'Hygiene des Ecoles on January 24, 1882. This was an investigative group devoted
solely to the promotion of physical cleanliness of schools and school materials. It is
especially noteworthy that the Committee was founded in 1882 (the year of the passage of
the most important of the Ferry Laws). Mandating school cleanliness was just as
important as all of the other legislative changes that republicans were designing for
schools. In a founding statement the Committee cited doctors' charges that an epidemic
had been started at the Ecole normale d' Auteuil, due to lack of certain sanitary
conditions. "La tache de la commission consistera surtout a adopter une vue d'ensemble
sur tollS les points deja etudies. ,,266 It was obviously important to the founders to
establish that the cleanliness measures were grounded in well-established scientific fact.
Ferry called for a committee that would establish specific guidelines and gave them one
year to prepare a list of rules that the administration would apply to its school facilities.
266 "Hygiene des Iivres et dans les ecoles," Les Droits de fa Jeunesse I (October 29 1882): 2. This commission was
divided into subcommissons dealing with five different areas: the installation of the local schools and hygiene of the
internals, school buildings, the cleanliness of the environment, the hygiene of the students, intellectual and physical
education, and early childhood education.
134
It is clear that these guidelines were implemented and that a new attitude had been
manifested about the form and function of school facilities as early as the 1890s. A
seminal article that evidences this, in word and image, is Frantz Jourdain's
"L'Architecture des Lycees de Filles.,,267 The images proudly show Le Figaro lliustre
audiences large, light, airy, and aesthetic spaces, such as the stained-glass and plant-filled
vestibule of the Lycee Victor Hugo (Fig. 2.50). Courtyards are a great source of pride in
articles on school spaces and healthfulness. Jourdain includes the court of the Lycee
Fenelon (Fig 2.51) as a paragon of a school space allowing air, light, and much possibility
of movement for the students. Jourdain historicized the problem and described the
change of attitude in which architects were now involved:
Depuis vingt ans, I' architecture scolaire, par exemple, s' est tranformee de
la fa~on la plus intelligente, et Ie commentateur Ie moins impartial de la
modernite parviendrait peniblement anous persuader qu'il regrette les
hideuses batisses OU s' etiolait autrefois I' enfance. Ces bastilles, plus
sinistres que des prisons--car au moins les prisons renferment-elles des
coupables--disparaissant de jour enjour... On travaille encore, on s'ingenie
aameliorer, on cherche a supprimer les defectuosites, on reve la perfection
absolue. Des savants, des hygienistes, des medecins, des ingenieurs, des
architectes, preoccupes de la question si importante de l'instruction,
surtout des conditions materielles dans lesquelles il faut la distribuer aux
enfants, s' occupent avec un reel devouement non seulement de rendre la
cage saine et agreable, mais de la parer de mille manieres; non seulement
de former Ie cerveau, mais de developper Ie corps; non seulement
d'instruire, mais de fortifier, etjamais la formule Mens sana in corpore
sanD n'aura ete appliquee en France avec plus de sincerite. 268
Jourdain was the architect of the progressive new department store, Samaritaine, in
pariS. 269 He was also a persuasive proponent for Steinlen and the influence of the art of
the poster on everyday life. In the rest of the article Jourdain describes, in detail, each
267 Frantz Jourdain, "L'Architecture des Lycees de Filles," I.e Figaro llIustre 8 (1896): 197-200,
261 Jourdain 197.
269 See Meredith Clausen, Frantz Jourdain and the Samaritaine (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987).
135
successful elements of a school interior, including stairs, organization by floor,
ventilation, and the use of clean, durable materials. It is noteworthy that this progressive,
socially-concerned architect wrote this article, becoming so involved in problems and
solutions that involved school and society. The fact that he wrote the article for one of
the most widely-circulated Frenchjoumals indicates that he was aware of the widespread
concern and popular appeal of these issues.
The fear of contagion in public places grew and intensified during the 1880s and
into the twentieth century. After the discoveries of Pasteur and others regarding the
passage of germs made public hygiene issues a common subject of journals and other
forms of public discourse. The perceived weaknesses of children's immune syndromes,
were of particular concern in relation to school hygiene. Articles such as "Hygiene
Scolaire: L' Angine et Ie Croup,,270 and other cleanliness articles were plentiful. One of
the signs that hygiene was of great official importance within the schools was that
curriculum documents specifically state that students in elementary and nursery schools
will be inspected for cleanliness when arriving at schools. 271 This is the process Geoffroy
pictured so lovingly and happily taking place in L 'Ecole maternelle (Fig. 2.52). It is
important to note the teacher's role in this image as an agent of cleanliness. She both
actively participates in washing students faces and hands and seems to enjoy the process.
The perceived and actual role of the nursery school teacher in delivery of hygiene was of
considerable importance in republican school ideologies.
270 Dr. G. van Gelder, "Hygiene Scolaire: L' Angine et Ie Croup," La Jeune Revue: Scientifique et Litteraire, Journal de
la Vuigarisation et d'Education 1:22 (September 301882): 347-49.
271 Reglement 14.
136
One of the articles demonstrating the greatest extremes that were at least
recommended) to which schools went to maintain cleanliness was "Hygiene du livre dans
les bibliotheques et dans les ecoles. ,,272 The text recommended that those who used
public libraries, especially children, only touch books on the top right comer when
turning pages to minimize the space where the book pages will be unclean. The article
especially warns people against licking fingers before turning pages when using library
books; this was seen as a particularly unhygienic habit. The text also makes prescriptions
for librarians to reduce the amount of germs in their entire collections by removing all
books from the shelves annually and allowing all of them to air in the sun. One of the
greatest signifiers for the pride and concern the republican school regime had for school
cleanliness was the role of cleanliness in the 1900 Paris Exposition Education Pavilion.
At the 1900 fair there was a separate exhibition for hygiene. 273 In addition a section on
"Constructions scolaires" was included in Rene Leblanc's two-volume report on the
education pavilion. "Ils mirent en evidence les principes d'economie et d'hygiene qui
avaient preside a l'edifications des nouvelles constructions.,,274 Facilities that were newly
built by the republicans were special sources of pride for their high standards of
cleanliness, as well as their physical closeness to the ideal school. Such a facility was
embodied by the "model one-teacher school room" assembled for the 1900 education
pavilion. Une classe modele avec une seule maitresse (Fig. 2.53) was the title of the
photograph, printed in Leblanc's text, of the actual room assembled for the exposition.
272 "Hygiene du livres dans les bibliotheques et dans les ecoles" (January 1 1906): 1-1 S
273 Class 16 included economie socia/e. hygiene, and assistance pub/;que. Exposition Universelle de 1900 (paris:
Lemercier, 1900).
274 Leblanc 22
137
The desks and papers on top are assembled in extremely neat rows. Flowers are included
to brighten the room, but this element of the outdoors is located far from students in rigid
wire baskets at the side of the room. Posters and a neatly-handwritten blackboard line the
walls. All flourished underneath a bust of Marianne, the female allegory for France and
nationalism. This classe modele exemplified the cleanliness and order that were patriotic
elements of restructured French schools by 1900.
Classroom interiors were the most closely scrutinized element of the school
cleanliness fixation. In an image from L'illustration, Les Cantines seolaires, by J.
Mensina Ruzesz, (1888, Fig. 2.54), students are seated in a Paris school cafeteria. The
image visualizes standards for cleanliness-the room is large, well lit, and tables and
benches are arranged in an orderly manner. The students are clean and everyone has
something to eat--most have brought a lunch pail. The school provides a cup of soup and
a faucet for washing hands and faces. This illustration indicates that not only is the
school providing a clean, pleasant space for students' nourishment (in the place where
food is served and consumed, where hygiene is the most important), but also that the
students are expected to clean themselves before going into the classroom, where food
and saliva germs were easily spread.
Lavabos became emblems for cleanliness in the early Third RepUblic. In eeoles
maternelles the sinks lined walls or were clustered around the middle of the room.
Lavabos proliferated in foyers of Third Republic schools. Examining Geoffroy's
painting, Ecole maternelle (Fig. 2.52), the sinks are placed prominently in the entry hall.
They were the first and last thing the student would see at the end of the day, reminding
138
the student of the importance of cleanliness. As many students had less than hygienic
conditions at home, the position of the school as a model and constant arbiter of hygienic
ideals was important.275 This work was among the six paintings shown of Geoffroy's at
the 1900 exposition in the education pavilion. Commissioned by the government, this
painting underscores the importance of cleanliness in the schools, and particularly the
lavabo within them. The nature of this collaboration will be more fully explored in
Chapter Three.
There were prominent considerations in selection of school equipment, such as
lavabos and schooldesks. The rapid growth in interest in school-building hygiene is
attested to by the many advertisements for different and changing models of school
equipment. A commercial image prominently featuring lavabos is found in Rene
Leblanc's Rapports du Jury International on the 1900 Education Pavilion. One was
featured in the commercial section, an advertisement directed at education personnel (Fig.
2.42). The double model wall sink had four taps for simultaneous student use. One
handle was higher so that the teacher could lean over the students and regulate the water.
Another image from the 1900 report features the actual use of the sinks. Le Lavabo a
I 'ecole maternelle (Fig. 2.47) features neat rows of little girls washing their hands or
seated waiting to wash their hands. One student at a time visits one of the two teachers at
the back of the room to have their hands dried. All is neat, orderly, pleasant, and clean.
The Hachette publishing company also dealt in all things educational. In the
Leblanc text there is also an advertisement for two models of student desks that would
27S Articles featuring hygienic themes proving schools were obsessed with hygienic ideals. These included stories on
"Desinfection par Ie sucre", mental and physical health goals in ecoles malernelles 346-51, and six articles on
cleanliness in the January I, 1906 issue alone.
139
seat two. The model on the left features one desk top with a large slot, divided into two,
for student books and papers. The desk on the right is one piece of furniture, but features
two separate compartments with a lifting desktop. The accompanying text gives the all-
important testimony to how hygienic and desirable the brand-new desks were. Wall
objects were also important for visual and physical cleanliness issues. Paintings, prints,
blackboards, maps, and posters were commonly found in classrooms. As seen in the anti-
alcohol lesson photograph from the 1900 education pavilion (Fig. 2.48), the ideological
content and the neat appearance of blackboard writing and charts often related to issues of
personal and public health. There was even a "Commission de la decoration des ecoles et
de I' imagerie scolaire, ,,276 established in 1881. The group oversaw the organization and
content of school materials such as the printed anti-alcoholism posters, and were charged
with censorship when necessary.
Gender and Patriotic Duty
... Alors, citoyens pleins d'amour/d'une patrie en rete,

A nos petits a notre tour/nollS paierons notre dette.
Mais s'il faut encore des combats/pour te defendre 0 France!
Hommes!...A nos rangs de soldats! Femmes!...A l'ambulance!277
Not only was it natural to perceive males and females differently in the early
Third Republic, it was patriotic. Distinction and adherence to gender differences was
essential for several reasons. Conforming to stereotypes of male and female helped
maintain social order. Association with one's gender role as mother or father from
276Commission de la decoration des ecolcs et de I'imagerie scolaire. Rapport, (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1881).
277From a poem that could be taught as chant lesson by ecole maternelle teachers. Jean Morlaix. "(Ronde) Ics Bebes
de France," L 'Ami de I'enfance.
140
childhood helped France maintain order. Women who were trained to be self-sacrificing
and desirous of following their nurturing instincts would want to have babies instead of
pursuing a career or their own desires. More children produced by civic-minded females
would serve as a larger pool from which to create the military. Males who were raised to
be aggressive and patriotic would make ready and able soldiers. It was in the best interest
of France to promote nationalism through gender distinctio~ filtered through the lens of
self-sacrifice and patriotism.
Clearly distinguished gender ideals were everywhere in late nineteenth-century
French visual culture. Paul Dubois' sculpture, La Charite et Ie courage militaire (Fig.
2.55) was one in which male and female were used to allegorize crucial nationalistic
concepts. The sculpture was designed for the tomb of General Lamoriciere in Nantes. An
etching of the work was widely circulated in the journal, Le Monde llluslre in 1876. A
medal winner in the Salon of that year, Dubois based ideals of man and woman,
resembles those by Michelangelo for the Medici Tomb, as well as on some of the
Renaissance master's Sistine ceiling figures. Linking the gendered allegories to
established artistic and cultural icons, Dubois gave them an enduring historicism that
made them timeless prototypes. The duties and attitudes of both male and female
perfectly summarize what was expected of each gender into service of the Republic. The
male figure wears the classical garment and trappings of war, complete with a tunic and
skirt, a sword, and a helmet. Hercules, the self-sacrificing, powerful classical hero, is
also alluded to as Courage militaire wears the lion skin that Hercules wore around his
shoulders. The male allegory for Military Courage also is significant in disposition. He
141
is relaxed, yet alert and strong. The woman, or Charity, is quite different. Suckling her
child at her breast and holding a sleeping toddler in her arms, the woman casts her eyes
down at the children with submission and fulfillment. She seems to have no awareness of
her surroundings, only a modest and abiding devotion her duty as a mother. United by
podium, yet separated by square pillars, each rests near a panel with relief of a cupid with
a laurel wreath. This symbol, plus the patriotic images of the male and female, make this
an image of peace and victory (appropriate for the tomb of a military hero). There is also
an implicit victory of the patriotism of gender ideals. Based on attitudes commonly found
in French literature and popular culture of the era, most major Third Republic institutions
would heartily approve of this pair as role models.
In schools children were separated by gender both physically and ideologically.
Such segregation was reinforced by the very language spoken in the ecoles. Auge's
Grammaire en!antine 278 lesson on nouns--explaining gendered status of the words--
makes it clear that there are differences between male and female. Both the words chosen
as examples and the accompanying images in the text (Fig. 2.56) feature gender biases
that are connected to nationalistic stereotyping.279 For the masculine-gendered word,
Auge chose Ie zouave, or an African soldier. The zouave carries a bayonnet and is more
intent on carrying on with the battle than with the bomb that explodes at his feet. La
Bergere, a shepherdess, serves the female case. She is seated on a rock, holding a relaxed
staff, and offers her hand to a soft, fluffy sheep. The active, almost barbaric state of the
male contrasts strongly with the passive, land-nurturing female. The two figures are
271 Auge 16.

219 Auge 16.
142
clearly visualized whom boys should fight (the enemy) and what they should fight for (the
hearth and family). Textbooks, even in simple grammar lessons, featured richly-coded,
militaristic gender expectations for impressionable French children.
Further gender segregation was found in myriad ways within French schools at the
tum-of-the-century. The certificat d'etudes primaires (the document children earned for
finishing elementary school) was carefully gender-structured. There was one for boys and
one for girls. The tasks and curricula that each gender was expected to undertake was
very different and tailored to the expectations for each sex's future. 28o
There was a movement, or at least a recognition of the possibility, that ecoles
mutes might be a viable approach to education, particularly in the communes that had a
harder time stretching their educational franc. In 1886 there was a law providing for
funding for the gender-mixed schools in communes of more than 100 people. Sponsored
by T. Naudy, Ecole Normale Director, the action was designed to make primary education
for girls as universal as it was for boys (especially in the communes).281 Communes
were given state fmancial incentive with this law to desegregate education by gender
where there was economic danger there would be no opportunity for girls to attend school
at all. While ecole mixtes did not become the norm in France until well into the twentieth
century, Naudy maintained that the segregated system was an instrument of Catholic
control. More importantly, the republican school reconstructionists wished to counteract
the possibility of so many girls in remote areas remaining untouched by nationalistic and
regenerative indoctrination.
210 L 'Education Nationale: Journal Gen. de l'Enseignement Primaire 6 (1892).

211 Revue pedagogique 23:8 (August 15 (893): 100.
143
Separate schools each for boys and girls remained the Third Republic norm, then.
The normal state of gender affairs might be partially represented by comparing two
photographs presented in the education pavilion at the 1900 Exposition Universelle (Figs.
2.57 and 2.58). Carefully chosen as portraits of ''typical'' schools (Figure 2.57 is a school
for girls and Figure 2.58 is for boys). They depicted children from primary schools at
Pas-de-Calais and Chastel-Nouvel, Lozere. The small boys wear the smocks were have
seen in so many visual representations of schools. The girls all wear similar caps as well
and ever-present pinafores. These and countless contemporary school images
demonstrate that uniformity was prized in both types of schools, but a difference in
disposition is present in these tiny examples of ideal gender representatives. The boys
stand rigid and straight. Their hands are at their sides, while the girls' hands are curled
up, and often are folded in their laps. Most of the girls, particularly the smaller ones,
have slightly downcast heads, their eyes look up somewhat submissively. Girls in such
images also tend to be shown sitting more often than the boys are. Even the teachers, the
same genders as the students in each of these cases, follow the same rules of body
language. As will be seen in more sUbjective images in children's books andjournals by
artists such as Boutet de Monvel, girls are ideally shown with closed, passive, inert forms,
as opposed to the more open, active postures of boys. It was highly undesirable to violate
the prescribed codes of gender--both in physical settings and images that boys and girls
experienced.
144
Training une Fille to be une Femme
One important aspect of girls' education concerned the home. Whether it took
place in the girl's own domestic setting or within school, the practical training a female
child was given was intricately tied to her duties to family, community and nation. The
passive contentedness, an ideal of French femininity, is seen everywhere in imagery of
the era. A typical genre of imagery showing feminine duty and pleasure is a type of
picture in which a child is tutored by either a governess, or the child's mother. It was
popular to show the child being educated at home, even after many children were being
educated in public schools. It was as if works on this theme were meant to emphasize the
timeless duties a mother has to educate her child, and especially her daughter. Two
standard images are Education maternelle (1873, Fig. 2.59), by the sculptor E.
Delaplanche, and Premieres etudes as reproduced in L 'nlustration (1895, Fig. 2.60), by
Mme. Colin-Libour. 282 "La Mere Educatrice" became a type just after the bloody events
that marked the beginning of the Third Republic. An article under this title by Julie
Fertiault appeared in 1872. A fervent promoter of traditional morals under Catholic
auspices, Fertiault often wrote inspiring treatises on children and family issues during the
early Third Republic. She used statements such as this to identify the educating mission
of mothers: "La mere doit donc par-des sus tout a son enfance cette education qui
developpe les facultes morales et les facultes intellectuelles, cette education qui eclaire
l'esprit, forme Ie jugement, elargit Ie coeur et forme l'ame.,,283 There were several
propagandistic benefits from illustrating the benevolent mother helping the little child
282 Education maternelle appeared in the Salon coverage issue of Le Monde Illustre in 1873, and Premieres Etudes in
an 1895.
283 Julie Fertiault. "La M~r.: t.~ucatrice: sa mission," La Femme et fa Famille 2 (1872): 303
145
learn to read. As "La Mere Educatrice" suggests, however, the book stands for what the
mother teaches-deeper character and moral issues. The subject matter of mothers
teaching children was a chance to show them being physically close, emphasizing the
nurturing "nature" of women. These images also provided an opportunity to show the
mothers with devoted looks of concentration or benevolence on their faces.
Such imagery also promotes the very act of reading, particularly among girls,
whose education was only beginning to be taken seriously in the early Third RepUblic.
These two images are also important to compare, because they are of essentially the same
subject. In twenty-two years, however, numerous ideological shifts have occurred. In the
1873 image a woman in a peasant's dress and headwrap, points out something in a book
to a child who appears to be trying to read from the book. This image came very close on
the heels of the Franco-Prussian war and the Commune. At that time there was some
optimism for opportunities for the peasant as the war and the emerging republican
government were looking toward pacifying and exploiting the raw power of the working
class. There was more belief that the individual could make something of himself or
herself, and the potential of the educated child is alluded to here. It is also noteworthy
that the mother knows how to read sufficiently to be able to teach the child. She is also
powerful in her motherhood--while being nurturing, she is also muscular and weighted to
her home and the land with a large heavy leg, accented with the heavy, thoughtful toe
(recalling Michelangelo's Libyan Sibyl from the Sistine ceiling). In the 1895 image (Fig.
2.60), however, the mother is more feminine and refined. There is more glorification of
the mother in this particular image--she is seemingly illuminated by being the ideal
146
middle class female. She is well-dressed, lives is a beautiful home with nice things,
wears a serene look on her face, and has the time to spend with her young, obedient,
neatly dressed daughter. There is less ofa sense of the child as an individual (the viewer
cannot see her face). The image also shows the figures from a closer point-of-view. This
soft, subtle lighting and the short distance implied between the subject and viewer
demonstrates more intimate joys in the mother's educational mission being fulfilled.
These works of art were reproduced through engravings and were circulated to thousands
of middle class homes in Le Monde lllustre and L 'lliustration, this suggests even further
that the dutiful, nurturing, educative mother was an ideal that was being impressed upon
females.
There was constant talk about the dress, appropriate behavior, and moral codes of
females during the early Third Republic. There was also debate over whether these parts
of female life should be reformed, especially for girls. The topic of fashion is too large to
treat here, but there were many images and remarks in popular imagery that indicated
there was great pressure on girls to learn to behave in certain ways. Images of the
schoolgirl--portraying ideals both of and to girls going to school--present an important set
of expected codes of behavior and appearance. In Janelle Bole's 1876 salon painting
Allant a I 'Ecole (Fig 2.61), a girl with a portfolio of papers, a lunch basket, and a book
goes to school. She is dressed in an old fashioned way-with a cap, a ruftled dress, and
some anachronistic pearls. Injoumals, children's books, and other sources of images,
girls often are dressed to evoke nostalgia,284 as if girls of former times were purer and
214 Many examples of nostalgic costumes and settings can be found in Boutet de Monvel's and Geoffroy's illustrations
for children.
147
lovelier. Her soft ruflles give a sense of sweet, passive innocence, as do her upturned
eye. As in many other schoolgirl images, Bole's submissive "perfect" girl is delicate, shy,
retiring, and belongs to feminine traditions of the past.
There were many things girls were expected to do differently from boys.
Discourse often focused on what was best for females. Questions such as, "Qu'est-ce que
lisent les jeunes fiUes? Qu' est qu' elles devraient lire?,,28s summarize the protective
control that was exercised over girls through words and images. Voices and mannerisms
were governed by gender "laws.,,286 Girls were expected to have neat, manicured
penmanship, distinguishable from that of boys. But as described in "Graphologie des
Jeunes FiUes," handwriting reflected more complex issues of femininity. "Lesjeunes
fiUes possedent dans la graphologie un moyen aussi merveilleux que subtil de decouvrir
sans peine les tendances cachees de leurs amies, et, aussi, de leurs amis, parmi lesquels se
trouve peut-etre l'heureux epoux de demain.,,287 The article's author, "Papus" goes on to
say that one can tell several things from a person's handwriting, and that it is a good way
of determining future model housewives. Accompanying illustrations reveal how Papus
identifies a complex system of slanted, jumbled, and exaggerated letters to reveal
characteristics such as pessimism, sloppiness, and dominance. This article is nothing
more than popular-culture psychiatry through handwriting analysis, and the cartoonish
illustrations suggest there is a slightly tongue-in-cheek approach to the subject.
28S Marcel Prevost, "Lectures de Jeunes FiIles," La Femme d'aujourd'hui I(February 25 (904): 1.
286 Directives for making young girls' lives more structured and unifonn were everywhere. In "Sur la mani~re de vivre
d'unejeune flUe" ideals for almost every element ofa girl's life are laid out on one page. Advice on the furnishings in
her room, her clothing, and an ascending age-scale of bedtime and wake-up hours are provided by L. d'AIq, "Sur la
mani~re de vivre d'unejeune tiUe," us Causeries Familieres (1880): 254.
217 Papus, "La Graphologie des Jeunes FilIes," La Femme d'Aujourd'hui I (March (904): 25-6. one of many articles
that encouraged extremes of gendered behavior in the popular journal, La Femme d'Aujourd'hui.
148
Uniformity and conformity in one of the most personal forms of self-expression,
handwriting, are being connected with the all-important female goal of finding a mate.
This indicates a high level of gendered control being communicated through the medium
of the journal to young girls.
Other subjects taught to both boys and girls were differentiated by gender.
Curriculum documents from 1887 refer explicitly to differences in physical education.
The nationalistic and regenerative importance of physical education will be discussed
shortly, but it is important to note here how the education ministry mandated the physical
training of girls. Specific exercises were designed for female students to develop a
"comfortable gait" and "graceful bearing." Teaching of more practical things utilizing
frne motor skills, or "manual works" were lessons showing some of the greatest gender
variation. Vocationally oriented, manual skills courses provided instruction in the use of
common tools for boys and sewing objects for girls. Although the education ministry
specified that the primary school must not lose "its essential character as an educational
establishment" and become an "atelier," it nonetheless told teachers to give ~'manual
exercises" sufficient attention so that boys and girls were prepared for future roles as men
and women. Boys often received training that involved larger physical movements and
skills, while sewing and fine handwork was more commonly seen in curriculum
documents and images directed at girls.
One of the most important influences in defining and training girls to be feminine
was the school curriculum. Many ideals of femininity expressed to early Third RepUblic
girls have already been identified. It is important to analyze elements of public school
149
teaching to learn more about ideals of femininity to advance interpretations of images
from this era. Most curricular elements for girls were oriented toward being a successful
mother and housewife. Girls were taught not to expect to be anything else and not to
have skills to do much else. Because it was thought that boys and girls needed such
different instruction, curricula were highly differentiated. This prolonged the widespread
advent of gender integration in the classroom. All students were taught drawing.
Aesthetic and practical skills of art instruction were highly valued in Third Republic
schools. The subject of drawing, the primary focus of art instruction, had very different,
vocationally-oriented contexts in each boys' and girls' classrooms. "For women, drawing
lessons stressed 'ornamental' more than 'geometrical' design, and 'manual works' meant
sewing and home economics. ,,288
Several subjects were taught only to girls, most importantly economie domestique
(home economics) andpuericulture (child-rearing). While radicals such as Jeanne
Schmahl in La Nouvelle Revue objected to teaching that girls' lot was to work in the
home,289 schools and society-at-Iarge overwhelmingly communicated that this was so.
Economie domestique was endowed with moral value. From it girls would gain a "love
of order, (it would) make them acquire the serious qualities of a housewife, and put them
on guard against frivolous and dangerous tastes. ,,290 Charles Driessens, a proponent of
cooking education in public schools and nonnal schools put the need for domestic
training in expressly political terms. " ...(C)e qui prouve que de plus, l'economie
211 Clark 17.

289 Jeanne Schmahl, "Economie Domestique," La Nouvelle Revue 10 (1901): 278-86 and 444-50. Writing for this
radical literary journal, Schmahl notes that with the changing economy and women's realization that there are other
fulfillments in the world outside their home, the work of the housewife should not be expected to stay the same. She
calls the perceived destruction of women losing interest in domestic endeavors. "desordre du foyer" (page 444).
290 Clark 17. Here the author refers to page 344 of the Reglements.
150
domestique theorique et pratique, que la cuisine menagere devraient s' enseigner dans nos
ecoles normales. C'est peut-etre Ie plus sUr moyen de regenerer notre race, car des
aliments et de l'ordre dependent la sante et les joies du foyer, comme d'ailleurs d'une
nourriture inferieure et du desordre des maux qu'un peuple doit endiguer it tout prix.,,291
This educational statement appeared in a cooking journal, La Cu;s;n;ere Cordon Bleu. It
was not uncommon for such journals to speak of hygiene and nutrition issues, linking
them to nationalism and regeneration. This demonstrates how pervasive and potent ideas
were that asserted girls' and women's work was something they should not deny so that
they would fulfill their national duty.
There were several key figures in the early development and promotion of the
discipline of home economics in France. An influential promoter and organizer of an
international conference on econom;e domest;que 292 was Comtesse de Diesbach?93 She
theorized at length on the benefits and importance of econom;e domest;que as a major
contributer to the journal, L 'Ense;gnement Menager. In 1905 she published an editorial
in which she stated, "pour exercer une heureuse influence en notre temps, I 'Ecole
menagere ne doit jamais un instant perdre de vue son but moral. ,,294 Cours menagers
came to be a common feature of girls' curriculum. But as the teaching of household arts
291 "L'Enseignement de la cuisine menagere et de I'economie domestique dans les Ecoles publiques," La Cuisiniere
Cordon B/eu (January 13 (895): SO. In 1883 Chvles Driessens instituted first course in cuisine menagere et ecanamie
damestique at Saint-Denis under the auspices of Jean Mace and the Ligue de l'enseignemenL
m In May of 1904 Comtesse de Diesbach headed the Congres Jeanne d' Arc in Paris. The importance and supreme
symbolic significance of Joan of Arc within ideologies of nationalism and regeneration will be discussed in the chapter
on Boutet de Monvel. It is important to note here, however, that Jeanne d' Arc was chosen as a moral symbol for the
humanitarian quest and importance of women. Comtesse R. de Diesbach, "Rt!ve d'Or," L 'Enseignement menager I
(July (904): 65.
293 The Comtesse de Diesbach was recognized as operating one of the few Ecoles Normales Menageres. This important
institution operated her school using the Belgian system of teaching housewife eduction. The Swiss and German
systems were also popular at this time. Therese Barthas Landrieu, L 'Enseignement Sea/aire de /a Puericu/ture (paris:
A. Michalon, 1909): 35. Dr. Landrieu was a doctor of medicine at the Faculte de Paris.
294 Comtesse de Diesbach, "Ecoles menagers," L 'Enseignement menager I: II (January (905): 178-80.
151
became increasingly specialized eco/es menageres profossionelles were a further
development of the desire to train girls to be skilled and devoted housewives and
mothers. 295
One aspect of the specialization of home economics was the highly political study
ofpuericulture (child care). Dr. Adolphe Pinard, a professor and member of the
Academie de Medecine was one of the discipline's pioneers. In 1903 Pinard "consecra la
puericulture comme science scolaire.,,296 Pinard delineated the elements ofpuericulture.
These included all things relating to the practical raising of children: hygiene,
innoculation, dental care, bathing, care of sick childrC!n, and maternal charity. In 1905,
largely due to Pinard's efforts, puericu//ure became a mandatory part of coursework for
ecole normale students, added to eleven hours per week studying sewing and domestic
economy.297 One of Pinard's primary goals was that child care would be seen as a
science. 298 Indeed, child care had been increasingly viewed in scientific terms with the
evolvement of the early Third Republic--now it was being taught as such. Another
295 Therese Barthias Landrieu. L 'Enseignement Scofaire de fa Puericulture (Paris: A. Michalon. (909): 33. Landrieu
also presented the following as a manifesto of sorts on the crucial nature of teaching puericulture. These page
prescriptions, on 60 of her text, demonstrate the immense social importance she envisioned for puericulture.
"L'hygiene et I'education de la premiere enfance doivent etre un des premiers objets d'enseignement a l'ecole. Cet
Enseignement devra etre obligatoire de I'ecole matemelle a I'ecole nonnale d'institutrices... Le cours de puericulture
appuye sur des connaissances generales acquises, comportera essentiellement des travaux pratiques. Les questions de
guericulture prendront place dans les examens."
96 Landrieu 28-29. Pinard's influence should not be underestimated. [n addition to generating disciples, such as
Augusta Moll-Weiss and Comtesse de Diesbach, the professor's numerous and widely published books reached
thousands of students and adult readers. Pinard's La Puericulture de Premier Age, nourriture, vitement, hygiene
(Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 19(3) was among the most influential and part of a series, Education Morale et
Pratique dans les Ecoles de Filles. Other texts by Pinard included L 'Enseignement menager en France et Ii I'etranger
and L 'Alimentation et I 'hygiene de la premiere enfance.
297 Ferdinand Buisson. Nouveau dictionnaire de pedagogie et d'instruction primaire (Paris: Hachette, 19(1) as cited in
Clark 17. See also Landrieu 28-29. Pinard's influence should not be underestimated. In addition to generating
disciples, such as Augusta Moll-Weiss and Comtesse de Diesbach, the professor's numerous and widely published
books reached thousands of students and adult readers. Pinard's La Puericulture de Premier Age, nourriture,
vitement, hygiene (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1913) was among the most influential and part of a series, Education
Morale et Pratique dans les Ecoles de Filles. Other texts by Pinard included L 'enseignement menager en France et Ii
I'etranger and L 'alimentation etl'hygiene de la premiere en/once.
291 Landrieu 35.
152
individual responsible for popularizing and institutiona1izingpuericulture was Madame
Augusta Moll-Weiss. Ecole des Meres was both a book and an institution operated by
Moll-Weiss. She did not teach economie domestique, but simplified it further. She
taught the science of motherhood and delineated the duties of a woman in the home,
magnifying the importance and specialization related to each role. 299 Moll-Weiss'
mentor, Pinard, said that it was "possible d'intervenir dans la sante de l'enfant pendant la
grossesse et meme avant la procreation en preparant un pere sain et sobre, une mere saine
et reposee. ,,300 We are reminded by this remark that mothers were trained and expected
to approach their parenthood healthily and seriously. However, fathers had a different,
but extremely important role to play in the precious futures of children.
The Male and Active Obligation
Militarisme was to become an inextricable element ofa Third Republic boy's
character. This is evident in a widely disseminated image, Le Reve du lyceen (Fig. 2.62).
Published in Le Figaro Illustre in 1896,301 L. Kratke's painting shows a boy of high-
school age stretched-out, asleep, on a desk, strewn with papers and large books. He is
wearing his school clothing, which closely resembles a military uniform. It appears that
he has fallen asleep doing his schoolwork (which was likely to have some patriotic or
militaristic themes, as discussed in the section on curriculum). Above him is his
299 Landrieu 35-36. Moll-Weiss wrote several respected texts in the field ofpuericulture that were especially
influential in the first decade of the twentieth century. Author of Le Foyer domestique (Paris: Hachette, 1902), Nos
taus petits (paris: Vuibert et Nony, 1909), and later, La Femme, la Mere, 1'Enfant: Guide pratique a1'usage des jeunes
meres (paris: Maloine, 1917). Foe a summary of the history of puericulture, including the achievements of Moll-Weis
and other important figures. see Genevieve Delaisi de Parseval and Suzanne Lallemand, J00 ans de receltes [ranfaises
de puericulrure (paris: Seuil, 1980), particularly page 19.
100 Landrieu IS.
101 Le Rive du Lyceen, Le Figaro IIIustre 8 (1896): 189.
153
"dream"-a battle scene in which French troops storm a village. Despite the fact that the
soldier (on the lower left) in the dream is falling, presumably from a gunshot wound,
others charge on at the command of their leader. They appear brave and are inspired by
the thrill of the charge. The peaceful look on the boy's face and the French identity of the
soldiers indicate that this is a pleasant dream, not a nightmare. Clearly this is an ideal for
the boy, visualizing something he probably wants to be, something that he is studying to
do. The prominent placement of the image in the widely circulated journal, Le Figaro
lliustre and the prohibitory statement below the image "ll est interdit de vendre
separement cette reproduction" indicates there was popular appeal inherent in the image.
As will be described here, the militaristic ideal for young males was potent and carefully
constructed. This was instilled through induction, training, and expectation-the tools one
might use to psychologically recruit and prepare an actual soldier.
What was the purpose of putting such pressure on young boys? The development
of a sense of obligation to protect one's country and to help it thrive was the ideal for
boys. It has been demonstrated earlier in this chapter that girls were also expected to
assist with the general survival of the French. Keeping themselves healthy, wanting to
have babies, and learning to take care of a home and its members were how females were
expected to serve France. This element of self-sacrifice was crucial to the desires France
had for its children, whether they came from political, religious, medical, or other
sources. This section will demonstrate that the ideal of self-sacrifice was expected
absolutely of each gender, but in the male it was to assert itself very differently. In words,
ideas and images, females are described as and prescribed to be giving in inert, passive
154
ways. The male, however, was always active in the way he served his country, his family,
and even his own development. This sense of active obligation pervades an astounding
amount of visual culture from 1870-1905 wherever boys are discussed or represented.
Seeing one's life in a militaristic framework was a key element of the construction
of the young male prototype. Another ideal was a certain level of activity, both physical
and mental. As Robert A. Nye explains, this can be partially attributed to a combined
medical and popular opinion that the sexes were different in make-up.
Common throughout the nineteenth-century was the view that there were
dichotomous "strengths" and "weaknesses" in the generative elements of
men and women which influenced the likelihood of male or female births.
Among the most popular were the degree of maturation of the ovum, the
vigor and number of sperm, the testicle from which the sperm originated,
nourishment, the sexual health and habits of the partners, and the strength
of their sexual identities. The favorable features for male births were a
mature egg, plentiful, vigorous sperm, the right (strong) testicle, lean
nourishment, and abundant masculine secondary characteristics. These
beliefs ...constituted a correlative domain reinforcing the conviction that
males were desirable, and that male births depended on the sexual vigor
and unambiguously male identity of the father. 302
In school textbooks male bravery was encouraged, while female boisterousness was
cautioned against. 303 In Claude Auge' s Grammaire enfantine males were made of
stronger "stuff' and thus were expected to be more active.
The active mind and body were ideally suited to soldierhood; thus, boys were
ideal soldiers by nature. From toddlerhood boys were surrounded with pressure to serve.
It should be apparent at this point that boys were usually shown wearing clothing derived
from military uniforms. The journal images previously discussed, as well as later images
]02 Cited in Nye 63, J.-C. Bernard, "Fille ou gar~on Ii volonte: un aspect du discours medical au 1ge siecle," Elhnologie
fran~aise II (1981): 63-76.
]0] Auge 33 and 43.
ISS
from children's books, usually feature boys wearing militaristic clothing. This is because
boys did wear a style of clothing that resembled military uniforms A fashion journal, La
Toilette des en/ants, commonly featured images of boys' fashion. In a "Groupe de
costumes pour jeunes gens et gar~onnets," (Fig. 2.63)304 it is clear that boys' vestments
changed with their ages. Naval costumes were appropriate for those of four-to-six years
(the boy second-to-right).30s Boys ages six-to-fourteen (the other two boys in the center)
wore costumes that were based more closely on army uniforms (although the boys still
wore short pants). Teen-aged boys, fourteen and older (the two boys on the outside) wore
clothes closer to what their fathers wore--suits with long trousers that began to resemble a
businessman's "uniform" more than a soldier's. Military styles so pervasive in boys'
clothing, that a child in a cartoon by Nils (Fig. 2.64) sees a sailor and asks, "Dis, papa,
pourquoi il est habille comme un petit gar~on?,,306
The encouragement of boys to thinking of themselves as national servants was not
limited to clothing. Journal images illustrate the persuasiveness of militaristic ideals. For
many reasons an image by Henri Girardet, L 'Invalide (subtitled "Un Volontaire de trois
ans," Fig. 2.65) is particularly illustrative. The image demonstrates active obligation
imposed on boys from their earliest years. In a park an elderly man (obviously a veteran
because of his decorated uniform and artificial leg) tenderly guides a very young child.
The three-year-old stands rather rigidly at attention and holds a shovel like a gun, as he
has been instructed. A female sits on an adjacent chair; while knitting; she looks on
104 La Toilette des En/ants I (January 1886): 6.

lOS The accompanying text prescribes a costume for specific ages, indicating that clothing itself was stratified and
coded, like military uniforms.
106 The cartoon appeared in La Vie Amusante.
156
acceptingly. She appears to be dressed as a servan~ possibly the nanny who brought the
child to the park. It is also possible that she could be the caretaker of the m~ possibly in
an old soldiers' home. In childhood imagery throughout history, what the child has cast
off is symbolic. Here the little boy has abandoned his shovel, pail, and the important
symbol of childhood, a stick and hoop. He has re-utilized his shovel as an imaginary
weapon. He is too small to wear pants,307 but the tiny tot is old enough to bravely stand
at attention. The messages in this 1876 image (as well as its high visibility in the home in
the journal Le Magasin Pittoresque) make this an important early Third Republic use of
militaristic propaganda.
Illustrations of boys at play indicate further that toys and images were used to
make militaristic thoughts part of a boy's identity. Un lefon de strategie (1890, Fig.
2.66), by Paul Legrand, also couples a young boy with an old war hero. This boy and two
slightly older ones listen and watch as the old man gives them instruction on the use of
their toy horses and soldiers. The prevalence of the image was particularly important. It
was circulated in L 'Art Franfais, but also was seen by thousands of people in the 1890
Salon. Always high in visibility were images in L 'lllustration. Les Premieres armes
(Fig. 2.67) by Rene Fath, is another example demonstrating how very young boys' play
focused upon military themes. A boy, too small to yet be wearing pants,308 has outfitted
his dog with makeshift riding tack and masterfully rides the animal. This boy carries a
gun, and also a knife in his belt (both of which appear to be toys). Active, obligatory
feelings toward military service are strongly communicated through the proud, worldly
307 There is still a sailor-unifonn collar on the three-year old's robe.

301 The boys appearance, including long hair, clothing, robes and stockings. indicate he is four years old or less.
157
demeanor of the boy; his seeming monumentality; as well as the title, which indicates
these are his first, not his last arms.
Very small boys were being inducted into a cult of self-sacrifice and honor. As
boys got older, it seemed to be taken for granted that they would fight and then the task
was to show them how. B. Lemeunier's C'est la garde qui passe: Paris (Fig. 2.68) was
one of many pictures showing boys observing military parades and exercises. The work
was exhibited at the 1900 Salon-an especially important exhibition as the world would
see it while attending the Exposition Universelle in Paris. A decorated, armed guard
marches by the public. While Lemeunier represents several types (a young woman lifting
her skirt flirtatiously to the soldiers and a middle-class businessman), it is the effect of the
servicemen on the small boys that is given the most attention. Located at the bottom
center of the image, boys of various ages seem mesmerized by the passing guard. The
hazy separation of the street between the guard and the children, as well as the looks on
their faces, makes the dreamy heroism of the soldiers to the boys seem similar to that in
La Reve du lyceen (Fig. 2.62).
Crowds also turned out to watch military exercises of boys themselves. In a Le
Monde fl/ustre image (Fig. 2.69) various schoolboys have turned out at the Place du
Chateau d'Eau to complete military exercises. The boys are of different ages. While
those marching at the left are expectedly teenagers, some of the boys are very small. The
boys to the right of the front marching group appear to be in the very earliest years of
primary school--perhaps some of them are not even out of the ecole maternelle yet. Boys
at the top right are engaged in a unified marching exercise. The caption states that this is
158
a preparation for military exercises of the schoolboys of the eleventh arrondissement.
Judging from the number of boys and spectators, it is clear that the formal military
exercises involved a great number of the arrondissement's young men and will be an
important show of young strength for the community. The date of this image, 1872,
provides some explanation for the extreme militarism being projected to the public and its
children. The image was produced at the time when French military weakness and
nationalism seemed the most imperiled, after the Franco-Prussian War and the Commune.
Other images revealed the degree to which boys expected (and even insisted) they
would become soldiers. Children's books, such as Petits soldats en marche309 presented
words and images that communicated boys' acceptance of and desire for their role as
soldiers. The cover illustration (Fig. 2.70) presents a boy playing with toy horses and
soldiers and another of a young boy wearing the fringed hat of the guard in Figure 2.68,
hoisting a sword, and riding a horse. Boys in such forums are not represented as soldiers-
to-be, but as small soldiers, already "on the march." Journal images were particularly
forceful in their communication of boys' acceptance of the soldier role. Je sera; soldat!
(Fig. 2.71) by Edmond Morin carries a defiant, militaristic message that is particularly
effective. A small boy, wearing short pants and a shirt and belt resembling those of some
uniforms, looks angry and sullen. His arm is wrapped as if broken or otherwise badly
wounded, and what appears to be a vessel is lying broken on the table behind him. One
can imagine that he broke the vase and injured his arm, possibly through a rough game
involving soldierly role-playing. The title indicates he is insisting he will be a soldier.
This image, from 1871, can be interpreted to mean that the child is concerned about the
309 Mme. de Grandmaison, Petits So/daIS en marche (Paris: Paul Bernadin, 1890).
159
Prussian-occupied French region of Sienne, and that he is determined to be a soldier and
participate in this liberation. He announces he will be a soldier, indicating his steely
determination.
What were the machinations behind the development of the active, obligated boy
who so clearly resides in these images?310 Family, play, and visual culture were
harbingers of messages that molded boys this way, but it is also important to understand
how public schools approached militarism to gain further understanding of the images of
and for young boys. The prototypical conviction for boys was described in L 'Education
Nationale, a republican journal oriented toward patriotism. The journal advised boys,
"Obeir au maitre, c'est obeir en quelque sorte ala France. Elle-melll~, a l~ Republique
qui l'a nomme pour combattre I'ignorance, car I'ignorant est un mauvais citoyen et ne
peut faire un bon soldat.,,311 Seeing school as military training, then, was an important
concept in male education, with the teacher becoming the commanding officer.
Just as girls' curricula focused upon ideas that would prepare them for keeping a
home and raising children, boys' education was pointed toward military careers. The
Ligue d'Enseignement, a group oflocal educational-interest organizations (coordinated
nationally--and nationalistically--by Jean Mace) was particularly supportive of instruction
involving civic ideologies and physical, armed exercises. 312 Ligue spokespersons,
] 10 For excellent images and interpretation dealing with militaristic thought beginning in the Second Empire and
continuing through the Post-World War II era. see the exhibition catalog, Institut National de Recherche Pedagogique,
P comme Patrie en France entre 1850 et 1950 (Rouen: Maison des quatre fils Aymon, 1989).
1II L 'Education nationa/e 3 (1886): 22.
]12 It is important to note the active, nationalistic role of the Ligue d'Enseignement Jean Mace was a key figure in
publicizing and actualizing republican educational goals in the 18805. Mace organized a branch /igue in many major
French cities; his group wrote articles for journals, suchs as Les Droits de /a Jeunesse, as well as their own Bulletin de
/a Ligue FraT/faise de L 'Enseignement. The Ligue was particularly active in 1883, as their agenda was focused on
efficiently and effectively implementing bataillon sco/aire approaches in public school curriculum. See articles such
as "Les Bataillons scolaires: La Revolution Fran~aise," Bulletin de /a Ligue fran~aise de / 'enseignement 3 (February
1883): 97-126 and "Instructions pour la formation des societes d'education gymnastique et militaire," Bulletin de /a
160
including Henri Simon, wrote scores of articles rallying public support for boys'
education with a military emphasis. 313 Bataillons seo/aires were the result of interest in
the mass-training of boys to be soldiers. In 1882 Ferry's office decreed that it would
regulate military instruction and create this type of school, which developed and
proliferated quickly. The act dictated that all agents of primary or secondary public
instruction that were responsible for educating boys that had between 200 and 600
students aged twelve and older would operate under the name bataillon seolaire. This
would require all schools that fit these requirements to assemble their students for
military and gymnastic exercises. 314 Therefore, most male students over the age of
twelve received military training; this created an automatic junior armed forces for
France. The benefits of these schools were defended as being suited even to boys who
would enter the commercial sector and not become soldiers. "Ces fusils, dont la
fabrication sera abandonnee it I' industrie privee, devront presenter les trois conditions
suivantes: n'etre pas trop lourds pour l'age des enfants; comporter tout Ie mechanisme du
fusil de guerre actuel; n'etre pas susceptibles de faire feu meme it courte portee.,,31S
Ligue/ranfaise de I'enseignement 3 (November 1883) 476-81. Mace is also a noteworthy figure to this study as he was
a founder of Le Magasin d'Education et Recreation with Pierre-Jules Hetzel. An influential and widely circulated
fiction journal for children, Le Magasin was the longtime employer of illustrator-painter Jean-lules Geoffioy.
313 Henri Simon, "L 'Education Civique et militaire," Les Draits de la Jeunesse I (September 17 1882): 3. The Ligue
carried out an especially strong campaign in the early 1880s for this type of instruction to become an integral part of
boys' curricula. This article offered information on the type of military training that French rivals such as Germany
and Italy were offering, hoping to stimulate the French competitive spirit in the journal's readers.
314 "A Propos des bataillons scolaires," Les Droits de la Jeunesse I (luly 16 1882): 2-3.
m "Les Bataillons scolaires," Les Droits de lajeunesse I (luly 161882): 2. On the same page, bordering this article is
another, "De l'Education des filles." Written by F. Soucsme (who subtitles his name with "Un ami de lean-lacques"),
the article advocates Iycee education for girls. The means of educating them. in Soucsme's view, is according to the
eighteenth-century prescriptions of Rousseau. Soucsme advocated education that was designed for the limited
intelligence of females (centering around more practical elements of life). Elle lui laissera donc Ie domaine des affaires
publiques et de la science pour remplir dignemcnt ses devoirs de bonne menagere, d'epouse vertueuse et de mere toute
devouee Ii scs enfants."
161
It is difficult to compress for the purposes of this study the importance of physical
training in nationalistic early Third Republic France.316 Taking place primarily in the
form of gymnastic exercises,317 strength was so greatly desired among the citizenry.
Statements about health and fitness are found in countless issues of countless books and
journals of the era, making statements such as: "La gymnastique surtout est salutaire
parce qu'elle a pour eifet Ie developpement harmonique de tous les muscles. Elle
constitue une excellente preparation au service militaire. Un bon gymnaste doit, faire un
bon soldat, s'iljoint a ses qualites physiques I'obeissance a ses chefs, Ie courage et
I'amour de sa patrie.,,318 Hygiene and health were very large societal concerns, so
]16 Pierre Arnaud's studies, particularly Sport and Society in Modern France (Paris, (983) discuss the profoundly
growing impact sports had on society in the Third Republic. On pages II and 12 Arnaud discusses: "There now
remains the role of the state to consider. In what sense can it be said that a series of governments promotes the cause of
organised sport in France? Despite several reforms including the introduction of 'compulsory' periods of gymnastic
exercise in secondary schools, very linle real progress was made... School and army encouraged the pupil or recruit to
be active, but neither the educational system nor the forces strongly favored any sport other than gymnastics...A fair
number of politicians lent their support to a wide range of organisations devoted to the regeneration of France through
gymnastics and sports. Nationalism, so powerful in France by an enduring resentment against Germany over Alsace-
Lorraine. Revanche and Darwinism were a potent blend and helped legitimise the cause of sport amongst sceptics and
traditionalists. Efforts were made to infuse sports with dominant militaristic and nationalist values of the day." He
continues on pages 39-40, "It was not until the nineteenth century that gymnastics developed into an organized popular
activity voluntarily undertaken by large numbers of young people in their own time." The author does point out that
such physical training was much more popular in Germany at this time... According to the theory put forward either
explicitly or implicitly in many of the statements of leadership, the rise of gymnastics was simply the result of the
harnessing of a spontaneous wave of patriotism which had swept over France after the defeat of 1870. A growing
number of ordinary Frenchmen, it was argued, believed that there had been a serious deterioration in the racial stock,
that France was becoming enfeebled and that the defeat of 1870 was partly the result of the greater attention the
Germans had paid to physical fitness. As gymnastics had played a major role in improving the military prowess in
Germany, the French should learn from their example in order to undo their achievements." He cites H. Bunle
"L'Education physique et les sports en France," Journal de la Societe Statistique de Paris (1922) 135 and 138; D.
Mamoz, La Gymnastique au XlXe siecle (Paris, 1891), chapter I; 1. Ladegaillerie and F. Legand, L 'Education physique
at XlXe et au XXte siecles (Paris, 1971), Eugen Weber's Sports and Games infin-de-siecle France; and George L.
Mosse, The Nationalisation o/the Masses (New York, 1975): 127-136. He also recommendsjoumals, such as Le
Gymnaste and La Gazette des Sports IIlustres.
]\7 Arnaud 43. "The official impetus behind the gymnastic movement proper came from two related cultural-cum-
political sources: Social Darwinism and Gennanophobia." The fear of a feeble France, the author points out, had
started as early as 1860s. Suddenly there was a great rush to copy Germany's athletic clubs. On page 46 he continues
with further explanations of the nationalistic origins of exercise." German gymnasts had thought of themselves as a
'regenerative elite', and after 1870 their French counterparts began to regard themselves in the same lighL Like the
Germans they raised patriotism to the status of a secular religion." Physical education gained unparalleled French
importance in an era when physical and mental training were seen as crucial to the survival of the nation.
]11 "Instruction Morale pour cours moyen," L 'Education nationale: Journal general de l'enseignement primaire 6
(January 10 1892): 24. This articles was immediately followed by one entitled, "Sauve par la gymnastique: Recit d'un
soldaL"
162
physical education was important both in the training of boys and girls.319 It seems more
appropriate, however, to include the rudiments of a health-conscious movement in a
discussion with the conscious development of physical strength in boys. A Pedagogie
Pratique editorialist summarized the concern for boys' strength and coordination. "Pour
que vous fassiez plus tard des soldats digne de ce nom, il faut, mes chers enfants, rompre
votre corps it la fatigue par les exercises gymnastiques et ouvrir votre esprit avec la
lecture des hauts faits accomplis par les heros de tous les temps ...Nous sommes it une
epoque ou, plus que jamais, il faut nous preparer it la guerre. ,,320 This need drew a direct
correlation between a weak military and the humiliating French defeat by the Prussians.
The gymnastic movement became a republicanized tendency that promoted nationalism
and regeneration. Some civic interest groups, such as the Ligue des Patriotes, founded
regional exercise clubs. This was a mass nationalist organization with the primary goal of
strengthening the French army.321 The periodical, L 'Education Nationale: Journal de
I 'enseignement primaire, 322 defined gymnastics (in schools and at this time) more
specifically:
L'exercise active la circulation, la respiration; il augmente l'appetit, il

developpe, il fortifie les muscles et tout Ie corps; il donne de la vigeur it
une personne debile. La gymnastique est salutaire parce qu' elle a pour
effet Ie developpement harmonique de tous les muscles. Elle constitue
319 The health curriculum for secondary school girls was outlined in Reglements established on July 7, 1982. Lesson in
this subject were to focus upon clothing, cosmetics (such as the dangers oflead-based make-up), and bathing.
Exercise, was of course, an important part of health classes. Methods included: gymnastics, respiratory gymnastics,
walking, jumping, and equitation. Health in the home covered subjects such as sun, air (ventilation and heat), gas and
electricity; effects of the sun's rays, passing of contagious diseases, and precautions for the prevention of disease
(isolation and disinfection to treat: typhoid fever, cholera, vaccination, rougeole, scarlet fever, diphtheria, coqueluche,
and rabies). See AN F/I 7/1 2964, "L'Enseignement Secondaire des Jeunes Filles.
320 Un officier superieur, "Education physique et professionelle: Education militaire," Pedagogie pralique L 'Ecole
3:50 (1883): 461.
J2I Ligue des Patriotes 46-5 I. The clubs were subsidized by the govenment and primarily served working class adults.
322 "Gymnastique," L 'Education Nationale: Journal de /'enseignement primaire 6 (January 10 1892): 24. An article
follows, on page 24, entitled "Sauve par la gymnastique: Recit de sa patrie" and another that links patriotism and
fitness, from a week earlier on page I I. This is a classroom lesson, "Nous avons en nous deux eb'es: L 'arne et Ie
corps."
163
une excellente preparation au service militaire. Un bon gymnaste doit,
faire un bon soldat, s'iljoint a ses qualites physiques l'obeissance a ses
chefs, Ie courage et l'amour de sa patrie.
Another issue tied to health, and thus patrioti~ was the use of drugs and alcohol.
While many journals preached temperance and abstention from tobacco, there seemed to
be a concerted effort to curtail smoking and drinking among young boys. "De tout en
peu" was an anti-alcohol lesson kit offered for the elementary classroom, discussed
previously. Specific journals were very concerned with student health, such as
L 'Education Moderne. In a 1906 article, O. Paul Boncoup examines school health charts
for an article on "Les Enfants qui fument. ,,323
Even grammar lessons reverted to militaristic stereotypes. In one of the last
lessons of Grammaire en/antine, "Aux petits Fran~ais," there is an illustration of a group
of soldiers behind a fallen man and a broken-down cannon (Fig. 2.72).324 The lesson on
verbs is more active and is quite obviously directed at boys.
Quand vous serez devenus grands vous serez soldats. On n'est un vrai
soldat que lorsqu'on s'habitue de bonne heure a la temperance, a
l'exercice, a tout-ce qui rend fort, robuste, et courageux. n faut aussi vous
habituer a I' obeissance, car la France, pour etre bien servie, veut des
soldats disciplines et des hommes soumis aux lois. 325
Here the virtues of a soldier (temperance, fitness, courage, and discipline) are the same
that were generally projected to young boys. The opening statement assumes "you will be
soldiers." In the next section, gender-differences and similarities in education will be
examined, but such structured, nationalistic propaganda was found in learning materials
32J G. Paul Boncoup, "Les Enfants qui fument," L 'Education Moderne (1906): 243-5. The journal also commonly
featured articles concerned with other student health issues, particularly gymnastics.
324 Auge 85.
32S Auge 85.
164
aimed at all child audiences in France. The repetition and consistency with which
educational materials and the curriculum were designed were important factors of control
imposed by the republicans. 326
There are countless literary works in which young boys from history are recalled
to demonstrate how brave and self-sacrificing children of the past had been. A work from
early in the Third Republic is Le Livre d'or des enfants sauveteurs, from 1878.327 This
children's book was full of stories of children, usually fifteen to eighteen year-old boys,
who saved the lives of fellow French citizens. These bibliographical sketches included
the 1871 feat of Catherine and Barbe Lugbull, who nursed French soldiers back to health
when they were fourteen and fifteen years-old. The government awarded the Lugbull
children medals of the Legion of Honor for their self-sacrificing bravery. Other articles
and books detailed daring deeds by children, particularly those with historic significance.
These included "Les Enfants Martyrs," from an 1897 issue of the avant-garde Revue
Bleue and Les Enfances Heroi"ques, from 1871.328 Another child-martyr text that is quite
summary in its use of the types, themes, and individuals that were glorified was Jeunes
heros et grandes Heroi"nes: Honneur et patrie, valeur et discipline (1912). The title of
the text perfectly notes the qualities that French children were expected to have. While
these are expected of both genders (as indicated in the title), boys figured largely in the
examples linked to heroic deeds. Jeunes heros329 glorified historic child figures, such as
326 Auge 89.

m Desire Lacroix. Le Livre d 'Or des Enfants Sauveteurs (Paris: Andre Sagnier, 1878).
328 Paul Strauss, "Les Enfants Martyrs," Revue Bleue 7:1 (1871): 101-06 and Leve, Les Enfances heroiques: Etudes.
recits. projel de loi. 1871. Leve was the president of the "Societe des enfants montaires de 1870-71" and this is a
summary of heroic children enrolled in the society and honored with its award.
329 Louis d'Haucour, Jeunes Heros el grandes HerOInes: Honneur et patrie. valeur et discipline (Paris: Librairie
Artheme Fayard).
165
Joseph Bara, a child who died as a flagbearer in the French Revolution. In addition the
book heroicized children who committed brave deeds, as recently as 1902. In this year a
fisherman's sons, Adrien Vincent, saved several people from drowning in the sea near his
Boulogne home. A photography of Vincent was featured in the text (Fig. 2.73).330 This
is a normal boy-he wears the ubiquitous clothing derived from naval uniforms and
heroically holds a prop gun to show his active bravery. The child martyr-hero texts
provide a veritable encyclopedia of childhood "saints," nearly being canonized. This
contributed to the glorification of military-style self-sacrifice and bravery during the early
Third Republic. Not only did these stories provide the opportunity to present model
children to their average contemporary counterparts, but the young heroes had also
allowed more people to live, doing their part to preserve France.
Finally, it is helpful to examine the pressures put on boys to become fathers as
well as soldiers. Boys were expected to father children. While their roles as fathers were
largely taken for granted, there was some discourse in public education establishing
definitions of fatherhood. The Congres International de l'Enseignement Primaire de 1900
made seven resolutions for education at the occasion of the Exposition Universelle.
Among these was one stating, "L' education menagere etant necessaire au pere de famille
comme la mere, elle doit dans une certaine me sure figurer au programme des ecoles
primaires de gar~ons.,,331 Further definition of the father's role included statements such
as, "Le premier devoir du pere est d'elever son enfant...comme la veritable nourrice est la
mere, Ie veritable precepteur est Ie pere. Qu'ils s'accordent dans l'ordre de leurs
llO D'Haucour 110-11.

III Landrieu 27.
166
fonctions, ainsi que dans leurs systemes; que des mains de l'un, l'enfant passe dans celles
de l'autre.,,332 The father, then, was to be involved in his children's lives, but his role was
associated with more uplifting, theoretical duties, as opposed to the practical, repetitious,
doting activities of the mother.
Fatherhood was an important part of what male children were expected to be.
Boys were trained to see war and preparation for fighting as a game, but one that they
would never stop playing. Images instilled this militaristic aspect in their character and
into their lives. Photographs, paintings, and prints also followed this type of direction--
this was an application of popular imagery essential to their formation. The active,
obliged boy prototype became highly idealized and emulated to construct a stronger,
healthier France.
Conclusion
"Je suis Fran~ais, mon pays avant tout!,,333 This editorial message from the
journal, La Femme et la Famille, communicated the central inspiration that was supposed
to be on the lips (as well as in the hearts and minds) of all French citizens in the early
Third Republic. The immensity of the energy that various parties put into constructing
such an attitude through the means of visual culture is staggering. The applications of
strategies for recovery to answer questions, such as Charles Fauvety's "Qui nous
sommes?" were more complex constructions than any single revitalized city or hygienic
ecole maternelle. The peculiar combination of minutely detailed designs for social
332 Abbe Morere, L 'Education de I'nfance au XIXe siecie (paris: 1887): 359.
333 Mathilde Bourdon. "Causerie," La Femme etla Famille etle Journal des Jeunes Personnes 2 (August 31 1872): 35.
167
structures imposed by such individuals as Jules Ferry on the nation's developing minds
indicated that the way to foster growth in the individual was through mass mental and
physical control. The parenting of society, as we have seen, took place at intertwined,
calculated levels. Moral health and hygiene were encouraged in every citizen through
patriotic parenting. These nurturing, but highly constricted forms of control were
imposed by societal agents such as: teachers, schools, journals, toys, and those which will
be discussed in futher chapters, paintings, posters, and children's books. Popular culture
artists became crucial image-makers who instructed the French morally, civically, and
practically.
While trying to steer the French away from Catholicism, republican agents of
nationalistic and regenerative propaganda created new "religions" of hygiene,
procreation, and militarism. The discovery of the microbe was not only an event that
identified social enemies, but opened French minds to unspoken diseases of society--the
Germans, alcohol, and illiteracy, for example. Finding fulfillment in parenthood and
soldierhood was the epitome of regenerative and personal health, according to the words
and images that assaulted the French. One must remember that the republican society
itself was a child--a weak, vulnerable, impressionable entity that needed to be guided and
molded into maturity. Just as there were many levels of parenting in the early Third
Republic culture, there were many manifestations of childhood. The child's own body
and mind, the school building and curriculum, and the war-weary nation were ripe for
receiving the guidance of complex constructions that various institutional factions wished
to impose on them. This would result in a restored France, vital and brave. But this
168
would demand self-sacrifice. Through effective, accessible images, the average person
understood that their body and mind were national property to be given to having children
and replenishing the military. The average French person became a patriotic temple that
was to be kept well-disciplined, educated, and clean.
169
would demand self-sacrifice. Through effective, accessible images, the average person
understood that their body and mind were national property to be given to having children
and replenishing the military. The average French person became a patriotic temple that
was to be kept well-disciplined, educated, and clean.
169
CHAPTER THREE
EXHIBITING THE IMAGE OF THE CHILD
As we have seen. images of family ideals were pervasive in popular visual culture.
A bolder wave of propaganda, however, was staged to image Third Republic children for
large audiences. Brief, large-scale efforts that could reach thousands of people at once
appeared in the form of displays within large-scale exhibitions. Pavilions within the 1900
Exposition Universelle in Paris and specialized, large-scale displays, such as the
"Exposition de l'Enfance" in 1901 were among the most far-reaching and successful.
This section will focus on these concentrated, specialized attempts to show the world
what French children were and should be. These include fully realized, highly successful
efforts, as well as abandoned projects. The first efforts to be treated will be programs that
were designed to promote appreciation of art with child subjects. The second will
explore exposition pavilions that featured some art but were created to demonstrate that
children were living better lives under republican progress. The fact that such ambitious
visual programs were coming from Paris had international significance. As a cultural and
ideological center for the western world, no city could serve as a more visible--or
influential--stage for childhood ideas at thefin-de-siecle.
Art, Art History, and the Child Exhibitions
The historicization of childhood art in Paris was a significant phenomenon in the
years immediately surrounding 1900. One of the earliest exhibitions devoted solely to
170
this subject was the 1897 "Exposition des Portraits de Femmes et d'Enfants." Held at the
Palais des Beaux-Arts, it primarily comprised academic paintings. 1 Works from the
exhibition were listed in the French press. 2 These sources reveal that Hals, Holbein,
Reynolds, Lawrence, Vigee-Lebrun, and especially Greuze were anointed as the
perceived past masters of child-painting. This exhibition demonstrated a romantic, sweet
vision that was purposely selected to reflect Third Republic interest in child as the
malleable innocent.
The exhibition of 1897 marked only the beginning of ambitious displays of art
featuring children in the maturing Third Republic. The 1900 Exposition Universelle
seemed to stimulate, through omission, interest in child art. Emile Dacier reviewed
Charles Moreau-Vauthier's important 1901 book, Les Portraits de I'enfant. Dacier
lamented the avoidance of child subjects from the art exhibitions at the 1900 World's
Exposition. 3 Because of the realizations and campaigns by Dacier and the publication of
Les Portraits de I 'enfant, the Exposition de I'Enfance in 1901 was quickly assembled.
Held at the Petit Palais, this event served as important stimulus to the artistic celebration
of childhood. The Moreau-Vauthier book (which spanned images of children from a
wider range of eras-including sculpture of children from ancient Greece) ideologically
I "Les Portraits de Femmes et d'Enfants," L Art Fran~ais 10:518 (March 27 1897): unpaginated. The Eighteenth-
century English and eighteenth- and nineteenth-century French examples dominated the exhibition, along with Italian
Renaissance and few Baroque works from the Netherlands and Spain.
2 A special Figaro [/lustre edition was devoted to the display in 190 I. The exhibition organizers omitted examples of
the most child-oriented art movement of the recent past: Realism. The Realists were fascinated by child subjects and
often featured them in their art, but the exhibition typically featured a more romantic, idealized, windswept (and
slightly unreal) child prototype.
3 Emile Dacier, "Les Portraits de l'Enfant," La Revue de IArt 11 (1902): 59. On page 62 Dacier lauds Moreau-
Vauthier's book as "our museum" (as a museum of children in art was a popular, but unrealized idea at the turn of the
century). "Comprenez-vous maintenant pourquoi Ie musee des portraits de I'enfant n'ctait pas un musee de reve?" In
H. de N.. .'s review of the pictorial history, "Les Portraits de l'Enfant," Le Monde [/Iustri 89 (December 21 1901): 458,
the author compliments the book as being "plein d'cmotion, parce que plein de tendresse et de douceur et de bonte."
171
went hand-in-hand with the Petit Palais exposition. This volume was an early attempt to
historicize portraits of children. This book featured approximately 400 portraits,
cataloging the genre. Moreau-Vauthier was caught up in the growing tum-of-the-century
enthusiasm for seeking out and commissioning the portraits of children. It is important to
note the book's release date, the ambition of Les Portraits de l'enfant, and the Exposition
de l'Enfance. These events furthered the Third Republic's respect for children and
stimulated new appreciation for historical depictions.
The Petit Palais on the Champs-Elysees was the site of the 1901 Exposition de
l'Enfance. It was organized by anti-child labor activist Rollet, the City of Paris, and the
Ligue Fratemelle des Enfants de France. The lavish galleries (Fig. 3.1) were intended to:
"(R)eunir au Petit-Palais tout ce qui conceme l'enfance ...Notre intention

est de montrer au public sous une forme attrayante et saisissante I'histoire
de l'enfant atravers les ages: son role dans l'art (peinture et sculpture
inspirees par l'enfant), au foyer familial Gouets anciens et modemes,
costumes, meubles, souvenirs d'enfants celebres, etc.), dans l'economie
sociale, (hygiene, education, assistance).4
While the central focus of the exposition was art featuring children, other thematic areas
reflected Third Republic concerns. Hygiene, public assistance, school furniture, social
economy, and correctional institutions were sub-themes. The majority of the exposition,
however, was devoted to the art and history of childhood. One section featured portraits
of contemporary and historic personages as children from the past and present. These
included Paul Deschanel, Alexandre Dumasfils, and Camille Saint-Saens. These men
were portrayed at "a un age tendre OU rien encore ni grandes pensees politiques ni
preoccupations artistiques ne venaient troubler leur quietude enfantine."s A Salon of
4 Andre Boric, "L 'Exposition de I'Enfance," I.e Monde IIlustri 88 (April 27 190 I): 312.
5 Boric 313.
172
paintings and sculpture, particularly from the eighteenth century,6 was selected by
Georges Cain, director of the Musee Camavalet. The remainder of this section consisted
of toys and child-raising paraphernalia (such as the elaborate cradle of the imperial prince
from the Second Empire, Fig. 3.2)7 and was curated by toy historian Leo Claretie. 8 The
exposition was nicknamed the "Musee de l'Enfance." Although it was not permanent,
the size and focus of this tribute to childhood art indicated the era's growing respect and
understanding for childhood. 9
A more ambitious (but ultimately unrealized) project to connect art and children
was the "Petits Musees d'Art Scolaires."IO Engineered by the Ministry of Public
Instruction and Fine Arts, a committee sought to bring art to all people of France in the
early 1880s. This was to be accomplished by having collections of images in schools
throughout France. The original plan was that French municipalities and departments
(with nominal government financial assistance) would create individual, encyclopedic
collections of photographs, casts, and prints of art. Schoolchildren and the public would
have the reproductions available for study. Classical art and works from different periods
from the Louvre would be the focus of these art historical resource collections. The
6The eighteenth-century display was unrivaled, but there was strong representation from academically-trained
nineteenth-century artists, such as Boldini, Jacques-Emile Blanche, and Jules Bastien-Lepage.
7 Borie. The ornate cradle featured the Napoleonic eagle and a figure holding a crown over the place where the
prince's head would rest. It was given to Napoleon III and the Empress Eugenie in 1856.
a Ibid. While all of the displays were lavish, some were specialized, such as a large vitrine featuring art and objects
from the childhood of Louis XVII. See "Au Musee de l'Enfance: La Section d'Art et d'Histoire," Figaro lIIuslre 12
(June 1901): 2.
9Men and women of letters at the tum-of-the-century expressed passionate interest in representations of their own
childhood and that of others. Around 1900 effusive praise for the sentiment of family life as depicted by Jean-Baptiste
Greuze appears quite often in literature on this exhibition and on childhood art in general.
10 Archives National FI2I/4420, "Proces Verbaux des Seances du Comite des Petites Musecs d'Art Scolaires," 1882.
The first committee meeting was held December 22. The initiative was led by M. Kaempfer, Director of Fine Arts. but
the meetings were presided over by Paul Mantz, the Minister himself.
173
committee's minutes feature lofty ideals and rigid structuring, typical of the Third
Republic's education administration, meetings and decrees. The group reasoned that
visual examples would visually and methodologically assist and stimulate the teaching of
art at all levels of the public schools. Beginning on December 22, 1882, the committee
selected works of art they considered essential to a student's basic art education. Many
works from the collection of the Louvre and photographic reproductions (chalcographies)
of immobile landmarks would be reproduced to form the small, but uniform teaching
collections. 11
In the first of twelve lengthy meetings, the committee began to discuss the make-
up of ideal art education and the most significant means to disseminate these ideals.
Initially it was decided that a government-sponsored publication would be founded to
facilitate the circulation of images. In the first issue (apparently never published) would
be photographs of the 1870 siege of Paris. Anatomical models and other scientific
illustrations would be included in the publication, all assisting in the perjectionnement de
['enseignement du dessin. By the second meeting, five days later, the committee began to
name works-two- and three-dimensional--that would be made available to the Musees
d' Art Scolaires. These included reproductions and reductions ofPraxiteles' Hermes,
Winged Victory, and portraits of classical figures such as Sophocles. Renaissance and
Egyptian sculpture were also included on the preliminary list of sculpture. 12
11 Archives National FI2I14420, "Proces Verbaux des Seances du Comite des Petites Musees d'Art Scolaires." The
periodical was christened Musee du Louvre at the January 17, 1883 meeting. Administrations could subscribe to the
publication if they wished to participate. Supplementary works were further recommended for the small museums by
the committee, including Amand Durand's multi-volume series, Les Maitres Anciens et Modernes (January 25, 1883).
Specific works, particularly portraits by northern Renaissance artists were chosen from this publication for
reproduction and distribution.
12 Archives National FI2I14420, "Proces Verbaux des Seances du Comite des Petites Musees d'Art Scolaires." The
second meeting took place on December 27, 1882.
174
Photographic reproductions of Holbein's portrait of Erasmus, Michelangelo's Creation of
Eve, as well as works by French artists Poussin, Puget, and Rigaud were also added to the
list (along with prices the communities would have to pay).13 Busts of Plato and
Sophocles, as well as Michelangelo's Thinker, were deemed essential for installation in
all elementary schools. 14 The Parthenon, Notre Dame, and the Arch of Titus were chosen
for teaching from reproduction by a subcommittee for architecture. IS
The collections of the Musees d'art scolaires were also gendered. Separate lists
of necessary works for primary schools were established for the many schools that were
non-coeducational. Rude's portrayal of Joan ofArc, as well as a Holy Family work by
Raphael, were listed for girls' schools. Busts of Sophocles and Aristotle were to be
highly visible to boys. More extensive collections of Antique and Renaissance works
were developed for the Bcoles Normales (Teachers' Schools). Clearly the didactic power
of images was taken extremely seriously. But within two months of the initial meetings,
the lists of recommended works were growing out of hand.
Meeting twelve (April 22), seemed to be the first in which common sense was
applied to the admirable, but unrealistic project. Individuals such as the director of
Secondary Education (M. Zevost) objected to the costs that would be incurred by the
schools to satisfy these government-imposed guidelines. The minutes from the twelfth
and last meeting reveal that, due to complaints, the numbers of works were reduced.
13 Ibid. These works were listed in the minutes from the third and fourth meetings, January 3 and January 10, 1883.
By the ninth meeting, February 16, 1883, the merit of including nineteenth century works was recognized. Gericault's
Raft ofthe Medusa, Delacroix's The Barque ofDante, and lngres' Apotheosis ofHomer were deemed important in the
teaching of art and history.
14 Ibid. Tenth meeting, February 23, 1883.
IS Ibid. Eleventh meeting, March 2, 1883.
175
Quibbling over small issues of omission and inclusion l6 probably contributed to the
abrupt termination of these sessions. 17 Another meeting was planned; it either did not
take place or records were not kept. This out-of-control project and its ultimate death on
the drawing board exemplifies the ambitious philosophies of art education within the
maturing Third Republic. It is also indicative of the education administrators' ignorance
of the time and resources held by the many schools outside of Paris. The official desire to
cultivate philosophy and culture in the French through schoolchildren is the most
important feature of the Musees d'art seo/aires. There was obvious awareness of
imagery's potential to influence young minds by the turn-of-the-century.18 This was
denoted by the 1897 and 1901 expositions of childhood imagery, as well as concentrated
efforts to teach art history in public schools to children.
Government Educational Programs at the Expositions Universelles: 1889
and 1900
16 Ibid. Twelfth meeting. April 22, 1883. There was a heated debate over which ancient philosopher's bust should
remain in the final, reduced list of essential works. Eventually, Sophocles was ousted and Aristotle stayed.
17 Ibid. It also seems that enthusiasm for the project waned over time. The first few meetings were held only days
apart, while the time between the last two spanned more than a month.
II Children were influenced by the large expositions and by everyday visual culture. In addition schools assured that
children were constantly creating images of their owo. The drawing curriculum in public schools became a significant
and highly schematized part of the republican school curriculum. For specific curricular directives for public
elementary schools, see AN F/17l12964. Documents from the 1882 refonn outline mandates for teaching geometric
and freehand drawing in primary schools. For Third Republic-era articles on children and practical art education
featuring drawing see Henri Mansvic, "Dessins d' enfants," Ie Magasin Pittoresque 77 (November I 1909): 500-02.
Also see Un Observateur, uLe Dessin chez les enfants,.. L'IlIustration 119 (December 27 1902). This article features
children's drawings from monuments ofancicnt and medieval art, giving further importance and historicization to the
connection between childhood and image-making. For more a radical point-of-view regarding what children's art
education should be, see Alphonse Gennain, "L'Education esthctique," La Plume 3:62 (November 15 1891): 406-07;
Charles Morice, Lucien Magne, "Enqu~te sur (,Education artistique du public contemporain," La Plume 15:337 (May
I 1903): 517-26; and Maurice Rousselot, "L'Education artistique du public contemporain," La Plume 15:340 (June 15
(903): 689-98. A text which asserts typical concerns aOOut the role of art in a child's life is Marcel 8raunschvig. L 'Art
et I 'enfant (Paris: Henri Didier, 1907).
176
The carefully planned and designed French education displays at the World's Fairs
of 1889 and 1900 superficially seem to be genteel, proud attempts to showcase the
achievements of French teachers and students. 19 It is true that the exhibitions were
designed to be didactically effective, but there were more intense and defensive motives
behind these calculated efforts. Particularly in 1900, the Third Republic regime had to
demonstrate public school progress to longtime detractors, and even to the world. This
section examines the display of 1889 and the full-scale pavilion of 1900 as crucial
showcases of "face-saving" propaganda for the secular, publicly supported school system
that had often come under attack from those unwilling to accept educational reform.
By the advent of the first of these two expositions, republican school reform had
been implemented for nearly a decade. While there were no unified, independent
pavilions to showcasing education at the World's Fairs of 1878 or 1889, the need to
display educational achievements of the secularized schools was recognized at each. Fair
records from the displays in 1878 are apparently non-existent, but it is possible to
reconstruct the nature of the 1889 education exhibition. In a statement to the exhibition's
President de Section au Council d'Etat (picard), Ferdinand Buisson specifically outlined
that in 1889 the republicans wished to demonstrate that there had been significant
educational progress since 1878. "Les considerations generales et les appreciations sur la
situation de l'Enseignement primaire, et sur Ie mouvement que s'est accomplit dans cet
ordre d'idees, au cours de la periode decennale ecoulee entre les deux Expositions de
19 Exposition Universelle de 1900. Catalogue (paris: Lemercier, (900): S. The concept of the Musc!e Pedagogique was
developed in 1879. The formal museum was not founded until the twentieth century, and has become the Musee
National de l'Education in Rouen. This facility has developed into a significant archives, collection, and research
center for scholarly museum exhibitions, catalogues, and objects relating to the history of children and education in
France. The holdings of children's journals, as well as photographs and from the 1900 Exposition Universelle
education pavilion were particularly helpful sources in the development of this study.
177
1878 et de 1889.'.20 What the government wished to flaunt is clear from the structure of
the education display within the fair's Labor Pavilion (Figs. 3.3_3.5).21 The wall galleries
on one side of one half of the building on one floor was dedicated to education (Group I).
The schools of Great Britain and Spain each received an independent gallery to
demonstrate their recent achievements. The remaining eleven galleries were reserved for
various divisions and aspects of the French educational system: primary and secondary
education, scientific projects, and primary instruction were the larger classifications
mounted in these galleries. In addition there were several adjoining corridor galleries
exhibiting achievements in teaching art: student drawings from models (casts),
examinations for the teaching of drawing, a display of drawings from the Ecole Nationale
des Beaux-Arts (in Paris and in the provinces), drawings by Parisian schoolchildren (from
city schools and allover France). No records have surfaced revealing which specific
objects were displayed for the education section of the pavilion. However, it is
significant that such a large section was devoted to the achievement of students under the
professionalized teaching of drawing in the 1880s is significant. This attitude reinforced
the concept that art was for everyone and that the art pavilion could be understood, even
by the young.
The art pavilion also included works indicative of the importance of childhood
and learning in 1889. Two paintings featuring children and promoting Third Republic
20 See AN F/I2IS341. The folder, "Participation du minist~re a I'Exposition Universelle de 1889" contains documents
that illuminate the government's goals for the early education display. Particularly important is a March 8, 1890 letter
from Buisson to Picard containing this statement For a brief summary of the education display ofClasse VII
(education was symbolically made Classe I in 1900) see "Chronique de l'Exposition" La Science en Famille 3:61 (June
I 1889): 204.
21 Archives Nationales F/I2I40SSC, numbers 45, 47, and 49.
178
family ideals were shown among the other artwork, including one very significant canvas
by Geoffroy. A work from circa 1784-1800 (that in 1889 was thought to be by Jacques-
Louis David) was included. A Portrait ofa Father and His Children, by an anonymous
painter (Fig. 3.6),22 reflected the sensitivity to children that was dawning at the beginning
of the nineteenth century. This was in full bloom by 1889. In this work a father and four
children of various ages are closely grouped together. Each member of the family is an
individual and each of the sons and daughter are in a different state of development. The
closeness between the father and his very young son (indicated by their relaxed
dispositions and affectionate intertwining of hands) was particularly sensitive and casual.
The renaissance of this work in 1889 reflects the appreciation for childhood stages of
development and parent-child relationships.
Most importantly, the work En Classe (Fig. 3.7) by Geoffroy, was also included in
the art display in 1889.23 This work was again on display at the Art Pavilion of 190024
and was perennially popular through journal reproductions. In this work a gentle
institutrice leads a class of diligent, sweet, impish young boys in a writing lesson within
an ecole primaire classroom. The neat rows of boys in their smocks, working hard at
22 The inclusion of this painting in a David retrospective at the 1889 fair is documented in "Exposition Centennale de
I' Art Fran~s," Revue de IExposition Universelle de 1889, vol. I (paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1889). The painting
was reproduced on page 188 and mentioned on page 187. This painting was also thought at that time to be a portrait of
Michel Gerard and his family. According to Hugh Honor, the entire attribution has been withdrawn in the twentieth
century. See Hugh Honor, Neoclassicism (London: Pelican, 1973): 200.
2J GeoflToy's work was also featured in the Ville de Paris' pavilion under a special display of images relating to ecoles
maternelles. GeoflToy made an all-important ally in nursery school director Pauline Kergomard with his display of
an earlier version of a lavabo scene, as well as Sortie de I 'ecole un jour de pluie. See Kergomard's acknowledgment
ofGeoflToy's work in "Les ecoles maternelles a l'Exposition universelle," L 'Ami de I'Enfance S:22 (August IS
1889) 343. Kergomard was a primary editorial force behind this journal, devoted to the cause and progress of the
ecoles maternelles.
24 GeoflToy had great success at the 1900 fair, exhibiting six works at the art pavilion in addition to his high-profile
education division works that will be discussed shortly. See Catalogue general officiel: Groupe I/-CEuvres d'art,
Classes 7 ci 10 (paris. 1900): 66. GeoflToy was awarded the medaille d'or at the 1900 Salon as well.
179
their lessons is the ideal propaganda piece for Third Republic schools. The government
purchased the work soon after Geoffroy painted it. The clean, orderly, well-furnished
classroom in the painting represents the idealleaming environment The relationship
between the boys and their teacher was significant. The students come to their attractive,
young teacher for help, which she sweetly administers. She has become a motherly
figure, the ideal disposition for a teacher, as discussed in Chapter Three. Her angelic
students seem eager to learn and are representative of the perfect Third Republic
elementary student--diligent, innocent, and inquisitive. Geoffroy carefully chose his
subject matter and skillfully composed and rendered the clean, vibrant classroom so that
the painting would be irresistible to the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. The work
was indeed promptly purchased. But the government attention this commission won for
him was to lead to greater wealth and recognition.
The 1900 Exposition Universelle education display was grander and more
carefully calculated. It was constructed from broader and deeper republican
understanding of public school progress and how public education needed to be presented
and defended. "Si les lois organisant d'une fa~on definitive l'obligation, la gratuite et la
laicite sont anterieures a l'Exposition de 1889, leur application s'est confirmee depuis
cette date, entrainant des modifications diverses dans la situation des Ecoles publiques et
privees. ,,25 The 1900 Paris exhibition was the first World's Fair to feature a separate
education pavilion. This served as a model for education's place within organizational
25 AN F/I214287. The Classe I (education) committee that made this statement in a manifesto of their purpose to the
Commissaire General of the 1900 exposition. Clearly their goal was to demonstrate that republican schools had
moved beyond mere issues of gratuile and iafcile in the eleven years since the last educational retrospective. The
committee also states that it wishes to work in synchronization with the Education Ministry's plans for the education
palace at large.
180
structures of fairs for many years to come. The pavilion was located on a spot guaranteed
to attract millions ofvisitors-undemeath the Eiffel Tower.26 It was a symbolic location,
one that denoted progress. It was indeed crucial for the republican government to display
its schools as lavish successes. Many recognized the importance of the exposition
scolaire in quelling criticism by showing concrete evidence of what so many republican
resources and energy had been spent on for eighteen years. Article titles, such as "La
Petite Guerre: l'Exposition Scolaire de 1900" attest to this?' 10umalliterature
contemporary with the education pavilion planning meetings promotes the fact that the
displays of 1878 and 1889 showed progress. However, a larger exhibition in 1900 would
present republican achievements as being even more stellar. Not only was the world
watching, but this was a key time to squash nearly two decades of criticism and adversity.
The Palace d'Enseignement was a "grand polygonal hall,,28 (Fig. 3.8) and was a
freestanding, lavish structure that was fittingly opulent and impressive for its important
subject. 29
There were many facets to the display of items and didactic materials within the
education pavilion. Sections featured the educational programs of various nations. An
26 F. Faideau, "Le Palais de l'Enseignement: Education et enseignement," Encylopidie du siecie, [,Exposition de Paris
de 1900, vol. 3:31 (1900): 241-42.
21 Theo d'Auric, "La Petite Guerre: I'Exposition Scolaire de 1900," L 'Avant Garde Pedagogique: Organe des interets
de ['ecole larque et de ['Uucation populaire 1: I (December 1 1898): 32.
21 Ibid.
29 A seminal and sometimes elusive source reporting on the outcome of the 1900 Palais de l'Enseignement is Rene
Leblanc, Rapport du Jury International de 1900, Tome I-Education et enseignement (paris: lmprimerie Nationale,
1902). The importance of this document cannot be underestimated in its detailed outlining of educational
achievements of the Third Republic and in description of the 1900 education pavilion itself. Leblanc was the
Inspecteur General de l'Enseignement Primaire at the time. See also Ministere du Commerce, de I'industrie des postes
et des telegraphes, Exposition 1900: Musee Retrospectjfdu Groupe I-Education et enseignement, vol. 1 (paris:
Imprimerie Nationale, 1902).
lSI
official statement from Classe I president,30 Leon Bourgeois, detailed further what goals
and elements fair and government officials, in tandem, deemed important.
Le Ministere de I'lnstruction publique prepare, pour 1900, une exposition

de ses etablissements d'euseignement primare, de methodes qu'il y
applique et des resultats qu'il obtient. Mais il faut aussi qu'a cote de
I'reuvre accomplie par l'Etat, on puisse constater ce que l' education
nationale doit ai' initiative des particuliers, des associations, des
communes. C'est pourquoi Ie Comite d'admission de la Classe I adresse
un pressant appel a toutes les personnes qui sont en situation de
representer dignement I' enseignement primaire it I'Exposition universelle
de 1900: municipalites, societes d'enseignment populaire, membres du
corps enseignant, public et prive, editeurs et auteurs, fabricants de mobilier
et de materiel scolaire, etc. 31
Within Classe I (a section devoted solely to primary, early childhood, and adults
education) there were over 6,000 items displayed,32 with over one thousand square meters
of exhibition space on each floor. 33 One section included the musee retrospectifde
I 'enseignement, which featured portraits of "notables pedagogiques des siecles
derniers. ,,34 Many countries participated, demonstrating international interest in the state
of education. Items from French colonies, such as Algeria and Tunisia, were exhibited
with great pride, as their schools had become extensions of the restructured French
system. 35
30 See Leblanc. Within the education division Classe I included primary education, adult education, and general issues
concerning childhood education. comprising several different subcomminees (Geoffroy served on the primary and
nursery school comminees). Classe II treated solely secondary education. The structure of Leblanc's text matches the
structure of the exhibition.
31 AN FI2 112 134. This statement was made by Classe I president Leon Bourgeois. as recorded in a January 10, 1899
document.
32 Leblanc S. The education display was twenty-six months in the planning. Three-quarters of the entries were French.
They came from Paris. the communes, and the colonies.
33 Leblanc 20.
34 Leblanc 242.
35 Other countries represented included: Great Britain. Bulgaria, Finland, Italy, Mexico, Canada, Bosnia-Herzegovina,
the United States, Belgium. Russia, Sweden. and Japan, and others.
182
Who decided what exhibit would be admitted and how they would be used? The
education pavilion was strictly a creation of the Education Ministry (under the
directorship of Georges Leygues). Four carefully-selected commissions ideologically
directed the content and admissions of the exhibits. These groups featured many
illustrious members who met throughout 1899 and kept detailed records. This allows us
to determine a great deal about the process and motivations behind the display.
Politicians, such as Classe I president, Leon Bourgeois, as well as education ministry
personnel (such as the inspectrice of the eco/es maternelles, Pauline Kergomard) are
listed within committee documents. There was, however, only one artist represented. 36
That artist served on two class subcommittees, those of ecoles maternelles and ecoles
elementaires. The artist was one who painted these subjects many times. Most
importantly, this man was the only one who was given exhibition space within the Palais
d'Enseignement. This representative of educational ideologies was Jean-Jules Geoffroy.
Geoffroy's business card at this time presents him as a "Membre de la
Commission de l'Imagerie Scolaire au Ministere de l'Instruction Publique.,,37 During the
years between the early 1880s educational reforms and the 1898 origins of preparation for
36AN F/I2I4287. Geoffroy is the only artist represented in a complete list of individuals who served on the Classe I
planning and admissions committee. Reproductions on paper by other artists were scattered throughout the exhibition,
but there were no other original paintings. Geoffroy's were also the only works the government commissioned for the
education exhibition. As mentioned in the notes earlier in this chapter, Geoffroy had significant previous encounters
with officials purchasing En Crasse and with Pauline Kergomard. Geoffroy and the Inspeclrice served on the same
subcommittees together. The only other artist to receive even minimal government attention in the education arena was
Eugene Carriere, who was a member of the L'Ecole Intemationale des Expositions. This association for science, art,
and education was responsible for determining how France would be represented at future World's Fairs. The
organization met in 1900, using the education paVilion as a model. The next important project for the group was a
display at the 1904 World's Fair in St Louis. For complete founding documentation, see Archives Nationales
F12114726, Dossier I (on the 1904 fair). The dossier contains extensive evidence that the French began to worry about
their representation at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition even before the Paris fair was over and through the next four
years. Carriere is listed as a founding member and served on the administrative council for the association, Geoffroy's
name is absent from the document
37 Geoffroy distributed a calling card during this time bearing this title. Several of such cards with his messages to
others are found in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Manuscrits Department, Hetzel Archives 1:222.
183
the education pavilion displays, Geoffroy had built a careful, but strong relationship with
the education ministry. This government agency also oversaw official fine arts activities,
such as art purchases. Geoffroy's ties with the Third Republic regime in the areas of both
art and education made him a powerful figure. But his social influence as an artist has
been nearly ignored for several reasons. His subject matter was children and his painting
style was academic. Both quickly faded from fashion in an age of emerging modernism
and are topics that have prompted little recognition or study since. Documents revealing
Geoffroy's government connections have also been of little interest. Since only a partial
attempt has been made to analyze the importance of visual culture on the family and the
educational politics of the Third Republic, there has been no need to recognize Geoffroy's
impressive status and social influence as an artist until now. 38
The images chosen by the education ministry and by Geoffroy's committees were
of considerable significance. They served as a small retrospective for him and for
republican educational achievements. The education ministry's records discuss which
works of Geoffroy's were shown. "Six belles toiles dues au pinceaux de M. Geoffroy
occupaient Ie centre des panneaux les plus en vue: Le Lavabo (Fig. 2.52), al'ecole
matemeUe; L 'Ecole bretonne (Fig. 3.9), contre la classe modele; Pasteur, a I'entree des
ecoles normales d' insitutrices;39 Une Ecole indigene(Fig. 3.10), dans I' Administrative
38lndeed. many ofGeoffioy's images have barely seen the light of day since 1900. Despite the popularity and
reverence they inspired at the tum-of-the-century, few works are accessible to the public. Several of the important
government-purchase paintings remain in the offices of government ministries and ecole normale headmistresses. In
general Geoffioy's works are located in carefully-guarded private collections or rural French museums. A rare, recent
reproduction ofa Geoffioy painting was of Flowers/or the Teacher in Gabriel P. Weisberg, Redefining Genre: French
and A..'l':eric!!" Painting. 1850-1900 (Washington, D. C.: Trust for Museum Exhibitions, 1995): 91.
39This image is problematic. It apparently has not been reproduced within the last century. As Pasteur replaced Victor
Hugo as the great French national hero at the end of the nineteenth century. images of him were highly valued. Images
of the scientist by Edelfelt and others are easily found. The Geoffioy image was a sketch and is simply not accessible.
The commissioning of such an image seven years before the fair reveals the great importance that Pasteur had already
reached in French culture. The status of this work as an education pavilion commission indicates that Pasteur's impact
184
centrale; enfin La Le~on de dessin (fig. 3.11) et l'Atelier scolaire de Del/ys (3.12), a
l'entree des ecoles normales d'instituteurs.,,4o The paintings had been commissioned at
one time by the government from Geoffioy in 1893, indicating how long before the
exposition this project was conceived. Each one appeared at the Salon in the year it was
completed and was reproduced in journals, giving the images widespread exposure. It is
important that production of works such as The Lavabo would be commissioned so well
in advance of the 1900 exposition. The scale and scope of this project reveals both how
important this project was to the government, as well as the great faith the regime had in
the work of Geoffioy.
A plan of the education pavilion demonstrate that Geoffioy's works were highly
accessible and carefully-placed (Fig. 3.13). Stars indicate a seemingly random placement
of Geoffioy' s work. Closer examination reveals that each of the large paintings were the
centerpiece ofa ground-floor gallery. This level of the building was the one that would
receive the most traffic; surely millions who flocked to the Eiffel Tower entered the
pavilion and the galleries with Geoffroy's work. The highly exposed paintings were each
on cleanliness was already being linked with educational progress. Archives Nationales box FI2 112 134 also reveals
that the Geoffroy work was to be created in black-and-white for easy reproduction and mass distribution to public
schools. However, there are no further records that the project was carried out and no reproductions have surfaced in
photographs or in collections of school images from the period. The plan to have Pasteur's image in virtually every
republican classroom, however, is a significant indication that the scientist and education were both salient elements of
regeneration architecture.
40 Much important correspondence between Geoffroy and the government (and among government officials about
Geoffroy) can be found in the Archives Nationale box FI2 112 134. In 1893 five pictures were commissioned at one
time from Geoffroy. The painter, working on other books and a significant number of children's joumal illustrations at
this time, completed approximately one painting per year. The first was the 1895 I.efon de dessin a I 'ecole primaire.
He completed the Dellys painting last, in July of 1899. He received 5,000 francs upon the completion of each 1.40 by
2 meter work. Every painting was featured at the upcoming Salon and was reproduced in annual Salon issues of
various widely circulated journals, such as I.e Montie II/wtre and L 'Illustration. This box contains dossiers from the
Ministere de ('Instruction Publique et Beaux-Arts (Cabinet du Directeur de l'Enseignement Primaire): 20.
185
placed with photographs, objects, and children's work that complemented its theme. For
example, Le Lavabo was a centerpiece in the ecole moternelle section.
Each of the five canvases presented ideals that were designed to make an impact
on the French citizen and on the world. All of the works relate to patriotic issues of
republican education, cleanliness, and the compassionate teacher-student relationship as
outlined in Chapter Two. Le Lavabo (1898, also called L 'Ecole matemelle) became a
perfect vehicle for demonstrating the strengths of the republican educational program.
The doting teacher has become a patriotic heroine-she touches her happy students with
the care of a mother and keeps them clean. The nurturing, hygienic conditions that would
benefit the youngest of the French in the re-constructed preschool system are clearly
illustrated in the well-lit foyer. Well-staffed and well-equipped (with modem washstand
types that advertised in educational forums, discussed in Chapter Two, Figs. 2.46-2.47),
republican nursery schools were full of intellectual, emotional, and sanitary benefits. It is
noteworthy that this work by Geoffroy was usually referred to as L 'Ecole maternelle in
his government contracts, but that the title Le Lavabo was used for the exposition. This
rivets the viewer's attention on the technological and health issues of the recently-
installed sinks--elements of considerable republican pride. Lavabos were significant
elements of the movement to modernize and improve the interiors of schools and the
health of the students.
The world audience saw just how far-reaching French educational efforts could
be. L 'Ecole bretonne, Une ecole indigene, and L 'Atelier scolaire a Dellys demonstrate
that republican schools, practices, and ideals reached students in outlying areas. In
186
L 'Ecole bretonne (Fig. 3.9), 1896. We are reminded of the importance of elementary
education as a work of the republic "L'organisation de I'instruction nationale a tous les
degres, notamment de l'Instruction primaire a ete en effet I'reuvre essentielle de la
Republique.,.41 In this gregarious spirit Geoffroy depicts a girl's school in the province of
Brittany. Students of various ages attend this one-room school, as girls of nursery school
age huddle in the comer, admiring their teacher who tenderly instructs older students.
The girls are dressed in the region's costume: picturesque lace caps, collars, and wooden
shoes. These were instantly identifiable by any contemporary viewer who glanced at the
picture. Such efficient education of the peasant in a welcoming environment is
important; the propagandistic message becomes one that speaks of the benevolence and
generosity of a regime offering public education to even the most humble.
Equally "fortunate" for chances to receive structured, French-style education
were students in the French-African colonies. Paintings of French-sponsored schools in
countries such as Algeria served the purposes most pro-republican education images
served. This work "parle aussi du developpement du systeme educatif hors des frontieres,
idee chere aJules Ferry. Comme elle n'est pas segregationniste, I'ecole n'est pas
seulement nationale, elle est universelle. L' education ne connait pas de frontieres ..42
Une Ecole indigene (Fig. 3.10) is representative of this spirit. Usually known as Une
classe franco-arabe a Tlemcen, there is a great deal of Romantic exoticism inherent in the
41 AN F/12l4287. The committee's structure and goals were outlined in a substantial document sent to the
Commissaire general de ('Exposition universe lie de 1900, including this statemenL
42 Fran~oise Beaugrand in Musee de I' Assistance Publique de Paris, Un Patriote DUX Origines de la Puericulture:
Gaston Variot. 1855-/930. Medecin et Mecene (paris: Musee de ('Assistance Publique de Paris, 1984): 136.
Beaugrand quotes Mona Ozoufs L 'Ecole de la France "La particularisme communal, et national est universa1isanL
Le local n'est pas Ie lieu de la difference mais celui oil peut s'enraciner une participation collective a la vie politique.
L'unite fran~ ne risque pas de s'y dissoudre mais de multiplier ses points d'ancrage."
187
subject matter. Geoffroy has carefully recorded Algerian architecture, garments, and
figural types. Education has imposed order. The Algerian students are just as diligent
and well-behaved as any French child in the other Geoffroy paintings from the education
pavilion. The children from this "exotic" land have still retained some of their "barbaric"
ways, as some of them sit on the ground. They also wear native costume; this subject and
the Brittany girls' school "lui permettent d'observer les particularites de ces regions et de
s' attarder sur les pittoresques costumes.'.43 It is implied that the chance to go to school
may be one of the first truly civilized experiences the students have had, thanks to the
benevolence of the French government. In fact, the child who is reading under the
guidance of the teacher seems "illuminated" by the knowledge brought to him by French
schools. (His headdress is one of the most brightly lit areas in the composition,
surrounding his face with a pale arc, resembling a halo.) Commissioner General Picard
was charged with devising a report on education in the French colonies to serve as a basis
for part of the exhibits in the education pavilion. He was to determine "sur les progres
accomplis depuis 1990... dans Ie monde civilise" in six categories including one on
Algeria, Tunisia and French colonies.44 Geoffroy's work visualizes the progress that
Picard reported in Algeria with this work and one he completed the following year.
A similar function is fulfilled in L 'Atelier scolaire de Dellys (Fig. 3.12). Many
rural and working-class children began to receive specialized vocational training in the
early Third Republic, particularly in boys' middle schools. As it did with the construction
of clean, new buildings and overhauled curricula, the government promoted these
43 8eaugrand 67.
44 Leblanc 6.
188
practical programs with special pride. This coursework was also an effective way of
manipulating industry and labor in French-held lands. The government had complete
discretion over which skills and trades to train young men who could essentially become
industrial technicians. Some of the greatest pride in vocational education came from
French programs in the colonies, such as the only such Algerian school, at Dellys.4s In
this image adolescent boys learn industrial methalsmithing skills. Some have European
features, and others have features that are more north African. An interview with staff at
the National Museum of Education in Rouen revealed that this image was meant to
represent the instruction of both French and Algerian children in the professional schools
in the colonies. 46 On a world stage, such as the 1900 Exposition Universelle, French
sponsorship of such a program would have been seen as progressive and beneficial for all.
Geoffroy's message here is that the underdeveloped country is benefiting from
progressive, generous, French-sponsored educational programs. The implication in these
works is that the colony will never be completely tamed, but French presence and
intervention will discipline its children and allow Algeria to become something positive
and progressive in western eyes.
Finally, Geoffroy's Lefon de dessin a ['ecole primaire (1895, Fig. 3.11)
advertised future progress in the public school system. Here the artist depicts an
instituteur overseeing his class of boys drawing a plaster mold of an architectural bracket.
45The French government's pride in both the colonial educational programs and the Ecoles Nationales Professionelles
that were established both on the continent and in the colonies are discussed in great detail in Leblanc, page 6 and 128-
43. 8eaugrand notes the singular status ofDellys as a vocational educational center in Algeria. 8eaugrand 136.
46 This infonnation was obtained from Michel Manson, Curator, Musee National de l'Education in Rouen, July 2,
1996. Further research will perhaps reveal the reason for the presence for the French boys in the Algerian schools.
Certainly there was a number of immigrants to Algeria from France and these could be the children of such
transplanted citizens.
189
It had long been a part of academic training that beginning students must learn the basic
elements of proportion, modeling, and perspective by drawing first from plaster casts
(then moving on to figure drawing). Art lessons seem specialized and academic for an
elementary school. Drawing became an important part of the curriculum, both as
children's ages and the age of the Republic increased. It was recognized as a special skill
in problem-solving and seif-discipline.47 It is fitting to conclude this chapter with an
image about children, education, and other images. Lefon de dessin a I 'ecole primaire,
1895, demonstrates the integration of art into the curriculum and the popular desire to see
children working at creating art. It is also important that the methods and subject matter
taught are steeped in classical forms and traditional, academic teaching techniques.
Young Frenchmen are being taught to concentrate and study a valued element of French
culture--art. This was a central part of what the French people were supposed to
understand, as indicated by the efforts to establish the Musees d'art seolaires. They also
must be individually absorbed and motivated, although sharing comments about images
(as the boys holding up a drawing and the boys looking at the portfolio) and working
together remains another important skill. Being able to take instruction (from the teacher)
was a key element of republican citizenship. These skills and concerns remind one of the
attitudes one might need to be successful in the military. Independence, problem-solving
ability, and willingness to cooperate were tied to deeper issues of family, nation, and
education. Geoffroy's images truthfully, if sentimentally, showed the benefits and
activities that took place in republican schools during the first twenty years of reform. It
47 The work was meant to be a didactically effective image with future teachers; its ultimate destination was a teacher's
school and to this day it remains in the Ecole Nationale d'Auteuil. L 'Ecole Malerr.elle is also at an ecole normale,
in the office of the headmistress at the l'Ecole Nationale des Batignolles.
190
is important to recognize what ideas are represented in them and what was the role of
these images. It is also essential to consider the role of Geoffroy himself within the larger
idea construction of the 1900 exposition. Geoffroy's education pavilion images (and the
thousands of reproduced versions of them) had great impact within visual culture as
examples of disseminated republican ideology.48 "Comme David fut Ie peintre de
Bonaparte, Geoffroy sera celui de l'ecole de la Troisieme Republique.,,49
Conclusion
There is no question that art became a valuable tool and commodity in the effort
to rebuild France, both in the eyes of the nation and of the world. The years surrounding
1900 marked recognition of the potential influence of messages carried within child
imagery. Large image-based programs, such as the Exposition de l'Enfance at the Petit
Palais at the 1901 and the governmental education displays at the 1889 and 1900 World's
Fairs were ambitious pieces of propaganda, aimed at visually defining the perfect child.
Setting standards for angelic, beautiful, and plentiful children would create more desire
among French citizenry to have some of their own. Geoffroy's images were instrumental
agents of the desire to portray French schools as safe havens for France's children. His
work also demonstrated that public schools were worthy support systems to parenting in
face of opposition from groups who resented educational form of republican control. In
48 Geoffroy became so identified with the republican school effon, that he received another high-profile, government-
sponsored education commission in April, 1907. He was asked to create a grisaille image for reproduction to appear
on certificates for adults fmishing continuing education classes sponsored by the public schools. See AN F12117054.
49 Fran~oise Beaugrand, "Une peintre pour un ideal: lean Geoffioy, 1853-1924," in Anne-Marie Chatelet, Paris Ii
['ecole (paris: Picard, 1993): 130.
191
Chapter Two it was apparent that images in school books were carefully created to evoke
patriotism in students. Efforts to exhibit child images in schools and in public displays
were similar in nationalist motives. Other projects were created for a primarily adult
audience (the 1897 Exposition de l'Enfance and the 1899 and 1900 education displays at
the World's Fairs, for example). Pictures of students learning were meant to stimulate
pride and patriotism in a nation and a world that had only just begun to revere the
potential trainability of a child. France also saw itself as a vulnerable and impressionable
child, and the nature of large, ideologically-controlled displays featuring child imagery
was an important part of the propagandistic campaign to restore the nation's nerve and its
birth rate after 1te defeats of 1870-71. Geoffroy was a key soldier in the war against
degeneration.
192
CHAPTER FOUR
JEAN-JULES GEOFFROY AND CONTROL
OF THE CHILD'S MIND
"Un rangee d'eleves epanouis et studieux: nul mieux que Jean Geoffroy, Ie
humble peintre des enfants n'a su magnifier l'ecole de la Republique."l The few scholars
who have taken the time to examine Geoffroy's work have chosen to discuss his
republican school imagery and admire it in a similar way. But this chapter will reveal
that his work had greater social complexity and far-reaching impact. Geoffroy was a
government spokesman through didactic images who also championed deeply-treasured
personal causes, such as improving living and medical conditions for the nation's poor.
He visually extolled the virtue of the pious proletariat. It is also essential to realize the
pervasive presence of Geoffioy' s work within Third Republic homes, schools, and public
places. Similar to Theophile Steinlen, Geoffroy was an observant artist who lived and
recorded a middle-class life, but who also visually raised the consciousness of the plights
of those who were less-fortunate. The artist created a body of work that impressively
recorded Third Republic family life in schools, homes, streets, and hospitals, with a touch
of sentimentality. Geoffioy's sympathy for the human condition, particularly that of the
downtrodden, has unfortunately been obscured by the anti-academic tide of taste that
spread quickly over art during the end ofGeoffioy's lifetime. Using the ideas suggested
I Yves Gaulupeau. La France a L 'Ecole (Paris: GaIJimard. 1992): 79.
191
in Chapter Two as an ideological backgroun~ a handful of Geoffroy's wortl will be
examined here as case studies. Remembering that Geoffroy held such an important
position of artistic control at the 1900 exposition's education pavilion, this chapter serves
to demonstrate how Geoffroy gained the trust, prominence, and respect to earn stature and
public accolades.
Geoffroy was an artist with at least a modest degree of success for fifty years. He
was admitted to his first Salon in 1874 and was selected as an exhibitor nearly every year
until his death in 1924.3 Born in Marennes, Charente Maritime, on the 21 st of March,
1853, Geoffroy's father was a humble tailor. Geoffroy attended the Ecole des Beaux-
Arts, and in 1871 he became a pupil in the studio of painter-lithographer Eugene
Levasseur. 4 During this period Geoffroy also studied under Leon Bonnat and the
decorative painter, Emile Adam. Perhaps the most fateful influences on Geoffroy's
career were a couple with whom he boarded on the Rue du faubourg du Temple,
Monsieur and Madame Girard. They were teachers who ran a small school from the same
building. Geoffroy's correspondence shows that he lived at this address until the early
1880s. "C'est dans une ecole que Geoffroy a son atelier. Cette periode de sa vie sera
determinante pour l'ensemble de son oeuvre ou l'Enfance restera un theme privilegie."s
Madame Girard was a particularly formative influence on Geoffroy's ideal as a teacher, as
it is thought she was the model for the sweet, helpful ;nstitutr;ce in such schoolroom
21t is thought that approximately 100 paintings by Geoffi'oy are extant, as weIl as hundreds of drawings. watercolors,
and illustrations in journals and children's book.
3 Geoffi'oy exhibited in 1874, every year 1878-1914, 1920-22 and in 1924. He received an honorable mention in 1881,
a third-class medal in 1883, a second class medal in 1886, and a gold medal in the art pavilion at the 1900 Exposition
Universelle. The tiles on Geoffi'oy at Musee d'Orsay Documentation contain Geoffi'oy's Salon record, copied from the
Fichier Salon des Artistes Fran~s. See also Fran~ise Beaugrand, us enfonts par Geoffroy, 1853-1924 (paris: Gary-
Roche, n. d.): unpaginated.
"Fran~oise 8eaugrand, Jean Geoffroy (paris: X, Nanterre, 1983): 132.
s 8eaugrand 14.
192
scenes as En Classe (Fig. 3.7), the educational work which gained much attention for
Geoffroy at the 1889 World's Fair.
Before entering into an examination of Geoffroy as an agent of patriotic
propaganda, it is necessary to examine his level of artistic quality, as it has affected the
amount of study of his work, and has even prevented widespread scholarship. Geoffroy
has been called ''un curleux exemple de I' evolution de ces influences
contradictoires... Son abus des bons sentiments, son attendrissement lannoyant offrent une
vision melodramatique de I' existence, qui epargne cependant la figure de I' enfant, traitee
avec une evidente sincerite. Idealisee, sanctifiee par sa souffrance innocente, elle est
peinte avec une grace une naivete emouvante.,,6 The sentimentality inherent in his
primary subject of children has served as an obstacle to appreciation of his work.
Admittedly, the number of works featuring cherubic faces in smooth finish and sweet,
luminous colors that Geoffroy produced in his fifty years as an artist did not always
adhere to the modernist ideals of pessimistic originality and constant self-examination.
The artist's work for official patrons with propagandistic agendas also violated modernist
conventions of artistic freedom and the total quests for personal truth. This chapter
demonstrates that Geoffroy is worthy of more recognition. There was seriousness in the
messages Geoffroy conveyed in his work with cleverly calculated means of reaching his
audiences. He may have been an artistic servant of sorts, but working with ideological
pioneers and patriots. In his projects with Pierre-Jules Hetzel, Gaston Variot, and Louis
Pasteur, Geoffroy demonstrated his ability to ally himself with people highly devoted to
6Claude-Anne Pannegiani, Les petitsfranfais iliustres. /860-1940 (paris: Editions du Cercle de la Librairie, 1989):
129.
193
causes that made a huge impact on French society of the early Third Republic. Naturally,
his participation in the Education Pavilion Committees at the 1900 Exposition
Universelle and the Commission d'Imagerie Scolaire were positions he cultivated that
allowed more people to see his work at that time than that of many other artists of his day
who are currently better-known. The intense involvement and copious production of
Geoffroy in the worlds of painting and publishing also reveal his dedication to ideas that
reached the French on an everyday basis. If Geoffroy was not a supreme artistic
innovator, he was nonetheless an artist of intellect and self-awareness. He was intensely
concerned about his audience's problems and tastes. He also had modem savvy in
knowing how to reach those who produced and consumed images, often utilizing vehicles
with new and unexpected potential.
Persuasion on Paper: Geoffroy's Work in the Publishing World
Geoffroy, along with Boutet de Monvel, participated in the visual transfonnation
of French children's publishing. His work appeared in two prominent types of vehicles of
this period that reached both adults and children: the printjoumal and the book.'
Geoffroy's illustrations for the anti-alcohol text, Histoire d'une Bouteille (1902) is a work
that was designed to serve an adult audience and one that will be examined at length later.
His contributions in print media were, however, specifically designed by Geoffroy and his
publishers to reach children. This section examines what individuals Geoffroy
encountered that facilitated his career, what types of literature and subject matter he
7 For the development and growth ofthejoumal as a vehicle for ideas. see Robert Justin Goldstein. Censorship of
Political Caricature in Nineteenth-Century France (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press. 1989).
194
illustrated, which select group of journals and books became vehicles for his work, and to
what extent his work was able to reach children at school and at home.
Reaching and Teaching Through Journals
Perhaps Geoffioy would be completely invisible today, had it not been for his
alliance with Pierre-Jules Hetzel (1814-1886). Before exploring Geoffroy's work for this
publishing titan, Hetzel's revolutionary work in French children's literature and his
political orientations and contributions must be introduced. A native of Chartres, Hetzel
began publishing in 1837. During the July Monarchy, he was called upon to edit works
of Hugo and Balzac. 8 Throughout the Second Empire, Hetzel built a publishing house, as
well as relationships with important authors. He enlisted himself with those who were
entrenched as French heroes and with those who would become heroes, such as Alphonse
Daudet and most importantly, Jules Verne. Hetzel was among the first to successfully
utilize visuals in advertising. In Hetzel's early adverstisements in popular journals, such
as L 'lliustration, Verne figured as the publisher's most important asset, with the largest
number of titles usually belonging to this author. In the 1860s Hetzel's catalogs featuring
Verne and others reveal an important emphasis--literature for children. 9 The importance
of Hetzel's conscious creation of a body of work suitable for children and his skill in
marketing texts to children and their purchasing parents must be recognized. Hetzel's
B A bibliography of Hetzel's early projects is given in Bibliotheque Nationale. De Balzac aJules Verne: Un grand
iditeur du XIX siecle. P. J. Hetzel (paris: Bibliotheque Nationale. 1966). The Manuscrits department of the B.N. holds
the correspondence of Hetzel. which includes numerous items of correspondence between him and Geoffioy.
9 From the I 870s the works of Jules Verne were the most prominently featured sections in Hetzel's advertisements,
sometimes occupying mone than one quarter of the advertising page, more than any other author. Representative
examples include (but are not limited to) the November 16,1882 issue of L 'Illustration (page 419) and the December,
1891 issue of Le Montie llIustre (page 384). Hetzel also sponsored posters for the issue of newly published works by
Verne, many of which are held in the collection of the Musee National de l'Education in Rouen.
195
lavishly pictorial advertisement by Petit, featured both in December, 1885 issues of
L 'lliustration and Le Monde lliustre (Fig. 4.1), cleverly combines active, enchanting
images of children pursuing and reading books with representations of texts containing
some of the most popular titles and artists' names. IO Geoffroy was regularly featured in
Hetzel's annual catalogue of titles offered, here with two titles on the far right-had
column and four titles at the bottom left. II There is no doubt that Hetzel's flair for self-
promotion made an impact on the young artist.
In the study of children's literature it is well-known that the French lagged behind
countries such as England and Germany in development of content and visual appeal in
books designed for children. In fact Hetzel had few barriers in the creation of an
extensive library of children's books since the state of French children's literature was so
weak when he began his "Bibliotheque de Mademoiselle Lili et de son cousin Lucien,,12
and the "Collection Hetzel."
Editeur deja celebre de Balzac et de Hugo, Hetzel prit en effet, en 1861 .. .la
decision de se consacrer aux livres illustres pour enfants, dont il fut Ie
veritable inventeur. Avant lui, la litterature pretendument destinee aux
enfants est avant tout edifiante et pontifiante... Heureusement vint Hetzel.
Pour les enfants, it voulut les meilleurs auteurs--ils eurent Alexandre
Dumas, George Sand, Erckmann-Chatrian et surtout Jules Veme-et les
meilleurs dessinateurs: Gustave Dore, qui illustra les ConIes de Perrault,
10 For an early example of Hetzel's early book advertisements in journals other than his own, see L'IlIustration
(December 18 1875): 406. December issues of this journal, as well as Le Montie ll/wtre usually carried a Hetzel
advertisement, initially consisting only of words. These advertisements are for the "Bibliotheque de Mademoiselle
Lili;" displays for at least twice as many books often appeared within a week in journals to promote similar volumes for
older children under the heading. "Collection Hetzcl." To view the evolution of Hetzel's marketing strategy, using
images within the advertisements to increase appeal, see L'IlIustration (December 19 1885): 419. The same
advertisement appeared in Le Monde IlIustre (December 26, 1885): 431. The December announcements of new books
for the coming year allowed Hetzel to capitalize on the concept of"Etrenncs", as well as December holiday gift-giving.
Visually lavish advertising to attract children's attention and parents' desircs to please their children had not yet
appeared with regularity in Frenchjoumals before the 1880s. Hetzel's design and timing of the advertisements marks
the beginning of sophisticated marketing of items for children, specifically books. It was not until the 1890s that the
visual marketing oftoys seemed to reach any level of frequency and sophistication in the French popular press.
II Geoffioy is usually featured second only to L. Froelich in Hetzel's advertisement in space devoted and prominence
of placement. Froelich was a more prolific illustrator for Hetzel. This tenure began before Geoffioy's.
11 This collection was named after one of the earliest story series published by Hetzel, one that earned him enough early
in the children's publishing venture to continue.
196
Gavami, Riou, Frolich. De ces mariages naquirent des livres qui
restituaient a l'enfant, sans qu'il soitjamais prive de morale et
d'instruction...L'amusant disait Hetzel, doit cacher une reallte morale: sans
cela, il passe au futile, et vide les tetes au lieu de les remplir...Le feerie, Ie
fantastique, Ie merveilleux, celui de la science. Les livres Hetzel, son
Magasin d 'Education et de Recreation, les Voyages Extraordinaires de
Jules Verne, indissociables les uns des autres, ont ainsi tenu une place
fondamentale dans la vie quotidienne des enfants de la seconde moitie du
XIXe siecle, ala fois comme livres-objets et comme recueils d'images a
rever. 13
Just as the Third Republic was born, Hetzel's children's book empire was in place, ready
to entertain, to influence, and to indoctrinate.
Before the advent of strong interest in child culture during the Second Empire
(that became a national obsession in the Third Republic), youngsters were given books to
read with a great amount of action. However, it is not difficult to imagine that the
relatively small number of children who could read had difficulty finishing Les
Miserables and Robinson Crusoe. When French children, particularly those who were
very small, did have access to channing picture books with lucid storylines, the books
were often imported from England and Germany. Ironically, the French philosopher,
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, had been the individual who caused the greatest change in
children's literature of some of France's greatest rivals. With his 1763 novel-treatise,
Emile, Rousseau stimulated an awareness of child development and a desire by parents to
have toys and learning materials for their children specifically developed. This vision of
a genre of literature that would occupy a child's mind took hold in England and Germany.
Victorian-era literature in England flourished, with beautiful and appropriate books being
created especially for children by such pioneers as Kate Greenaway and Walter Crane.
13 Chantal Georgel, L Enfanl elllmage au XIXe siecle (Paris: Musee d'Orsay, (983): 21-24.
197
The French were slow to understand what their fellow Emopeans realized about child
development and taste. It was not until they saw the commercial possibilities of catering
to children that publishers such as Hetzel, Hachette, and Delagrave 14 created literatme
that was originally in French andfor children by French authors and illustrators. This
was a rare approach in 1861.
But the dissemination of French children's literatme was not the only
preoccupation of Hetzel. It was the publisher's political preoccupations that caused many
of the works of Geoffroy and others to become propaganda, stimulating Hetzel's need to
cultivate a stable of authors and illustrators. During the Second Empire, Hetzel was
already a republican agitator. He subscribed completely to the traditional, secular
elements of moral order that have been outlined earlier as republican ideals and he
utilized his growing publishing empire to promote them. Hetzel's activities in the
educational sphere most clearly demonstrated his political sympathies and the intensity
with which he wished to influence. In cooperation with an old college friend, Jean Mace,
Hetzel founded the Ligue de l'Enseignement in 1872. Mace (whose Ligue is recognized
as having been one of the most important tools in spreading the free, mandatory and
secular ideals of republican education in the 1880s) was also one of the early contributors
to Hetzel's Magasin d'Education et Recreation. Thisjournal, founded in 1864, is often
considered to be the first great journal for children. Its price and lavishness indicated that
it was an upscale publication that was affordable to middle-to-upper-middle class families
with a disposable income. The arrival of each issue was an event, with its lush purple
binding and gold letters announcing its arrival. Similarly the images and stories inside
14 At one time or another, Geoffroy worked as an illustrator for each of these presses after Hetzel's death.
198
often featured children of afiluence, although it often reminded readers that wealth
demanded social responsibility. While Hetzel's Magasin was simply a visual treasury to
many, it was developed to serve as a vehicle for republican ideals that could reach some
of the youngest of the French.
It was through this journal that Geoffroy gained much of the notoriety that led him
to become involved in important government projects, such as the 1900 exposition's
Education Pavilion. Geoffroy's alliance with Hetzel began in 1874, with Geoffroy's first
illustrations appearing in the Magasin d 'Education et Recreation by 1876. Hetzel
became one of the largest and most influential promoters of republican values by the
1870s. He consciously enlisted young artists like Geoffroy to utilize his publishing
empire to promote issues of anti-clericalism, gender stereotypes, and the right to
education, frequently in a gentler form for consumption by children. IS Hetzel's
manipulation of children at the birth of the Third Republic through word and image is
clear, particularly in individual examples by Geoffroy that will be discussed here.
Hetzel's power in the life of Geoffroy and others remains obvious. A minor Salon
painter, Geoffroy began taking on journal commissions for Hetzel in 1876. By 1883 he
was invited to join the Societe des Artistes Fran~ais, thus becoming an "official" artist. It
seems that his association with Hetzel added to his status and public exposure. Geoffroy's
painting of republican school subjects, plus his high-profile projects for Hetzel, gave him
IS See A. Pannenie et Bonnie de La Chapelle. eds., Histoire d'un iditeur et de ses auteurs: P. J. Hetzel (paris: Albin
Michel, 1953) and the Bibliotheque Nationale volume from 1966, listed above. Hetzel began writing under his
pseudonym, P. J. Stahl, in 1853. He began to try to reform children's literature in 1861, founding the Magasin
d'Education et Recreation in 1864. Tbejoumal was a moralizing machine from its formative and most important
stages. Hetzel's importance in developing morality and purposely imposing it on children is crucial to recognize and
must not be underestimated. He was assisted in this project by writers Ernest Legouve (of the Academie Fran~se),
Camille Lemonnier, F. Dupin de Saint-Andre, Jules Verne, Victor de Laprade. and Jean Mace. For his own press,
Hetzel wrote stories and books, such as Morale Fami/iere (as P. J. Stahl). Hetzel was present and in a position of
influence at the birth of the Third Republic, and he actively exercised his influence in print until his death in 1886.
199
the stature necessary to secure the position of consulting artist for the 1900 education
pavilion. He was also named a primary illustrator for the Magasin d'Education et
Recreation in 1880,16 when he began illustrating popular serials for the journal. He
continued to complete the prominent serial illustrations for Hetzel, usually one-to-two per
year, through 1893, when he received his commissions from Buisson and the
Commission de l'Imagerie scolaire. Geoffroy's correspondence with the publisher,
consisting of invoices with long lists of illustrations completed, is currently located in the
Hetzel archives of the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris.
In the years around 1880, particularly 1879-80, Geoffroy was particularly prolific
as an illustrator for the Magasin d'Education et Recreation, with as many as sixty of his
illustrations featured in the journal each year. There are four types of images that
comprise Geoffroy's body of work for Hetzel's journals. The most plentiful are the
illustrations Geoffroy created for stories that ran serially. For stories that were carried in
only one or two installments, Geoffroy and other illustrators provided a greater number of
images per story. Some were unrelated to texts, or existed independently. Some were
used for filling space or for their incidental relationship to the story. Finally, some of
Geoffroy's most popular illustrations were reproductions of his paintings that were
reproduced by engravers specifically for reproduction in journals. This was the way that
Geoffroy's paintings were most commonly disseminated--in journals for audiences of all
ages. Usually Geoffroy's work appeared in the more conservative journals. Some of his
paintings received exposure in the annual Salon review issues in L 'Rlustration and Le
16 Geoffroy and other illustrators for Hetzel typically created eight to ten drawings for one serial, with one or two
drawings used per issue. The serial drawings and text often appeared in a journal throughout a given year,
guaranteeing regular exposure for primary illustrators.
200
Montle nlustre, but it was in the family-oriented Magasin d'Education et Recreation that
Geoffroy's paintings were reproduced most frequently.
Geoffroy's first serial illustrations for Hetzel's Magasin were the drawings for the
1879 story, "Le Paradis de M. Toto."l7 The following year he illustrated "La Premiere
Cause de l' Avocat Juliette," a story Hetzel wrote under his pseudonym, P. J. Stahl. It is
not possible to discuss more than a few of Geoffroy's prolific journal images here, but the
illustrations for this story and for a few key images in the same journal demonstrate how
Geoffroy visually communicated republican and regeneration values. The images are
surprisingly political for a children's journal, yet their propagandistic content is not
surprising considering the goals of Hetzel, or those found within visual culture in the
Third Republic (as discussed in Chapter Two). An example is a successful serial story
for the Magasin, the 1881 "La Premiere cause de l'avocat Juliette," which was later
published in book form. Many ofth~ stories in Hetzel's periodical (and in general the
children's popular press at this time) carried moralizing themes. Geoffroy's title
illustration for the first installment (Fig. 4.2) is more elaborate than many of the drawings
used during the course of the story, yet it is typical of Geoffroy's style and visual
reinforcement of literary ideas. In the story a young, level-headed girl, Juliette, has a
strong sense of right and wrong. Her cat, Minette, has been falsely accused of
wrongdoings, and Juliette takes it upon herself to exonerate the cat. Juliette wants to
follow legal procedures to save Minette--she forms a tribunal of adult family members
17 Like many Geoffioy serials, "Le Paradis de M. Toto" was quickly published in book fonn after its run in Magasin
d'Education et Recreation. The text for this story was written by Hetzel himself, under the pseudonym ofP.I. Stahl.
The illustrated story, which gained early and important popularity for Geoffroy's work, concerned the adventures the
boy Toto had in his dreams.
201
and tries ''the case." Initially the illustrations and storyline are surprising, as Juliette is
aggressive; she behaves as an adult and even in a forward, masculine manner. In Chapter
Two it becomes apparent that gender role expectations were strong in most Third
Republic imagery; girls were to be passive, quiet, and pleasant. But one question is
raised: why would Geoffroy and Hetzel (writing as Stahl) wish to encourage children to
believe that girls should and can pursue logical, aggressive careers, such as law?
Upon further examination, it is apparent that Geoffroy was helping to
communicate precisely the opposite message. It is important to recognize that the images
and narrative do not threaten moral and social order, but participate in the reassurance of
it. The unbelievability of the story is pivotal--it is unlikely for a little girl to go to all of
the trouble and to be indulged to an extent that she can conduct a trial and appear in legal
garb. Juliette thinks rationally, while the underlying motive of her actions, performing
legal services for a cat, are irrational. It is this "fantastic" element that makes the girl's
role both charming and fictional. IS Juliette is also made into a heroine through several
elements within the image: an army of little girls who look up at her adoringly;
Geoffroy's theatrical use of her enumerating gesture; the dramatic lighting of her face and
hand; the epic, billowing clouds above her; and the allegorical figures of torch-bearing
truth and sword-bearing justice that inspire and guide her sense of morality. But it is
precisely the melodramatic heroism of the image, based on an amusing underlying
premise, that makes the viewer understand that a little-girl lawyer is not to be taken
seriously. Geoffroy visually insists that possession of high morals can be heroic, but
II Qualities of fiction and charm are timeless, almost essential elements of children's literature, from the most ancient
fairy tales to regional tall tales.
202
visibly pursuing it may not be. Geoffroy's representation of Juliette subtly insists that
feminine piety and restraint are more virtuous and realistic; he makes this statement in a
public forum that reached thousands of children in their homes on a monthly basis.
Almost every one of Geoffroy's hundreds of illustrations for the Magasin
d'Education et Recreation communicates a message that reinforces values and attitudes
that were to serve the regeneration of France. While it is not likely that the artist had such
directly propagandistic intent with each sketch, it is undeniable that Geoffroy aimed to
depict children in a moralistic manner and was consciously sought after by publishers.
doctors, and government officials to convey the messages inherent in their agendas. In
order to understand what messages Geoffroy taught, it is useful to examine more of
Geoffroy's images for Hetzel's journals. Themes of good and bad behavior, militarism,
and charity are three of the most prominent he repeatedly examined.
Geoffroy's illustrations for the 1881 story, "L'Institutrice," is an excellent
example of the manner in which the artist promoted models for appropriate behavior for
children in the Magasin. Figures 4.3 and 4.4 are illustrations for a playlet by Gennevraye.
The participatory nature of the plays, which would be read together by children and
sometimes with adults, such as parents or governesses, represents a trend unto itself in
drawing children into literature that carried a message. Many stories and plays in the
children's popular press featured themes of students and teachers, an important choice
when one remembers that Hetzel was one of the most fervent promoters of the republican
educational system. The first illustration (Fig. 4.3) features three siblings who are playing
school; the older sister is the teacher and her younger brother and sister are her students.
203
The younger children are rebellious. They have moved away from their toys (the hoop
and the ball on the floor), often a symbol ofleaving childhood behind for more serious
pursuits. The "students" upset the contents of the table as soon as the ''teacher'' has
turned her back. This image is representative of presentation of a common stereotype
found within children's imagery of the time: it was visually simpler to associate
misbehavior with acts of physical abandon, rather than to indicate devious, Psychological
plots. Thus, naughty children are often caught turning something, or even themselves,
upside-down. In this case the ink bottle and the papers the children have been working
with are being thrown down. Of particular interest here is the fact that the younger girl is
also throwing objects. Invariably, transgressive girls are shown throwing, climbing, or
dramatically moving in illustrated children's books during this era. The closed, static
posture expected of girls was amply illustrated in the photograph from a girl's primary
school from the 1900 education pavilion (Fig. 2.57). This will be an important issue in
texts, such as Boutet de Monvel's Suzanna's Auction. The contrast between inert good
girls and active bad girls remained prominent in the work of Geoffroy and other
illustrators at this time.
On the last page of this story the younger children have been scolded by their
mother to listen to their elders, especially their teachers. Their mother, Madame Lefort,
goes so far as to say, "Souvenez-vous, mes cheris, qu'une bonne institutrice est une
grande sreur, une seconde mere.,,19 A few lines below there is a Geoffroy image (Fig.
4.4), featuring Madame Lefort ushering her younger children to embrace their older sister.
The institutrice has a benevolent, forgiving facial expression and she is the same height
19 Gennevraye, "L'lnstitutrice," Magasin d'Educalion el Ricreation 34: 1 (1881): 26.
204
as her mother, appearing more as another adult figure than as one of the children. The
pair of images from L '[nstitutrice contains several typical messages that contribute to
propaganda that is connected to the republican campaign to strengthen schools and
families. One of the most important themes here is that the older sibling tries to teach, to
protect, and to help raise the younger siblings. The elder sibling prototype was
omnipresent in visual culture at this time, as mentioned in Chapter Two. Older sisters
and brothers could strengthen the family unit by assisting their parents in raising the other
children and giving them more attention and care. The older child could also be a parent-
in-training and a role model, practicing and demonstrating the self-sacrifice that he or she
would need as a parent, while experiencing some of the rewards. The messages within
Madame Lefort's line are more complex and important in their messages of the
similarities between teachers, mothers, and sisters. By encouraging children to think of
their teachers as big sisters and second mothers, the Geoffroy image encouraged respect
and affection for teachers. This helped to guarantee the success of the public schools,
Hetzel's most beloved cause. The fact that children are encouraged to find a mother
figure outside the home suggests that school was also perceived as an extension of the
family, a place where people and messages taught should be trusted and accepted.
Reading the play itself was most likely practiced as a family recreational activity
cementing all of these messages among family members who read and performed it. The
educational and family themes reinforced by the subject and approach of L '[nslitutrice are
directly in keeping with the way public schools expected complete trust and acceptance
from students.
205
Geoffroy's work not only conveyed issues supporting specific educational and
family concepts, but also promoted militarism. Eventually enlisted to record activities in
bataillons seo/aires, Geoffroy's first militaristic scenes depicted toy soldiers. On a page
from the short story, "La Bataille des petits soldats de plomb et des petits soldats de
bois,,20 (from an 1879 issue of the Magasin d'Education et Recreation), the actions of
soldiers are glorified. Two of Geoffroy's illustrations appear on one page. 21 In the upper
image (Fig. 4.5) the wooden soldiers are lined up, ready to tight the lead soldiers. Even
though they are toys, their order and uniformity are reminiscent of photographs of boys in
bataillons seo/aires and other school images, described in Chapter Two (Figures 2.45 and
2.70, for example). One of the wooden soldiers is out of the line and leans over to kiss
and embrace his wife, as a dog looks on. A message is communicated: the soldier's duty
is linked to his ties to his family, even ifhe is only made of wood. In the Geoffroy
drawing below it, the lead soldiers are more nimble and better armed--they are shown in
action, loading a cannon. Throughout Camille Lemonnier's story, the artist emphasizes
both the fervent action of battle, as well as the wooden soldier's desire to get back to his
wife after serving his duty. It initially seems strange that the toy soldier's world should
be explored so thoroughly. The use of the toy soldier device, however, was a very clever
one to use to reach children with Third Republic messages of discipline, self-sacrifice,
and dedication. Because most boy readers of the Magasin were likely to have soldiers in
their nurseries, such a story would pique their interest. The depiction of the soldiers
20 Camille Lemonnier, "La Bataille des Petits Soldats," Magasin d'Education et Recreation 30:2 (1879): 312-18. The
story was issued in book form as Hibes et Joujoux (paris: P. 1. Hetzel, 1880). In 188S Geoffroy requested that the
Ville de Paris purchased a painting, Pour la France: une revue des bataillons scolaires. Ie 14 juillet, J884, indicating
that this subject was of interest to him in the late 18705 and early 1880s. See L 'Illustration, April2S, 188S.
21 Lemonnier 313.
206
encouraged introduction of such themes into the boys' play. Thus, both the children's toy
and the children'sjoumal were vehicles through which themes of militarism and male
duty could be communicated with charm and Geoffroy's typical gentle humor.
Another value emphasized over and over again through words and images in
children's literature was charity. Upper middle class children were constantly reminded
that there were people less fortunate than they, and that it was their duty to sacrifice at
least a little to help. Compassionate stories about poor children, as well as reproductions
of Geoffroy paintings, constantly appeared in the Magasin d'Education et Recreation;
short stories featuring Geoffroy drawings carried this "message" as well. "La Nuit de
Noel,,22 was more a description of the wonderful things different children could find in
toy shops than a narrative. The author of the piece, Geoffi'oy's common author-partner
Camille Lemonnier, described how children of different classes experienced the items
inside and in the windows of the toy store. Geoffroy draws two poorly-dressed children
admiring a doll and a Polichinelle jack-in-the-box with sad faces outside the store
window. Later a little girl with an ermine-trimmed velvet coat and her mother enter the
shop (Fig. 4.6). The mother and the shop owner show the little girl rows of beautiful
dolls, as the text details, but the wealthy little girl is not interested. Instead she sees a
faggot-gatherer doll23 (depicted at her lower left), and takes pity on it. "Achete-moi ce
bon vieux pauvre, maman, il a l'air si triste, cela lui fera plaisir d'avoir bien chaud chez
nous et de n'y manquer de rien. ,,24 It seems unlikely that girl would gain much pleasure
from playing with such a doll, but the stories and picture communicate that the little girl
22 Camille Lemonnier, "La Nuit de Noel," Magasin d'Education et Recreation 32:2 (1880): 7985.
2J Such as doll would also connote rural life, as well.
24 Lemonnier, "La Nuit de Noel" 85.
207
will receive more pleasure from making the ''poor old man" comfortable. There is a
significant level of self-sacrificial propaganda that tells children that charitable acts can
be more fulfilling than playing with their everyday toys. There are similar messages of
awareness of the poor in the juxtaposition of the image featuring indigent children who
cannot afford toys with the little girl who has her choice of the sumptuous dolls. Clearly
Lemonnier, Geoffroy, and Hetzel wished to encourage awareness of poverty among
young readers of this journal.
It is also important to examine the reproductions of Geoffroy's paintings in
Hetzel's Magasin. This allows us to gain a larger understanding of the themes of the
1880s (leading up to his government commissions), as well as to see why the independent
paintings of Geoffroy were desirable for reproduction by Hetzel. Many issues of the
journal carried a high-quality etched reproduction of a Geoffroy painting at the back of
the issue. As in many journals of the time, the print was produced separately on one side
of the paper and was suitable for pulling out and framing. This provided even greater
exposure for an image when hung on the wall of homes. The life of the image (and ideas
presented within it) could be extended when it could remain on the wall of a subscriber's
home for a lengthy period. Many of Geoffroy's early paintings made light humor out of
the predicaments of average schoolchildren. Le Quart d 'heure de Rabelais (Fig. 4.7) was
a widely-reproduced painting from the 1881 Salon. 2S It depicts a chestnut seller on the
street, surrounded by potential customers. This was a common theme in Geoffroy's early
work--sometimes the children were middle or upper-middle class schoolchildren and
2S Le Quart d'Heure de Rabelais, Magasin d'Education et Recreation 34:1 (1881): 128. This painting was reproduced
in many journals that year, as a Salon painting with great public appeal. It was one of Geoffioy' s most popular early
works.
208
sometimes they were truly hungry children who needed the chestnuts as a meal. In this
image, some schoolboys who appear to be well-fed and well dressed are interacting with
the vendor, who reaches his hand out to one of them. This child cannot find any money
in his pocket and has a panic-stricken look on his face. The other boys are laughing and
carry a portfolio and a basket. Because they are carrying these items, projecting shadows
on the sidewalk with their feet, and seem to be in a jocular mood, it appears they have
stopped at the chestnut vendor for after-school. The humor in this image is in the mild
misfortune of the boy who will not receive his after-school treat. This lighthearted
treatment of children was prevalent in Geoffroy's work of the late 1870s and early 1880s,
but was to succumb to Geoffroy's increasing interests in the timeless, more meaningful
elements of childhood, such as joy, hunger, and benefits oflearning.
Geoffroy's gentle depictions of middle-class children in this time are also
exemplified by the reproduction of Une Page difficile (Fig. 4.8) in 1883. This is an image
which, like those from L 'lnstitutrice (Fig. 4.4), shows the interest in learning within the
home. Here a mother has sat down to explore books with her children. The daughter's
doll has symbolically been thrown aside on the floor; the child pays close attention as her
mother points out words and images in a large book. A little boy in the background runs
to the cabinet containing books, as if he is excited to pullout another one. This image is
part ofa large genre of mothers reading with their children (as demonstrated in Figs. 2.59
and 2.60), one that promoted both family togetherness and literacy. The painting was
also created during the height of legislation (such as the 1882 Ferry laws) guaranteeing
education to all children. It was published eleven years after Hetzel co-founded the Ligue
209
d'Enseignement. Thus, there was considerable awareness and concern on Geoffioy's and
Hetzel's parts for the spread of literacy. The sweet round face of the child and doll-like
beauty of the mother within the refined, elegant interior achieves a level of popular
sentiment. However, the message is quite serious, appeared in a publication that had the
affirming power to depict mothers and children reading in a manner that would reach
similar mothers and children doing the very same thing.
Family unity is among the most important values in Geoffroy's work beyond his
school images. The importance of the bond between older and younger siblings is once
again stressed in his L 'Union/ail a laforce26 (1889, Fig. 4.9). Three very well-dressed
children appear just outside a park, resembling the new and popular Parc Monceau. Two
older children, presumably a brother and sister, help a younger child off the curb as they
exit the park. The boy holds his hoop and stick to one side (again implying that
childhood is cast aside momentarily) to help the younger child. A woman, perhaps the
mother or caretaker, holds a baby and witnesses the act of kindness. There is a physical
bond between the three, based on charitable feelings. The pleasant, concerned
expressions on the older children's faces also indicates familial love. This, reinforced by
the title, communicates the message that working together creates strength. This image
may not only have encouraged children to participate in the surrogate parent relationship
within the family discussed earlier, but also their "union creating strength" is a small-
scale, patriotic act.
Geoffroy's popularity as a painter, and that of an illustrator soared by the late
1880s. Hetzel was not the only publisher to recruit Geoffroy to charm children's families
26 L 'Unionfait laforce. Magasin d'Education et Ricreation 49:1 (1889): 240.
210
through his imagery. While children's journals had begun to appear early in the
nineteenth century, there was great demand for cheap, periodical literature as wealth,
printing technology, leisure time, and literacy increased?7 In addition to Hetzel, Geoffroy
also began to work for the publishers Hachette and Delagrave, completing illustrations for
both journals and books, while continuing to gain popularity and visibility by having his
paintings reproduced in mass-circulationjoumals. Some of these included Lecture pour
tous, Le Petit Franfais illustre, Hetzel's Le Petit St. Nicolas, and La Vie moderne. The
three artists featured in this study are interconnected, through their journal activity. Both
Steinlen and Geoffroy illustrated for the popular Mon Journal during 1889-90. One of
the most important children's journals of the early 1890s was Delagrave's L 'Ecolier
Illustre,28 which boasted Boutet de Monvel as one of its most regular contributors, and
commonly carried the work of Geoffroy. Like the Magasin d 'Education et Recreation,
this journal was "luxueux, offraient it leurs jeunes lecteurs de tres belles lithographies,
parfois en couleurs, amusantes certes, mais surtout educatives, car il s' agit davantage
d'education que de recreation!,,29 L 'Ecolier lliustre expressly focused upon educational
issues and Geoffroy was involved with it from 1890 until 1895, with a few reproductions
of his work also appearing in 1897-1900, after several of his government paintings had
been completed and he had returned from Algeria.30
27 Chantal Georgel, L 'Enfant et ['[mage au XlXe siecle (Paris: Editionsde la Reunion des musees nationaux, 1988): 4
2B The Magasin d'ducation et Recreation continued after Hetzel's death in 1886, but Geoffioy's involvement with the
gublication shortly curtailed after that time.
9 "L'utilisation de la technique de bois de bout, qui rendait possible I'impression simultanee, sur une mbne page, du
texte et de I'image, explique I'cssor des journaux iIIustres, tels que Le Magasin Pittoresque ou Le Musee des Families,
et, parce qu'elle etait une technique bon marche, I'effioresence de I'image populaire, frustre certes, maisjustement
Eropre aetonner les iIIenres et les enfants." Georgel 24.
o In 1893 much of Geoffi'oy's journal activity seems to have been curtailed. This is the same year he accepted his
commissions for Buisson and the Commission de I'lmagerie Scolaire. Observing his activity by 1890, however, he was
a successful painter and was involved with many journals at once; by 1893 he may have felt stretched a bit thin as
Steinlen often did with his prolific and unrelenting journal output
211
Many of Geoffroy's original illustrations for L 'Eeolier Rlustre were illustrations
for Guignol playlets. Geoffroy often was the artist of choice when a journal with which
he was associated was ran a short play. His delicate style often matched the light,
rhythmic play texts. He specialized in Commedia dell' Arte characters, in his original
drawings in 1889-90. Many of these texts and images reinforced good manners. Both
Boutet de Monvel and Geoffroy used eighteenth century characters when they wanted to
underscore issues of civility and grace. Boutet tended to choose the motif of children at
balls in Rococo adult costumes, while Geoffroy generally used characters such as Pierrot
and Harlequin in illustrations for literature that emphasized refined etiquette around 1900.
One of many illustrations of this type by Geoffroy appeared in L 'Eeolier lliustre in May,
1900 (Fig. 4.10).31 Here Columbine introduces a girl and a boy who bow deeply to each
other. Most of these illustrations are unremarkable in content. It is their style which
varies a bit from what we have previously seen by Geoffroy. As children's literature
scholar Claude-Anne Parmegiani has pointed out, toward and after 1900, Geoffroy's style
became darker.32 It appears that he may have produced this series of drawings with white
chalk or crayon on black paper. It is also worth noting that around this time, Geoffroy's
illustrations often reach us through his own hand, as photomechanically reproduced
original drawings, rather than images translated by an engraver. There is a hardened,
rushed feeling in these works that subsides again by the middle of the first decade of the
twentieth century. One can only speculate why this occurred. But it was understandable
11 This is an illustration for a two-part playlet by S. E. Roben. "Les Fian~lles d' Arlequin," L 'Colier lIIustre (April
26 1900): 265.
12 Pannegiani 131.
212
that Geoffroy would be rushed in 1899-1900 with all of his Exposition Universelle
activities and his intense involvement with the world of children's journals.
Geoffroy did produce a few original drawings for short stories, plays, and poems
in L 'Ecolier lliustre, including "L'Enfant du troupe," (Fig. 4.11) from 1891. This drawing
is a paragon of Third Republic visual propaganda. A young bataillon scolaire student
carries a little girl through wet (possibly icy) October streets with a sweet, generous look
on his face. He carries her basket and books as well as the child. The image
accompanies a poem which is narrated by the little girl admiring the heroic actions of this
boy.
n saurait me defendre; il est fort, il est brave!m me semblait un homme; il

avait I'air si grave!/... Dans son large manteau, Ie brave petit hommelMe
roula, moi, mon pain, mes livres et ma pomme!lMe porte dans ses bras, et
je me sentais bien/Sous les plis du caban d'ouje ne vis plus rien!lPetit
enfant de troupe, ami de mon enfance,lSi desarmee encore pour rna propre
defense.lEn quel pays es-tu tombe! Sur quel canon!lHelas! petit ami, je ne
sais plus ton nom,IMaisje t'aime du moins toujours comme un
symbole/Du soldat qui defend la famille et I' ecole. 33
The combination of the little girl's admiration for the boy both as a protective big brother
figure and for his self-sacrificing protection of her like a soldier for his country is
reinforced in this intricate combination of words and image. Clearly it is encouraging for
children to see their older brothers or their neighborhood boys as budding soldiers. It
instills pride and admiration for the future, while presenting soldiers who have enlisted to
protect their country. The patriotism and gender-role stereotypes in this image are
significant for their position of influence in one of the most widely circulated children's
journals in France.
33 The illustration accompanied a poem by prolific Third Republic child author, Jean Aicard. See"L 'Enfant de
Troupe," L 'Colier IIIustre (December 3 1891): 777.
213
Another type of Geoffioy imagery in L 'Ecolier Rlustre, as in the Magasin
d 'Education et Recreation, was reproduction of paintings. Most of the paintings
reproduced were solely by Geoffroy. The appearance of his work in widely-circulated
journals was perhaps the largest popularizing factor in making Geoffroy a well-known
and well-loved artist by 1900. Among his most poignant and popular images was Les
Ajfames (Fig. 4.12), Geoffroy's entry to the 1890 Salon. Geoffroy's sketch of the
painting appeared in L 'Ecolier nlustre in 1890, accompanying a short story which may be
based on the work. The story describes two street children. As in the charity-themed
illustrations and stories from the Magasin, words and images are used to remind well-off
child readers that there are hungry people in the world. The story begins,
Lorsque vous etes dans une chambre bien close, faisant cercle autour d'un
feu petillant, songez-vous quelquefois, mes enfants, a ceux qui grelottent
au dehors? II y a dans la rue, peut-etre sous vos fenetres, de pauvres
enfants qui, les pieds presque nus sur la terre glacee, les membres transis
sous des vetements insuffisants, implorent en tremblant les quelque sous
qu'il faut rapporter au logis sous peine de mourir de faim. 34
The narrative continues to describe the hunger of two anonymous, destitute children who
watch hungry people scavenge for food found in a bucket on the street. The last few
paragraphs of the text provides strong reminders for children to be thankful for what they
have and to take pity on those children who are hungry on the streets. There was great
fear both of and for the forgotten hungry of the streets during the early years of the Third
Republic. The poor, however, were part of the regeneration plan just as the wealthy were.
Geoffioy, like Steinlen, enlisted in the campaign to provide visual reminders of those that
needed to be fed and helped in order to make France strong again. L 'Ecolier lllustre was
34 E. Lebrun. "Les Affames... L 'Ecolier lIIustre (December 18 (890): 811.
214
an ideal forum for reminding children of its aflluent subscribers that there was rampant
hunger. Geoffioy's social conscience is quite evident here, as he used examples from
those he saw on the streets around him in the Belleville neighborhood of northeastern
Paris.
Other reproductions of Geoffroy's paintings in this journal treated themes of
children and health. Boutet de Monvel, Geoffroy, and other artists of the day chose
young convalescents as themes. It was a popular subject since it was a common problem
both in public discourse and in many people's personal experiences. While Boutet tended
to choose scenes of girls in recovery, Geoffroy's scenes of convalescence usually center
around a boy. In Une Visite aI 'hopital (1889, Fig. 4.13), a young boy is laid on a bed in a
35
ward. This painted image was made more popular through journal reproduction. It not
only evokes sympathy in the viewer, but also perhaps memories of images or experiences
of soldiers' hospitals. Some of Geoffroy's popular illness paintings, such as L 'Huile
Ricin, focus upon a small boy sick in bed at home cowering because his mother is about
to give him castor oil. It is not pleasant in these instances that the child is sick. However,
there was a mild amount of humor present, as everyone could associate with having to
take or give children a common remedy such as this.
L 'Huile Ricin (Fig. 4.14) was a widely-reproduced painting in adults' and
children's journals, but Une visite a l'hopital seemed to enjoy even greater and more
extended popularity in journal reproduction. The work was reproduced on a cover of
35 Une Visite ci l'hopital was purchased by the state after the 1889 Salon in which the painting appeared. For
correspondence between Geoffroy and the Education and Fine Arts Ministry. see Archives NationaJes box F12112083.
See also the discussion and reproduction of the original painting in Gabriel P. Weisberg, Beyond Impressionism: The
Naturalist Impulse (New York: Harry N. Abrams. 1982): lOS.
215
L 'Ecolier Olustre Gust as L 'huile Ricin was) in 1895. It was created to publicize the
works of medical charity provided by hospitals sponsored by the City of Paris. "Par ces
hopitaux, la ville de Paris et sa municipalite republicaine contribuent a faire reculer la
mortalite juvenile, et done aallonger I' esperance de vie. Heureux alors Ie pere qui peut
visiter son enfant a l'hopital, au lieu d'assister impuissant a son agonie chez lui.,,36 In the
image a man-presumably the boy's father-sits humbly at the foot of the boy's bedside
and appears to be looking intensely at the limp-armed child. In the background visiting
day activities take place with the children in the other beds. The embrace between a child
and an adult (seen in the space between the boy and the father) magnifies the distance
between them. Because of this and the rueful tilt of the father's head, there is an air of
regret. At the same time, there are impressive propagandistic messages in this work, as
there is a sense that the boy at least has a pleasant and clean place to be sick and possibly
die. Geoffroy was made aware of the need to fight for the cleanliness of hospitals
through his relationship with friend and patron, Doctor Gaston Variot. The clean
environment may have made the viewer feel grateful that the City of Paris has cared for
the boy when he so desperately needed it. The work remains classic pro-republican
propaganda with its concern for the people.
Geoffroy's work for other journals was used to communicate a variety of
messages. The assortment of journals Geoffroy worked for reveals how his popularity
became more widespread at the tum-of-the-century. He created very few images for the
popular Mon Journal (Fig. 4.15), but his work appeared on the cover in 1890. Here the
style is similar to the rather dark, rushed, sketchy style of the Commedia dell' Arte
36 Serge Chassagne, Geoffroy, peinlre de I'en/ance (Rouen, Musee National de I 'Education, 1984): 10.
216
drawings. A group of children (who appear to be the age of students in an ecole
maternelle) enters school singing under the direction of their teacher. This illustration
represents the school subject matter by Geoffioy that was so beloved by the public and
sought-after by journal editors at this time. It is also a chance for the present-day viewer
to gain a better understanding of an everyday scene within republican schools and to see
how the subject of chant, discussed in Chapter Two, was practiced. Like a military
marching chorus, it stimulates morality, prepares for the day, and keeps children in order
through rhythm.
Other appearances of Geoffroy's imagery began to be more widespread in the late
1890s in family journals, such as the widely circulated Magasin Pittoresque. These
images not only fed the public's increasing appetite for Geoffroy's work, but also helped
spread education and regeneration ideas. A reproduction of Geoffroy's painting, La
Lefon de couture (Fig. 4.16) shows a subject that was essential to economie domestique
in girls' education in 1885. This is another benevolent public school teacher (such as the
one in En classe, Fig. 3.7). She instructs a student in needlework, while another awaits
help. The girls are quietly working in a sunny classroom with a map and natural history
posters on the walls. This is yet another example of public money being well spent,
assuring the viewer that the girls are successfully being trained to become satisfied,
efficient, pleasant wives and mothers. The Geoffroy image seems to have been used
incidentally, in accompanyment to the story.37 The text refers to sewing in general, not
specifically to the teaching of sewing in schools. It seems as though the editors took the
37 Paul Laffitte, "La ~on de Couture," Magasin Pittoresque 53 (October 1885): 320-22.
217
opportunity to incorporate one of Geoffroy's established paintings with an article using
relatively similar subject matter.
Another image from Magasin Pittoresque is one of several from a 1900 article,
"L'Histoire de ~be.,,38 In the year that marked the crest of his popularity and visibility,
Geoffroy's friend, writer Maurice Guillemot paid homage to the painter. Guillemot used
this article to combine two of Geoffroy's sketches with fragments from his own story,
Carnel d 'un papa. Guillemot calls Geoffroy a "maitre-peintre des enfants,,39 and was to
salute Geoffroy in a much more visible way in the following year when he authored a
special supplement of Le Figaro lliustre dedicated to Geoffroy. Guillemot selected
Geoffroy drawings that show the humorous, intimate side of child life that appears in
Geoffroy' sketches to a much more charming degree than in his painting. The portion of
the story that is reproduced is about the attentive raising of a baby. In one drawing, the
baby lays on a blanket outdoors and seems happy. In another (Fig. 4.17) an important
part of the baby's care is emphasized. The baby is in a bathtub, about to be drenched by a
hand with a sponge. The fearful look on the baby's face, as well as the contrasting large
scale of the washtub, the sponge, and the hand, show the hygienic treatment of the baby in
a humorous way. Geoffroy was a talented draughtsman and his baby illustrations, like his
portraits, are rare. When found, they provide another chance to understand how
observant Geoffroy was of all stages of life. One of the most important aspects of this
drawing is simply that it appeared in one of Paris' most popular periodicals, just as
31 Maurice Guillemot, "L'Histoire de Bebe," Magasin Pittoresque 68 (Juin 1 1900): 340-43.

39 Guillemot 340.
218
Geoffroy's work was on display at the Education Pavilion and in the Palace of Art at the
1900 Exposition.
Geoffroy's style ease at presenting various themes made an indelible impact on
the French publishing world. In the 1890s, after his new drawings appeared with less
frequency, illustrators such as Riou imitated his style. There was an important symbiotic
exchange between Geoffroy's work and the journals in which they appeared. Throughout
the 1880s Geoffroy illustrated serials and allowed some of his school and childhood
paintings to be reproduced, increasing the popularity of periodicals such as the Magasin
d'Education et Recreation. In the 1890s, however, the nature of Geoffroy's relationship
with the journals changed. He had less time to create custom illustrations for journals, yet
there seems to have been a great demand for Geoffroy's illustrations. He and the journals
had increased each other's popularity in the earlier years of his career. His fame was so
extensive that it allowed widespread reproduction of his work in lieu of original
productions. It is important to note that his exposure through journals fueled his painting
career, while gaining him positions of importance, such as a membership in the
Commission de l'Imagerie scolaire. He is one of the earliest and foremost examples of an
artist whose career was both enriched and was enriched by a relationship with the
mushrooming popular periodical press.
Books: Another Vehicle
At times it is difficult to separate Geoffroy's work in books from that found in
journals. This is because many of his journal illustrations were for serials that were soon
219
published in book form, such as Le Paradis de M. Toto and La Premiere Cause de
I 'Avocat Juliette. It is important to acknowledge, however, that books were just another
way, that Geoffroy, his images, and his ideas could reach children in their homes. Books
were also a less ephemeral form of propaganda Geoffroy charmed his audiences
(although he did not revolutionize the children's book industry visually in the way that
Boutet de Monvel did). Geoffroy more commonly served the needs of his patrons, but his
work for them was not merely innocuous. Hetzel, and Delagrave, and authors such as
Leo Claretie wished to communicate certain ideas in their publications; Geoffroy assisted
them. This section examines Geoffroy's work in children's fiction, textbooks, and anti-
alcoholism literature, demonstrating that his contribution in books stood above that found
in his more prolific output in journals.
Geoffroy's book illustration career was facilitated by the same individual as his
journal work: Hetzel. As early as 1876 Geoffroy's name appears in a Hetzel
advertisement for illustrating Don Quichotte and Monsieur de Crac. Thus Geoffroy
initially produced book illustrations for Hetzel, rather than presenting them first to the
Magasin d'Education et Recreation, which had been in circulation since 1864. Froelich
was the primary image creator for Hetzel at this time; Geoffroy's popularity quickly
eclipsed or at least matched this senior illustrator. Under Hetzel's collections of the
Bibliotheque de Mademoiselle Lili and Albums Stahl, Geoffroy's illustrations were
available in both lavish hardcover books (for upper and middle class families and
children) and in cheaper paperbacks (for children of lower socio-economic status).
220
Geoffroy's popularity with the Magasin grew during the late 1870s and 1880s, along with
his work in the book world.
An example of Geoffroy's book imagery from the mid-1880s comes from Les
Deux Cotes du Mur. 40 A fanciful tale by M. Bertin (in opulent re~ pattern-stamped
hardcover) treats a brother, sister and neighborhood children. The siblings spend many
hours in a treehouse, likening themselves to the Swiss Family Robinson, a popular story
of the day. Nadette is often shown sitting and doing things such as sewing. Soshene, her
brother, is usually involved in either more active or more intellectual activities, such as
playing with a toy rifle or reading. Soshene and Nadette do venture out of the treehouse,
but a typical Third Republic brother-sister relationship has been depicted. As Soshene is
older, it is naturally his duty to protect of Nadette, just as we have seen older siblings do
in illustrations by Geoffroy and others. In one passage approximately one quarter of the
way into the book, Soshene and Nadette are on foot in the woods, returning to the
treehouse. The accompanying illustration, "C'est une vipere!" (Fig. 4.18) demonstrates
typical male-female gender roles in Third Republic literature. As the pair recoils from a
snake, his reflex is to hold Nadette behind him and take a stride forward. Nadette,
covered by the frills in her dress and the flowers she has just been picking, freezes in fear,
feet pressed neatly together. The illustrations in this book are consistent throughout.
They are also in keeping with older sibling and male-female relationships in Geoffroy's
illustrations for the Magasin d 'Education et Recreation and with many images from
Boutet de Monvel's work, which will be examined in the following chapter. 41
40M. Bertin, Les Deux Cotes du Mur (Paris: J. Hetzel et Cie., (886).
41Around the year 1900 GeoOioy was also doing a series for Delagrave around 1900 on Commedia dell' artc
characters. This series was called Albums de Tante Nicole (n.d.). It too featured violent black and white contrasts.
221
Because of Geoffroy's interest and expertise in portraying children, it was natural
that his book ceuvre expanded into school-related volumes, primarily textbooks. In 1887
Hetzel sponsored an album solely reproducing the work of Geoffroy in etchings, L 'Age de
I 'ecole, scenes de la vie en!antine.42 Because of editions such as this, as well as
Geoffroy's school-themed Salon paintings, the artist's work in books came to be
increasingly oriented toward school. In 1885 he was commissioned to illustrate D.
Lacroix's Cahier for bataillons scolaires.43 For the Adjudant et caporal de bataillon
scolaire Geoffroy began his allegiance with a theme combining militarism and children.
Not only was he depicting children receiving military training at school, but he was also
assisting in providing this training by creating images that they would use in their
classrooms.
By 1893 Geoffroy's message-filled pictures were admired by officials in the
Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. Commission de I'lmagerie scolaire president
Havard appointed Geoffroy a member in that year. Initially Geoffroy was chosen to
produce "manuels de lecture et de morale de I' editeur Delagrave. ,,44 One might have
expected a long string of illustrated textbooks to have resulted from this relationship, but
with Geoffroy's busy schedule in the 1890s (his commissions from Buisson and the 1894
journey to Algeria in addition to his journal illustrations), his involvement in textbook
projects subsided. Avid promoter of toys, childhood, and public schools, Leo Claretie,
Panncgiani has criticized Geoffroy for illustrating this "pantomime cnfantinc" in too literary a fashion. She blames this
on his conservativc approach to painting, a vicw many scholars havc takcn on Geoffroy's work.
42 Jcan-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Age de I 'ecole, scenes de la vie enfanline (paris: P. J. Hetzel, 1887).
4] D. Lacroix, AdjudanJ el caporal de balaillon scolaire, Cahier d'enseignemcnt iIIustre no. 34 (paris: L. Baschet,
1885), as cited in Mus~ national dc l'Education, P comme Patrie (Roucn: Maison des Quatre Fils Aymon, 1988): 55.
44 Cbassagne 9.
222
4S
had written L 'Universite Moderne and Geoffroy was asked to create visuals for the text.
Claretie wished to "retrace l'evolution de l'instruction publique depuis la naissance de la
me Republique et glorifie les progres accomplis.',46 To accomplish Claretie's goal,
Geoffroy was chosen to create an "apologie de l'oeuvre scolaire republicaine de la
matemelle au College de France,,47 (approximately sixty were created expressly for the
book, five were reproductions of his paintings, one of which was a portrait of Jean-Martin
Charcot (Fig. 4.19), a physician and leading researcher on hysteria at the Salpetriere.
Charcot's study and treatment of hysteria earned him a place in Claretie's encyclopedia of
higher-level teaching and Geoffroy created a rather uninspired, but adequate portrait of
Charcot from a photograph.48 Geoffroy's portraits, particularly his sketches, are well-
observed. One can only speculate whether working from a photograph and with a staid
adult subject were responsible for Geoffroy's apparent lack of inspiration. In any case,
this illustration remains important for understanding another element of Geoffroy's fame
and power in the publishing, medical, and educational communities. His collective
projects involved Delagrave, Claretie and indirectly, Charcot, who was then in the upper
echelon of medical breakthroughs along with Geoffroy acquaintances Louis Pasteur and
Gaston Variot.
Geoffroy's most propagandistic, and easily most interesting, of his book projects
came just after the high-profile 1890s and the Education Pavilion responsibilities. In
4S Leo Claretie, L 'Universite Motkrne (paris: Delagrave, 1892).

46 Chassagne 56.
47 Archives Nationales dossier FI2112134.
41 Chassagne 56. For more about the impact of Charcot on art and artists at thefin-de-siecle, see Deborah Silverman,
"Psychologie Nouvelle," Chapter 5, Art Nouveau infin-de-siecle France (Los Angeles: University of Califomi a Press.
1989).
223
49
1902, the artist was asked to illustrate 1. BaudrilIard's Histoire d'une Bouteille. This
widely-disseminated anti-alcohol book was a slim volume on inexpensive paper (as were
many such texts aimed at changing the behavior of the working class). To fully
appreciate the gravity of the nature and dissemination of these images, it is crucial to
remember the temperance movement, as discussed in Chapter Two. In service of health
and hygiene, anti-alcoholic messages were taught to students in primary, secondary, and
bataillons seo/aires (as seen in Fig. 2.48, a photograph from a Pas-de-Calais boys
classroom featuring an anti-alcoholism lesson being taught from a poster). With these
passionate efforts, Geoffioy was further participating in the regeneration campaign by
visually communicating that the use of alcohol was shameful, in violation of good health,
and fundamentally unpatriotic. Geoffroy's illustrations accompanied the "lectures
morales et instructives. "so Several of these were quite moving and demonstrated
Geoffioy's increasing concern for the problem-riddled working class. Some of the
images were simple renderings of instruments of the vice of alcoholism, such as bottles.
The artist also included a pair of drawings--exaggerated before-and-after images of an
alcoholic. This interest in the sequential effects of alcohol is found in two illustrations
from the section, "The Family and Alcohol: A Story in Twelve Images" (Figs. 2.27 and
4.20). These are among the most disturbing anti-alcoholic messages found in visual
culture of this era. Geoffroy adds a bit of academic flair, but retains a level of sympathy
and truth that is reminiscent of Steinlen in both theme and rendering of the subject. In
"Les ravages de l'alcool" (Fig. 4.20) we see a man in a bar with a scowl on his face and
491.Baudrillard, Histoire d'une Bouteille (paris: Delagrave, 1902).

so Chassagnc iii.
224
drink in hand. His clothes are rumpled-a sure sign of alcohol use in temperance imagery
from the tum-of-the-century. A woman holding a child, and described in the text as the
man's wife, puts her hand on his shoulder, reminding him of his family obligations.
Juxtaposed with this image was another, representing the same people after the man has
left the bar. In "Ce que l'alcool a fait du pere," (Fig. 2.27) the man has created a terrible
scene in a stark garret under the influence of alcohol. 51 His wife, who again clutches her
children to shield them against violence, is about to be beaten with a broken chair.
Clearly this message relays the message that alcoholism brings violence and poverty to
the family. Geoffroy's use of gestures and freely moving lines increase the emotional
level. The shabby dwelling and the ragged clothing indicate the poverty level of this
family and how alcohol saps money away from necessities. Perhaps the alcoholic father
has no job because of his drunken condition and there is no money for necessities. With
these images Geoffroy created scenes for this text that serve the temperance movement
well. These propagandistic images, particularly the latter, are powerful statements
because of Geoffroy's realistically-rendered gestures, and the relevance of this theme to
the working-class.
It should be clear that Jean-Jules Geoffroy was an artist who was politically
committed, despite the seemingly superficial nature of some of his best-known images. It
is crucial to realize that not only was his work calculated to make an ideological impact,
but it was disseminated widely because of Geoffroy's intimacy with the publishing world.
Geoffroy would not have been able to have such an influential career if he would have
The type of violent, alcohol-induced behavior and the dingy garret apartment are reminiscent of that described in
51
Emile Zola's Rougon-Macquart novels, most notably that in 1881's L 'Assommoir.
225
remained a painter exclusively. His fortunate alliances with people (such as Hetzel)
allowed him to profoundly impact the French on an everyday basis. He discovered the
vehicles and contributed to the of exposure for images and ideas. His participation in the
exploding book and journal industry in the 1880s and 1890s contributed to its growth and
ideological sophistication.
Le Peintre Realiste des Mreurs Contemporaines
To give such value to Geoffroy's work as an illustrator is not to participate in the
general underestimation of his career as a painter. Geoffroy's illustrations facilitated his
rise in a crowded and often more innovative field of painting. Geoffroy's work with
Hetzel both made him beloved to thousands of children and family members who may
not have even been aware of his name, and brought him to the attention of people in
positions of power in the realms of education and politics. This is now the moment to
study where Geoffroy's path as a painter took him, first through the ideas and images for
French public schools, and then through the sights, activities, and causes of France (in its
streets, churches, and hospitals).
Geoffroy, who was best known as "Geo" beginning in 1880, gained significant
recognition as a painter early in his career and he continued to be rewarded for his
academic work. In 1883 he was given a third class medal at the Salon and was invited to
join the Societe des Artistes Fran~ais. This followed his earliest government
commission, in 1881, when he was asked to make a lithograph of Delacroix's Niobe for
the Ministre de L 'Education Nationale as part of a decoration project for the salon of the
226
ministry building. 52 By 1886 his work was already earning him the label, "la peintre
tialiste des mreurs contemporaines,,,53 and he won a second class medal in that year. In
1895 he was made a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor and received a gold medal for his
watercolor Sortie de la c1asse, shown in the 1900 exposition's Palace of Art. 54
Geoffioy's understanding of children and his ability to communicate these
qualities on canvas was the subject of a few contemporary articles written about him:
(II) est Ie seul qui sache, tout en respectant Ie charme inherent Ii I' enfance,
en comprendre et en exprimer la psychologie; chacun de ses tableaux est
un petit drame bati de main de maitre, pour I' arrangement duquell' art
s'allie Ii la verite sans lui porter prejudice; ses expressions diverses des
"petits" sont saisies au passage dans I' eclair de la vision rapide et
consciente, et Ie sont des portaits anonymes bien vivants, bien nature, en
leur milieu d'habitude. 55
Recorder and Reporter: Geoffroy and Student Life
Mieux qu'aucun autre artiste (songeons ici Ii A. Trupheme), Geoffroy sait

exprimer les realites etbnographiques de I' obligation scolaire: Ie passage
du groupe, informel et toujours indiscipline, Ii la c1asse organisee et
attentive SOllS I' autorite du maitre ou de la maitresse, I' apprentissage de la
proprete, l'humiliation collective des punitions, lajoie et la fierte des retes
scolaires, la solennite (sic) des distributions de prix, l'effort quotidien des
apprentissages elementaires du lire, ecrire, compter. 56
In 1881 the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts attempted to buy the Geoffroy
Salon painting, La petite c1asse. However, this work (depicting a French classroom) had
already been promised to an English merchant. While the government did not obtain the
S2 Archives Nationales Dossier F121170S4, "Arrete pour Le Ministre de L'Education Nationale, des Tableaux places en
dCpOt a I'HOtel du Ministere." The Geoffi'oy work was one offive purchased for the minister's appartemenl.
S3 Exposition Universelle des beawc-arts: Dix annees de Salon de peinture et de sculpture. 1879-1888 (paris: Librairie
des Bibliophiles.. 1889).
54 N. Pellegrin and M.-C. Planchard. Entrer dans la vie en Poitou du XVle siecle Ii nos jours (Poitiers: Musee Sainte-
Croix. 1987): I 17.
ss Maurice Guillemot, "Jean Geoffi'oy," Revue lIIustree 4 (February 1 1899): n.p.
S6 Chassagne 2.
227
painting, it acquired a taste for the "large, busy, accurate" paintings of the Republic's
young learners. 57 The first of Geoffioy's school-themed Salon paintings to gain
widespread attention was Unfutur savant (Fig. 4.21). Purchased by Hetzel from the 1880
SalOn,58 the work is typical of Geoffroy's early approach to the subject of the everyday
lives of schoolchildren. In contrast to the work of the 1890s (particularly that appearing
in the education pavilion in 1900), the humorous, light side of student life that is
presented. As education scholar Serge Chassagne notes, this painting is a satirical work
about absent authority. The teacher's shirt hangs from a hook on the wall and the door is
slightly open, indicating that he or she has just left. It is lunch time, as indicated by the
basket lying open on the floor and the bottle and utensil resting on the desk to the right.
The students are mocking a colleague with the French equivalent of a "dunce cap," the
bonnet d'tine,59 although the more well-behaved students sit under map of France. Many
of Geoffroy's conventions for rendering schoolboys can be found here: the jauntily tilted
cap of the boy at the far left, the bottle of wine brought to school for lunch in the hand of
the boy sitting next to the tine, the bonnet itself, the accouterments of the panier (lunch
basket), and the sack of the boy on the left. The classroom is also quite similar to those
seen in other schoolroom images, with its straight, neat rows of desks and the map of the
nation overhead. The soiled floor and general sense of disorder, however, is quite unlike
the other Geoffroy classrooms. Although this is a painting that is not about serious
subjects such as patriotism, the lack of control in the classroom, and especially the tine's
57 8eaugrand 134
5a Chassagne 2.
59 The bonnet d 'ane was meant to look like a donkey's head, with a central portion that fit over the head marked "ane"
and usually two paper ears that hung one from each side. This motif appears in several Gcoffi'oy paintings. and was
prevalent in both the paintings and images on paper of the day.
228
transgressions, are an inevitable but undesirable element to be controlled in public
schools, and indeed in France. The title also indicates that there is hope for the boy to
gain self-control and knowledge. Geoffroy's careful rendering of realistic and humorous
details attracted attention to the subject of schools and students in this early work. We
find a similar approach in other paintings of this time, including Le Quart d 'Heure de
Rabefais (Fig. 4.7)
In 1885 Geoffroy's involvement in public school imagery intensified; Geoffroy
scholar Fran~oise Beaugrand points out that there was a visible dedication on his part to
be more socially aware in his educational paintings. 60 He asked the City of Paris to
purchase a painting in this year, Pour fa France. The painting is now lost, but contract
documents reveal that the state-owned painting represented a review of bataillons
sco/aires that took place on July 14, 1884.61 Geoffroy's involvement with the subject
matter of bataillons sco/aires was at its peak in the mid-1880s, as in 1885 he was
commissioned to illustrate the military school textbook by Lacroix mentioned in the last
section. An image from the same time period may provide a general idea of the content
and mood of this painting. Nous /es aurons... (Fig. 4.22) is an etching made of another
painting by Geoffroy that has disappeared. It focuses on three small boys marching
within such a review as the one in 1884. One of them carries a small tricolor and the boy
who is the most visible carries a faux sword and gun. The image is colored by the highly
emotional desire for revanche, or the return of Alsace-Lorraine-a highly emotional and
60 Beaugrand 134.
61 L'IlIustration (Apri12S 188S).
229
political issue at this time. 62 "Le culte des provinces perdues se met en place
indissociablement lie a l'idee de revanche.'.63 The military weapons, soldiers' caps and
flags all convey the patriotic nature of the exercise, which is presumably an assembly of
young boys (possibly of various ages) to demonstrate their military training and to inspire
patriotic feelings in the onlooking crowd, who are presumably observers along the street.
Geoffroy's patented charm is present, as the faces of the boys are impossibly cherubic,
happy with their destiny to be soldiers. The militaristic theme, combined with the boys'
buoyant enthusiasm, result in an image that carries a message of eternal youth,
enthusiasm, and patriotism.
Another of Geoffroy's common early themes in his treatment is that of the young
glutton. Several of Geoffroy's paintings and illustrations focused upon a small boy
guzzling from a wine bottle found in his panier. These images were widely reproduced
injoumals for children and adults alike. La derniere goutte (1888, Fig. 4.23) is one
image of this type. A schoolboy is draining the last drop from a bottle while one of his
classmates looks on. From nearby other boys look on with expressions of astonishment.
In the background the teacher and some other students are noticeable. Because
Geoffroy's paintings used a narrative element, it is safe to speculate on the meaning of the
work. At times the subtitle of the work contains the word sortie, indicating that the
action took place after school. This boy is guzzling a large enough amount of wine to
impress the other boys with his daring. Thus, another one of Geoffroy's early and most
62 Public desire for revanche ran high during the entire period of the annexation of A1sace-Lorraine-between 1870 and
1912.
6J Musee de l'Assistance Publique de Paris. Un Pamote ma Origines de la Puericulture: Gaston Variat. /855-/930.
Medecin et Mecene (paris: Musee de I' Assistance Publique de Paris, 1984): 6.
230
popular school themes reflect mildly transgressive actions. While readers of journals
such as L 'Olustration (one of the serveral forums of reproduction of this image) would
have understood the implied wrong that was taking place, yet they would have
remembered such incidences fondly if they had gone to school or at least would have
looked on with amusement at the gluttonous little boy's actions that forecast drunkenness
in later life.
Geoffroy's development as a painter of educational scenes seemed to intensify
with the year 1889 with the appearance of his work at the Universal Exposition in Paris.
En classe (Fig. 3.7) has already been studied in Chapter Three. The large audiences that
saw the painting, as well as the government attention and widespread reproduction of the
work made Geoffroy's name known as the leading French educational painter. In this
work Geoffroy established some of the most important elements of republican classroom
iconography: a pleasant, helpful teacher; impish but diligent students; and a tidy, hygienic
environment. In 1892 Claretie's Universite Moderne was published, with Geoffroy's
sixty illustrations. This year was also the pinnacle of his involvement with the popular
educationaljoumal, L 'Ecolier lllustre. These accomplishments were all completed by
1893, leading Geoffroy to be recognized and rewarded by the government with the
commissions that ultimately led to his involvement in the 1900 Education Pavilion.
Geoffroy's career as an illustrator of educational themes was flourishing
simultaneously with Havard's 1893 appointment of him as a member of the Commission
de I'lmagerie Scolaire. This was the same year Ferdinand Buisson provided Geoffroy
with the "official mission to perpetuate scholarly life.,,64 These actions, made Geoffroy
64 See the original commande in Archives Nationales Dossier F/12l4287.
231
the sole painter endorsed to capture and glorify the achievements of public schools. This
demonstrated just how important Geoffroy had become by the height of his career.
Reconsidering briefly the six images that appeared in the Education Pavilion at the 1900
Exposition, it is quite momentous that Geoffroy was specifically charged with creating
images of some of the regime's most prized educational projects. When considering
paintings such as L'Eco/e Maternelle (Fig. 2.52) and Le Lefon de dessin (Fig. 3.11), one
must realize that Geoffroy was communicating messages about practices and successes
within republican schools. It is also important to keep in mind that this took place just
over a decade after the passage of the Ferry Laws. Geoffroy expressed how light-filled
and hygienic the school interiors were (particularly with the placement of the nursery
school scene in front of the foyer sinks). He was able to visually communicate what
dedicated and caring professionals the school system had trained, placed, and employed.
He promoted curricular innovations, such as drawing. Most importantly, he showed how
the children were happy with and involved in their education. Geoffroy effectively
visualized programs in which Ferry and his successors had great pride, including works
discussed in Chapter Three: L 'Ecole bretonne (Fig. 3.9) and the Algerian-themed works,
Une Ecole indigene (Fig. 3.10) and L 'Atelier sco/aire a Del/ys (Fig. 3.12). The
republican regime was particularly proud of the nursery school and vocational training
programs they re-instituted within public schools by 1900. Whether Geoffroy was
traveling to Brittany, Algeria, or nearby Belleville schools, the paintings he produced for
the government in the 1890s were seminal, both in the recognition of the achievements of
public schools and for Geoffroy's establishment as a school painter.
232
As this artist was accumulating notoriety and important assignments in 1893, he
also produced one of his most charming-and admittedly sentimental-school images. Un
jour de jete a I 'ecole (Fig. 4.24) was popular when it was shown as a painting in public
places. It was also well-received as an engraving in such journals as L 'Illustration. 65 In
this work four boys and a girl (who appear to be primary school-aged) bring flowers to
their teacher (as indicated in the subtitle of this work in some publications). Because it is
a holiday, the children have come voluntarily to honor their teacher, each bringing
flowers wrapped in paper, apparently from a flower shop. They seem concerned whether
their presents and presence have pleased their teacher, judging from the hesitant look on
the face of the second boy from the le~ and the pleasantly expectant face of the girl. The
boy at the left begins to read from a sheet of paper, following along with his left hand.
He has an expression of concentration, as if he wants to please the teacher by carefully
reading something he has copied or written himself on behalf of the other children. In
this work Geoffroy has explored one of the many ways one might experience children's
responses to education and their teacher's dedication.
By the late 1880s the artist had seriously focused upon this sometimes
lighthearted approach to educational themes. There was definitely a contrast between
Geoffi'oy's conception of children and their education between this image and images
from his early career, such as Unfutur savant and La derniere goutte. In the early works
Geoffi'oy summed up humorous recollections he or others might have maintained of
schoolchildren and student life. Geoffroy "depicted children in events that shaped their
6S Geoffioy. Unjourdeflte aI'icole 107 (December 21893): 32.
233
personality and character'.66 in his work from 1889 on. This was notably the case in
works created in 1893 and later, such as UnjoUT defite a I'ecole (Fig. 4.25, sometimes
called Le Compliment un jour de fite a I 'ecole or Paying Homage to Teacher). He was
more clever and mature in his conception of the image and in how he contrived what
effect it would have on the viewer. Geoffroy's more mature narratives, such as this one,
seem not to be based at all on whether the viewer had much experience with going to
school to understand the narrative. Instead, he seems to tum his approach inside-out and
concentrates on a viewer's timeless affections for and understanding of children and
people in general. He is extremely careful here to give us the title and several well-placed
details, in addition to the children's faces, to allow us to interpret the painting. There was
a facile charm present in the earliest images that never disappeared, but Geoffroy's
images of children became much more complex as he transformed hirilself into a
republican message-bearer. The expressions on the children's faces, and the viewer's
position from the point-of-view of the teacher, allow us to experience with great depth the
bonds of "appreciation, respect, and affection,,67 that have been formed between them in
public schools. This reciprocal feeling on the children's behalf communicate an
important message: that republican-sponsored education will train France's youngest
citizens to be good-hearted, willing, obedient, and self-sacrificing. The children give up
their holiday and possibly some pocket change to bring flowers to their teacher in a
gesture that is both kind and generous. On a deeper level, the quality of self-sacrifice will
be one that will be required of them as parents and soldiers in order to guarantee the
Gabriel P. Weisberg, Redefining Genre: French and American Pai1lling. 1850-1900 (Washington, D. C.: Trust for
66
Museum Exhibitions, 1995): 92.
67 Ibid.
234
survival of the republic. Both the message and the way it is presented cause the viewer to
have a personal experience seeing the painting. By 1893 Geoffroy took his role much
more seriously than he did when he created at the more anecdotal La derniere goutte in
1888.
There are other interpretations that also explain the importance of the wide-eyed
wonder and purity captured by Geoffroy in this painting and other images by him
featuring children. According to Gabriel Weisberg in Redefining Genre, the faces and
actions of the children also reinforces the messages that children are malleable, pure and
generous by nature. They have been enlightened by education, and as Weisberg reminds
us, this painting benefits from Geoffroy's understanding of Rousseau's teachings that
children were clean slates and could be taught by practical and learned experiences. 68
Bright, active eyes and quick involved facial expressions were also beginning to be
recognized as signs of a child's education--a "lit up" face could reveal whether children
were illuminated or not by education. Children's faces in general at this time were
thought to mirror their emotional responses. The registering of similar but different
emotions of affection and anticipation is plain for the viewer to see. Children were such
an important vehicle for a narrative painter such as Geoffroy, because they allowed him to
visually communicate quickly with a sympathetic audience.
Geoffroy continued to be popular with the public, particularly through printed
reproductions of his paintings in journals. In an 1898 image from L 'lliustralion,
Geoffroy's makes specific reference to the schoolchild's experience and attempts to
encourage the viewer to identify with a child's specific experience of a school-related
61 Ibid.
235
event. In La veille des prix (Fig. 4.25) two small girls are being attended to by
hairdressers.
Demain sera Ie grand jour des prix, cette Parousie rituelle qui clot
regulierement l'annee scolaire. Mais pour l'heure, calme et resignee,
I' enfant en subit les preparatifs, apprenant ainsi a se faire belle pour
recevoir en public la recompense de son travail. Car il va de soi qu'on ne
friserait pas une eleve qui n'aurait pas, Ie lendemain, a monter sur
I'estrade, pour la plus grande joie de ses parents. 69
Therefore, the small girls have been brought to the hairdresser the day before the last day
of school (when awards are dispensed) to have their hair curled so they will look beautiful
for the special day. "Prize day" was one often spoken of in French popular literature as a
day when one wanted to look one's best to make the teachers and one's one parents
proud. One might interpret this to also include that one might wish to look one's best for
one's country on this day. Thus, Geoffioy has chosen a scene that had grand emotions
behind it, yet held some very precious, intimate associations for the audience. The little
girl patiently subjects herself to combing, tying, and ironing, wanting to look her best for
the special day and for important people, possibly her teacher and her family. This image
is about academic quality, but it is also humorous, as the diligent little girls and the
hairdresser have a similar pointed nose protruding from soft, round cheeks as they lean
forward in concentration. Geoffioy's skillful blend of heartwarming and humorous
sentiment with highly propagandistic underpinnings are ideally found here. This image
and the artist's approach cannot help but remind the reader of Norman Rockwell's
work. 70 It is Rockwell that Geoffioy to whom most often been compared and indeed,
69Chassagne 8.
70Many issues connected to both Geoffioy's and Rockwell's work are introduced in Eric 1. Segal's "Norman Rockwell
and the Fashioning of American Masculinity," Art Bulletin 78:4 (December 1996): 633-46. At different times, Boutet
236
Rockwell cited the French artist as an important influence on his work. These two artists
are also similar in how their sentimental, yet skillful work was received. Both often
focused upon the universal memories and observations of children and childhood. Both
were loved by the public at large and recognized by powerful entities such as publishers
for their propagandistic skill. However, Geoffroy and Rockwell have also been maligned
by modem-day critics and forgotten by history. This is part of the legacy of modernism:
that high art and art that is beloved by the people in accessible media and "high" art are
often quite different. This makes it even more important to recover Geoffroy's work
from obscurity at this point in time to explore the manipulative messages these seemingly
simple images carry. It is also time to recognize his cleverness in manipulating his
audience that reveals a very modem savvy and skill.
After 1900 Geoffroy often begins to repeat his successful formulae of educational
themes, but he was still included in many important projects until his death in 1924. He
continued to produce works for the Salon each year and these images were widely
circulated through reproductions in popular journals. Events that took place after the
period of this study indicate continuing respect for Geoffroy's work. His concern for
charitable causes during this time expanded recognition for him. In 1912 Geoffroy was
included in an exhibition of twenty-six works for the Musee Pedagogique in 1912. 71 An
exhibition announcement for "Les Peintres de la Vie Moderne" includes Geoffroy's
education-themed work, Sortie de clruse, as well as work by academically trained
de Monvel and Steinlen have also been compared to Rockwell for their similar popularity and ubiquitousness in the
visual culture of their epoch.
71 The National Museum of Education in Rouen was founded from the collection of the MusCe PCdagogique.
237
painters of Geoffroy's generation. The exhibition also included Dagnan-Bouveret, with
his patriotic work Les Conscrits (a work that is similar in subject and sentiment to
Geoffroy's Nous les aurons... , Fig. 4.22), Carriere's Matemite, and Au Palais by
Beraud. 72 The fact that the exhibition names these as the painters of modem life is an
important reminder that Cubism had not truly infiltrated the art world at large by 1912.
Geoffroy received what appears to be his last important government commission in the
same year, a grisaille painting to be reproduced on diplomas for teachers graduating from
ecoles normales. 73 While Geoffroy remained in the official and general public eye after
1900, he did not surpass his achievements of that year as the world was quickly changing.
"Au-dela de la richesse documentaire et artistique de son oeuvre, il aura celebre
dans ses toiles, l'ecole laique comme lieu d'incarnation de la civilisation republicaine.,,74
Surely this statement indicates where Geoffroy's great contribution lies and must be
recognized today. While his journal work was seminal to the development of popular
visual culture of the French Republic in the last decades of the nineteenth century,
Geoffroy's paintings of school subjects were his response to a higher professional and
patriotic calling. The artist provided a type of visual proof that the controversial public
school laws of the 1880s, and the subsequent actions taken to enforce them, were
necessary and substantive. It may be tempting to see a Geoffroy painting of a schoolchild
as nothing more than a slickly-painted image of chubby-cheeked, doe-eyed cherubs or
imps. Yet to arrive at this assessment is to miss a large part of the fabric of early Third
n Louis Genevray, Les Peinlres de La Vie Moderne (Melun: Imprimerie Administrative. (912).
13 Archives Nationales Dossier F121nOS4 contains commission documents between Geoffroy and the education
ministry.
74 Fran~oise Beaugrand, "Une Peinture pour un ideal: Jean Geoffroy, 1843-1924," Paris a I 'ecole (paris: Picard, (993):
136.
238
Republic life and culture. The surface charm found in Geoffioy's work is deceiving,
because it obscures how these works were deliberately calculated to be marketing agents
(to promote himselfand the role of public schools). Child imagery as a genre is often
distorted and manipulated to be even more appealing than real children. Geoffioy's
children's cheeks are impossibly round and full; with excruciating calculation he chooses
situations that he knows people will adore. As we will see in the next section, Geoffroy
was a well-trained draftsman who could render subjects with crisp objectivity when he
chose. Thus, his adorable schoolchildren were clever contrivances that were easily
situated in highly visible forums that guaranteed that he and his work would be loved by
the masses and by the people who paid for and placed the images in the first place, such
as Hetzel and Buisson. This is not to imply that Geoffroy was a heartless manipulator
who used children for his own ends, nor that he did not truly enjoy observing children in
environments rife with humor and discovery. These issues should, however, assist in
revealing that Geoffroy was a highly sophisticated artist. Academic painters were trained
in being attuned to public tastes to associate with patrons who could guarantee one's
financial future. As we have emerged from ''the modem age," we may now see that these
qualities certainly did not make Geoffroy an independent-thinking, bohemian
contemporary of Picasso. Geoffioy might be better appreciated a century later as a
modem artist who was extremely knowledgeable about the public, the media, and sources
of money, and how he could address his culture's loves and issues in order for his work to
have meaning.
239
Philanthropic Orientations
There is yet another element of Geoffroy's work that demonstrates his high level
of awareness of the problems of his age, while revealing the most humanistic side of the
artist. This body of work may best be described as one in which Geoffroy tried to report
on the problems parents and doctors had to address in his community. Steinlen is often
considered the principal visual social conscience of his age; Geoffroy's images often
overlap Hetzel's in their demonstration of social awareness and humanistic concern.
Geoffroy's work was often intended to extol the virtuous charitable cause and work of
one individual or the government. "Dans Ie but de rendre un hommage aux actions de
bienfaisance lancees par Ie gouvernement de la me Republique, Geo represente aussi Ie
milieu hospitaiier, les bureaux de bienfaisance et les dispensaires.,,7s This section will
examine the work of Geoffroy that was intended to examine, report, and address poor
health care, hunger, and poverty. The most important factor in Geoffroy's dedication to
such subjects was his relationship with Dr. Gaston Variot. The images and actions of
Geoffroy in this area give further dimension to his work and legacy.
Geoffroy's sketches have not been explored for their own merits up to this point.
A page of sketches, published in a Revue lllustree retrospective issue of Geoffroy's work
in 1899 (Fig. 4.26) demonstrates the artist's concern with the less fortunate. 76 His crisp,
sure academic drawing training are evident here, as Geoffroy records such humble types
as a nursing working class mother, an elderly woman, and gamins playing an accordion
(and selling what appear to be faggots). These drawings reveal how sensitive Geoffroy
75 Marie-Pascale Bault in Pellegrin and Planchard 177.

76 Ludovic Baschet. "Jean Geoffi'oy," Revue J/luslTie 4 (February I 1899): unpaginated.
240
was to the poverty-stricken human condition and with what sureness he could document
details of hair and clothing, as well as momentary actions. These small, delicate, apt
images serve as a prelude to the themes and images present in Geoffroy's humanistic,
philanthropic reuvre.
Geoffroy's paintings of the humble and destitute appear rather early in his career,
primarily with Les Infortunes (Fig. 4.27). Purchased by the government from the 1883
Salon,77 the work was reproduced in Magasin Pittoresque in 1884. A wretched mother
(and what appear to be her four children) wait for assistance at a government medical
facility. Other patients wait, including the lame older man at the right). The eldest of the
childen holds a crutch and his hands appear to be curled up tightly. The woman comforts
her crying, smallest child; she has a crestfallen and discouraged expression on her face.
From the beginning of his career, Geoffi'oy seemed to be attracted to scenes where those
with no place else to tum were finally able to receive assistance.
With the 1886 Salon appearance and widespread reproduction of the painting, Les
Affames (Fig. 4.12, which was previously discussed as an illustration from L 'Ecolier
llZustre), Geoffi'oy's reputation as a painter sensitive to social issues grew. The most
momentous event in both Geoffroy's development as a painter of humanity and in his
career in general that took place during this year was a first encounter with Gaston Variot.
This physician was to become a leading reformer of hospital practices and an activist
geared toward educating the public at large about breast-feeding, hygiene, and appropriate
child care. In 1894 Variot founded the first public dispensary, the "Goutte de Lait au
Dispensaire de Belleville." Geoffroy's business cards from this time show that the artist
77 Archives Nationales F12112803.
241
moved to the Belleville area sometime around 1886;78 his proximity to Variot' s work
must have led him to meet the doctor. Much of the remainder of this chapter traces their
relationship. Their momentous meeting in 1886 led to a partnership that involved Variot
in hand-picking Geoffroy to further both public awareness and financial support of his
facilities and programs to help the poor. Both men were leading exponents of French
regeneration theory through health care.
Geoffroy continued to shift between school themes to themes of poverty
throughout the late 1880s. With works such as Une visite a l'hopital (Fig. 4.13),
previously discussed as an illustration for L 'Ecolier lliustre, Geoffioy continued to
produce imagery of indigent people (particularly children) dealing with illness. 79 This
continued in his journal illustration work as well. In January of 1890, L 'Ecolier lliustre
paired Geoffioy's illustration with a Jean Aicard poem, "L'Homme Roi..." (Fig. 4.28). In
this image a middle class boy, dressed similarly to the manner in which many of
Geoffroy's school children are dressed, gives a coin to a poor woman with a sleeping
baby on her lap. The book, satchel, and portfolio he is carrying identify him as a
schoolchild. The theme of self-sacrifice is promoted to students in this forum. As the
little girl became aware of the desperate situations symbolized by the faggot-gatherer doll
in Geoffroy's illustration for "La Nuit de Noel" (Fig. 4.6), the heroic student here
becomes aware of the beggar woman's plight and shares some of his own money with
her, perhaps money that he would use to buy food Oike chestnuts) to have as a snack on
71 Observation based on Geoffioy's correspondence in the Biblioth~que Nationale's Hetzel Archives and Archives
Nationales Dossier FI2 1142 13 (the latter featuring documentation for La visile a I'hopilal, Geo's address was 7 Rue de
Lilas in the Belleville district in 1889 and his address was the same in 1908). Letters he wrote to Hetzel in 1883 list an
address on the Rue du Temple.
79 The government purchase documents for this work, at 2000fare located in the Archives Nationales, F12112083, with
specific negotiations between Geoffroy and the Mairie of Vichy in F121142 13.
242
the way home. The poem makes his actions clear: "Et quand vous verrez, sous
l'epreinte,l Pallr, souffrir un affame,lAyez pitie. La pitie saintelFait de l'homme un roi
couronne." Both the words and the image tell schoolchildren to be self-sacrificing and
charitable. 8o Both the image and the wording of the poem, which addresses children
directly, commands them to treat the poor as kings. Geoffroy reached children with such
messages through his paintings, and reproductions of them, and through imagery with
philanthropic themes. These issues pervaded his journal work and his paintings.
Variot, a "grand publiciste,,,81 founded Goutte de Lait au Dispensaire de Belleville
in 1894.
Les ligues patriotiques et les medecins qui participent Ii leurs actions

preconisent au nom de l'ideal nationall'allaitement au sein matemel...La
creation de la Goutte de Lait n'est pas un episode mineur; sa veritable
dimension apparait au premier congres international ... Pour Gaston Variot,
la science n'a pas de frontieres; c'est Ii la preservation du petit etre que Ie
medecin lie son sort...Comme medecin, Variot est particulierement
sensible au phenomene de la mortalite infantile et Ii son importance. n
milite avec Ie senateur Strass et Ie Dr Budin dans une Ligue contre la
mortalite infantile dont it est l'un des fondateurs. Au sein d'une
Commission de la Depopulation, il preside une sous-commission chargee
d'enqueter sur les origines de la mortalite des enfants de I Ii 14 ans. 82
The politics of health were united in Variot and Geoffroy. Both of them cared deeply
about people, particularly children, and both developed official connections to be able to
help children. They both realized that much of the illness and many of the deaths that
occurred in lower socio-economic populations stemmed from ignorance, as much as from
lack of resources. Variot strongly believed in the power of the image to educate and
enlisted Geoffroy's help to promote a variety of ideas to stimulate change connected to
80 L 'Collier Il/uslre (January 1890): IS.

81 Musee de l'Assistance Publique 4.
82 Ibid. 4-S.
243
hospital hygiene,83 physical hygiene, child care, and above all, good nutrition. Through
Variot, Geoffroy also became a visual promoter of the importance of teaching
puericulture. And of course it was all "au service de la Nation.,,84
One of several works that glorify monetary good deeds by the Third Republic
regime was the 1897 painting, La Creche (Fig. 4.29). Set inside a Belleville charity day
care facility, the work features a proletarian mother setting her sleeping baby in a crib,
presumably as she leaves for work.85 Her facial expression and the angle of her neck are
cleverly used by Geoffroy to communicate the affection and gentle concern a devoted
mother would feel as she leaves her baby to be cared for at the creche during the day. We
are reminded of the communal nature of the creche by the city outside the window and
the two additional beds in the room, one with a baby already sleeping inside. Geoffioy
has taken great care to indicate a light, airy, clean environment through visual description
of the creche. As Serge Chassagne indicates, Geoffioy's small flicks of the brush with
bright, warm colors convey the impression "aseptisee des Heux medicalises de la
premiere enfance...Geoffroy temoigne donc ici de I'amelioration materielle de
I' environnement de la premiere enfance, grace aux institutions philantbropiques. ,,86
Marie-Pascale Bault provides more information on this facility overseen by Variot, as
well as the pictorial project. She also speaks of the great care Geoffioy has taken here to
communicate the clean, tender atmosphere of the communal child care facility:
La Creche est Ie seul tableau connu de Geoffroy, date de 1897, qui

represente cette institution, nee des 1844, mais qui s'est surtout
83 Ibid. 5.
14 Ibid. "Accoucheurs et pediatres s'emploient a10rs a mettle la puericulture pastorienne au service des meres, au
service de la Nation des institutions d'un caracterc nouveau se mettent en place: Consultations de nourrissons, Gouttes
de lait, dispensaires. veritables Ecoles des meres. ..
as Ibid. 3.
16 Chassagne 3.
244
developpee a la fin du XIXe siecle, bien qU'elle fiit alors encore peu
satisfaisante au niveau de 1'hygiene et du personnel. Conscient de
l' importance capitale de l' existence de ses creches pour les ouvrieres qui
peuvent ainsi faire garder leur enfant avec confiance, Geoffroy tire parti de
ce theme pour illustrer Ie monde des nourrissons, dans une atmosphere
ca1me, claire, et equilibree. 87
Geoffroy has, then, participated in a campaign to glorify not only Variot and his
government sponsorship, but also the art of motherhood. Toward the end of the
nineteenth century, the subject ofpuericulture came to the forefront of girls' school
curriculum and public discourse, as described in Chapter Two. With this image,
Geoffroy contributed to the development of child-raising skills among mothers who had
to work. The intentions for display of this painting are not clear, other than it was
purchased in 1899 by the government for display in a state-run local museum. The work
also was not as widely reproduced in journals as many of Geoffroy's other canvases. As
stated in the passage by Bault, the work was also the first and last of his paintings devoted
specifically to motherhood in conjunction with the initiatives ofVariot. It seems that
Geoffroy and Variot were destined to collaborate on a much larger project. This resulted
in a work that glorified Variot and motherly puericulture in the "service de la mere-
patrie"--the giant triptych, L '(Euvre de la Goutte de lait au dispensaire de Bellevil/e.
While preparing this grand ideological altarpiece, Geoffroy's work Les Resignes
(Fig. 4.31) appeared at the 1901 Salon. 18 This work is a product of yet another of
Geoffroy's pictures with a philanthropic spirit. Only a small number of Geoffroy's
images involve a church and prayer. It is likely that Geoffroy kept these images to a
17 Bault in Pellegrin and Planchard 117.

II See Archives Nationales Dossier F12114350. In a 1902 inventory Geoffioy's Les resignis was designated to be sent
to the Musee de Lyon in 1903. An FI2 1/42 13 dossier contains the purchase documents for 2500 francs between
Geoffroy and the government immediately following the 1902 Salon. This work is also reproduced and discussed in
Weisberg, Beyond Impressionism 106-07.
245
minimum. With strong anti-clerical sentiment being harbored within the Third Republic
regime, overtly religious pictures would have limited appeal with Geoffroy's largest
source of patronage. After meeting Variot, Geoffroy seemed to have developed an
interest in the charitable works of nuns. For the most part the pictures that centered on
popular religious themes featured desperately poor adults and of course, children. This
image seems to be centered in a church, but the location is not clear. 89 The exact nature
of the specific human relationships are vague, but the proximity of the older woman and
younger woman seated at the right indicate they are mother and daughter. Hence, the
theme of family life continues. The old man in the center of the picture seems to be
alone. From the anguished, upturned expression on his face, he is desperate and may
have nothing left but his faith. Certainly the little child on the younger woman's lap is
meant to be her own child. It is possible that the girl kneeling on the chair in front of
them praying is her daughter, as well. As was so common in Geoffroy's work, the title
and the attentive rendering of the faces and hands indicated how poor, anguished, and
alone the subjects feel. The tired, defeated expression of the mother contrasts with the
innocent, unjaded faces of the children, as do their neatly clasped hands with her loving,
but anguished ones. The same models were featured in other similar works. In each
image Geoffroy communicated the poor's heroic efforts to survive that became especially
poignant in his work after his promotional work for Variot's charitable efforts began.
L '(Euvre de la Goutte de lait au Dispensaire de Belleville (Fig. 4.31) was
certainly Geoffroy's crowning achievement in images of philanthropic awareness, a body
19While this image is not one of them. many ofGeoffioy's religious images seems to be located in the provinces.
perhaps scenes that Gcoffi'oy witnessed when researching L 'Ecole bretofUU! (Fig. 3.9).
246
of work that was absorbed in the propaganda of self-sacrifice. The commission may also
have been Geoffroy's last truly important one; it is the most ambitious in scope and scale
of any work after his series exhibited at the 1900 exposition.90 Now located at the Musee
de I' Assistance Publique, this work was the centerpiece of a 1984 exhibition that focused
upon the visual promotion of the work of Dr. Varlot, particularly as represented by
Geoffroy. Called a ''triptyque 'publicitaire' sur I' (]!uvre de la goutte de laif' by
Chassagne,91 the 1903 work features Varlot consulting with a patient at the left-hand side
of the center panel. This scene was titled La Consultation, and was flanked by La pesee
(to the left) and La distribution de lait (the right-hand panel). The visit of the woman
who is consulting with Varlot in the center panel is traced through the adjacent scenes, as
she lovingly places her baby on the scale and seems genuinely pleased to receive her
bottle of sterilized milk from the dispensing window at the right.
The Belleville facility was a dispensary-of sterilized milk in sterilized bottles
(pictured on the right panel), of medicine, and of matemal support. Rousseau's
recommendation that women breastfeed their own children in the eighteenth century was
well-known, but this issue was under scrutiny in the late nineteenth century. This was
due somewhat to Pasteur's discovery of the dangers of milk that was processed and stored
improperly. The consciousness of harmful microbes stimulated by Pasteur's work led
Doctors Gaubert and Budin to conduct experiments that proved the relationship between
contamination of milk in poorly and rarely cleaned glass baby bottles and some instances
90 The center panel of the work is 2.S3 meters high and 3.4 meters wide. Each of the side panels are the same height
and are 1.20 meters long. Fat a short description of the history of the work, preparatory studies, and a more
comprehensive context of the work in Variot's career and related imagery, see the Musee de l'Assistance Publique
catalog.
91 Chassagne 4.
247
of infant mortality.92 Variot was a leader in the fight for sterilized milk that resulted in
production of the product by such companies as the Quillot brothers, for whom Steinlen
produced a famous poster (to be discussed in Chapter Six). In addition to the healthful
reasons Variot and his colleagues used to persuade women to breastfeed, they also used
class-based shame issues to incite return. Highly public figures such as Doctor Variot
tried to persuade women that bottle-feeding was a practice of proletarians-that
gentlewomen who did not need to work could afford to give their children their time and
good nutrition. This epitomized virtue during Third Republic regeneration efforts to save
the French population.
Variot went one step further than many milk advocates to see that his discoveries
and advice were heeded. He made certain that breastfeeding advice, supplementary milk,
and medical care were available to all women at this dispensary. As we see from the
painting itself, babies were also weighed and given other medical attention at the
dispensary.93 From 1923-57, after the work appeared at the 1903 Salon and was acquired
by the City of Paris, it was on display on the walls of the dispensary itself. A popular
engraving of the triptych was produced and distributed in 1905, and other printed
versions of the work were in widespread dissemination through journal reproduction and
even a postcard. 94 The work appears to have been painted at the request of Variot
himself, although there is little documentary evidence of the request. Surprisingly little
has been written about the work. If it were not for the painting's appearance in several
92Musee de l'Assistance Publique 46.

9JIn the 1984 Musee de l'Assistance Publique exhibition. Variot was treated as a patriotic hero for his efforts to
trovide medical and dispensary services not only to women who could afford it. but to those who needed it.
Musee de l'Assistance Publique 47.
248
exhibitions organized by the Musee de I' Assistance Publique, it might be completely
forgotten. When assessing Geoffroy's creation as a work depicting charitable acts, one
cannot deny the artist's skillful glorification of the work of the dispensary. Varlot
appears kindly, but serious and concerned. Also, it is initially difficult to find him among
the crowd. Certainly this was Geoffroy's goal, as the effect of the entire picture as an
orchestration of images of women, children, and Varlot' s assistance is one of abundant
care for children. The standing woman holding a baby at the center of the composition is
particularly effective, as she is next in line to have her consultation with Varlot and seems
honored and pleased at her position. The baby in her arms seems healthy, alert, and
loved. Geoffroy's rendering of its chubby dimples and rounded head are expert in its
charm. The chaotic, but pleasurable interaction between the healthy patients and their
mothers at the clinic represents the perfect visual embodiment of French regeneration
dreams of the era. While Geoffroy was the master painter of educational scenes of his
generation, it has also been said that "Geoffroy s' est interesse egalement ala
matemite. ,,95 It might be added that the artist was equally interested in the survival and
well-being of his country, and the actions of those who ensured it.
Geoffroy's "fratemel aux humbles,,96 made up just as significant a portion of his
work as the charming schoolchildren for which he is better-known. After 1903 he
continued to produce works featuring convalescents, charitable nuns, and indigent
peasants, but he seemed to accumulate sentimentality and lose some of the propagandistic
conviction that gave his work significant meanings and high-profile commissions before
95 Bault 117
96 Guillemot. "Jean Geoffroy" unpaginated.
249
that date. Variot committed patriotic acts by helping the population to become healthy
and numerous. 97 Geoffroy was also a patriot in his attempts to visually inform the public
that everyone deserved to have faith in good health and the future if nothing else. After
all, the unified public interest in health issues could be considered France's true revanche
before 1912.98 If children's lives were saved, not only would this immediately slow the
birth rate and make the Republic stronger, but it would expand the pool of potential
soldier-fathers and mothers. The self-sacrificing "l'reuvre du Dr Variot peut nous
apparaitre des plus contestables, I' enfant sauve au berceau servant demain chair a
canon.,,99 Geoffroy demonstrated that his awareness of the poor (and the people who
helped them) grew during the course of his career. He gave humanity to their struggles.
He used his government funding sources to create works that heroicized and encouraged
working class people. He inspired others to help and visually recognizing those who
actually did.
Conclusion
Geoffroy's reuvre is an encyclopedia of regeneration concerns during the early
Third Republic. Efforts (described in Chapter Two) to rebuild France involved gender
distinction, glorification of militarism and parenthood, the science and practice of
cleanliness, education reform, and the promotion of familial relationships. All of these
themes are directly addressed in Geoffroy's work. Because he created images that
promoted the causes of publishers, government ministries, and high-profile physicians
97 Musee de l'Assistance PubJique S.

98 Ibid
99 Ibid
250
who all subscribed to nationalistic reforms, Geoffioy must be seen as a propagandist of
the highest order. Because he carefully selected the subject of children as a tool to
express and teach what the new social idea would be, he also created a utopian French
vision.
It was not only the ideas and subject matter that made Geoffroy a unique and
powerful propagandist, but also the means by which he attempted visual manipulation of
the public. He was highly influential in his choice to depict children for children and
their families in print media. Building his career as an illustrator, he was able to maintain
his career as a painter. By the mid-1890s he and his messages were considered
sufficiently important that he created few original illustrations in lieu of reproduction of
his prolific production of canvases. The exposure of Geoffioy' s work in the Salons was
symbiotic: journals sought out his paintings for reproduction and facsimiles of his work
increased his fame while guaranteeing his annual acceptance into the exhibition.
Geoffroy was rewarded for his years of creation of pro-Republican paintings and prints
with commissions and appointments that led to his visual and organizational participation
in the educational content of the 1900 Exposition Universe lIe. With this achievement it
is safe to say that "Comme David fut Ie peintre de Bonaparte, Geoffroy sera celui de
l'ecole de la Troisieme Republique. Son itineraire pictural refiete la maturation d'un
homme en osmose avec l'oeuvre politique de son temps."lOO
Geoffroy encouraged France, and even the world, to treasure the child and to
appreciate the nationalistic potential of education. Perhaps what was even more
100 Fran~oise Beaugrand. "Une Peinturc pour un ideal: Jean Geoffroy, 1843-1924," Paris Ii I 'ecole (paris: Picard.
1993): 130.
251
important was Geoffi'oy's appreciation and manipulation of the image of the child.
Before Geoffroy's images pervaded visual culture, children in the arts often represented
pre-Rousseauian conceptions of young people as small adults. Geoffroy was one of the
leaders of a generation who truly appreciated the differences in children's interests,
physiognomy, behavior, and impressionability. His intelligence and cunning as a
propagandist stems from his realization of the potential to influence children, as well as
the potential of using children to influence the outcome of the nation. The artist's epitaph
at Pantin cemetery reads, "Jean Geoffroy, Ie peintre des humbles et des enfants."IOI
Because he was just as socially engaged as Steinlen, Geoffroy also realized the dual
potential of images of the poor--to teach with images that were designed to ultimately
help improve the situations of his indigent SUbjects. Creating better conditions for the
helpless, both the children and the poor, would result in a stronger, happier, healthier,
more populous France. "Chaque composition est un morceau d'ethonographie urbaine,
un veritable tableau d'histoire sociale. On y voit uniquement la misere des classes
populaires, l'effort d'assistance des municipalites (creches, orphelinats, dispensaires,
hopitaux) et surout la grande entreprise d'acculturation de l'ecole primaire." The most
common thread that runs through working class and child imagery was self-sacrifice.
This was central to the survival of the Republic. Putting one's country before one's self
was the most crucial component of all endeavors of the ideal French citizen of the future.
Whether one was a parent, a soldier, a worker, a teacher, or a student, working for the
betterment of one's family and one's country more than one's self was crucial element of
101Marie-Pascale Bault. Enlrer dans La vie en Poilou du XVI siecie Ii nos jours (Poitiers: Musee Sainte-Croix. 1987):
117.
252
all regeneration propaganda of this era. While their politics were each very different from
Geoffroy's, Boutet de Monvel and Steinlen also visually promoted self-sacrifice as the
road to utopia. Geoffroy's work served as the most perfect microcosm of Third Republic
regeneration propaganda, because all elements of his body of work taught viewers that
they should serve that which they should love the most-the nation.
253
PROPAGANDA AND UTOPIANISM: THE FAMILY AND VISUAL CULTURE IN
EARLY TIllRD REPUBLIC FRANCE (1871-1905)
VOLUME II
A THESIS
SUBMIITED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA
BY
JILL MILLER
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
GABRIEL P. WEISBERG, ADVISER
JULY, 1998
CHAPTER FIVE
CULTIVATING FRENCHNESS THROUGH PRETTY PICTURES:
THE ILLUSTRATIONS OF BOUTET DE MONVEL
By 1900 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel was just as well-known, if not more so,
than Geoffroy. He was also highly influential. Like Geoffroy, Boutet was an
academically-trained painter who wandered into a career in children's book and journal
illustration. I Perhaps his print-media work was even more influential and widespread.
Books illustrated by Boutet de Monvel were consumed by French families in the tens of
thousands, and were translated and reproduced in international editions. "Quelques
reuvres, elaborees pendant une courte periode situee entre 1883 et 1887, suffisent a
Boutet de Monvel pour creer un paradigme enfantin qui modifie definitivement les modes
de representation de l'illustration.,,2 The artistic impact of Boutet's charming little
illustrations of patriotic and moralistic themes is astonishing. In 1899 his popular images
were proclaimed one of the most important artistic influences on the Vienna Secession
artists.3 By the tum-of-the-century the illustrator's work was reprinted, renowned, and
beloved around the world. His impact on children's books can still be felt today. But the
qualities that make Boutet's work uniquely French (and indeed his conscious creation of
perfectly French imagery and ideology) will serve as major concerns in this chapter.
I Like Geoffi'oy, Boutet was also awarded a Gold Medal at the Art Pavilion of the 1900 Exposition.
2 Claude-Anne Pannegiani, Les pelilsfra~ais illuslres. 1860-1940 (paris: Editions du Cercle de la Librairie, 1989):
121.
3Friedrich C. Heller, "Maurice Boutet de Monvel, illustrator de Iivres d'enfant," Revue de la Bibliolheque Nalionale
27 (Spring 1988): 14. Boutet was listed as a major graphic influence in the company of Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec,
Walter Crane, and Felicien Rops. In an 1899 Secession exhibit of influential graphic arts, Boutet's children's albums
were exhibited alongside the work of Rops, Puvis de Chavannes, and Steinlen.
Notions central to regeneration, as discussed in Chapter Two, are intricately woven
throughout Boutet's graphic work. Jeanne d'Arc, Boutet's lush 1896 children's album, is
one of the most mature and complete examples of ideas promoting the survival and
strengthening of France. Like one of Joan's campaigns, Boutet carefully devised a
program to make an ideological point. Through examination of his books, posters,
advertisements, andjoumals discussed in this chapter, Boutet's prevalence and
ideological importance infin-de-siecle French visual culture will become apparent. More
than any other artist, Boutet de Monvel knew how to communicate his ideals directly to
children-those who were most susceptible to propagandistic imagery.
Painting, Drawing, and Twists of Fate
Boutet de Monvel was born in rural Orleans in 1850.4 His family moved to Paris
two years later. s He was "Ie descendant d'une famille qui ne contient rien que de
fran~aiS.,,6 The teen-aged Boutet began his studies at the French Academy in his late
teens. Among his early instructors was the most conservative of academics, Alexandre
4 There has been debate about the date of Boutet's birth. A birth certificate, provided by Boutet de Manvel's cousin,
Francois Boutet de Manvel, lists the date of birth as October 18, 1850.
S Boutet was one of nine children and himself had two famous sons. One was the society painter, Bernard, described in
Charles Bricker, "Society on Ice: America's Bluebloods as Seen by the Forgotten Bernard Boutet de Manvel,"
Connoisseur (May 1987): 87-91. His son Roger was a poet, with whom Maurice collaborated as an illustrator for
several articles. Maurice Boutet de Manvel's father was a Iycee science teacher, but the Boutet de Monvel family had a
considerable performing arts background. The famous revolutionary-era actress, Mademoiselle Mars, was by birth a
Boutet de Manvel and was Maurice's great-great aunt, according to family records provided by Maurice's cousin.
Fran~ois Boutet de Manvel. Her entrenchment as the premiere actress on the Paris stage in the fIrSt half of the
nineteenth century firmly established, but did not end, the families theatrical prominence. There were other actors in
the Monvel side, as well as those on his mother's side, the Nourrit family. His maternal grandfather was one of the
most prominent Paris tenors before his untimely death in 1839. Some ofBoutet de Manvel's earliest commissions
were of portraits of actors, such as Mounet-Sully, and throughout his career he painted the portraits of actors' children.
His familial ties in the publishing industry were also considerable. His mother, Louisa Nourrit, descended from the
publisher who was a partner in Nourrit et Plan, Boutet de Manvel's most frequent publisher. His mother was also the
author ofa moralistic text for children, Petite histoire ancienne pour les enfants, published in 1876 by Pion.
6 Jean-Louis Vaudoyer, "Maurice Boutet de Manvel," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 10 (1913): 132.
255
Cabanel. Boutet's service in the Franco-Prussian War interrupted this training. Upon
resuming his studies, Boutet spent time in the ateliers of Iules Lefebvre and renowned
colorist Charles-Emile Carolus-Duran. Initially, it appeared that Boutet would become a
rather conservative painter, specializing in landscapes and portraits. 7 At the 1878 Salon,
Boutet de Monvel won a medal for his work, The Good Samaritan. In these early years
he usually painted mythological and biblical scenes, such as The Temptation o/St.
Anthony.S Another teacher, Gustave Boulanger,9 encouraged him to make periodic trips
to Algeria. 10 His painted works were filled with exotic themes and light-drenched color
after his first trip to the colony in 1876, including the 1879 Salon entry, Arabs Returning
from the Market. This work followed his 1876 trip to Algeria, the first of two. II In the
initial stages of his career, Boutet de Monvel rose through the ranks to become a
respectable, if not unique, academic painter.
After his Algerian trip Boutet de Monvel became well-known for his delicate
sense of color and his decorative flair for composition.1 2 His skills a4) a portraitist were
sought after from the beginning, and he quickly gained renown for his portraits of
children, as well as those of society women. A photograph of the artist in his Rue
7 Trust for Museum Exhibitions. Maurice Boutet de Manvel: Master a/French Illustration and Portraiture
(Washington, D. c.: Trust for Museum, 1987) 8S.
a For more information on small government purchases ofBoutet's paintings during the 1870s. see Archives Nationales
F1211198.
9 Lists of students from the Academie Julian confirm Boutet de Monvel's enrollment under Boulanger and Lefebvre in
1870-71. See also Heller 20. "Entre 1876 et 1880, sans doute sur les recommendations de Boulanger qui avait peint
la-bas. Boutet voyagea plusieurs fois en Algerie et peignit quelques toiles orientalistes aux somptueuses couleurs."
10 Note the additional, albeit earlier parallel to Geoffioy in Boutet de Monvel's training, as young artists were sent to
Algeria to broaden their artistic horizons.
II Danielle Clor, "Maurice Boutet de Monvel: Le Sacre de Jeanne d'Arc au Royaume de I' enfance." (Maitrise. Paris,
1991): 12. During the early 1870s and 1880s Boutet also traveled to rustic French locales. namely Touraine and
Brittany.
12 Heller IS. "Entre I'art d'un Meissonier, precis. qui rend la reatite avec des coulcurs heureuses, et celui de Puvis aux
etfets sceniques, aux couleurs froides et decentes, Ie style de Boutet occupe un position intermCdiaire, fonde sur
I'observation, Ie stylisation decorative, les nuances delicates et subtiles dans Ie coloris."
256
Rousselet studio from 1876 (Fig. 5.1) demonstrates that he wished to promote himself in
the vein of his fashionable academic teachers. The studio itself is typical of such
promotional photographs, with a tapestry, exotic rug, and richly carved woodwork. These
details attracted wealthy patrons, seeking to create a comfortable, opulent environment.
Boutet himself wears a smock and holds a palette and brushes. He seems to be in active
contemplation and execution of a portrait, pausing to rest one knee on a stool while he
looks at a lavishly framed painted bust. Landscapes, rustic and exotic genre scenes, and
portraits are the types of work Boutet has chosen as "typical" of his developing reuvre. A
portrait of the Comedie Fran~aise actor, Paul Mounet, is on an easel at the right. Boutet
de Monvel obviously wished to become a serious, versatile artist working within the
confines of academic painting.
Boutet de Monvel was married in the same year the photograph was taken (1876),
just before his first Algerian trip. He quickly found, however, that sales of his medal-
winning Salon paintings did not support his family. Fatefully, he began to look for an
alternate source of income. He claimed to have visited all of the publishers in Paris with
his drawings, trying to find work as an illustrator. 13 He was turned away at each door, but
after a mutual friend made introductions, Charles Delagrave eventually took interest.
Delagrave seems to have taken note of Hetzel's success catering to the children's market
in publishing and was himself planning to print books and journals with charming
literature and illustrations. He rapidly built an empire, printing for child audiences in
both domestic and educational settings. In 1878 Delagrave was in possession of a
manuscript by Eudoxie Depuis, La France en zig-zag. He commissioned Boutet to create
\3 Henry Bidou, "Maurice Boutet de Monvel," Artet Dicoration 4 (May 1913): 137-149.
257
40 illustrations in pencil for the text, a history of France for children. 14 Many of these
drawings appeared with the story in serial form in 1880, the founding year of Saint
Nicolas: Journal lliustre pour Garfons et Filles. Boutet's exposure and popularity began
to increase as Saint Nicolas became one of the most popular children'sjoumals in France
during the 1880s. Boutet's career as a journal illustrator will be explored in greater depth
in the next section. His endeavors as a journal illustrator soon evolved into reciprocal
opportunities with book publishers' projects. In these realms Boutet was to make his
most important aesthetic and propagandistic contributions.
It was not until the late 1880s, however, that the artist's profits from the
publishing world gave him some financial security. Having to provide for his wife and
two sons was a key factor in the development ofBoutet de Monvel's career as one of the
most popular and influential illustrators in the history of children's literature. In 1885,
however, a controversial event sealed his fate. At that time the artist was becoming
interested in symbolism ls and allegories in his work. He submitted a large canvas to the
Salon, L 'Apotheose or Le Triomphe de la canaille (Fig. 1.2). It was initially accepted, but
the work was quickly taken from the walls during the hanging of works in the state-
sanctioned forum for status quo painters. L 'Apotheose has been called "un acte de
courage politique.,,16 It features the Communards, crowning their king. The iconography
was taken from Benjamin Antier's famous play, L 'Auberge des Adrets. 17 Set on one of
the Commune barricades, the work features a drunken man (never identified as anything
14 Clor 13.
IS Trust for Museum Exhibitions 14.
16Heller 16.
17David Ojalvo. "Orleans, musec des Beaux-Arts: Acquisitions des XIXc et XXc siecles... La Revue du Louvre 2
(April 1981): 135.
258
more specific than ''the demagogue") who will reign. He serves as part of a tribunal. The
outstretched arms of Robert Macaire demonstrate that the fool has received benediction
on behalf of the people. Popularized by political caricaturist Honore Daumier during the
July Monarchy, Macaire stood for the conniving, cheating bourgeoisie. The Third
Republic was a "monarchist republic" from 1871-1877. 18 Those who supported the
Commune (the rabble-rousers at the bottom of this vicarious pyramid) often received lip-
service as well as oppression from the ever-changing groups of republicans and
monarchists in power. The middle class, represented by the republicans, are symbolized
by Robert Macaire. The republican mouthpiece manipulates the crowd into thinking that
they both have power and a monarch. The manipulative Macaire is highly visible, yet his
duplicitous actions are not recognized. He rides on the backs of the people and gives his
blessing to a token fool (Le Roi Frederick I), knowing he will not be blamed or harmed
when the people realize what they have done. Boutet de Monvel manages to criticize just
about everyone, but is the harshest on the republicans. His ultimate message is that the
republican government is nothing more than manipulative pretense. The image was
considered to endanger the Republic, even though it was entered in the Salon fourteen
years after the events depicted.
The remainder of the iconography derives from L 'Auberge des Adrets. At the top
right, beating the bass-drum, is Bertrand. The drunken man's dirty foot rests on a woman
who has been crushed-she represents distraught and defiled France. Below, the masses
cheer in acclaim for their new leader and for their own victory. Certainly this apotheosis
.1 Robert Justin Goldstein. Censorship ofPolitical Caricature (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1989). For a
brief background on Macaire. see pages 164-65. For a summary of major themes, figures, and censorship issues during
the Commune and the early years afthe republic, see 204-19.
259
in Boutet's eyes is one in which the people rise up and proclaim their own leader. While
he may be one of them, he is not suited to give the people leadership or to provide
direction. Needless to say, the work was instantly recognizable as being "violently anti-
republican.,,19 Others have speculated the work was "designed to teach a lesson, to
advocate a theory...a satire on universal suffiage, a protest against socialism. ,,20
At this point it is crucial to try to piece together Boutet de Monvel' s political
affinities. Unfortunately, it is only possible to speculate on the artist's political
sympathies. His extant correspondence is scant and in no cases does it reveal positive
identifications of specific alliances. 21 It is even more difficult to positively define his
political point-of-view through examination of the politics of his colleagues on highly
political projects. It seems that Boutet de Monvel and Anatole France were ideologically
synchronized. Anatole France scholar, Carter Jefferson, calls France a skeptic and
claims the author dabbled in all political philosophies and subscribed to none. 22 Perhaps
the same could be said about Boutet if more were known about him through words, rather
than through images. Deep-seeded patriotism--colored by weariness stemming from
knowledge of and exposure to war and politics--may best characterize Boutet's world
view. While he may have been a skeptic, he was not a pessimist. The images in this
chapter reveal that Boutet eventually realized that he could better his country through
widely-circulated images, no matter what political party was in power.
19 Trust for Museum Exhibitions 8. The Apothiose incident was also recorded in the April 22 and 23 issues of I.e
Figaro in 1985.
20 Low 258.
21 Boutet's extant letters reveal disappointingly little about his opinions and political alliances, focusing only upon
business matters. They are currently located in the Pierpont Morgan Library in New York, and the manuscripts library
of the Bibliotheque Nationale, as well as in a few private collections.
22 Caner Jefferson, Anatole France and the Politics o/Skepticism. (New Brunswick. N. J.: Rutgers University Press,
I 96S). When surveys of Anatole France's political analyses and collaborators are conducted, Theophile Steinlen is
usually included. and Boutet de Monvel's important work with France seems to be completely ignored.
160
As Gonzalo Sanchez has discussed in his dissertation on art and the Commune,
Boutet enlisted as a soldier during 1870-71, interrupting his academic training. Like
many other artists, this experience left him skeptical. 23 During his service, Boutet de
Monvel observed firsthand the carnage of war and the destruction of national unity. He
was left with a lifetime of respiratory problems from exposure to damp and cold in
military camps. The longest-lasting side effects from his military experiences, however,
was an embittered view of the budding Republic. Long-standing Boutet de Monvel
family politics certainly must also have informed viewpoint. A 1996 interview with
Boutet's grand-nephew, Franyois Boutet de Monvel24 revealed that the family favored
royalist politics since the theatrical family was allied with the ancien regime. The strong
royalist factions that battled mainstream republicans for control in the 1870s was
discussed early in Chapter Two. Boutet de Monvel would have been one of many
monarchist sympathizers in the early Third RepUblic. In this chapter it will become clear
that Boutet's paintings and illustrations constantly refer to the peace and refinement of
times and places untouched by republicanism.
L 'Apotheose is a key document in determining Boutet's orientations. "It was
probably less a political act than a purely personal expression of distaste--combined with
a strong sense of irony and satirical humor--for that aggressive populism so characteristic
of French democracy.,,2s While he was not attempting to reach heights of great political
activism with this work, he certainly achieved high levels of agitation. The work was "un
2J Clor 24. In 1878 Boutet produced a group of drawings, planning a series on war and death, with L 'Apotheose being
the first canvas.
24 August S, 1996.
25 Trust for Museum Exhibitions 8. For an account of the reception of the work that indicates it was more
inflammatory, see Musees de Pau, Dunkerque, Douai, Les peintres orienta/istes, 1850-1914 (1983).
261
tableau dont les dimensions pas plus que Ie sujet ne pouvaient passer inaper~us, un tribun
ivre et debraille qu'une foule grossiere hisse en triomphe au-dessus de ses acclamations.
Cette allegorie contemporaine, d'un reaIisme fougueux et ironique, heurta les scrupules
officiels; Ie ministre d'alors, M. Floquet, la fit exiler du Salon.,,26 Indeed, the work was
initially admired by the jury, according to Will H. Low. But Floquet, the Assistant
Director of Fine Arts, considered it to be seditious. Low, Boutet's contemporary, also
speculates that Boutet was being punished for having a political opinion, rather than for
the specific one he had. 27 The popular periodical, Figaro Dlustre took interest in Boutet's
plight and immediately hung the work in the foyer of the building where it was published.
In this forum, too, the work caused great controversy and even greater discussion. 28 It
was removed within weeks. 29
A catalog from a rare exhibition of Boutet's work (held in Washington, D. C. in
1987) contained this analysis on the effects of L 'Apotheose:
This scandal ...had two important results. The first was that Boutet de
Monvel seems to have made a conscious decision to withdraw from the
ranks of formal painters and turn his talents to illustration, portraiture, and
the decorative arts. The second, of greatest significance to the
development of his art, was his acceptance of an invitation to join the
Societe des Aquarellistes. This invitation appears to have been extended
as a gesture of sympathy for his treatment at the hands of the Philistines,
for he had little experience (in) the medium. 30
26 "Un descendant de nos vieux imagiers: L' ffiuvre de Maurice Boutet de Monvel," LeClW'es pour Tous (May 15
1913): 852.
27 Low 258.
2I"Une ffiuvre nouvelle au Musee," Revue du Centre-Ouest (January II 1981): 3.
29 The scandal seems to have dissipated quickly, as Boutet de Monvel was already negotiating with the government for
purchase of his work by 1889. For documents concerning the purchase of Maison Abandonee in this year, see
Archives Nationales F12112058. The artist never seems to have reached as favorable a relationship with the Ministry of
Education and Fine Arts as the minor one he had in the 18705. For documentation of troubled and unrealized
commissions, particularly one in 1894 for a mural in a universite, see Archives Nationales F12114294. [n 1895 he was
awarded a mural commande for the Salle des Fates at the Lycee Louis Legrand but it appears that he turned it down
because conditions at the school were too poor. See Musee d'Orsay Documentation files on Boutet de Monvel, list of
Peintre Annees d'Expositions (Salons), from Fichier Salon des Artistes Fran~s. Boutet was admitted to the
Watercolor Society in 1881.
30 Trust for Museum Exhibitions 8.
262
The catalog also claimed the work "express(ed) the artist's distaste for the demagoguery
and vulgarity of French populism.',J1 Looking at Boutet's work from the viewpoint of
taste is a compelling point-of-view. His illustrations preach the virtues refinement and
tradition, both in style and message. Boutet's desire for social and visual organization
were repulsed by the wars and by increasing populism. Boutet usually featured upper
middle-class children in his illustrated work. They become little princes and princesses
on the pages of books and journals. When he did feature working class children they
were isolated; he only features rural children and seems to wish to ignore the urchins of
the city. Boutet's preference for the perceived refinement of monarchism seemed to call
to him more strongly than any purely political philosophy. Boutet de Monvel appears to
be one of the most willful and prolific artists to participate in the campaigns of
repopulation and militarism. He created some of the most potent visualizations of proper
male and female activity.
Boutet's story will be continued in sections outlining his achievements as a
propagandist utilizing children's books and journals, but it is important to note that the
L 'Apotheose scandal did not end his painting career. After Edouard Detaille invited
Boutet to join his watercolor society in 1885, Boutet de Monvel was increasingly busy as
a portraitist until his death in 1914. His work painting the likenesses of theatrical
performers and wealthy women and children served as a backdrop for his activity as an
illustrator. While Geoffioy submitted six works featuring watercolors of children to the
art pavilion at the 1900 universal exposition, Boutet submitted fourteen. These consisted
1t Trust for Museum Exhibitions 17.
263
of oil and watercolor portraits of children, as well as a few mythological subjects to art
pavilion at 1900 exposition. 32 Boutet was awarded a gold medal and was made an officer
in the legion of honor for Jeanne a Chinon at the 1900 exposition, as well. He had
already received a bronze medal at the 1889 Paris Exposition with a seascape. (He had
already earned a third-class medal in 1878 and a second-class medal in 1880).
Immediately before and after his death his work was commemorated with international
exhibitions, particularly in America. 33 Within ten years of the L 'Apothiose scandal and
his flight to the ranks of the watercolor society, Boutet was at the top of his new
profession. In 1893 Century writer F. N. Doubleday claimed "if you ask an artist or an
expert who is the leading illustrator in Paris to-day, he will probably tell you, Boutet de
Monvel. ,,34 In our own time he has been called "the progenitor of modem book
illustration.,,3s The aesthetic value of his work was publicly recognized in the first two
decades of this century, as well as during a brief revival in the 1980s. A full century after
the printing of his ideological and visual masterpiece, Jeanne d'Arc, the time had come to
recognize and analyze how skillfully Boutet de Monvel designed and marketed imagery
to promote his unique vision of a new world order.
32 Exposition Internationale Universelle de 1900, Catalogue general officiel (paris: Exposition Internationale
Universelle de 1900, 1900): 23.
33 Buffalo Fine Arts Academy Albright Art Gallery, Catalogue ofA Collection ofDrawings and Sketches by Louis
Maurice Boutet de Monvel (New York: The Albright Art Gallery, 1920). This exhibition was assembled from contents
of Boutet de Monvel's Nemours studio which his wife and the artist's sons Roger and Bernard had kept intact long
enough for a tour of the artist's work to be assembled and traveled to the United States as a retrospective. The works in
the exhibition were hand-chosen by Cornelia B. Sage Quinton. director of the Albright Art Gallery, and Roger and
Bernard. It was intended that the work would travel to New York galleries and then "in every important museum in
America" It does not appear that the exhibition traveled anywhere but the Albright and to the Memorial Art Gallery in
Rochester, New York. At the latter, it did not stand alone as a retrospective, but occupied the gallery with the works of
Gaston La Touche. See also The Memorial Art Gallery, Catalogue ofan Exhibition ofPaintings and Drawings by
Gaston IA Touche and Louis Maurice Boutet de Monvel (Rochester, New York: The Memorial Art Gallery, 1920).
34 F. N. Doubleday, "Glimpses of the French Illustrators," Scribner's 14:4 (October 1893).
JS Trust for Museum Exhibitions 10.
%64
In his illustrated work Boutet de Monvel was not an agent of others as Geoffioy
often was. The nature of his commissions (and the later collaborations and projects he
chose) gave him considerably more freedom to promote messages of his own conception.
While Geoffroy may have been a republican puppet to a degree, Boutet de Monvel was
ambivalent toward what the Republic and its media had to offer him. He seemed to
assess how the Republic could serve him and what role he could play in changing the
development of his nation. He may not have subscribed to republicanism, but Boutet was
a patriot of the first order. His work is intensely nationalistic. While he may have been
fretting about what repUblicanism was doing to his country, Boutet seemed to agree that
educating children was the way to save France. Because this was a goal shared among
royalists and republicans alike, Boutet de Monvel' s work fit perfectly into regeneration
ideology. Glorification of all of the most important messages connected to national
rebirth are present within his illustrated a:uvre. The most prominent of these are: gender
separation, education, glorification of the military, the virtues of country life and
traditions of ancient manners, middle class comfort, and most importantly, charity and
self-sacrifice. Boutet's book and journal imagery sent messages about gender, religion,
and behavior to create a picture of how things should be. These persuasive images were
available to tens of thousands of children and their family members in their homes on a
daily basis.
Ideological Exposure Through Journals and Visual Culture at Large
265
The 1886 appearance of illustrations for "La Vente de Suzanne" in Revue nlustree
is representative of many factors in Boutet de Monvel's journal work.36 It is symptomatic
of how the artist's journal illustration projects were symbiotic those for books. It marks
Boutet's growing popularity as an illustrator, a year after the L 'Apotheose scandal. "La
Vente de Suzanne" is also emblematic of important expectations for behaviors, especially
that of young girls, expressed in early Third Republic visual culture.
One of Boutet de Monvel's earliest illustration commissions involved the
children's tale Les Pourquois de Mademoiselle Suzanne. This 1881 book by Emile
Desbeaux was a short text, and the new illustrator was asked to create only some of the
simple, black-and-white line drawings. The book achieved modest popularity. It was
common practice by the 1880s to reproduce books as serials or short stories in journals.
Dlustrated serials often were reprinted as books,37 as was the case with many of the stories
Geoffroy illustrated for Hetzel, such as La Premiere cause de l'avocat Juliette.
Publishers who operated both books and journals often recycled text and illustrations in
one medium or the other to save money. Delagrave seems to have wished to capitalize on
the popularity of the little book by modifying it to be reused in his popular family journal,
Revue nlustree.
For reasons that are not clear, Abraham Dreyfus adapted the story by Emile
Desbeaux and his name appears on it in journal form. Now Boutet de Monvel was the
sole illustrator for the text and the illustration for the first page was new. Boutet or his
etcher seems to have reworked the 1881 images to be more intricate and delicate. This
Abraham Dreyfus, "La Vente de Suzanne," Revue lIIustr'ie 2 (December 1 1886): 80S-II.
36
37Another example is Hiart's 1876 Quandj'etais petit, reproduced as a serial by Le Monde /llustre later in the year it
was initially published.
266
better suits the print technologies used by Delagrave and better demonstrates Boutet's
skills. The title page illustration (Fig. 5.2) is different from any used in the 1881 book.
This scene actually depicts the end of the story. Here a tearful Suzanne has just been
reunited with her doll. Her friends, looking at all of her toys and bedroom furniture,
appear above her. In the course of the narrative, three year-old Suzanne is poorly
behaved and her parents tell her that they will auction all of her toys to neighborhood
children if she does not listen to them. She continues to disobey and a large auction is
held as promised. Suzanne remains obstinate until the bidding starts on the final item, her
favorite doll. At this point she breaks down and promises to behave; the sale is called off
and all of her things are returned. This illustration demonstrates Boutet's talent for
choosing dramatic moments within the story; he has chosen a cathartic element from the
denouement to create a new image for the dramatic title page. The artist has also
combined the dramatic possibilities from the letter "S" at the beginning of the text and the
tumult of Suzanne's tearful reunion with her doll. The swirling lines connecting the
images of Suzanne and the auction give cohesion to the "L" shaped image. These
serpentine lines also become the doll's hair.
The prominence of the Suzanne images in a vehicle Revue OIustree and Boutet's
sense of quality and design are not the only relevant issues here. The content of the story
and the remaining illustrations are essentially the same in the book and the journal
versions of Suzanne's story. It is the messages they send and the prominence of these
messages in the middle class family environment that are the most crucial issues to this
study. Boutet de Monvel's visual messages are full of admonitions of the unbecoming
267
qualities of pride and rambunctiousness in a little girl. Suzanne's indiscretions that lead
to the auction involve climbing. The girl's parents have told her not to climb on furniture
to reach a vase. Although she is trying to admire flowers (a typically feminine pursuit in
Boutet's work), Suzanne has repeatedly climbed on the furniture and tipped vases. She
refuses to passively sit and read. Once again, she climbs on a stool to be closer to the
flowers. She soon falls, both injuring herself and breaking the vase. Examinations of
Boutet's books reveal that whenever a girl runs, and especially when she climbs on
anything, negative things will happen. This is not always the case in the illustrator's
representations of boys--outdoors it is acceptable for boys to run and climb. Tragedy and
chaos always ensue when even minimal amounts of physical activity take place in the
house. Even outdoors, however, girls are encouraged to be immobile and quiet.
As if this were not bad enough, Suzanne is unrepentant and indignant during most
of the rest of the book. In illustrations from the "La Vente de Suzanne" (Fig. 5.3) she is
unresponsive and proudly turns her nose in the air. This seems to anger her mother the
most. As her parents threaten to auction off' all of her toys, she remains stubborn and
proud. Four pages of the seven-page story are filled with text and images recounting the
anger Suzanne evokes in her parents through stubbornness. The tone seems to be
designed to stimulate terror in Revue Rlustree's young readers, lest their toys might be
sold to punish similar behavior. Girls are not shown misbehaving in Boutet de Monvel's
work often, but those who do learn humility and self-control. This account of Suzanne's
story was designed to be highly persuasive and was highly visible with Revue Rlustree '5
large audience. The story gained even great exposure through reprintings of the book and
268
through an English-language edition in 1923.38 The message here is clear: selfish
behavior can lead to great personal loss and unhappiness. Suzanne is not a "good girl"
until her spirit is broken.
Boutet de Monvel' s work appeared with great regularity in journals from 1881
until his death. After 1900 his work seems to appear more commonly in journals outside
of France, namely in the United States.39 While popularity for his work stemmed
primarily from his book projects, journals were an important element in his eventual
status as a household name. With his work from 1880-90 for Delagrave's Saint Nicolas:
Journal lliustre pour Gar~ons et Filles,40 Boutet found the forum that most powerfully
and rapidly put him in the public eye. He quickly became the journal's most popular
illustrator, and was promoted, in a sense. For much of his tenure at Saint Nicolas, he
produced the illustrations for the concours pages. These were the opening pages of the
journal in which weekly contests and their winners were announced. All mail and news
from the journal's child audience appeared in this somewhat interactive feature. It was
also a section in which Delagrave's staff would gently (although not always subtly)
include editorials that usually consisted of messages about listening to one's parents and
doing well in school. Boutet's humorous and distinctive drawings made the verbose
concours sections more entertaining and popular. He was soon providing drawings of
similar messages and formats for other children's journals. These included Musee des
31 Desbeaux 1923 edition.

39 Boutet's work was so popular, that it was often illegally reprinted in journals., such as the English Lillie Folks.
Heller 16.
40 Delagrave modeled his periodical after the American SI. Nicholas, introduced in 1878. Trust for Museum
Exhibitions 7.
269
FamilIes and L 'Ecolier Olustre.41 Boutet de Monvel's work appeared frequently in
family journals with large circulations, such as Le Monde Rlustre,42 Les Lettres et les
Arts, and Revue Olustree. It was in the realm of the children's journal, however, that he
was able to create some of the strongest and most sustained propagandistic impact in the
middle class Third Republic home.
Friedrich Heller has noted that Boutet's work was further popularized in other
children's journals, such as Le Journal de fa Jeunesse and La Gazette du Bon Ton. 43 A
journal that seems particularly important in Boutet's body of work if often ignored--
L 'Ecolier Ofustre. No interpretive work has been conducted on the images in this journal,
for which Boutet created illustrations from 1890 to 1904. This brings up a general
problem in the study of Boutet's work--the level of interpretation. His most commonly
discussed works are L 'Apotheose and the album, Jeanne d'Arc. Even these have been the
subject of frustratingly little interpretive literature. The purpose and subject matter of
L 'Apotheose does not coincide with the parameters of this study sufficiently to receive
passing mention. It is essential here, however, to interpret Jeanne d 'Arc and some of the
artist's other work for family audiences through the lens of regeneration discourse. It is
especially important to rediscover disregarded images from L 'Ecolier Ofuslre, which
received so much public exposure during the Belle Epoque, and nothing more than
bibliographic citations since.
41 St. Nicholas/or Children was one of several American versions of Delagrave's children's journals that reprinted
Boutet's illustrations with English-language text This accounts for a large amount of his popularity in America by the
tum-of-the-century.
42 For an example of a serial illustrated by Boulet that was designed to appeal to a wider family aUdience, see Emile
Debeaux, "Villa Bracassol," I.e Monde lIIustri 61 (July 1887): 5-6, 21-22, 45-6, 53-S4.
43 Heller 16.
270
Delagrave's journals express a viewpoint that is strongly patriotic, yet not patently
republican. Perhaps this was the reason he and Boutet de Monvel collaborated
prolifically for so many years. The stories and images from this popular weekly seem to
promote the status quo of traditional values and endeavors. As the title suggests, it
strongly advocated and stimulated learning; in this regard it was similar to Hetzel's
Magasin d'Education et Recreation. In fact, Geoffioy's illustrations appeared in many
issues in stories adjacent to those illustrated by Boutet.44 Yet, there are differences in
some of the messages communicated, and it is noteworthy that Geoffroy's work for this
journal took place after Hetzel's death. Delagrave' s journal freely mentions God and
often features stories with saints, nuns, and other religious personages as heroes. Hetzel's
republican journal, on the other hand, was strictly secular. In L 'Ecolier lliustre and in
Boutet's work and in general, the appeal of tradition seems to be a central concern.
Patriotism, old-fashioned manners, refinement, innocence, and obedience are themes
common among most of the images and stories in much of Delagrave's output, and
subsequently in the work of Boutet de Monvel.
The artist completed at least two hundred images during his fourteen years with
the journal. Each one seems to feature elements of regeneration ideology; three will be
discussed in detail here. An image from a concours section of an 1898 issue illustrated by
Boutet features a militaristic theme. A small boy in uniform-inspired clothing holds a toy
gun and commands a regiment of geese and pheasants (Fig. 5.4).45 He has separated them
and organized them according to height. The pheasants stand in line and at attention.
44 A Geoffioy image discussed earlier, L 'Homme Roi (Fig. 116) appeared in 1890, the same year Boutet de Monvel
began to create images for L 'Ecolie,. JIlusue.
45 Gertrude, "Chronique des Ecoliers: Troisieme Concours, " L 'Ecolie,. Illusue 9 (October 13 1898): 644.
171
The idea of the birds behaving like this and holding sticks in place of guns demonstrates
the prevalence of militaristic thinking that served as a subtext for child imagery of this
era.
An image from an installment of the story, "L' Age sans Pitie',46 (Fig. 5.5)
demonstrates militarism and discipline that were common visual themes in the journal.
The story features very little narrative--it is told as if the reader is an observer in a
bataillon scolaire classroom. The reader receives the lesson along with the curious male
students-it concerns heroic individuals in France's history. As the story opens, author
Alexis Muenier describes the classroom. Laurel leaves have been placed around busts
and portraits of heroes, lauded in classroom lessons. They learn that the medal of the
Legion of Honor was awarded to a man in their village, and that his daughter is still alive.
The boys had been rude to the woman and had played tricks on her. They are overcome
with both gratitude and guilt. They each take a laurel leaf and line up in front of her door,
apologizing individually for their indiscretions, the moment Boutet has chosen to depict.
The straight, still row of boys is reminiscent of a military line-up. Naturally, they each
wear some derivation of military costume. In addition their sense of respect demonstrates
reverence and sacrifice--they have spent their free time obtaining the plants that substitute
for laurel branches and solemnly go to the woman's house to make amends; they are
rewarded with a smile and a hug. There are many important messages here. Encouraging
children to learn about and revere the sacrifices of others. Another lesson is that
repentance is highly desirable and, in fact, is a responsibility. In addition to the more
overt messages are subtle, visual ones. The rhythm of vertical lines created by the boys'
46 Alexis Muenier, "L'Age sans Pitie," L 'Colier lIIustri 7 (August 201896): 537.
272
figures and the "laurel branches" remind one of miltaristic regimentation. The slight
variations in the boys' height and spacing adds humor and reminds the viewer that they
are children. Each, however, seems to be trying to make his individual contribution and
to do the right thing. Honoring sacrifice in the past and attempting to be self-sacrificial
were two important militaristic endeavors. Soldiers who possessed these qualities would
help revitalize France. L 'Ecolier Olustre was one of the children's journals that promoted
discipline and sacrifice to the highest degree. Publisher, author, and illustrator have all
collaborated here to promote a reverent patriotism among French youth.
Ironically, some of the articles illustrated by Boutet that most strongly promote
Frenchness were those created for American journals. While most of his illustrations for
American articles took place outside the years covered by this study, it is important to
note Boutet's assistance in historicizing certain French themes. He promoted them in a
country that was Francophilic just after thefin de siecle. Initially Boutet's illustrations
seem to have been recombined images from previously published sources. The works
assembled for "Christmas in France" were illustrations previously published in Saint
Nico/as. 47 The text and images are an nostalgic look at one of the most important
childhood traditions in the modem world. Another affectionate view of French child
history was "Children's Costumes in the Nineteenth Century,,48 (Fig. 5.6). Boutet's crisp,
47 Anna B. Dodd. "Christmas in France," Century 93 (November 190 I): 170-77. Boutet had the most intense working
relationship with Century magazine. serving as a primary illustrator for the publication from 1899 until his death. He
created illustrations for other American periodicals during this period. such as The Cosmopolitan. Brush and Pencil.
The Critic. and McClure s.
41 Roger Boutet de Monvel. "Children's Costumes in the Nineteenth Century (From 1800 to 1870)." Century 69
(1905). Other articles for which Maurice Boutet de Monvel illustrated truly French themes for American periodicals
were: Anna B. Dodd. "The Education of French Children," Century 81 (December 1910): 193-203 and Roger Boutet
de Monvel. The Last of the Invalides." Century 79 (March 1910): 674-84. The fact that Boutet's son wrote the latter
to honor France's injured war heroes is an act of homage reminiscent of the boys presenting laurel leaves to the
chevalier'S daughter in "L'Age sans Pitie."
273
precise recreations of children's costumes at intervals throughout the nineteenth century
(here from 1836) is an important document in the study of French fashion history. More
telling, however, are the attitudes Boutet visually communicates with such images. It is
particularly apparent here, but throughout his work, children often appear as or are
expected to behave as small adults. As discussed in Chapter Two, the French and much
of the world seemed to be trying to see children in a more understanding, Rousseauian
light. Boutet, however, often visually escapes to a time when children wore clothing
more akin to that of adults; the traditional utopia he seems to attempt to promote features
the mannerly, disciplined child adult. In this illustration and others, there is also an
important message of "Frenchness" that is present in nearly all of Boutet de Monvel's
illustrated work. The fine, delicate lines, gestures, and patterns present in the children's
bodies and in their garments are typical. It seems that throughout his career, Boutet was
trying to define something he thought was missing. It is as if he thought he could create a
France that was stronger and that was more intensely French if he evoked its tradition of
mannerly refinement through his imagery. This desire is prevalent in all of his journal
illustrations, as well as his work for children's albums. This brand of spiritual,
nationalistic rebirth through images is particularly present in Jeanne d 'Arc. It can also be
found, however, in Boutet de Monvel's more obscure images--from those advertising
toothpaste to supporting charitable causes.
Imaging Power
274
Boutet de Monvel showed innate sensitivity to children's personalities in his work
before 1885. But his work as a child portraitist before and after this date was valuable
training for his work as ajuvenile illustrator. Boutet's popularity as a portraitist sharply
curtailed the amount of books and articles he was able to illustrate from the turn-of-the-
century, until his death in 1913. The understanding he gained from intimate, prolonged
observations of his little portrait subjects complemented his work. In sittings for portraits
he developed great skill in quickly capturing the essence of a young person's character;
this was seminal to the quality and delightfulness of the illustrated children's literature he
was to create. The sittings also strengthened his narrative skills: "You have no idea what
trouble I have to make these little drops of quicksilver keep quiet for a minute. There is
no other way than to tell them stories; but stories cannot be told before posing them, for
that would only be a waste of powder and shot.'.49 This section will examine Boutet's
work in forums other than journals and books. A brief consideration of images in the
form of portraits, advertisements, posters, and decorative objects will reveal two things.
Boutet de Monvel' s work was even more ubiquitous in upper middle class homes through
objects that were not mass-distributed to the extent that the albums and periodicals were.
These images also provide greater and broader understanding of Boutet's sensitivity to
children and his political goals.
Boutet de Monvel' s was a fine portraitist of subjects of any age. Portraits of his
mother and of his father in the Musee d'Orleans (1874) reveal that he achieved a fresh
and intimate effect with each sitter early in his career. In the mid-1870s he began to paint
children, and this became a primary source of income during his life. While these images
49 Doubleday 450.
275
were commissioned individually and any given example did not usually receive
widespread exposure, this part of his reuvre made an impact on the French population
collectively. There was great awareness among the upper middle class of Boutet's work,
and to have one's child painted by him was a status symbol. Some of these images, such
as Portrait ofRose Worms-Baretta50 (Fig. 5.7, before 1910) were reproduced injoumals
and featured in large exhibitions. This work, for example, was featured in an exhibition
of child imagery held at Bagatelle in 1910. This lush portrait is informed by Boutet's
desire to heavily gender his imagery. The girl is dressed in lavish clothing, particularly
her bonnet. She stands in a garden under a huge umbrella among dense flowers that
extend beyond the frame of the picture. The highly decorated, but protected and
seemingly inert girl type will appear again. The Portrait ofRose Worms-Baretta was
well-known in wealthy circles and gained awareness in the population at large through
exhibitions and reproductions. 51
Many of Boutet's painted portraits were closer in approach to his book and journal
illustrations. Many of them are visually more economical than the Worms-Baretta
portrait. Bernard et Roger (Fig. 5.8) is one of many he created of his own sons. This
work was also a portrait completed for private consumption, but gained international
exposure through Salon exhibition and subsequent reproduction and publicity. S2 Boutet
often stressed the simplicity of children's characters and their physiognomies. He
expressed the innocent, carefree state of childhood through visual "freedom from
so Rose was the daughter of a well-known French actress.

SI This work was reproduced in Charles Saunier, "Exposition Ii Bagatelle sur les enfants," Les Arts (June 1910): 30.
S2 "Figaro-Exposition," Figaro lIIustre 65 (1889): 56.
176
everything irrelevant. ,,53 Here the artist depicts the boys in a sparse landscape. The only
decorative detail seems to be the little branch that Roger has collected and holds behind
him. That Roger has found a branch with three leaves interesting also comments on the
joy of the simple wonders of childhood. It is the symmetrical, iconic posture of the two
boys, however, that is the most notable visual element in this work. This iconic image is
typical ofBoutet-the child stands with feet slightly apart and toes pointed in, the arms
hang at the sides, at a slight distance from the body. 54 Boutet also seems more likely to
render smaller children standing in this way; it differentiates them from adults and from
older children who stand more gracefully. While Boutet de Monvel's portraits are highly
observed and sensitive, he does develop a shorthand of forms that made his work
recognizable and contributed to the standard of normalcy held for children in France.
Boutet's power as an architect of ideal childhood appearance and behavior was
reinforced through numerous types of objects.
La contribution de M. Boutet de Monvel a I'art purement decoratif s' est

marquee par de jolies boites de parfums, par des petites affiches non point
murales, mais destinees Ii etre regardees de pres, dans des magasins
elegants: ce sont des visions d'enfants sous les differents costumes que
leur donne Ie siecle, et il semble Ii les voir que jamais I' enfant ne fut mieux
habille que dans ce siecle, ni de plus seduisante couleur; c'est aussi sur une
affiche menue que M. Boutet de Monvel a invoque I' image de la Reine de
Saba. 55
The range of vehicles that carried his illustrations into the home is astonishing. His
images promoted childhood refinement through visualization provided on fans, calendars,
menus, and other decorative objects. Some of the media through which he communicated
53Hapgood, McClure's (1905).

54Often girls' elbows are pointed in and boys' elbows point out., giving the boys a more active posture. Naturally the
children are wearing sailor suits. which were part of the boy icon developing in Boutet's work and in French visual
culture in general at this time.
55 Kahn SO.
277
ideals of French childhood were similar to those utilized by SteinIen. Boutet was sought
after to design advertisements, from time-to-time those that would appear on poster form.
Although SteinIen was the most important communicator of childhood messages in the
medium of the poster in the Belle Epoque, Boutet's work in this arena must also be
mentioned.
The 1898 advertisement that Boutet designed for "Dr. Pierre's Toothpaste (Fig.
2.5) has already been analyzed in the context of hygiene. This image was both
reproduced in the journal Revue de I 'Art ancien et moderne and in broadside form. 56 The
refined, geometrically-conceived child type that Boutet developed in some of his earliest
imagery is present here. Boutet's spare, delicate lines add beauty to the subject and
setting, and thus add refinement and status to the act of using Dr. Pierre's toothpaste.
Brushing one's teeth and being clean becomes part of a fashion statement. Boutet has
participated in the formation of that perception.
While many of these images in auxiliary media promoted perfect states of
childhood and products that would contribute to the health and enjoyment of life in the
upper middle class domestic interior, Boutet occasionally participated in charitable image
program. A program for a fund-raiser for a creche in the fifth arrondissement (Fig. 5.9) is
important documentation of his concern for social issues. It is also an important link to
Steinlen and Geoffroy; all three artists saw the need to lend their services to promote the
public nurseries for the good of the future of France. The banner heading within the
image itself, "Love one another," is one of the simplest expressions ofBoutet's
56The image was reproduced in Revue de I 'Art ancien et moderne 3 (January 1898). Boutet created numerous posters
for products from baby food to the novel, La Petite Poucette.
%78
patriotism. The image features a cartload of infants that is being pulled by a dog. The
dog is carrying a bowl for alms. The Third Republic interest in domesticated animals and
the use of them as agents of class will be discussed in the Steinlen chapter. This is an
image that was visible to people who might attend the fund-raiser-people who most
likely were predispositioned to be sympathetic to children and animals. Boutet typically
incorporates humor here by using the dog to carry the bowl and one of the tiny children to
be at the helm of the wagon. He chooses to persuade through a simple one-line message
and through visual wit, rather than the sentimentalized image Geoffroy created to create
awareness of creches (Fig. 4.28). Both recognized that creches were an important
element in making France stronger and healthier; such image served as acts of patriotism.
Boutet used charm and familiarity to which his audience would respond in order to
persuade them to accept larger ideals. He knew both his audience and his subject well
enough to communicate nationalistic ideals, whether he was creating illustrations for
journals, menus, portraits, or toothpaste advertisements. The propagandistic imagery of
Boutet's that most commonly and successfully infiltrated the French home, however, was
that of the children's book.
Lessons in Patriotism: Boutet de Monvel's Political Children's Books
La France en zig-zag marked Boutet de Monvel' s foray into the realm of the
children's book in 1881. While the simple line drawings showed glimmers of the
entertaining, elegant, and economical work that would eventually become hallmarks of
his work, it would have been difficult to predict that the small pen drawings would
279
someday evolve into lavish albums, such as Filles et garfons and Jeanne d'Arc. La
France en zig-zag: Livre de lecture courante a I 'usage de toutes les eco/es shares an
important ideological connection with most of Boutet's illustrated book projects for
children: a purposeful attempt to stir patriotism in his young audience and to carefully
control what kinds of nationalistic feelings he evoked. These goals were to stimulate
both Boutet's success as an illustrator, and would finally launch French children's
illustration as a unique and high quality entity. La France en zig-zag was a book
disseminated in schools; this was an important opportunity for exposure to a wide variety
of French child audiences. This also must have contributed to his acute awareness of the
varying characteristics and needs of his audiences. Enjoying and purchasing his books in
the tens of thousands. Boutet's audiences soon spanned gender, age, socioeconomic
level, and nationality.
The Early Outlines
Between 1881 and 1883 Boutet de Monvel participated in eight collaborations for
books aimed at child readers. s7 Many of these required him to complete small, relatively
simple black-and-white pen drawings. s8 His development of the book, Vieilles chansons
et rondes pour les petits Franfais, however, demands detailed exploration for several
reasons. It was a project that Boutet conceived of and executed on his own. It was the
first text he produced for the publishing house of E. PIon, Nourrit, et Cie. Vieilles
57For a complete bibliography see Trust for Museum Exhibitions 63.

58Boutet de Monvel's spare. well-observed pen drawings filled in with delicately-toned watercolors made him popular
with authors. His technique clarified their ideas and gave their works elegance. He was also sought after by publishers
for his craftsmanship and popularity, guaranteeing commercial success for their projects.
l80
chansons was also one ofBoutet de Monvel's first fully realized propaganda projects. It
reached a huge audience, being released in numerous printings in a variety of languages. 59
This book, its sequel, and Boutet's mid-career projects on manners and French fables will
be analyzed in this section.
In 1910 Boutet reflected on his role in the development of the Vieilles chansons et
rondes pour les petits Franfais:
Th(e) first illustrative work was done for Delagrave; but the same year he
founded St. Nicolas Fran~ais. I made drawings for the first number, then
more and more, until very soon the very publishers who formerly would
give me nothing to do, took up so much of my time with their orders that I
had no leisure for other work. In 1882 I conceived the idea of collecting
children's songs into a book and illustrating them. This book was printed
in colors, and became such a success that the following year we
established a second volume. 6o
Examination of this text leaves no doubt in the reader's mind that the conception and
illustration of this text was an overtly patriotic and political act. Boutet approached the
publisher to produce an album of traditional French children's songs. Perhaps PIon,
Nourrit et Cie. was particularly receptive to this project, as Boutet's mother was a
member of the Nourrit family. At any rate the success of this text was the seed for a long
and profitable relationship with this publisher and marked Boutet's growing ambition,
desire for diversity, and perhaps a move for a bit of independence with Delagrave. The
choice of songs, which include "Frere Jacques," "Le Pont d' Avignon," and "Au Clair de
la Lune" is made more memorable through the iconic border illustrations that Boutet
created for the border of the music and lyrics for each song.
S9 Miniature editions of each of the two songbooks were released as recently as 1990.
181
The vulgar, bold approach Boutet utilized in inflammatory works, such as
L 'Apotheose two years later is nowhere to be seen here. This was the first of Boutet' s
book projects that was truly a keepsake album, taking advantage of the latest color
printing technologies. The book was carefully marketed; it was sold at a higher price
when printed on heavy Japanese paper. This version was clearly being marketed to the
upper class children, those most commonly depicted in the book. In subsequent editions,
however, cheaper versions were printed on lighter paper and sold at a price that made it
more accessible to working-class children. The appearance of the illustrated songs was
strictly one of cultivated elegance. Even if poorer children had access to the book, they
were exposed to Boutet's royalist world view and aspirations to wealth and refinement.
Many of the children depicted in the song borders appear to be contemporary in
Boutet's era, but the illustrator liberally uses costumes from far off times and places to
create visual standards of gentility. The costumes worn by the girls standing on "Le Pont
d'Avignon" (Fig. 5.10) appear to be from the eighteenth century. The artist was acutely
aware of histories of taste and fashion. He searched that past to create harmonious
images that would influence the present, particularly his own generation: 61
n est celui qui a aime les petits enfants de France, et qui a Mis aleur portee
les grandes choses de la patrie. Nous avons danse sur les rondes qu'il
illustra, chante les refrains qu'il entourait de dessins naifs et charmants:
nous ne pouvons plus nous figurer Jeanne d' Arc telle qu'ill'a peinte. n a
ete l'imagier de notre generation. n a Mis dans nos yeux un reflet des
choses qu'il aimait, l'ancien temps, la vieille France, l'esprit, la bonhomie,
la politesse, la culture. 62
61 Leon Pradel, "L'Exposition des aquarellistes;' Revue lilustree 1:7 (March IS 1886): 230. In this article reviewing
the annual exhibition of the Societe des Aquarellistes Fran~s, Pradel also reviews the society's exhibition of the work
ofTissot. Flameng, Besnard. and Adrien Moreau are among the artists subject to criticism. along with Boutet de
Monvel. Boutet's work pictured from the exhibition of 1886 was a design for a fan featuring frolicking children.
62 "Camet artistique Le peintre Maurice Boutet de Monvel," I.e Gaulois (March 17 1913).
282
Boutet's interest in the subtleties of costume history, displayed in "Children's Costumes
in the Nineteenth Century" are echoed in "Le Pont d' Avignon." The dress appears to be
that worn by women in outlying French cities during an earlier era. Boutet displays great
intellectual craftsmanship. He created images that seem to be perfect in their harmonious
color and crisp lines. This desire to control every element of style and iconography
indicates that he approached this project with seriousness and editorial autonomy. Here
Boutet reminds France to remember its traditions, both through song and image. The
very conception of this text guaranteed that children would learn and have a sourcebook
for songs that had been sung by their ancestors. Boutet's silhouetting of images, bold
color choices and straightforward approach to his illustration style has often been
compared to Epinal print. 63 Again, this link is a visual device that reminds French
parents of their link to traditional and uniquely French imagery. It also encourages
parents to share related images with their children and visually educate them in French
tradition.
Another important quality of this book and the composition of each page is order.
As demonstrated in Geoffroy's classroom scenes, organization, repetition, and
elimination of unnecessary details were crucial characteristics of visions for a regenerated
France. Because children needed to be taught and restrained, it was more important for
them to be indoctrinated through highly-structured images. Sacrificing one's
individuality for the cause of regimented regularity was an essential ingredient in
militarism and gender expectations that would result in an increased birth rate. It its own
6l These brightly colored, inexpensive, simplistic folk prints had long been popular with adults and children since the
eighteenth century.
283
small way, Vieilles chansons and this image for "Le Pont d' Avignon" promote the
regeneration of the nation. Even the French fish under the legendary bridge swim at
attention and with pleasing regularity.
Order is posed on contemporary children in Boutet's illustrations for Vieilles
chansons, as well. In the images surrounding the game-song, "La Queue leu leu," (Fig.
S.11) boisterous play is indicated. Children of varying ages run around in a circle singing
the song. Because the children are running, things could get out of control. Boutet is
encouraging them to sing this song and to play this game--he advocates controlled play.
The children hold on to the clothing of the child in front of them to maintain the circle
and a regular rhythm. Even the children on the sides of the border, who seem to be flying
through the air (a more interesting view than the tops of their heads) seem to float with
controlled ease. Everyone's toes are pointed with the control and grace of ballet. Boutet
attracts the eye and a sense of humor by showing only the children's feet at the bottom of
the frame The children are conceived of independently (their ages and costumes vary and
are carefully rendered) and yet, they are members of the group more than than
individuals. None of them interrupts the play of the group or the traditional French game.
Once again, individuality is sacrificed for the good of the whole.
The children's personalities are also submitted to Boutet's decorative control.
There is a visual ordering of the children that reflects the nation's desire to mold and
regulate them. Not only is there a pleasing regularity in their behavior and distance from
one another, but there is a similar satisfying sameness in their appearances. French
childhood literature scholar, Claude-Anne Parmegiani explains that Boutet:
284
...developpe la recension systematique du standard physiognomique:
visage rond du bebe qui, en grandissant, devient ovale; substitution des
yeux par des points ou des simples cercles, confonnite des corps, des
tailles, et des sexes, etc., au point d' aboutir a un ecrasement des caracteres
individuels. Tous les enfants se revelant identiques, ils deviennent
interchangeables. Mais ils gagnent en grace et en aisance ce qu' ils ont
perdu en expressivite.64
Boutet has created a world in which children sacrifice their physical and emotional
individuality to serve the whole better. In real children such attitudes would help boys be
molded more easily into soldiers and girls into mothers.
Militaristic themes are plentiful in Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les petits
en/ants and its 1884 sequel, Chansons de France pour les petits Franfais. Imagery
connected with two Vieilles Chansons, "As tu vu la casquette?" (Fig. 5.12) and "Le petit
chasseur" (Fig. 5.13) demonstrate that boys were an important part of the desired
audience for this book. It is also apparent that these songs attempted to indoctrinate
children of both genders to believe that boys would naturally become soldiers. The
images that seem to visually advocate weaponry and aggressive behavior often show the
boys as full of energy and participating in gunplay with excitement. The games, however,
occasionally seem macabre for children's books, as the little hunter is blown away by a
cannon in "Le Petit Chasseur." The artist's decision to repeatedly include themes
involving military clothing and weaponry indicates how important it was for boys to keep
in mind at all times their future military commitment.
"Fais Dodo, Colas," (Fig. 5.14) is a song and illustration that promote other
elements of regenerative attitudes. In this image a girl, wearing wooden shoes, stands in
the doorway of a simple, rural house. Under a moonlit sky, she rocks and sings a baby to
64 Pannegiani 122.
285
sleep. The lyrics indicate her relationship to the infant: "Fais dodo, Colas, mon p'tit
Frere; Fais dodo, t'auras du 10-10.'.65 The emergence of a big sibling's parental instincts
toward a younger brother or sister have surfaced often in this study. As has been
previously discussed, big brothers and sisters were encouraged to view themselves as
"parents-in-training" to prepare themselves for the roles they were all expected to have.
Another important element of this image is the setting. The importance of the innocent
virtue of the rural child will become more apparent in the discussion of books that
resulted from Boutet de Monvel's collaborations with Anatole France. It is important to
note that Boutet is exploring this theme on his own, well before the debut of Nos en/ants.
From extensive examination of his illustration reuvre it is clear that Boutet believed that
French adults and children had much to learn from their rural compatriots. Country
children are depicted as godly, innocent and steeped in tradition, yet receptive to teaching.
Boutet also saw innate goodness in people who reminded him of those from his native
Orleans. The big sister in "Fais dodo, Colas" is one of these types. She is presented as a
virtuous link between France's past and its future.
Another important type of image, found in Vieilles chansons, treats children who
lack discipline. Children in this text never do anything overtly naughty; the worst
transgressions are by little boys who would rather eat sweets than do their schoolwork.
The subject of"Ah! Vous dirai-je, maman" (Fig. 5.15) is a boy who is not yet old enough
to be wearing knee pants (he appears to be about three years-old). He has drawn a shaky
triangle on a blackboard and stands next to a bag of candy. The visual organization, the
boy's outstretched arms, and the song lyrics indicate that he must make a choice. He
65 Vieilles 38.
186
laments to his mother, "Papa veut que je raisonne comme une grande personne; Moi je
dis que les bon bonsNalent mieux que la raison.',66 The young boy's father wishes that
his son would learn, perhaps concentrating on his math studies as the blackboard
suggests. There is humor in the presentation of the situation, as the viewer recognizes the
tiny child is probably too young to be studying geometry.
A boy who is only slightly older is the subject of "La Bonne A venture." This
child is older, (Fig. 5.16) and yet he has not graduated to wearing knee pants either. He
appears to be approximately five years-old. This child is shown eating jam from the pot.
He is soon punished for his sweet tooth, indicated by his ashamed face and the fact that
he is holding a switch, with which he must have been spanked. 67 At the beginning of the
song, the child sings, "Ie suis un petit poupon de belle figure,lQui aime bien les bombons
et les confitureS.',68 On the following page the child's attitude and behavior change as
verses are added to the song. "Ie serai sage et bien bon,IPour plaire a ma mere/Ie saurai
bien ma le~on,/Pour plaire a mon pere. ,,69 The boy is behaving very differently in the
margin above this verse (Fig. 5.17). He is seated next to a huge globe, books and inkwell
(symbols of diligent study). Although the books are nearly larger than he is, he
concentrates deeply while reading one of them. There are many apparent messages in the
presentation of both of these songs--many are timeless and universal. Boutet
communicates that small boys seem to wish to follow their own desires instead of those
of their parents. No matter how small a boy is, it is important that he be trained to pay
66 Vieilles 39.
67 Switches were the symbol for discipline, particularly of children and students, since they were canonized in Cesare
Ripa's seventeenth-century emblem book,lcono[ogia.
61 Vieilles 40.
69 Vieilles 41.
287
attention to his studies Oeaming from books is not a skill promoted for girls). Most
importantly, reason and responsibility defeat free will and a sweet tooth. Ultimately,
children learn the lesson that a love for candy and lack of concentration on studies may be
cute in a young child, but must be overcome with maturity.
Vieilles chansons was immediately popular with the French public. Pion, Nourrit
et Cie. immediately asked Boutet to create a similar illustrated songbook. Many of the
same lessons are repeated in Chansons de France pour les petits Fram;ais, 1884.
Boutet's frontispiece for the book, however, is one of the most blatant pieces of his
nationalistic, yet not necessarily republican, propaganda. Here a row of boys and girls
(who appear to range in approximate ages from nine to three) march in a row, singing
songs (presumably the songs of France). They are all admirable in the conformity and
wholehearted love for the songs they sing. The clean, spare design emphasizes their
humorous side, as well. Each child had a slightly different gait and the smaller children
don't seem to be as disciplined in their marching or singing as the older children. Each
carries the French tricolor (except for the boy in front who holds a banner that bears the
title of the book. With no words directly relating to narrative, the reader still understands
the patriotic message of this page. The songs of France unite and excite children, and
those who read this book will reward and be rewarded patriotically.
Boutet de Monvel also characterized his era with texts such as the French
songbooks and in others, such as La Civilite, puerile et honnete (1887). "n conservait a
chaque page, dans I'unite de son style, a lui, Ie caractere de son epoque. ,,70 Not only was
Boutet able to characterize patriotic style and behavior, he was also able to appeal to
70 Louis Gillet, "Un peintre de I'enfance: Maurice Boutet de Monvel," Revue Hebdomadaire (May 10 1913): 220.
288
contemporary sensibilities in 1887. This is particularly complex and remarkable when
one considers that his images often deal with timeless themes and lyrics. Boutet
"deplored modernism in almost all its forms,,,71 so he was not aiming to create something
new and surprising. Visually he provided a model for linking the past and the future,
cultivating refinement, learning, and elegance as he was convincing French families to
do. "Ces vieilles ariettes fraiches et surannees, si claires et si limpides, si spirituelles et si
tendres, sont la voix meme de la patrie.,,72 Boutet was a tastemaker for patriotism.
Manners education was a key factor in the variety of taste he wished to promote.
La Civilite, puerile et honnete was the first book illustrated by Boutet de Monvel
after the full assimilation of his popularity stemming from the patriotic songbooks. At
this point the illustrator was beginning to have a greater variety of book projects to
choose from. Certainly this text, full of opportunity for both humor and education,
appealed to him greatly. As a catalog from a Bibliotheque Nationale exhibition on the
history of the book noted, the manners book was already entrenched in literary history. It
was also quite "stuffy.,,73 The tradition of the manners book for the child predated
Rousseau by far. The anonymous La Civilite puerile et honneste pour ['instruction des
en/ants74 was one of the longest-lived French-language etiquette manuals used by parents
to teach their children. This book itself was based on Erasmus' Civilite puerile et
honnete from his De Civilitate morum puerilium of 1530. 7S Since the seventeenth

12 Gillet 219.
1] Trust for Museum Exhibitions 23.
14 Anonymous, La Civilile puerile el honnesle pOUl' I 'instruction dt!s en/ants (Troyes: Nicolas Oudot, 1649).
15 A 1975 exhibition of books at the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris exhibited several books that demonstrated the
history ofBoutet's chosen subject of the manners text. In addition to the 1649 edition, it also exhibited two other
anonymous texts, La Civilile honeletee pour les en/ants (paris: Richard Breton, 1560) and LA Civilile clvilienne et
honnite pOUl' les education ell'instruction de lajeunesse, (Epinal: Pellerin, 1843). See Bibiliotheque Nationale,
Exposition du Livre (paris: Bibliotheque Nationale, 1975): 49.
%89
century, countless books based on these two didactic classics were used to teach children
in France and other European countries. In their version Boutet and the author, Eugene
PIon,76 acknowledged and manipulated the welI-established genre of children's books. 77
The 1887 La Civilite depended heavily on one of the most well-known means of
modifying child behavior and satirizes it: the manners book. This again underscores that
Boutet was not only technically, but ideologically innovative.
"Dans La Civilite puerile et honnete qui aborde un theme fran~ais traditionnel,
Boutet montre avec grace comment se comportent en realite les enfants 'bien eleves",78
To underscore this point the book began with images of children who were not well
brought up, through no fault of their own (Fig. 5.18). Three country children tend geese
and stand in a field, seeming lost.
Quelquefois, en nous promenant dans la campagne, nous rencontrons de

pauvres petits, gardeurs de vaches our gardeurs d'oies, en sabots, ou meme
pieds nus. Us ont les cheveux ebouriffes, les mains noires, Ie nez
affreusement sale. Les uns ne sont deboubouilles que les dimanches, les
autres ne Ie sont jamais. Plaignons-Ies Leurs parents, les uns negligents,
les autres empeches par leur travail, ne savent pas ou ne peuvent pas
s'6ccuper d'eux. 79
Boutet usually portrays rural children as moral exemplars. Here he uses them as
examples of negligence for his middle-class, urban audience to learn from. Children of
other classes who may have been reading the book, however, are not blamed for being
filthy or uncouth. Boutet and PIon, however, are careful to note that these children's poor
76 The author of this text is credited as "Onele Eugene." The artist had an uncle named Eugene Boutet de Monvel and
there has been intennittent speculation that he was the author of this texL The author was not related to Maurice
Boutet de Manvel.
77 Undoubtedly Boutet de Manvel was also drawing from another popular and familiar source for manners education.
Chantal Georgel included Epinal sheets of manners lesson (aimed at the working classes and the illiterate as "Jean Ie
Malpropre") in her Musee d'Orsay exhibition on children's text. The images and content bear uncanny similarity to
Boutet's manners text. Georgel 28.
7. Heller 16.
79 Oncle Eugene, La Civilile puerile et honnile (paris: Plan, Nourrit et Cie., 1887): 7.
%90
hygiene habits stem from lack of parental attention and awareness and that their dilemma
is not their own fault.
The remainder of the book is set in highly decorated rooms in a middle class
homes and parks, with one exception. One scene is set on the city street. Two mannerly
children walk with their mother and the boy tips his hat to Berthe, his cousin, passing in a
carriage. Berthe is one of the children in the book who examplifies poor comportment.
She waves her hand and her tongue outside the carriage. As was obvious in "La Queue
leu leu" (Fig. 5.11) from Vieilles chansons, that children are to restrain their bodies.
Well-behaved children in all ofBoutet's book andjoumal illustrations hold their arms
and legs close to the body to maintain physical control, even when playing. It is always a
sign of trouble or poor manners when children's body parts begin to venture away from
their bodies and outside of contained environments, such as the carriage. Here Boutet
seems to encourage feelings of repulsion for the vulgarity of street life. As demonstrated
in Chapter Two, the cultivation of the middle-class home as an environment of restraint
and refinement was desirable in the early Third Republic. It became desirable for the
human body to be cultivated for gentility in a way similar to the middle class home
interior, whether one was in the home or on the street.
This notion of self-containment symbolizing good things in children is prevalent
throughout Boutet's illustrations for La Civilite. When girls do not follow guides of
conduct, it becomes an event. Nothing they do, however, is as shocking or funny as the
indiscretions of boys. Girls often cater to children and to adults, retrieving footrests for
older visitors and offering tea and sugar to playmates and dolls. Most of the situations
291
that arise depict children acting in an adult or refined-the co"ect--way. An illustration
of the more humorous, transgressive way usually follows. In the section, "La Courtoisie
entre enfants," the first panel (Fig. 5.19) shows a girl arriving in her coat and hat at her
friend's house. 8o The little hostess offers her doll to her guest when she realizes the guest
would like to hold it. Order and symmetry are important qualities of most of the panels
featuring well-brought-up children. The girls' limbs are controlled and quite static. The
two girls' postures are reminiscent of the forms of the two chairs behind them. In fact,
the girls themselves seem to blend into the wallpaper and furniture.
Misbehavior always results when girls do something overtly physical. Two
similar-looking girls behave in quite a different manner on the next page (Fig. 5.20).81
The situation takes quite a different visual character when the girls fight over, rather than
share the doll. Boutet has chosen to portray the most explosive moment in the vignette,
when the doll's legs have snapped apart from her body. The children's limbs, as well as
the legs of the furniture and the bibelots resting on the table are askew. Visual elements
are predominantly diagonal, rather than the restful horizontal and vertical orientation of
the first page. In a manner similar to that of Geoffroy, girls in Boutet de Monvel's work
are usually confined, calm, and subdued. Boutet's books socialized his audience in
associated flailing, open figures with misbehavior. Visual tumult symbolizes dramatic
and upsetting events. When girls are the least bit physical, bad events are in store. Just as
Suzanne was discouraged from climbing on a stool, girls in La Civilite are admonished
for doing "absolutely insupportable,,s2 things, such as crawling under furniture to avoid
10 La Civilite 41.
II La Civi/ite 42.
82 La Civilite 17.
292
being social with kindly guests. When Boutet depicts these things happening, it is both
shocking and funny.
In no other project did Boutet reach such high levels of charm and humor.83 Boys
commit the most entertaining offenses. These usually involve bodily functions. PIon
and Boutet lament children's tendencies to pick their noses and to blow them at
inappropriate times and in strange places. One of the most outrageous scenes features a
little boy, Paul, in a park (Fig. 5.21).84 Paul did not bring a handkerchief and instead uses
the neckerchief which from hanging from a pocket of a man passing by. What Paul did
not realize, according to the text, was that this was the pocket in which the man kept his
tobacco; there was a built in punishment for Paul's "disgusting" action. Once such
actions are discovered (as the text points out for another scene in which children in the
house blow their noses on the curtains) one can make people feel ill. Boutet and PIon
chose scenes that children could relate to and that they could laugh at, and yet the same
scenes could encourage them to behave in more decorous ways.
Boutet's next ambitious project was an illustrated version of La Fontaine's fables,
released in 1888. 85 "The artist did much more than just illustrate the fables. He cut them
up in sequences and placed text and image on the page in such a natural fashion that they
emphasized the droll and fascinating character of the fables.,,86 Indeed, Boutet's
"convention of designing compositions which burst the boundaries of the bordered page
were an innovative device adopted and adapted by others again and again
IJ The book was wildly successful and plans were immediately made for international editions. The American Good
Children and Bad appeared in 1890.
84 La Civilile 12.
IS La Fontaine, Fables choisies pour les en/ants (paris: E. PIon, Nourrit et Cie., 1888).
293
subsequently. ,,87 Once again he produced an album that was popular for its style,
craftsmanship, and humor. Fables choisies pour les en/ants was a project carefully
chosen by Boutet to re-introduce historical French literature to new generations. Just as
he recorded and popularized the folk tunes of his nation, he also made available the folk
tales of France. Boutet's intelligent and aware assessment of his audience surely was
another factor that led him to choose traditional tales. Because they had heard the same
stories as children, new, colorful editions of tales such as La Fontaine's could capitalize
on the nostalgia of parents, further persuading them to purchase the books. "Son gentil
esprit est au fond de mes souvenirs d'enfance; et dejaje Ie vois charmer mes enfants a
leur tour.,,88 Another marketing tool was the production of more costly editions of his
books, printed on heavy paper and bound more elegantly. Exclusivity appealed to
wealthy parents, and these books were desirable status symbols. Attitudes were changing
toward child rearing, and parents were beginning to think of their children as precious
possessions who deserved to be surrounded by the best environments and possess the
finest things, such as Boutet's albums.
This is also one of Boutet de Monvel' s many albums that is important for its
subtle and well-crafted color printing techniques. La Fontaine's fables had been printed
and illustrated by the French since 1668. In the nineteenth century there were many
versions, such as those illustrated by Gustave Dore in 1868 and an edition published by
Hetzel in 1870. 89 A raucously-colored Epinal version was printed in 1862.90 After
.7 Trust for Museum Exhibitions 5.

II "Camet artistique: Le peintre Maurice Boutet de Monvel," Le Gaulois (March 17 1913).
19 Bihliotheque Nationale, De Balzac aJules Verne, un grand iditeur du XIXe siecle (paris: P. 1. Hetzel, 1966). See
also Bihiliotheque Nationale, Jean de La Fontaine: Cahiers d'une exposition (paris: Bihliotheque Nationale de France,
1995).
294
improvement in color lithography technology in the early 1880s (developed by the printer
Gillot), Boutet was able to create a version of La Fontaine that was subtle, elegant, and
fresh in tonalities. There was an immediately recognizable French sensibility in the color
itself that added yet another level of nationalistic meaning to the historic fables. Fables
such as "La Laitiere et Ie pot au lait" (Fig. 5.22) demonstrate how the work is instantly
recognizable as being both French and by Boutet all at once. Boutet changed the look and
appeal of children's literature in France. His conception and production of albums for
children made them more than just books. The quality of production, importance of
message and aesthetic beauty of each made their publication an event.
Collaborations with Anatole France
At the end of the Second Empire, French parents began demanding toys and
literature geared toward specific stages of child development to achieve desired effects. 91
Publishers such as Hetzel and Delagrave, followed by a host of others, began to recognize
90 French and English illustrators had linIe control over the subtle artistic effects of the color processes in book printing
not long before Boutet became an illustrator. Before the 1880s color printing had been achieved primarily through
color wood engravings. The illustrator rarely consulted with the craftsmen who engraved and printed their work.
Developments in technology and progress in illustrators' artistic autonomy in the 18805 and 18905 allowed French
illustrators to have unprecedented control and input into the production of their work. This allowed French children's
book imagery to make huge strides in quality and surpass the work produced in other countries, behind which France
had once lagged. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century the lithographer was able to prepare zinc metal plates with
photographic processes. This permitted a printer's proof to be made, allowing artists to determine the exact color tones
that would be achieved. For a discussion on the development, proliferation, and impact of color printing in the late
nineteenth-century, see Phillip Dennis Cate and Sinclair Hamilton Hitchings, The Color Revolution: Color
Lithography in France (Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith, 1978). Some ofBoutet's albums were published in cheaper
versions in black and white. See also Heller 17. Heller also hails the quality of color and form of reproduction (in use
in Boutet's time) that came from the French's pioneering use of metal relief plates in color lithography. Stones were
still being used for lithographic reproduction in much of the rest of the world at that time.
91 Richard Howard, "Childhood Amnesia," Yale French Studies: The Child's Part 43 (1969): 165-69. Howard argues
that there is still no literature intended purely for children in France and that there never has been. This lack of true
understanding of childhood is endemic, directly traceable to the very word en/once. as French children are "infants",
then boys (garfons), girls (jilles), and students (itudiants), with no word for "children." Howard also claims that this
terminology is reflective of the way the French have always perceived and treated their children.
195
and cater to parents' desires. By the tum-of-the-century, however, authors and artists
became more aware of the child-parent audience and more skilled at manipulating it.
Many instances of Boutet de Monvel taking advantage of a market hungry for ideas and
images have already been examined. Some of his most mature pieces of propaganda,
however, resulted from his collaborations with an author who shared Boutet's concern for
the nation's future. Popular novelist Anatole France was equally aware of the power of
the illustrated press.92
The two seemed to meet by chance. France had been looking for someone to
paint portraits of his children,93 and he and Boutet soon became friends. Boutet produced
portraits of the children and several of Anatole France, himself. An early sketch of
France's daughter is dated 1885, approximating the date they met. In 1887 their
masterpiece of propaganda for children appeared, Nos en/ants: Scenes de fa ville et des
champs.94 "Boutet de Monvel a eu la bonne fortune d'illustrer les phrases, non plus d'un
inoffensif redacteur au Saint-Nicolas, mais du maitre Anatole France; et il y en a de fort
jolies; jugez-en; des enfants passent en chantant. ,,95 There is no question that Boutet de
Monvel was visually stimulated by Anatole France's text. After working independently
or on pleasant but superficial short stories written by others, the nationalistic themes in
92 Boutet was becoming sufficiently famous to attract collaborations with popular novelists such as France and
Ferdinand Fabre, author of Xaviere, a popular romantic story for which Boutet provided the illustrations.
93 Jean Derens, "Anatole France et I'Art,.. Anatole France: Humanisme et AClUalite (paris: Bilbliotheque historique de
la ville de Paris, 1994): 99-IOS. Anatole France was interested in all of the arts and published articles on art historical
topics, such as Pierre-Paul Prud 'hon, for Archives de ["Art Fr~ais and L 'Illustration.
94 Anatole France, Nos en/ants: &enes de la ville et des champs (paris: Hachette et Cie., 1887). By 1890 the book was
one of the popular children's books ever printed. Several editions were published, including a set in 1900 that split the
book in two volumes, Nos en/ants and Filles et garfons. These texts were quickly translated into other languages and
sold allover the world, promoting Frenchness internationally. For example. the version printed in the United States
was released in 1930 and the version for Sweden in 1925. Trust for Museum Exhibitions 9.
95 Kahn 42-44.
296
France's text perfectly paralleled the ideologies expressed in Boutet's previous illustrated
work.
The cover of Nos en/ants (Fig. 5.23) says a great deal about the content of the
book and about Boutet's and France's shared ideologies. Author and illustrator obviously
wished to unite urban and rural France through the children. Presumably, many of the
children who would have read this book were dressed in fine, delicate clothing like the
girl on the right. It would be natural to depict such a child on the cover. But why has the
artist included children wearing unwieldy robes and shoes?
Boutet de Monvel usually spent part of each summer in Touraine, the

region of France where he was born. A early as the mid-1880s he began
making portrait studies of the children of the region, capturing their
moods, their activities and their frequently stolid but always beguiling
postures. Many of these studies served as models for his illustrations, and
Nos en/ants is possibly the first book in which these studies were used. 96
As previously demonstrated, Boutet had continuously chosen to use rural children as a
subject. He seems to equate the peasant with an unspoiled, innocent virtuousness,
indicating they had always possessed these qualities. Their heroism comes from their
staunch lack of individuality, as well as from their lack of desire to change and forget
tradition. Anatole France's text is completely supportive of these ideas and in the text of
one story about the brother and sister on the cover singing, he explains the importance of
song in their provincial lives. "They sing an old song sung by their grandmothers when
they were little girls, that one day the children of their children will sing. There are the
immortal songs. They fly from lip to lip throughout the ages." They play, walk, and sing
297
in the timeless, changeless streets.97 These activities are presented as pious and virtuous.
Rural children in his books are obedient, polite, and satisfied with what they have. They
are offered as examples of heroes.
A well-dressed middle-class girl and a small boy wearing a rural, working-class
hat and robe clings to the country girl. The middle-class girl clutches her arm, seemingly
in a gesture of unity. The figures and the title, Our Children, represent a desire for
national unity. Anatole France and Boutet de Monvel may have tried to achieve this by
indoctrinating people at an early age through children's books. The image is not all about
unity, however. There is a chasm--the way the children are dressed creates a natural,
irreconcilable difference between them. The middle-class girl's finely crafted, highly
fashionable hat and dress, as well as her pretty black curls contrast sharply with the other
girl's plain, traditional costume and hair, pulled back under a simple scarf. When
considered with the rest of the messages in Nos en/ants, lessons are clearly being offered
here for those reading the book to learn. The disparate figures together teach the
importance of brotherhood to create national strength. There is also indication that the
middle class should be sympathetic to peasants, as well as appreciative of their good
qualities.
The urban push-pull that seems to interest Boutet and France so much in their
environment had been tied to issues of childhood for decades.
Throughout the nineteenth century, the cult of the child became part of the
Victorian ideal. Artists and authors depicted the child as the perfect
97Parisians felt great nostalgia over streets. Evolving from medieval times, thoroughfares had resembled rabbit
warrens in plan. Haussmannization (urban renewal under Napoleon III) beginning in the 18S0s (when Boutet was
born). It ended about the time Boutet de Monvel began his artistic career there was a great deal of insecurity about
change and a feeling that the wide, clean look of the streets was antiseptic and without character. Boutet de Monvel
could be reminiscing here both about the timelessness of his native, rural environment and the old-fashioned character
of France that so many remembered.
298
symbol of human innocence threatened by the Industrial Revolution. As
an escape from the dark squalor of Victorian cities, they looked to the past
to recreate a never-never land of 111,ell simplicity. Children were elevated
as the first and last free human beings, and it was not long before artists,
writers, and their publishers began looking to children in search oftruth.98
The author and the illustrator of Nos en/ants seem to be doing exactly this. In retrospect
it is clear to see that Boutet visually communicated the truth and freedom to be found in
children's spirits. However, he and Anatole France went a step further. They also
recognized that children were a resource to be channeled. Most importantly, this
collaborative team persuaded their carefully-targeted audience through word and image.
Themes of charity and self-sacrifice are prominent in Nos en/ants and in all of
Boutet's late work. If animals are in the company of an adults or child in Boutet's
imagery, they often enlist the audience's sympathy and indicate that the character they
accompany is kind, virtuous, and charitable (8t. Francis, for instance).99 The prominence
of birds on the cover, surrounding the children, is typical in many of Boutet de Monvel' s
illustrations. It is possible that birds are simply present as design elements-their
attractive shapes and colors lend variety to the composition. A search for another
meaning might be fruitful, however, when considering how often animals, particularly
domesticated ones, appear in the artist's book oeuvre. Familiar bird symbolism adds
further levels of meaning-political, religious, and social-to the image. The doves are
traditional and well-known symbols of peace and serve to unite all the children. The girl
from the wealthy family is accompanied by delicate, elegant hummingbirds. The rural
91Lundin 29.
99Religious messages are played down in the text. Anatole France made it clear he was strongly opposed to
Catholicism. See Michael Marlais, Conservative Echoes in tin-de-siecle Parisian Art Criticsm (University Park, PA:
Penn State University Press, 1992) 210.
299
children are accompanied by sparrows, "avian symbol(s) for the lowly, who were
nurtured and protected by God the father."IOO A careful reading of the cover of this text
reveals that the title, the children, and the birds introduced readers to the theme. The idea
that runs through the numerous short stories inside is a utopian, nationalistic unity that
spanned class and geography.
While children were expected to love others as fellow French, they were
encourage to remain separated by gender, as communicated through stories and
illustrations inside the covers of Nos en/ants. The gendering that has been present in
previous images in this study is even stronger here. Blatant statements that encourage
conformity to a carefully defined ideal of normalism is rampant throughout. Passivity is
continuously modeled and encouraged for girls. In the chapter, " La Convalescence"
(Fig. 5.24), the text presents a little girl named Germaine who is recovering from an
illness that does not appear to have been terribly severe. Anatole France states that
convalescing is perhaps better than the health that precedes it, and it is to be enjoyed. It is
a time to dream about what could be. The dreams of convalescence, according to France,
are wonderful, because they are even better than any reality that could follow. 101 Boys
never appear sick or hurt in Boutet's work, and yet here is a chapter devoted to the glory
and possibilities in a girl's state of weakness. 102 The first two illustrations in this chapter
give the reader information about reactions to this situation, delineated by gender.
Germaine is under her tight covers in a canopied bed, and her doll is sick in a little
100 Diane Apostolos-Cappadora, Dictionary ofChristian Art (New York: Continuum. 1995): 309. The sparrow, as will
be evident later, was the attribute of another Boutet de Monvel subject, SL Francis of Assisi.
101 Nos en/ants 1-2.
102 In Geoffroy's images of sick children, a boy is almost always the subjecL The purpose of showing the convalescent,
however, seems to differ greatly when the child is of another gender. In these cases the child is either fading and heroic
(Un Jour de visite a I 'hOpital) or humorous (the cowering receiver of castor oil in L 'Huile Ricin).
300
matching bed beside her. The girl looks at her doll with languishing eyes and has dreams
that are the color of her pale, blue room. 103 Germaine's sister, Lucie, is a motherly type;
she brings Germaine soup, serves as a surrogate teacher for the lessons Germaine is
missing, and Lucie also nurtures the sick doll. There is an unnamed boy in these
illustrations; he is presumably Germaine's brother or friend. The boy's role and
appearance differ from those of the girls. He reads to Germaine and plays doctor in these
two images. Lucie watches patiently as the "doctor" attends to the doll (Fig. 5.25). In
this very representative example of Boutet de Monvel' s work, the boy is an active
problem solver a girl is a passive caretaker. The children emulate roles of adults in the
same gender. Lucie behaves very much like a mother and the unnamed boy plays doctor.
The boy seems to be eager to become an adult, wearing an adult's top hat and umbrella
that are much too big for him. Germaine, however, seems to wish she could remain in
bed and be taken care of for the rest of her life.
In an education scene from the book, further gender stereotypes are present.
Boutet depicts the girl's primary school classroom is a girls' school in Nos en/ants. The
author praises the teacher, Mademoiselle Genseigne, for having the best of schools for
girls. Anatole France was a strong supporter of public education, particularly as an
alternative to Catholic schools. 104 The artist makes a visual metaphor, linking her
instruction to the action of filling up empty little bottles (Fig.5.26). The image of the
bottles capped by tiny heads is humorous, but seeing children (especially girls) as empty
103Nos en/ants 2.
104 Marlais 210. "AF spoke to the primary reason for such legislation when he condemned the Jesuits for specializing
in educating the sons of the bourgeoisie...Control of education was the focal point not only for Anatole France's attack
against the church but for the Third Republic as well."
301
vessels waiting for ideas is the important visual message. In another image from the
same story, Boutet provides a view of the classroom from the back (Fig. 5.21). Many
schools were still gender-segregated by this time; this illustration gives us a sense of what
the ideal atmosphere of a classroom in a rural girls' school was. (We know the classroom
is rural because the students wear wooden shoes, as did Geoffroy's Brittany schoolgirls,
and most rural schoolchildren in Third Republic imagery.)IOS The teacher sits on a
platform above the students, prim and contained. The girls sit in neat rows and display
little or no individuality. According to the text, they are bright and apply themselves.
They sit still pay attention to the teacher. This is in contrast to Geoffroy's mischievous
schoolboys and Boutet's own little male students in Vieilles chansons, who daydream of
eatingjam instead of paying attention to their studies. Girls' education in the communes
seems to be a serious subject, while boys' education seems to provide a greater
opportunity for imagemakers to convey jocular moods and messages.
Girls were presented as motionless, passive beings in Boutet's illustrations for
journals and albums, such as Vieilles chansons. These qualities are emphasized to an
even greater degree in Nos en/ants. "Suzanne" (Fig. 5.28) is a typical example. She
stands in a field holding wild flowers, a typically feminine activity in Boutet's work. She
is protected by trees and a bonnet, sheltered in many ways. In addition she has no feet-
she stares, motionless and is like another flower growing in the field. 106 A similar image
features a slightly younger girl who is just as inert. "La jeune penitente, immobile sous
son dais eclatant, regarde autour d'elle et voit Ie ciel et la terre. C'est grand Ie ciel et la
lOS For an exhaustive discussion on the differences between boys' and girls' schooling and educational materials. see
Clark.
106 The cover theme is repeated here as a hummingbird and a dove fly together through the background.
302
terre et cela peut amuser quelque temps une petite fiUe. Mais sa tleur d'hortensia
l'occupe plus que tout Ie reste.,,107 This little girl seems so still and vacant, that she
resembles a doll propped up under a parasol, rather than a child. There can be no
question that many images of girls in Nos en/ants encourage girls to appreciate beauty
and to be still, which corresponded with good behavior. On the other hand an ideal of
female children as passive (and sacrificing of their own personalities) is successfully
communicated.
Images of boys focus upon assertion, action, and thought. No matter how small
the male subject is, he is being prepared for soldierhood in some way, while girls'
submission seems suitable for their presumed future roles as mothers. Not surprisingly,
militaristic themes appear often in this highly gendered text, but sometimes with a genteel
twist. In nearly all of Boutet's books, males are depicted caring for either younger
siblings or for animals. As explored in Chapter Two, early Third Republic medical
literature was advising fathers to be as attentive and tender with their children as their
wives were. Roger, the subject for one Nos en/ants story,108 carefully grooms and feeds
his toy horses--the steeds in his imaginary cavalry (Fig. 5.29). He is disciplined,
responsible, and caring. He has many of the necessary qualities of a father and a soldier.
While Roger gently tends to his horses, he has not shied from battles in his imagination.
"En ce moment, Roger panse son bel Alezan qui serait la perle des chevaux de bois, la
fleur des haras de la foret noire, s'il n'avait perdu la moitie de sa queue ala bataille."l09
107Nos en/ants opposite S.

101It is likely that Roger is Boutet's own son, who grew up to collaborate with his father on articles, such as those
apearing in Century, previously cited.
I Nos En/ants opposite page 16.
303
Roger lines the horses up in military formation and himself wears an army uniform.
Dreams of life in the army and accompanying responsibilities are being promoted by
Boutet and France.
Girls are included in some of the images in which boys play soldier, but there are
important signs that this is considered inappropriate activity for their gender. In an image
from the chapter, "The Revue" Oater included in Filles el garfons, Fig. 5.30), there is a
small boy on the left (Etienne) who is identified as the general. From his chair in the
nursery, he commands several boys and on the right, a girl. The text from this chapter
discusses how important his general's job is to the little boy, even if it can be lonely at
times. "Rene, Bernard, Roger, Jacques et Etienne estiment qu'il n'y a rien de plus beau
au monde que d'etre militaire. Catherine pense comme eux, et elle voudrait etre un
gar~on pour devenir un soldat." The girl, with a distressed look on her face, is portrayed
as a misfit in military games. She will never really be a part of this group and is
becoming aware of her place in the social and militaristic hierarchy. At this time she is
learning her place and what behavior is appropriate for her, as a girl. This intensity and
character of indoctrination into normalized gender roles is done in an entertaining and
more persuasive manner through Boutet's charming and attractive color illustrations.
These boys, dressed in derivations of military uniforms, are already practicing to
undergo inspection. They seem to have achieved discipline with age, communicated by
their postures and the way they hold their weapons as they grow taller. This implies that
the boys' play is slowly preparing them to be more desirable soldiers. The youngest,
"most ambitious" boy, Etienne, wears a paper hat and calls out orders as the little troop's
304
general. In another illustration from this chapter, we can see the appeal of other trappings
of the military for boys. Etienne is shown alone with his saber and gun. The text tells us
he is beginning a life filled with long waits as the ''troops'' went to another room for a
snack. He waits alone, already practicing the heroic self-sacrifice he will need to succeed.
Protective and parental relationships among siblings are another important feature
in Nos enfants imagery. The sibling relationships that seem to focus the most on an older
brother or sister taking care of a younger one are set in the country. Gender stereotypes
seem even stronger in Boutet's rural settings. If the girl is the younger sibling, she not
surprisingly takes a passive role. A brother and sister featured in one chapter, "Jean and
Jeanne," (Fig. 5.31) fish cooperatively. The text states that Jean has furnished the stick
and Jeanne has provided the thread and pin. She leaves her brother to do the fishing itself
while she waits under a tree. Jean fishes with their "communal" line. I10 The older, male
figure here is standing and serves as the provider. The girl sits on the ground waiting
quietly, resembling the flower-like girls found elsewhere in the book. Of course, gender
hierarchies, such as this, were not limited to age, location, or class within France during
this era.
There are several images in Nos enfants in which the child audience is provided
with images of girls mothering younger brothers. In "Les Petits loups de mer"III (Fig.
5.32), boys climb on a fence by the sea A virtuous little girl is among their playmates;
naturally, she sits on the ground and does not climb. She seems content to cuddle the
110 Anatole France, Filles et gar~ons (paris: Hachette et Cie., 1900): opposite 16. See also Dominique Autie, "Livres
pour enfants: Maurice Boutet de Monvel et les petits enfants de la lITe Republique," Impact Midecin 13 (December
1977): 36. Autie included an article about Boutet's work in a series dedicated to the golden age of French children's
book illustration.
111 Nos enfanls 12.
305
smaller girl, who seems to need affection or rest. (The gender of the smaller girl is
indicated by her head covering and shawl, similar to those worn by the larger girl). The
text points out that tradition plays a big role in these children's lives. It governs the
simple, intense love their parents have for them, as well as the way they dress, and the
way they play. It seems that the young, predominantly urban readers of Nos en/ants are
being encouraged to appreciate the simplicity of the lives of rural children. It also seems
that Anatole France's text stresses the necessity in believing that parental love is
universal.
"In stories by Anatole France, with his studied simplicity, de Monvel found some
of his best inspiration, and his masterly little creations stand not merely as a graphic
comment on the text, but also as a revelation of a subject which the writer has treated
only in a fragmentary and superficial manner." I 12 It seems that Anatole France and
Boutet de Monvel cross-fertilized each other's work in this project. I 13 Certainly both
shared goals to promote their country as strong and unified, benefiting from both
modernity and tradition. Notions of what boys and girls should be are highly regulated
through the words and images in Nos en/ants. Nonetheless, children are encouraged to
dream patriotic dreams and to be the best they can be to serve to their country. This
author and this illustrator had both achieved considerable professional artistic stature by
1887. Yet, the vision and skills of each as propagandists are clear. This is evidenced by
the fact that they have taken the possibilities of the vehicle of the children's book so
112Hapgood 24.
113Boutet de Monvel's literary and artistic circle offriends was expanded and strengthened by such successes; authors
such as Anatole France and Guy de Maupassanl Boutet was one of eleven illustrators for Guy de Maupassant, Claire
de lune (Paris: Ed. Monnier, 1884).
306
seriously. Not only did France and Boutet utilize the children's album as a medium of
influence, but their level of participation raised the standards of this persuasive art form.
Joan of Arc: Regeneration Ideology's Visual Paradigm
"Et tout droit, il alIa Ii Jeanne d'Arc. Ce choix n'etonna aucun de ceux qui
connaissait Boutet de Monvel. n avait toujours eu Ie culte de la patrie et Ie gout des

choses militaires.,,114 In a time when French patriots fervently believed that a revitalized
military and an increased birthrate would save their country, Jeanne d'Arc could serve as
everyone's hero. Boutet de Monvel recognized this and created an album that was
politically and artistically his most fully-realized. Often called Boutet's masterpiece,
Jeanne d 'Arc was a subject the artist chose to write and illustrate himself. The book was
translated and published in other countries, being published with Boutet's drawings
surrounded by text in languages such as English and German. Released in French in
1896, Jeanne d 'Arc was extremely popular, and was reprinted many times.
Joan was the perfect subject for a finely crafted piece of regeneration propaganda
on an epic scale.
Boutet de Monvel' s Chansons de France with (its) delicious and witty

illustrations may have changed the whole appearance of children's books,
but with Joan ofArc his aim was more serious. This is the sustained
expression of a single idea and it makes a new world for us to enter. liS
Self- sacrifice was the most important underlying message. The fifteenth-century saint
also was a paragon for Boutet's vision of a France full of old-fashioned glory and piety.
114 Anonymous. "Lectures pour tous." Boutet exhibited some of his later panels at the 1910 salon.
liS Ruth Harri~. "Images of fa patrie" Times Literary Suppfement40S I (November 21 1980): 1328.
307
An androgynous figure, both boys and girls could relate to Joan's story. Her life as a
soldier was appealing to boys and corresponded with the militaristic themes they were
constantly encouraged to read. Elements that are emphasized in Boutet's version are her
bravery and moments when she is the leader of colorful pageantry. I 16 Her death is
minimized for the child audience. The scenes Boutet chose to illustrate Joan's life were
based on physical actions rather than her spiritual life. These were appropriate for the
child audience, who wished to see colorful and complex activity in their picture books.
The scenes from Joan's life that emphasized her work as a military hero or her charitable
work with people in French villages also allowed the book to become an emblem for self-
sacrifice.
Boutet de MODvel's Conception as a Cultural Construct
The Joan of Arc legend enjoyed unprecedented popularity in the arts of the
nineteenth-century. It is not the purpose of this study to examine this phenomenon at
length or with breadth, indeed recent studies have successfully examined the
exponentially expanding popularity of Joan that took place in after the Franco-Prussian
War. This has already been done in depth in works, such as Nora Heimann's 1994
dissertation analysis of Jeanne d' Arc. 117 In order to give context to Boutet's work, it is
necessary here to only briefly examine Joan of Arc as a source for proliferating literature,
plays, films, and art at the turn-of-the-century.
116 Joan's death is not ignored. but seems to be minimized for its child audience. This is in great contrast to the violent,
glorious depictions of Joan being burned at the stake that appeared in plays and operas in the 189Os.
117 Nora Mary Heimann, .What Honor for the Feminine Sex ': A Cultural Study ofJoan ofArc and the Presentation of
Gender. ReligiOn. and Naturalism (ph.D. Dissenation, City University of New York, 1994).
308
There are many possible reasons for the popularity of Jeanne in the Third
Republic and in Soutet's work. She fought and died for her country against foreign
forces, followed her own deeply-ingrained principles, and did all of this with a lack of
education or noble birth. In an era that celebrated both female innocence and male
aggression, the legend of Joan of Arc was, culturally, extremely useful.
As Heimann demonstrates, Jeanne d'Arc had never disappeared from visual
culture after her death in 1434. The waves of her popularity, however, grew stronger than
ever before in the nineteenth century and continued until the twentieth-century interwar
period. Her legend and personality seemed to coincide in some way with every
nineteenth-century artistic movement, guaranteeing the prevalence of Joan as a source of
themes and images. The Romantics were attracted to use elements of her story, as they
sought for sources of childhood innocence as well as bravery. Painters such as
Delaroche, Deveria, and even the neoclassicist Ingres created images that popularized
Joan before the advent of the Third Republic. Heimann emphasizes that the Romantics
developed a construct of Joan that was based on soft, voluptuous sexuality. Despite the
fact that she denounced wearing women's clothes and cut her hair short to resemble that
of a male, Romantic artists often depicted Joan wearing long hair and dresses. After the
Franco-Prussian War and the Commune, art forms utilizing the theme of the "Maid from
Orleans" were everywhere. With the rapid increase in literature of this era that was
dedicated to telling the story of the patroness saint of France, many artists reverted to the
young, androgynous Joan.
309
Painting and graphic arts of the Third Republic reveal how Third Republic
political and social concerns stimulated a rich, diverse artistic Joan culture. Painters
influenced by Naturalism were interested in accurately recording peasant life and the
nature that surrounded them. Therefore, in works such as Jules Bastien-lepage's Jeanne
d'Arc (c. 1879, now located at the Metropolitan Museum) and Virginie Demont-Breton's
Jeanne Q Domremy (1893), Joan is depicted in her youth, just as she begins to hear the
voices of angels. Here, the young innocent Joan is dressed as a girl in Lorraine and is
surrounded by native foliage and trappings of peasant life. At the same time artists
informed by the more supernatural and dramatic aspects of Symbolism and Art Nouveau
created very different pictures of Joan. Jules Cheret, Georges de Feure, and Eugene
Grasset seemed to be interested in the dangerous elements of Joan's character and her
story. As Annemarie Springer pointed out in her study of images of women in Belle
Epoque posters, I IS Joan became aftmmefatale in the hands of these artists. She was
adopted by both academic and avant-garde 119 circles. Part of the reason for the huge
popularity of Joan of Arc at the tum-of-the-century was that she could serve as a political,
religious, or radical heroine-she could be something to everyone.
Joan was everywhere by the time Boutet's book debuted in 1896. The national
holiday dedicated to Joan became bigger than ever in the late 1890s, and continued to
grow until the national obsession with Jeanne d'Arc seemingly reached a peak by 1912. 120
118 Annemarie Springer Women in French fin-de-siecle Posters (ph.D. Dissertation): 342-45. Springer also attributes
Joan's fifteenth-century story to be especially appealing to art nouveau artists who were constantly looking to Gothic
art for inspiration.
119 Fran~ois de Mahy "A propos de la Fete de Jeanne d'Arc," La Nouvelle Revue 10 (1901): 497-98 and Jules Bois,
"Les 'Voix' de Jeanne d'Arc," La Nouvelle Revue 3 (May-June 1909): 351-66.
120 H. Le Bachelier, "Chronique EcoIiCre," L 'Colier IIlustre I (August 1890): 550. The year after Boutet began
working on the album for another publisher, Delagrave charged another illustrator with creating a color illustration for
Meryem Cecyl's article, "Nos Gloires Nationales: Jeanne d'Arc Ii Orleans," L 'Colier [Ilustre 6 (December 19 1895):
801-3.
310
Public commissions for stained glass 121 and monumental sculpture fed the public's desire
for images of Joan's life story. After the sculpture by Fremiet of Joan of Arc on
horseback (1874) was erected in front of the Place des Pyramides in Paris, it seemed that
neither Paris, nor any other city could commission Joan sculpture fast enough. III Fremiet
was also asked to create a figure for Joan's tomb, completed in 1876. 123
Much of the visibility of this theme stemmed from the rapid and prominent
growth of Jeanne d'Arc as a theme in literature from the beginning of the Third Republic.
In the 1870s Joan of Arc was a popular figure on the stage. Jeanne d 'Arc, a grand opera
by M. A. Mermet, debuted in 1876. Gounod seemed particularly taken with the theme, he
created the music for Jules Barbier's play of the same name. (He also wrote a mass to be
said in churches on the national holiday honoring the saint). Sarah Bernhardt starred in
the Barbier-Gounod play in 1890 and Jeanne d'Arc became firmly ensconced in her
repertoire. The popularity of both Joan and Bernhardt was heightened extensively through
images and reviews of the play in the popular journals, as well as by the Grasset poster
commemorating Bernhardt's characterization. "Sarah Bernhardt trouva pourtant dans ce
role Ie moyen d'obtenir un eclatant triomphe: la douceur, la piete, la fierte guerriere, Ie
pathetique et la simplicite ... ,,124 A legende mimee appeared at the Hippodrome in 1890.
III Le Momie l/lustre. In 1893 Albert Maignan won an Ecole des Beaux-Arts contest for the design of a stained glass
program based on the life of Joan of Arc. The radicaljol!rJ1a1, La Plume, printed reproductions ofGrasset's 1893
project for stained glass windows based on similar themes. Louis Schneider, "Sarah Bernhardt et Ie costume
historique," La Femme d'Aujourd'hui (February-September 1904): 200.
122 The city of Nancy was one of many towns commissioning public sculpture of Joan. See "La statue de Jeanne d'Arc
aNancy," Le Momie lllustre (June 28 1890): 415.
123 "Jeanne d'Arc," Le Momie Illustre 38 (March 18 1876): 181.
124 The Jeanne d'Arc festivities seem to intensifY as World War I drew closer. Increasingly lavish pageants were
promoted in periodical pictorials in 1912; those in Orleans were part ofa tradition that began in 1429. See F. Le
Beschu, "Les F~tes de Jeanne d'Arc," Le Montie lllustre 92 (May 16 1903): 478; Noel Nozeroy, "Les F~tes de Jeanne
d'Arc a Orleans," Le Montie lllustre 100 (May II 1907): 314-15; and"Les F~tes de Jeanne d'Arc," Le Momie II/ustre
110 (May 18 1912): 324-25. An article from an 1890 edition of L 'Eeolier O/ustre explained to its child readers the
significance of a school holiday commemorating the saint The journal also noted a resurgence in the saint's
popUlarity. "C'est ce culte populaire qui renait aujourd'hui sous une forme nouvelle. Lajeunesse fran~se, qui
311
The music was by Charles Widor, who was credited as musical arranger in Boutet de
Monvel's Chansons de France. l2S Perhaps Boutet's acquaintance with Widor was an
influential element on Boutet's choice of subject. His consciousness of the subject must
also have been raised by the release of Joseph Fabre's Jeanne d'Arc, liberatrice de la
France in 1891. Delagrave, Boutet's longest-standing collaborator in the world of books
and journals, published this text. Delagrave and Boutet de Monvel had begun work on
L 'Ecolier Olustre only the year before. Certainly the appearance of Joan in word and
image surrounded Boutet as he began to work on this project in 1894.
The continuous stream of books that appeared, some by very famous authors, kept
Joan in Third Republican consciousness. Monseigneur Dupanloup, the influential
Catholic educator, had published Jeanne d 'Arc in 1869. 126 Editions that emphasized a
more secular interpretation of the story followed after the birth of the Republic. H.
Wallon, the Secretaire Perpetuel de I' Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres
published a version of Joan's life in 1876, and Jules Michelet's extremely popular version
appeared in 1879. 127 The latter became a recommended text for after-school reading in
patriotic studies. 128 In the same year that Boutet's album appeared, 1896, a wildly
popular, humorous take on Joan's story appeared. Mark Twain's Personal Recollections
ofJoan ofArc was popular in France and in the United States, where Joan of Arc was
also becoming a common and important subject in art and literature. In 1909 Anatole
connait ses devoirs patriotiques, ne manquera pas de s'y associer de tout ca:ur." L 'Colier l/lustre 73 (October 14
1893): 245.
125 For a review of the Hippodrome production, see A Boisard. "Chronique Musicale," Le Monde [/lustre 67 (July 5
1890): II.
126 Monsigneur Dupanloup, Jeanne d'Arc (London: Bums and Oates., 1869).
127 For a brief attempt to historicize representations of Joan in art in Boutel's own time, see H. Galli, "Causerie," L 'Art
Frallfais 7 (August 12 1893): l.
121 E. Toutey, "Instruction morale et civique: I.e patriotisme," Apres I 'Ecole (May 5 1896): 439.
312
France's version of The Life ofJoan ofArc was published Countless examples of poetry,
novels, biographies, plays, and journal articles appeared between 1894 and 1929. 129
Tourists also began to make trips around a developing pilgrimage route of sites where key
events in Joan's life took place, such as the tower in Rouen where she was imprisoned. 130
The debut of literature that analyzes the popularity of Joan is also significant in
the understanding of Boutet de Monvel's book. Jean Ayroles' Jeanne d'Arc sur les autels
et la regeneration de la France l31 recognized Joan as a regenerative tool in 1885, nine
years before Boutet began his preliminary work on the album. There was also a critical
awareness of Joan of Arc developing as a subject in art. In 1890 Philippe Burty wrote of
Joan representations for the periodical L 'Art. 132 This cultural self-awareness and mature
level of analysis of Joan's role within it has been an unrecognized link to Boutet's book.
It has already been made clear that Boutet was intensely aware of French culture and of
his audience's tastes. The artist also traveled in literary circles and was extremely well-
read. Ayroles and Burty and their style of examination of Joan as a cultural phenomenon
must have made an impact, directly or indirectly, on Boutet de Monvel. 133
Jeanne d'Arc Imagery
129 For a bibliography on such sources that is quite comprehensive. see Altha Elizabeth Teny, Jeanne d'Arc in
Periodical Literature, 1894-1929 (New York: Publication of the Institute of French Studies. 1930).
130 Eugene Noel, "La Tour Jeanne d'Arc a Rouen, " Magasin Pittoresque 5 I (February 1883): 5 I.
131 Jean Baptiste Joseph Ayroles. Jeanne d'Arc sur les autels etla regeneration de la France (paris: Gaume et Cie.,
1885).
131 Philippe Buny, L 'Art 2 (1880): 178.
133 For later analysis of the meaning and impact of Joan of Arc on nineteenth-century political and artistic culture, see
Heimann, as well as: Mary Machen Gresham, Images ofJoan ofArc: Their Political Uses in Modern France,
Baltimore, 1959); Nadia Margolis, Joan ofArc in History, Literature and Film; and Muriel Drlidge Davis, Joan ofArc
and the Making ofthe French Nation (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1927).
313
Jeanne d 'Arc was a subject that Boutet de Monvel seemed predestined to choose
for his most ambitious and successful children's album project. Her renowned battle with
the English took place at Orleans, where Boutet was born. The artist was at the height of
his artistic powers and publishing-world influence in the mid-l 890s. Thus, there was
great significance in his choice of subject matter when he had editorial autonomy to
choose his next project.
The first page of the text Boutet wrote indicates that he meant to celebrate her as a
national hero and a model of patriotism.
Ouvrez-Ie, leur disait-il, avec devotion, en souvenir de la paysanne qui est

la sainte de la patrie comme elle en a ete la martyre. Son histoire vous dira
que, pour vaincre, il faut avoir la foi dans la victoire. Souvenez-vous-en,
Ie jour OU Ie pays aura besoin de tout votre courage. 134
Boutet portrayed Joan as a figure driven by her religious convictions in words, but he
visually emphasized her patriotic ones. While the artist's politics did not seem to be anti-
clerical in character, he clearly wished to subdue the religious reasons for Joan's
martyrdom. Religious themes are scattered liberally throughout Boutet's work, so he was
not trying to avoid religion altogether. The element of self-sacrifice in stories of religious
personages, such as Joan of Arc and St. Francis, allowed Boutet to interpret the stories
through the politically-dominant perspective of late nineteenth-century French patriotism.
Submitting one's self to the state in order to strengthen and repopulate France could be a
more feasible way of serving one's God and country than being burned at the stake.
134 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel. Jeanne d'Arc (paris. 1896).
314
After the success of La Civilite puerile et honnete and the La Fontaine project in
the 1880s, PIon, Nourrit et Cie clamored for a new album from Boutet. In 1894 he
received inspiration for the subject matter:
L'idee vint a moi comme un flash, comme une inspiration. Mon editeur
m'avait demande de realiser un autre livre pour enfant. Je n'avais rien en
tete. Un jour comme je traversais Ie jardin des Tuileries, j' arrivais soudain
devant la petite statue de Fremiet, aI' entree de la rue des Pyramides et,
commeje regardais Jeanne d'Arc,j'eus mon sujet!13S
Boutet began to design a lavish book rendering Joan as an icon of selflessness. He
designed forty-seven plates. 136 Boutet also integrated the harmonious colors and
patterning of tapestries from fifteenth-century manuscripts into his page designs.137 The
artist learned from the geometricization of forms, subtle color, and simplification of
shapes in favor of pattern found in medieval art. This is especially evident in the battle
scenes, as was his growing interest in the early Italian Renaissance painters (especially
Piero della Francesca and Paolo Uccello). The pages' resemblance to a medieval book of
hours makes them seem even more lavish and spiritual. 138
The cover illustration (Fig. 5.33) is particularly indicative of Boutet de Monvel's
desire to connect contemporary desires for military strength with the medieval martyr.
Joan tramples men in English military uniforms, and leads an army. They are dressed,
not in fifteenth-century costumes that the troops wear in the text, but as Third Republic
forces. Her youthful adult soldiers dress similarly to boys' of the era, whose clothes were
derived from military garb. Joan and her contemporary army have caused soldiers, old
IlSClor 54.
116 Each plate was 24.8 by 32.5 centimeters.
117 Clor 60. He also noted that as a child in Orleans, he had eaten a candy in Iinle boxes covered with Joan images,
citing this as a early influence.
III Kahn SO.
315
men dressed in Prussian uniforms to fleet and many of them sink into the groun~
disappearing for eternity-their faces appear more like skeletons before they disappear
into the ground. Their leader runs in fear. Clearly the idea of revanche haunted Boutet
(as it did Geoffioy) and the entire French nation. The message is that France will avenge
its wrongdoers for the events of 1870, and Joan will lead them eternally.
The book is full of scenes of military battles, the intricacy of which is hinted at by
the design of bayonets and the tricolor at the left of the cover illustration. This was meant
to be appealing to boys, who commonly enjoyed militaristic themes in print that have
already been examined here. Other elements of the book are highly gendered; it seems
that certain scenes are intended to appeal to boys, while others are aimed more
specifically at girls. On the cover it is difficult to tell whether Joan is male or female. In
a scene in which she appeals to the French king as commanded in her visions (Fig. 5.34),
the boyishness of her hair and tunic is emphasized. Joan's posture in this image suggests
two important ideas from republican-oriented regeneration ideology. In this line of
thinking, boys are expected to be assertive and physical. Joan holds her arms up in the
air, her hands in fists, possessed by her convictions. These actions are supported by her
boyish appearance--the female reader may have felt discomfort at the thought of
appearing in front of the hostile government elders and confronting them. An important
detail is the upturned stool and Joan's cast-off hat. 139 From a male point of view, civility
has succumbed a bit in favor of Joan's faith and actions. Another regenerative
interpretation of this image is that one can represent many and fight to do the right thing
139 As discussed in examples from Boutet's"La Vente de Suzanne" and La Civilile puerile et honnile girls toppling
furniture was highly undesirable.
316
against seemingly insurmountable opposition. This is a message that would have spoken
to both boys and girls, encouraging them to put France first in their endeavors and
struggles.
Other images emphasize Joan's feminine side. These were elements of the Joan
of Arc legends that were downplayed in artistic, dramatic, and literary representations of
the story. Boutet's was just as carefully calculated for effect. In his feminized
illustrations Boutet de Monvel is eager to connect Joan to animals and children; in her
appearance he emphasizes childlike and rustic aspects of her nature. He pairs Joan with a
cow on the first page of the narrative (Fig. 5.35),140 in contrast with the dramatic,
masculine cover illustration. Joan is barefoot in a wide-open field, and contentedly spins
thread to pass the time. She patiently tends the cow and prays, according to the text and
image. She also has a feminine appearance, wearing a dress and woman's headscarf.
Many of the illustrations for Jeanne d 'Arc focus upon motherly actions and duties. This
is the first of several images in the book in which Joan is depicted taking care of an
animal or children. Perhaps the images featuring nurturing themes were meant to temper
those filled with violence and make them more palatable for children. Undoubtedly, the
images of a country girl and the Lorraine countryside were also meant to instill pride in
nation and tradition.
As Joan traveled through France, the legend detailed her good deeds for people in
villages. She performed healing and charitable miracles for villagers. "Autour de Jeanne
I' artiste a groupe Ie peuple de France; ill' a represente avec cette pointe de comique qui
est de mise dans notre vieille litterature... L' a:uvre Boutet de Monvel presente ainsi Jeanne
140 Boutet de Monvel S
317
comme l'expression sublime de la multitude d'ou elle est sortie.,,141 Caring for others as
a means of tending to one's country is one of the most prevalent characteristics of girls
modeled in Boutet de Monvel' s work. It is as if after every battle, she must quench her
"female" desires to take care of others (Fig. 5.36). Despite the fact that Jeanne d'Arc is a
story about action and self-sacrifice through giving one's life, in Boutet's presentation it
is also a story about smaller, daily sacrifices of time, food, and material things. These
were the kinds of sacrifices that girls as mothers could expect to make on a daily bases.
Joan's patterned robe gives her a feminized appearance contrasts greatly with her dress
and posture at the French court (Fig. 5.34). She is surrounded by mothers and children
who learn sacrificial behavior from her, just as Boutet intended his family audience to do.
These small, human dramas contrast with the larger movements of the storyline to
create an incredibly complex and effective text. Boutet chose to close the book, however,
with a visually simple and profound image. Again, this drawing relates to the central
theme of self-sacrifice. Joan's headpiece oflaurelleaves and Christ's crown ofthoms are
the only objects on the elegant Japanese paper page (Fig. 5.37). Boutet de Monvel has
new equated Joan's actions with those of the ultimate and most recognizable ones: those
of Christ.
As the Third Republic sought to cultivate qualities of leadership, bravery, and
thirst for action and military conquest, Jeanne d 'Arc is the ultimate book for Third
Republic boys. What is so didactically clever about the choice of theme, style of
depiction, and manner presentation of his version, however, is that it is just as perfect for
the ideal Third Republic girl. Joan has the desirable female qualities of protectiveness,
141 "Lectures pour tous'" 856.
318
concern for the domestic sphere, and piety as "girl's" traits. Both sexes of children infin-
de-siecle France were expected to be charitable--a vital characteristic of both Joan and
St. Francis. What is perhaps the most overriding quality here is the willingness of the two
characters to be self-sacrificing. This was the crucial quality a boy would need to develop
to become a soldier, risking himself for the good of the state. Girls would also need to
possess this quality so they will not pursue careers or put their own interests first
(choosing instead to be nurturing and prolific mothers). Joan's humility, her love for
people, and her willingness to serve made her a role model for early Third Republic
ideals. At the same time she possessed the credibility of being the country's patroness
saint, as well as being a figure from French history. Boutet de Monvel could draw on
these elements in his promotion of French historical and moral tradition.
The Impact of Jeanne d'Arc and Boutet de Monvel
The illustrator may have had considerable impact of his own on the way Joan of
Arc was portrayed. Three sculptures spanning the period of this study demonstrates the
great changes that took place in the conception of Joan during the last decades of the
nineteenth century, some that may have been directly influenced by Boutet's book.
Chapu's Jeanne d'Arc (Fig. 5.38) appeared in many of the journals covering the 1872
Salon.142 Visions of Joan in the earliest days of the Republic were heavily influenced by
the Romantic conceptualization of Joan. A long-haired, curvaceous woman, appearing to
be older than nineteen, sits passively. By 1895, Joan had lost many of these female
142 Chapu. "Jeanne d'Arc, .. Magasin Piltoresque 41 (1873): I.
319
gender characteristics, and is significantly more heroic and active. Emile Chatrousse's
version (Fig. 5.39) appeared 1891, to commemorate the awarding of the Legion of Honor
medal to Joan at Saint-Denis. 143 In the reproduction of this work, Joan's hair is shorter
and she bears all of the accouterments of battle-a standard, a shield, and a sword. This is
dramatically difference from a photograph ofa sculpture (Fig. 5.40) by C.-A.-P. d'Epinay
that appeared in Figaro Rlustre in 1902.144 Here the conception of Joan is extremely
graphic for a three-dimensional work. D'Epinayemphasizes the serenity of Joan's face
and disposition, the patterning of her robe and annor, and the elegance of the vertical
elements in her body and sword. This work seems to be a Boutet de Monvel drawing
come to life. Eight years after the release of Boutet's Jeanne d'Arc it seems that this
artist made an important visual and spiritual contribution to a large aspect of turn-of-the-
century French visual culture.
Through Jeanne d'Arc, Boutet de Monvel was able to have great influence on
more than just French families. Generations of book artists have expressed that Boutet de
Monvel's style and this book in particular, made a great impact on their work. These
include Boutet contemporaries Carl Larson (a Swedish illustrator) and the Russian [van
Bilibin.14S In our own time children's illustrators Maurice Sendak and Hilary Knight
have named Boutet de Monvel as a powerful influence. 146 Danielle Clor draws the
parallel between Maxfield Parrish's 1906 epic approach to The Story ofPocahontas and
Captain John Smith. Artists who did not concentrate on book illustration were among
143 Emile Chatrousse, Le Monde lIIustre (December 5 1891): 356.

144 C.A..P. d'Epinay, "Jeanne d'Arc au Sacre," Figaro lIIustri 13 (July 1902): 10.
145 Clor 79.
146 Sarah Booth Conroy, "What Tales They Tell! Illustrations by Boutet de Monvel," Washington Post (1988): BI-3 .
Sendak and Knight attended the reception ofa Corcoran Gallery exhibition of Boutet de Monvel's work and expressed
that they owed great artistic debts to the illustrator.
320
those who instantly assimilated the artistic achievements of Jeanne d 'Arc into their work.
The Austrian Secessionists were quite vocal about their appreciation ofBoutet's work
"Bien qu' on ne puisse parler apropos de Boutet d' artiste Jugendrtil ...utilisation du
contenu narratif de l'image ades fins decoratives et ornamentales.,,147
This book had international influence through the staggering number of copies
that were distributed throughout the world. After French reprintings instantly began after
the 1896 of the album, one of many generations of English language versions appeared in
1897. Over the next twenty-five years, scores of editions in other languages were printed.
Boutet's version of the story also caused the subject to be quickly and finnlyestablished
in the canon of children's literature. These have not dissipated, as a lavish retelling of the
story by Vargie Johnson was published as recently as 1997: 48
Jeanne d'Arc had considerable ramifications in Boutet's life in its remaining
seventeen years. An enthusiastic retrospective, heralding the Joan of Arc work and
others, was scheduled to appear the same year he died. 149 This stimulated a series of
retrospectives that reverberated through America until the early 1920s. When the book
was published, the basilica in the city of Joan's birth, Domremy, asked Boutet to
complete ten monumental re-telling the story of her life. As American money and fame
increasingly called to him lSO and his health failed, Boutet worked less and less on the
147 Heller 18-19.

148 Vargie Johnson's Joan ofArc, the Heroine (New York: Vantage Press, 1997).
149 Most major newspapers carried an obituary. Se also Adolphe Nourrit. "Artistes Contemporains: Maurice Boutet de
Monvel," Revue de I'Art Ancien et Moderne 34 (1913):133-48.
ISO Trust for Museum Exhibitions II. Century magazine editor, Robert Underwood Johnson greatly admired Boutet's
work and commissioned him regularly as a Century illustrator until Boutet's death. He also published a successful
English language Joan ofArc, as well as Boutet's last major book illustration project. Everybody's Saint Francis,
1912). Other Americans had great affection for Boutet's masterpiece. Senator William A Clark of Montana was so
enthusiastic about Jeanne d 'Arc, that he asked Boutet de Monvel to paint six panels for his New York apartment
These are currently in the collection of the Corcoran Gallery. Clark was extremely pleased with the 30 x 70" paintings,
321
Domremy commissions, ultimately leaving the series unfinished. He gained new national
affection and respect, and was awarded a Legion of Honor for one of these paintings,
Jeanne a Chinon in 1900.
Conclusion
No other artist was able to conceive, develop, and disseminate a graphic utopia to
promote France with Boutet de Monvel's success. "After the defeat of 1870, haunted by
the idea of revenge, and involved furthermore in the machinery of the colonial
wars ... France possessed specific objectives to propose the energies of her children: thus
adventure entered into the service ofnationalism."lSl Children's literature was suddenly
invested with new possibilities and responsibilities. It is ironic that just as the French
finally began to understand their children enough to produce beautifully illustrated texts
at children's levels of enjoyment and understanding that they would need literature so
laden with propaganda. Boutet de Monvel was at the right place at the right time. Even
though he was apparently an anti-republican, he turned into one of the republican nation's
best propagandists.
Boutet spoke though media that allowed him to influence children's thinking
before they had learned to fully think for themselves. Boutet de Monvel set out to
promote the kind of France he envisioned: one where from birth men were masculine,
genteel military supporters and women were prolific nurturers. He ended up promoting
refined middle-class values that the Third Republic wanted and needed. Children in
executed in oil and gold leaf. Many portrait commissions from the American rich also arose from Boutet's fame
resulting from the book. Boutet de Monvel's son Bernard became a painter in this vein.
151 Jan 68.
321
Boutet de Monvel's utopia are well-educated in the conventional, literary sense. The
children are also schooled in dance and music, or in romance. The young people in this
author's world have intense feelings (such as pride, charity, and self-righteousness), yet
their own wills never govern them. The children also remember their past (on view daily
in unrefined rural communities), but also subject themselves to the necessary sacrifices to
bring France back to glory. Family and school are trustees of ' 'the encouragement of
heroic individualism and the attempt to subordinate the individual ... to control."IS2 What
is perhaps at the very essence of Boutet de Monvel's work for children is discipline. IS)
The artist himself had had to struggle with discipline, taming his own unfocused,
rebellious painting career and submitting himself to the needs of authors and the public.
Even his style had to go through a revolution of discipline, his clean, economical line and
softly harmonious colors allowed him to communicate his conscious and unconscious
messages. Of course, what Boutet de Monvel is preaching to the children with his artistry
is discipline as well. Children's physical, emotional, and intellectual states all seem to
need to be tamed, and Boutet de Monvel's song books, mini-manners treatises, and tales
of old are tools he is pulling together to convince and teach children that they are not their
own masters. French children and Boutet himself needed to enslave themselves to
institution and convention in order to remain free. Boutet de Monvel provided visual
definitions of Frenchness and his dissemination of them through journals and books was
his greatest contribution to the salvation of France. The nation would be successful if its
young conformed to decorative and moral patterns as did those in Boutet's imagery.
152 Kanipe 83.

m Kanipe 82-83. The author identifies self-discipline motivated by patriotism in the work of Hetzel, a figures who
truly parallels Boutet de Monvel in motivations and achievements.
323
CHAPTER SIX
THE DOMESTIC RETREAT VS. THE MEAN STREET:
STEINLEN'S ART OF SOCIAL CONSCIENCE
The work of this man, who is not a caricaturist, but a student and faithful
representer, bears a strong likeness to things in literature rather than to
things in art. He suggests Dickens, Zola, Tolstoi. Throughout his work is
apparent the broad sympathy of a man of the people who has espoused
their cause and made himself their prophet. I
Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen (1859-1926) was one of the most visible and most
radical artists working at the tum-of-the-century. Existing analyses ofSteinlen's work
have outlined socialist and anarchistic themes that were at the heart of his imagery.2 This
study will follow a different current of interpretation--one that explores propagandistic
duality within his work. Despite Steinlen's campaign to increase awareness of the plight
of the working class, he also glorified life in the middle-class "nest." In fact Steinlen may
have more successfully promoted and insulated the bourgeois domestic ideal than the
working class issues which were so dear to his heart. The Swiss expatriate possessed
I Marie Van Vorst. Modern French Masters (paris: Brentano's, 1904): 163.
2 The most imponant interpretive works on Steinlen's career have been Phillip Dennis Cate and Susan Gill, Theophile-
Alexandre Stein/en (Salt Lake City: Gibbs M. Smith. Inc. 1982) and Susan Gill, Theophile Steinlen: A Study ofHis
Graphic Art, 1881-1900 (Unpublished dissertation. City University of New York. 1982). See also Peter Dittmar,
Theophi/e-Alexandre Stein/en: Ein poetischer Rea/ist inder poche des Jugendstils (Zurich: ABC Verlag, 1984) and
Maurice Pianzola, Theophi/e-Alexandre Stein/en (Lausanne: Editions Rencontre, 1971). Ernest de Crauzat's catalog
raisonne (produced during Steinlen' s lifetime) has been crucial to all Steinlen scholars. Theodore Rea: Modern Art in
Paris. /835-1900 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1981). "Inseparable du nom de Steinlen est celui d'Ernest de
Crauzat (1866-1944), bibliophile, secretaire et animateur durant de longues annees de la Societe du Livre
contemporain. auteur d'une histoire de la reliure tian~se de 1900 Ii 1925. Crauzat frequentait les milieux litteraires et
artistiques de Montmartre. II y renconttait Steinlen dont il fut I'ami intime pendant plus de vingt ans. II Ie rencontrait
aussi chez I'imprimeur DelAtre." See Ernest de Crauzat. L '{Euvre grave etlithographie de Stein/en (paris: Societe de
Propagation des Livres d'Art, 1913). The catalog was reprinted in 1983. In more recent years a handsome catalogue
raisonne of all of Steinlen's posters bas been assembled in fine color. Rejane Bargiel and Christopher Zagrodski,
Stein/en. AJflChiste (Lausanne: Editions du Grand-Point, (986). An Italian study has produced some important
documentary photographs, Milan.
324
and exercised one of the keenest social consciences of his era, and yet the strongest
effects of his highly public work may have only reinforced the cloistered bourgeois world
that sought to exclude the proletariat. This point-of-view makes Steinlen's family-
oriented imagery crucial to this study and will result in fresh reading of many of his
works. Many words have been written to praise Steinlen, but surprisingly few have
analyzed his imagery.
Initially, it may seem that there are few connections between Steinlen and Boutet
de Monvel or Geoffroy. Steinlen was not French, nor was he steeped in academic
tradition. His politics were radically different-he supported neither the republican
government, nor a reinstatement of the monarchy. Geoffroy and Boutet de Monvel
seemed to promote a return to elements of a France that was, but Steinlen seemed to be
passionate about a France that had not yet been. It appears that he shared a utopian vision
of a nation that existed only in the minds of socialists and anarchists. However, all three
of these artists were deeply concerned about French families and especially children.
They each sought to change the state of French family life with their images. All three
artists helped people visualize and experience a France that could be.
As with Boutet de Monvel and Geoffroy, there is discouragingly little written
evidence of Steinlen' s political affiliations. Many conclusions must be drawn from his
images and company the artist kept. Today, Steinlen's ideologies must be detennined
from those of the collaborators, editors, and publishers Steinlen chose. His political
points-of view also become obvious when viewing his work--he was clearly liberal, with
325
a sense of heroism of the working man that was informed by socialist ideologies.3
Steinlen's unspecified, yet intense support of causes paralleled the political links that
existed between Geoffi'oy and Hetzel and between Boutet de Monvel and Anatole France.
In fact France was one of many links between these artists that have remained
unexplored. Boutet's collaborations with the novelist have been all but ignored, but
Steinlen is often acknowledged as an important collaborator with Anatole France.4 This
chapter will explore the ideological nature of such alliances, as well as the impact of a
branch of Steinlen' s opinionated and ubiquitous work in the family sphere. The
intersections between the three artists' work infin-de-siecle illustrated journals provide
further reason to explore propagandistic links among them. Lastly, it was Steinlen's deep
concern for families of all classes that comprised the deepest connections between Boutet
and Geoffroy, and himself.
J Peter Dietschi wrote in an introduction to a Steinlen catalogue compiled by the Petit Palais Museum in Geneva. "We
would like to think that Steinlen brought a uniquely Swiss sensibility to his art, in assigning such dignity and
imponance to the ordinary man and woman in the street. and in elevating the ordinary to the realm of the
extraordinary." See Peter Murray, Thiophile Alexandre Stein/en (Geneva: Petit Palais Musee, (993): vi. There are
other clues that Steinlen dabbled in both socialism and anarchism. and yet at times his work had rather conservative
overtones. It seemed. however, that his socialist leanings were the strongest. In Phillip Dennis Cate's "Empathy with
the Humanity of the Streets, ARTnews (March (977): 59, an assertion is made: "Anarchist and socialist aims were not
the same; the fonner in many ways was elitist while the latter was humanitarian. Steinlen was a socialist: his March 17,
1894 cover for the twenty-third anniversary of the Paris Commune includes a portrait of himself as an artist-worker
marching ann in ann with other workers and led by the personification of Liberty. The theme here is 'workers unite.'
Steinlen's interpretation of the role of the artist as functioning for and within a socialist society is unique for this
period." Steinlen was also a primary illustrator for I.e Chambard Socia/iste (in 1893-94) and for many other
prominent socialist papers. His niece, Marguerite, also confmned that Steinlen was close friends with Jean JIU1I'Cs and
Georges Clemenceau, leading figures in the French socialist movement at the turn-of-the-century. Marguerite Steinlen,
"Steinlen," Du (May (953): 18-31. See also Claude Aveline, Steinlen, L 'homme etl'lI!U\Ire (paris: Les Ecrivains
Reunis, (925): 145. This Steinlen contemporary notes a Professor Nansen's enlistment of Steinlen's help in a socialist
project to aid the famine in Russia. Further evidence of Steinlen's socialist activity was his role in a public campaign
to obtain a visa for Maxime Gorky to recover from tuberculosis in France. See also Murray 18. Steinlen drew Gorky
on several occasions upon the revolutionary's arrival.
4 The Steinlen-France collaboration that is most familiar is L 'AjJQire Crainquebille, 1901, for which Steinlen created
sixty-three illustrations. They collaborated on several other projects, such as Vel's les Temps Meilleurs (paris: Pelletan,
(906). The author posed for Steinlen several times in the early 1900s and the two remained friends, with France
serving as one of Steinlen 's most ardent singers of praise.
326
In his prodigious output Steinlen had the opportunity to portray life as he saw it,
both within the middle-class home and on the street. The artist presented urban life as it
was. In Steinlen's imagery, bourgeois life became emblematic of cleanliness and
refinement. The street, which he loved, was transformed into a place that was in contrast
dirty, uncaring, and dangerous. Working-class life ultimately works against regeneration
efforts in Steinlen's imagery. Images of the bourgeois perfectly followed prescriptions
for the future of the nation amply demonstrated here already. Undoubtedly, this was not
Steinlen's intent, but it was the ironic effect that will be traced in his diverse and highly
public body of work.
The Creation of an Artist and an Advocate
Of these three artists, Steinlen has been the object of the greatest amount of past
study. Yet there has been a relatively small amount of significant interpretation of his
thousands of works. There was some contemporary interest in Steinlen' s reuvre in the
1890s and again during the first world war. Steinlen' s death in 1924 created another
wave of attention, resulting in articles and exhibitions. s Although his fame equaled or
eclipsed that of Toulouse-Lautrec by 1900,6 he disappeared from the public eye and from
the modernist canon. A post-war era interest in Steinlen was stimulated by a
Bibliotheque Nationale exhibition in 1953. His daughter Collette and various
S Steinlen's first retrospective was held in 1894. See Galcrie de la Bodiniere, Premiere exposition de /'O!UVre dessine
en graveur de T. A. Stein/en (paris: Galerie de la Bodiniere. 1894). Another important sale of the artist's work was
held during his lifetime. See also Anatole France, Exposition d'ouvrages peints, dessines ou graves par Th. A. Stein/en
(paris: Edouard Pelletan. 1901): 11-12. Anatole France's famous preface, quoted by virtually everyone who has
written on Steinlen appeared in this catalogue.
6 Both artists illustrated for Aristide Bruant's I.e Mirlilon early in their careers and gained much of their fame and
avant-garde connections through socializing in Paris night clubs such as Le Chat Noir. Cate asserts that Steinlen was
actually more famous in his time than Toulouse-Lautrec.
327
government and literary luminaries were among those who founded the Comite des Amis
de Steinlen in the same year. 7 Despite this mid-century campaign, the artist was again
soon forgotten. A resurgence of exhibitions in the 1970s and 1980s have provided new
opportunities to study Steinlen's considerable body ofwork. 8
Steinlen might not have made such a considerable social and artistic impact on the
world had he not left Switzerland for Paris in 1881. He was born to an artistically-
inclined, Protestan~ family in Lausanne, Switzerland in 1859.
Eleve dans une famille d' artistes, son grand-pere, maitre de dessin a
Vevey, eut neuf fils, peintres ou poetes. Steinlen eut une enfance sans
histoire, protege par une mere admirable de tendresse et de simplicite. Ses
parents I'envoyerent ala Faculte des Lettres de I' Academie de Lausanne.
D'une independance farouche, Alexandre fut un etudiant fantaisiste,
changeant souvent ses projets d'avenir. 10
Steinlen decided to follow an artistic family tradition. His grandfather was a Vevey-
based landscape painter. His uncle Marius had studied in Paris in Charles Gleyre's studio
7 This Bibliotheque Nationale exhibition in 1953 was backed by"Les Amis de Steinlen" and was led by republican
president, Vincent Auriol. Members of the group also featured Andre Marie, national Education Minister, various
members of the Academie Fran~aise and the Institute, other luminaries, and most importantly, Collette and Marguerite
Steinlen. Another important Steinlen retrospective was born from this interest. See Maison de la Pensee Fran~se
(Paris: Maison de la Pensee Fran~se, 1960). Steinlen's work was further realized in the 1960s through a catalogue by
Fran~oise Viatte, Dessins de Stein/en: 1859-1923 (paris: Editions des Musee Nationaux). Ferrers Gallery's, Stein/en
and Nam: an exhibition o/paintings, drawings. and lithographs (London: Fcrrers Gallery, 1971) continued the popular
trend to exhibit Steinlen's work into the 1970s. Also, sec Musee Municipal d'Art ct d'Histoire, Stein/en: 1859-1923
(Saint-Denis: Musee Municipal d'Art et d'Histoire, 1973).
I Steinlen has been recognized with the most renewed vigor in the United States, Italy, and Switzerland recently. See
exhibition catalogs such as Galerie des Arts Decoratifs, Thiophile-Alexandre Stein/en: 1859-1923 (Lausanne: Galerie
des Arts Decoratifs, 1974). Other prominent Steinlen exhibitions mounted in the next several years took place at the
Musee de Toulouse-Lautrec, Thiophile-Alexandre Steinlen (Albi: Musee Toulouse-Lautrec, 1978) and the Galleria
Civica d' Artc Modema, Turin, Thiophile-Alexandre Stein/en: 1859-1923 (Turin: Galleria Civica d' Arte Modema,
1980). See also K.G. Thenel, Thiophile-Alexandre Steinlen (Tours: Musee des Beaux-Arts, 1982). The most recent
significant Steinlen project has been Musee du Petit Palais de Geneve, Tlu!ophile-Alexandre Stein/en. 1859-1923
(Geneva: Musee du Petit Palais de Gencve, 1993). Several of Steinlen's original works had remained in the possession
of those descended from MasseJda, a model and lover of Steinlen's after his wife Emilie's death. These works were
sold soon after the Geneva exhibition. See also Richlieu-Drouot, Estampes, dessins. pastels. lavis. aquarelles par
a
Theophile-Alexandre Stein/en (1859-1923) ayant appartenu Mademoiselle Massefda (paris: Richlieu-Drouot, 1995).
9 Van Vorst 164.
10 Marguerite Steinlen, Steinlen (paris: Musee de Montmartre, 1977): unpaginated.
3%8
with several of the Impressionists. I I Steinlen did not aspire to become a painter,
however.
In 1877 he moved to Mulhouse to work in his uncle's factory, designing textile
prints. The importance of this stage in his career is generally minimized, but it is
important to note several elements of significance in his early work as a craftsman. As a
creator of patterns for fabric, Steinlen's sense of color and two-dimensional design was
reinforced. The marriage of artistic and industrial processes was also to become a
significant factor in his work. This was a watershed approach in the world of prints,
illustrations, and posters in which Steinlen was to gain great fame. His experiences in
making an impact with design using line, shape, and color to satisfy consumers were to
serve him well as a pioneer in advertising design.
Roots of the artist's political convictions can also be traced back to this time.
Steinlen read Emile Zola's L 'Assommoir in Mulhouse in 1878. 12 In the melodramatic
words of contemporary, Francis Henry Taylor, Steinlen received from the novel "a
revelation of the great world of toil and suffering, and stirred this apocalypse of
wretchedness, he felt himself drawn to the working faubourgs by an irresistible sympathy,
and by a secret premonition that there and only there could he develop his whole soul."l3
After his move to Paris in 1881, Steinlen never stopped observing the bleak, oppressed
world of Zola's laundress-types, who piqued his curiosity and compassion.
II Marguerite Steinlen. Stein/en: /859-/923, peintures el dessins (Saint-Denis: Musee Municipal d'Art et d'Histoire,
1973): 8. See also Gill 38.
11 In 1900 Steinlen created a poster for a theatrical production of L 'Assommoir. In this homage to Zola's novel,
Steinlen depicts the laundress heroine, Gervaise, and the roofer, Coupcau, seated at a table in the tavern that is to playa
role in their downfall.
IJ Francis Henry Taylor is here quoting Stein len in "Steinlen and Zola: Realism with a Purpose," Parnassus 3-4 (1931-
32): 4.
329
A little-recognized, but equally important influence on Steinlen' s career during
the Mulhouse period might also have been his exposure to the culture of Alsace-Lorraine.
Here he courted an Alsatian woman, Emilie Mey. This occurred during a time when the
desire for revanche in France had reached a feverish pitch. 14 Steinlen was able to
experience the issue from the Alsatian perspective, both from his early exposure to the
region and through the identity of his wife, who died in 1910. Perhaps this point-of-view
was responsible for some of the deeply nationalistic messages that can be read in his
work. Another early and unrecognized influence on his political sympathies may have
had its genesis at the University of Lausanne. Steinlen's late niece, Marguerite,
speculated that Professor George Renard may have been an important influence on
Steinlen. Renard was a political refugee from Paris. He had fought as a Communard and
was known to be an outspoken lecturer on the rights of the common person. IS This
teacher may have been partially responsible for Steinlen' s radical perspective and interest
in fights for justice in the city the artist was to adopt. " ... (S)'il n'est pas un homme du
monde, ou mis a la mode par des marchands, il n' est pas non plus un homme de parti.
C'est unjuste, un poete qui reve d'une ere meilleure et participe de toute son arne au
mouvement de justice sociel qui s'elabore.,,16
14 Note Geoffroy's visualization of the spirit of revanche and accompanying discussion, Figure 4-22. Feelings of
eternal youth, enthusiasm. and patriotism were elements of revanche that Steinlen might have experienced from
different perspectives, both in Mulhouse and in Montmartre.
IS Steinlen. Stein/en: /859-/923. peinlUl'es et dessins 9. Steinlco's niece's recollections played a large role in the
reconstruction of Steinlen's biography, both through her writings, and through her interviews with scholars, such as
Susan Gill. Marguerite lived with Steinlen for a brief period before his death in 1923.
16 Steinlcn, Stein/en: /859-/923. peintures et dessins 12.
330
Inspired by lola's novel and his desire to break free from his uncle's wealthy,
complacent lifestyle, Steinlen moved to Montmartre in 1881. 17 Emilie came with him
and they soon married. The first months on the butte were miserable and frustrating, yet
he was to be a resident there until his death. He initially had difficulty finding work, and
the Steinlens became impoverished Parisians for a short time. The empathy Steinlen
developed for the poor from this experience was never to leave him. He also began to
travel regularly outdoors on sketching trips to observe the conditions of life on the
pavement.
On my first day here, I was seduced by the world of the streets, by the
workers and errand girls, laundresses and poor people. If instead of
arriving in Montmartre, I had been near the big boulevards, maybe I would
have tried to paint the bourgeois, the nouveau riche or the millionaires.
But rich people are not interesting to study... Ordinary people are far more
interesting. Deep down, something in me responded to their humble
position in life; they suited my temperament. IS
What Steinlen does not reveal here (that is abundantly clear in his work), is that the
bourgeoisie was interesting to him for a price. This will become evident in the
interpretation of his work, particularly his poster ceuvre.
"His early days in Paris, when he was jobless and nearly foodless, coincided with
the official rebirth of the socialist movement in France, banned since the Commune of
1871. Anarchist and anti-capitalist ideas were widespread among intellectuals, writers
and artists, many of whom came from the ranks of the Chat Noir.,,19 Soon after
Steinlen's arrival, fellow artist Adolphe Willette introduced him to nightclub owner
17 Steinlen scholar Susan Gill interviewed Steinlen's niece, Marguerite on July 6, 1978. "Mme. Steinlen, who lived
with the artist before his death in 1932, believes that Steinlen's pursuit ofa 'bohemian' life was at first largely a result
of his disillusionment with his nouveau riche uncle in Mulhouse." Gill 64.
II Jean Rollin, "J'ai toujours un camet dans rna poche," Stein/en: Le Bel Heritage. (Musee de I'Histoire Vivante, Ville
de Montreuil, 1987): 83 as quoted in Murray 2.
19 Cate, "Empathy with the Humanity of the Streets" 57.
331
Rodolphe Salis. Steinlen soon began to illustrate menus and posters for Salis'
Montmartre establishment, Le Chat Noir. Steinlen quickly became a primary illustrator
for Salis' new journal, Le Chat Noir. Other journal commissions followed, many through
the avant-garde artists, musicians, and authors who frequented the nightclub. Soon this
intellectual fringe culture accepted Steinlen as one of its own. Despite his escalating
wealth and fame, the artist never forgot what it was like to be without food or a sense of
future. Steinlen built lifetime friendships at this time with a constellation of young
members of the avant-garde and he became forever associated with them:
One cannot think of Steinlen, Willette, Guillaume, Riviere, Leandre, and

their colleagues in the same school, without having before one's eyes an
image of the multi-populous, seething quarter of Paris wherein these
clever nineteenth-century seers and priests of a certain cult lived and
moved, without remembering Montmartre, and the famous cabaret Le
Chat Noir .. ?O
Many of Steinlen' s nightclub colleagues were deeply committed to radical politics,
particularly to socialism. From the beginning Steinlen was encouraged to question
society's stratification and treatment of various classes and to express those concerns
artistically. Participating regularly in the Salon des lndependants and the Salon des
Humoristes from 1893 on,21 Steinlen's work made an impact both on the avant-garde
community and on the public at large.
20 Van Vorst 159. Those who were among the numerous documented members of the Chat Noir included Zola,
Pasteur, Puvis de Chavannes, Degas, Nadar, Verne, Huysmans, Sargent, Toulouse-Lautrec, Grassel, France, and of
course, Stein len. The Brust also met publishers, such as Flammarion there, which led to commissions for many book
covers. Other later collaborators that Steinlen initially socialized with at the Chat Noir included Paul Delmet and
Aristide Bruant, who eventually seceded from the group. See also Mariel Frerebeau, UWhat is Montmartre? Nothing!
What should it be? Everything!" ARTnews 76:3 (March 1977): 60-2 and Phillip Dennis Cate, The Spirit of
Montmartre.
21 Modem Art Foundation Oscar Ghez, Peintres de Montmartre et de Montparnosse (Geneva: Musee Rath-Geneve,
1965): unpaginated.
33%
Accumulating journal assignments at a superhuman rate, Steinlen illustrated for as
many as ten periodicals and supplements at one time. 22 He simultaneously produced
work in other media, including paintings, murals, posters, independent prints, songsheets,
menus, and sculpture, totaling nearly 3,000 works. 23 Steinlen remained in demand and
was financially comfortable for the rest of his career. He, his wife, and their daughter,
Collette, lived the bourgeois ideal themselves. Steinlen was intelligent, sensitive, and
observant. He was drawn to serve as an advocate for the human condition. His sympathy
for suffering and injustice lent gravity to his art and allowed him to create sensitive
images of both the working and middle-class worlds. But it was Steinlen's unique ability
to be faithful the good qualities of both classes that increases the value of his work for
this study. He also was constructively critical of the weaknesses of both the working
class and the bourgeoisie in the most public of forums.
Steinlen's voice was heard most often heard through mass-distributed imagery on
paper. Therefore, his work was often inexpensive and readily available to thousands
simultaneously. He was one of the most effective propagandists of his era, because of the
accessibility of his images to people of varying classes and geographic origins. Much of
what we know about Steinlen' s political philosophies are not written, it is only what can
be observed in his thousands of works. 24 He had socialist sympathies, but never officially
joined any political party. He was an advocate for the common man, and he used this
22 Ernest de Crauzat's catalogue reveals that Stein len produced work for ten journals and supplements in 1894. The
years 1894-96 yielded not only his highest level ofjoumal production, but also some of his greatest work (in number
and quality) of color lithographic posters. Steinlen 's joumal output was sustained at a high level for an extended
f:riod, with the artist working for at least five publications from 1891-1902.
Cate and Gill S7. Cate estimates how many works Steinlen completed in each medium.
24 While some of Stein len's political alliances have already been discussed. the images in this chapter will serve to
facilitate more specific discussions on Steinlen's politics.
333
position with intensity and frequency during the rest of this life. Steinlen was perhaps the
first to successfully utilize paper as a vehicle to send messages about the family to
thousands of people on a weekly basis. The images featuring utopian family ideals will
be treated here. Steinlen' s massive journal reuvre is often the most thoroughly treated
medium of his work. While this chapter will not ignore his important periodical imagery,
it will place greater emphasis on Steinlen's posters, books, and ephemeral promotional
material. This sampling from Steinlen's work in diverse media will demonstrate that he
strove both to strengthen and to criticize the French Republic.
Tea and Sympathy: Steinlen's Posters
Steinlen arrived in Paris in the early 1880s, just as everything from nightclubs to
dentists began to be sold on the street with posters. Phillip Dennis Cate's study, The
Color Revolution,25 traces advances in color lithography, paper availability, and other
reproductive technologies as factors in a virtual explosion of color and imagery on the
Paris streets. These developments began just as Steinlen arrived in the city--his arrival
was fortuitously timed. Advertisers and printmaking studios began to seek artists who
could communicate boldly, quickly, and aesthetically through posters. Steinlen and his
generation developed visual formulae for communicating in a medium that had never
been so immense, colorful and accessible. These qualities would caused the viewer to
become aware of the posters themselves, but there were other factors that made the large
lithographic images important propaganda vehicles. Posters were often hung in
l5Phillip Dennis Cate and Sinclair Hamilton Hitchings, The Color Revolution: Color Lithography in France. J88fJ..
J900 (Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith, 1978).
334
successions of multiples, increasing the impact of the message through repetition and the
amount of space occupied in the viewer's vision. Also, posters quickly became the art
form of the people. Individuals moving around the city were likely to see the images
lining the streets; images displayed in Salons or independent art dealers bad significantly
lower visibility and impact on the general public. Cities and the middle class grew,
forever changing the make-up of the audience for art. Innovations such as the department
store and the electric light competed for the viewer's attention. 26 Posters were an
effective and original means of conveying an idea to thousands at once on a daily basis
during Steinlen' sera. 27
The rise of the poster allowed the already growing field of advertising to explode.
Advertising broadsides were aimed at Parisian citizens, especially the growing middle
class with a significant amount of discretioruuy income. Advertising in posters and in
printed journals also became successful as recent attempts to make schooling compulsory
increased public literacy. Strikingly colorful, mass-produced posters produced by
Steinlen, Toulouse-Lautrec and others could also be easily understood by the illiterate and
26 For discussions on the excitement and changing nature of the city of Paris in the late nineteenth century, see Charles
Rearick, Pleasures ofthe Belle Epoque (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985). As Cate points out the lifting of
censorship restrictions on printed images during the early Third Republic also contributed to greater flowering and
experimentation in the art form of the poster. See also Murray 13. Steinlen created an average of two posters per year.
As he was bombarded with projects for journals and other media at this time, his limited amount of time to complete
poster projects naturally caused him to be somewhat selective in the causes and products he chose to promote. This is
an important factor when analyzing the propagandistic nature of his imagery.
27 Meredith Clausen, Frantz Jourdain and the Samaritaine (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987). "Social theorists (such as
Ruskin, Morris, and Van de Velde) emphasised (sic) that art should be more accessible to the people, and by bringing
art literally onto the streets, posters achieved this democratic aim." Many other individuals and exhibitions had great
impact on the rapid development of the poster as a democratic and effective art form. In 1882 the Union Centrale des
Arts Oecoratifs offered an exhibition comprised solely of works on paper. Since 1878 the decorative arts had been
receiving increasing support. Clausen also discusses the impact of poster master Cheret's one-man exhibition in 1889.
This exhibition, sponsored by the Belgian avant-garde group Les XX, brought technologies in color lithography to the
attention of the art world and declared the poster as an art form. Frantz Jourdain was an influential spokesman for the
decorative arts, and Clausen notes that Steinlen was a family friend of Jourdain. The architect-philosopher wrote about
Steinlen's work in "L' Art dans la Rue, " Revue des Arts Dicoratifs XII (1891): 211-14. Jourdain approved of
Steinlen's work, applauding "the life and color the poster brought to the public strect."
335
by all consumers passing quickly by on foot or in carriages. As urban areas grew, the
message could reach more people in more concentrated urban spaces than ever before
The advertising poster was a medium perfectly suited to the desire for novelty and style in
Belle Epoque Paris.
"Les chocolats et les dentifrices exaltent leur excellence. ,,28 The glorification of
the prosaic through advertising posters also allowed Steinlen to express complex ideas
about more serious issues, such as the improvement of the lives of children. New
materials, images, and themes allowed poster artists to communicate myriad messages to
an audience who experienced the images democratically. Debates began over the
significance of posters and whether or not these were images of any true importance.
By 1905 concern in Paris about the street and its aesthetic effect on the
public was widespread. In an article addressed to the literary and artistic
community at large, the architect Emile Magne pointed out the plethora of
societies recently fonned in France, all in one way or another dealing with
the aesthetics of the city: 'Art pour Tous,' 'Vieux Paris,' 'Nouveaux
Paris,' 'Protection des Paysages,' 'Federation Regionaliste Fran~aise.'
Magne's point was that street aesthetics were playing a vital role in city
life; since beauty was not to be found in life itself, it followed, then, that
beauty could exist in the street...It was there the stuff of art, the novels of
Zola and Poe as well as the posters of Cheret and Steinlen, was to be
found ... Magne pointed out not only how sensitive an index the street was
of public character, revealing the hopes, aspirations, and values of life and
times, but also the important formative influence it could have on the lives
of the common people.29
Poster artists realized early that they might have a substantial influence on the public
through this escalating medium. Artists such as Steinlen began to recognize that their
designs had great communicative potential.30
21 Emile Magne. "L 'Esthetique de la Rue," Mercure de France 56 (1905): 175-6, quoted in Clausen.
29 Magne 170.
30 Two prominent tum-of-the-century advocates of the democratization of the arts, Roger Marx and Gabriel Mourey,
were friends of Steinlen and wrote additional essays on his work independently. The critic Marx's most important
words on Steinlen are the introduction to Crauzat's Steinlen catalogue raisonne. See also Gill 184. Roger Marx
336
The ability of Steinlen and others to reach mass-audiences bas been recognize~
but the role of posters as regeneration agents have not been explored. Steinlen was one of
several (including Toulouse-Lautrec) who stood as the most prolific creators of poster
imagery. But in issues connected to hygiene and childrearing, Steinlen was unparalleled
in the effectiveness of his imagery. Most advertisers that hired him marketed their goods
and services to the middle class. They desired idyllic depictions of the bourgeoisie using
these products. Steinlen helped visualize a cloistered, spotless, peaceful world in which
these products were used. Most importantly, the iconic quality of his images and the
frequency with which they were seen on the Paris streets caused Steinlen's portrayals of
class ideals to seep into national consciousness.
His expert use of a formal artistic language helped Steinlen catch the audience's
eye. While he seemed to alter his style according to the subject he was hired to promote,
there were basic commonalities among Steinlen's mature poster works (which numbered
over forty). Most feature intense colors that attract the eye--red was a particular favorite
ofSteinlen's. The colors are often applied in large, flat areas, resembling those of
Japanese prints. The artist also understood the importance of negative space, leaving
empty areas in many of his works. This device let the viewer's eye rest and allowed the
audience to focus in on the important figures or products. Steinlen's use of line is one of
the most effective elements of his posters. He experimented with the subtle effects of
various colors of outlines and with various levels of sketchiness and finish. Through
believed that the lives of peasants and workers could be enriched by the incorporation of the prinCiples of art into every
day objects. In his eyes posters were one of the best applications of this. See Roger Marx. L 'Art Social (paris, 1913).
337
paths of trial and error, Steinlen assisted in the aesthetic development of this form of
advertising.
Steinlen's earliest works, those dating from 1885 to about 1891, are
typical of many posters that were created from the 1860s through the
1880s. He used diminutive figures and excessive details to produce
picturesque narratives. It was not until 1893 that he produced his first
important poster, Mothu et Doria, where clarity of composition and
simplicity of form replace the older standard.3l
Steinlen scholar Susan Gill has noted that the artist's style was often more formal in his
posters than in many of his journal images. Perhaps this is because Steinlen tended to
render various social classes in different styles, utilizing a rougher, more vital stroke in
his drawings to advertise the working-class street life. Because the products being
pitched to the middle class were touted as elements of a refined and controlled lifestyle,
Steinlen's images promoting them were also refined and controlled.
The growing Parisian bourgeoisie increasingly desired to find places of mental
and physical isolation and comfort--havens from the city streets. Artists such as Steinlen
identified and recorded the "home as a nest. ,,32 The intense concern for the quality of
childrearing and home life during the Third Republic might be considered a reaction to
stress brought on by industrialization and commercialization. Steinlen provided a visual
haven from the confusion and confrontations of life on the streets in his 1895 poster for
the Compagnie fran~aise des chocolats et des thes. (Fig. 6.1) This is an example of the
domestic ideal found in the works of both academic and avant-garde artists at this time.
The domestic emphasis in all art forms at this time centered on a type--a mother-
l\Gill 187.
l2Priscilla Robertson, "Home as a Nest: Middle-Class Childhood in Nineteenth-Century Europe.'" The History of
Childhood (New York: Bedrick Books, 1988): 407-31. The author primarily treats the impact of Rousseau on the
creation of the child-centered family and the increasing desire for privacy.
ll8
goddess.33 She had economic power in the home and was heavily targeted by advertisers.
She was largely confined to the domestic interior, but she was the central force in it 34
Manufacturers and merchants appealed to her by claiming their wares would add to
3s
domestic comfort Ideal wives were depicted using products. Images of bourgeois life
filled advertisements and participated in the public promotion of the domestic ideal. The
girl represented in this image is Steinlen's daughter, Collette;36 there is much speculation,
but no proof that the model for the woman was his wife. Living the domestic ideal
himself, Steinlen became an active participant in the identification and promotion of it.
This is a paragon of a genre of posters that were commissioned by makers of
goods aimed at the middle class. They usually featured the clean, luxurious world of the
bourgeoisie. The hygienic, demure wife and mother lived in a world where "consumer
goods could facilitate glorious leisure" according to Lori Anne Loeb in Consuming
Angels.37 Here it is implied that the simplicity of preparing powdered cocoa for her
daughter has given the mother a few extra moments to spend with her child.38 The
pervasive images that advertised such products promoted women whose lives were
devoted to family, not to careers nor to outside pleasures. The desire to promote this
version of perfect femaleness was directly linked to fears of depopulation. As feminism
33 Gill 87. Symbolist anist Eugene Carriere created series of images based on a universalized mother "type" as a
spiritual entity.
34 For the creation of the English middle-class housewife and the development of advertisements that specifically
targeted her. see Lisa Loeb's important analysis, Consuming Angels (New York: Oxford University Press. 1994).
35 Deborah L. Silverman, Art Nouveau in Fin-desi~cle France (Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1989).
See Chapter One. "The Brothers de Goncourt between History and the Psyche," for a treatment of the conscious desire
to retreat from the street and to cultivate psychologically peaceful interiors.
36 Collette was born in 1888 and appeared in Steinlen's sketches, prints. and published work from infanthood to young
adulthood. Immediately recognizable as a little child from posters. such as Lait pur sterilise, Collette also served as an
older prototype for works such as the bicycle poster, Motocycles Comiot, 190 I.
37 Loeb 47.
31 Natura1ly, many mothers would have had kitchen servants to prepare such refreshments.
339
gained momentum in France and opportunities for women expanded in the workplace,
women who strove for any form of independence were labeled as unpatriotic, masculine,
or even immoral. Their perceived lack of interest in family life was thought to contribute
to the depopulation crisis.
The perfect middle class haven featured the mother, a moral anchor who lived for
her children and created a restful retreat for her husband. Fathers were caring
authoritarians who were usually absent from the domestic sphere and often were missing
in the advertisement imagery. Children were happy and healthy. Boys were always
mischievous and energetic, while girls were always polite and demure. Belle Epoque
advertising often promoted the mother/child relationship as the most emotionally
gratifying and the strongest human bond. The mother and daughter in this work are
offered as symbols of physical perfection. Both are well-groomed, perfect specimens of
motherhood and childhood. Lori Anne Loeb has demonstrated that women with smooth,
white skin and black hair were paragons of cleanliness and virtue in English advertising. 39
The image also draws on the traditional, spiritual beauty of mother-child images,
particularly those of the Madonna and Child.4o The woman's joy in motherhood makes
her more beautiful, an ideal that artists such as Steinlen and his contemporaries sought to
capture in the 1890s.
39 Steinlen's period of sophistication in posters and use of an English ideal type coincides with his 1894 travel to Great
Britain. In this year Steinlen traveled to England, and also to Gennany and Norway..Anonymous, Stein/en (Paris:
Remy-Ader, 1995): np. See also Murray 8. Steinlen's brief trip abroad resulted from political reasons. As an
illustrator for Le Chambard Socia/iste. Steinlen was pan of a group of that opposed of the Casimir-Perier republican
presidency. "Casimir-Perier was largely responsible for the special laws, the so-called 'lois sceiCrates' which had been
introduced in 1894, and also for the limiting of freedom of opinion and assembly and the freedom of the press. The
anarchists were not the only group to be suppressed-many artists and writers did too. Among them apparently (was)
Steinlen, according to a letter written by Camille Pissarro to his son Lucien on the 30th July 1894 where he says that
Steinlen had to flee Paris temporarily in order to avoid arresL"
40 Compare this image to the tenderness and spirituality of Maximilienne Guyon's Maternite, 1901, Figure 2.22.
340
The child is also an important prototype. Middle-class children observed the
domestic ideal at home and the model was reinforced in school and in popular imagery.
The pampered child became a symbol ofjin-de-siecle cultural hedonism, as the indulged
life of the bourgeois child was now equated with the leisurely lifestyle formerly bad only
by the very rich. The bourgeois could have indulgences, but only for a few minutes at a
time in their busy lives. Advertising suggested that this momentary leisure could be bad
by sitting down with a cup of hot chocolate or a biscuit with one's child.
The products this poster promoted were important elements of regeneration-era
thinking as well. The hygienic wholesomeness of prepared foods were prevalent in
advertisements in journals, posters, and all forms of advertising of the era. Such products
as cocoa, tea, and cookies were commonly advertised through colorful poster imagery.
They were quick and easy to use. They were also prepared and packaged with the latest
technologies--many of which were instigated after Pasteur's discovery of the microbe.
Because keeping one's family clean and healthy were part of efforts to reduce child
mortality and strengthen the nation physically, serving sanitary, prepared foods became a
patriotic act. The mother's use of the products indicates her concern for her family's
health. Coffee was thought to be harmful to the digestive system, therefore, middle-class
wives boUght a great deal of tea and cocoa from companies, such as the French Chocolate
and Tea Company. Advertisers claimed that cocoa was gentle for children's stomachs,
would help them grow, and would give them energy. Hot drinks such as cocoa were
among the most heavily promoted of the new, pre-packaged convenience foods. Like
processed milk, cocoa was something "good mothers" gave to their children, particularly
341
in quiet moments together. The message of the physical and mental healthfulness of the
cocoa is communicated here by the rosy cheeks and alertness of Collette, as she again
drinks from her bowl. This mother cares enough to feed her child the best available
product. The serene faces, the presence of the cat (here a symbol of pampered
domesticity), and the physical closeness of the mother and daughter all serve as elements
of this image that communicate a message of peaceful, healthy domesticity and successful
child rearing.
Cats, children, and hygienic foods are again the subject of one of Steinlen' s most
famous images (Fig. 6.2). In his poster for the Quillot Brothers' dairy, 1894, a perfect
Third Republic daughter is surrounded by household pets. This could easily have been a
scene that Steinlen observed in his own middle-class home. It is a portrait of his
daughter, Collette, and his home was filled with cats. Collette is drinking from a bowl,
presumably filled with the dairy's sterilized milk. Beneath some printed versions of the
poster, this phrase appeared: "Chez tollS les bons pharmaciens, epiciers et cremiers, Vente
en gros, 10 rue Pasteur, PariS.,,41 Clearly the product and this poster had significance in
the arenas of medicine and health.
Pasteur's discovery of the microbe and his subsequent development of the process
of pasteurizing milk was a highly political issue at this time. Milk was at the center of the
fight for hygiene and against disease and high mortality rates. Both the cleanliness of
milk and the healthfulness of breastfeeding one's own children were central images
within discourses to which women bad access. Books and journals were full of
41 For this version of the image see the 1894 Bodiniere exhibition catalogue. There was also an American version of
this poster. This featured texts promoting Nestle's milk and an identical image.
342
persuasive articles and images. Raw milk had been targeted as one of the most dangerous
42
foods and those who served it to their children were practically considered immOral.
This image visually and ideologically is an attempt to provide assurance and order in a
seemingly unstable world.
George Sussman has extensively traced the political importance of milk in France
in the early Third Republic. 43 He asserts that even though women's employment was
rising at this time, the use of wet nurses was in decline. This indicates there was a
conscious effort for women to breast or bottle feed children in their own home. Fresh
cow's milk had been marketed throughout century, but cleanliness of it became a huge
concern with the advent of the health-conscious Republic. This prompted the appearance
of such products as evaporated and condensed milk, sealed bottles of sterilized milk, and
dried milk.
The first mention of sterilized milk in annual reports of medical inspectors

for wet nurses in the Department of the Seine occurred in 1892. At that
time some doctors were will uncertain about its benefits, especially in the
light of the high price of commercially sterilized milk, but others thought
nurses could be taught to sterilize at home to keep the cost down. By 1896
municipal authorities in several arrondissements of Paris and suburban
communities lent nurses sterilizing equipment free of charge. By 1899,
nearly 20 percent of infants being raised for pay outside their parents'
homes on bottled milk were reportedly fed on sterilized milk, generally
sterilized by the nurse. ,,44
42 See George D. Sussman. Selling Mother's Mille: The Wet-Nursing Business in France, 1715-1914 (Urbana, IL:
University of Chicago Press, 1982).
43 George D. Sussman. "The End of the Wet Nursing Business in France. 1874-1914," Family and Sexuality in French
History, Robert Wheaton and Tamara K. Hareven, cds. (philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1980). See
also M. W. Beaver, "Population. Infant Mortality and Millc," Population Studies 27: 243-54.
44 Sussman, "The End of the Wet Nursing Business in France" 229-30.
343
Sterilized milk was being given for free to disadvantaged families through charities such
as the Goutte de Lait beginning in 1894, the same year this image was created.4s
The Steinlen image indicates that posters added a new dimension to processed
milk propaganda, sending the message that serving Quillot Brothers' milk was morally
and civically advantageous. Throughout the Third Republic there had been a "scientific
bias in Parisian thought," 46 This resulted partly from political problems and also from a
rift between church and state. Science was touted as the answer. This is evident in the
glorification of biology and Pasteur in popular literature and images of the day. One
could argue that the level of observation and the interest in scrutinizing the daily lives of
ordinary people, brought about by Emile Zola and Naturalist writers stimulated Steinlen
to create an image that features the closely observed gestures of contemporary children.
Steinlen was influenced by this faith in science both in his use of carefully recorded
habits to appeal to the product's audience and in the very promotion of this product itself.
It is important to note that a similar level of observation resulted in clever audience
manipulation in the work of all three of the artists featured in this project. Steinlen,
Boutet de Monvel, and Geoffroy could all speak to the people through images by astutely
recording motifs with which everyone was familiar and using them to promote ideas in
very public forums.
4S Sussman, "The End of the Wet Nursing Business in France" 230. "If the resort to wet-nursing in France were
primarily the consequence of the absence of safe alternative methods of infant feeding. then the wet-nursing business
should have collapsed in the mid-1890s." Sussman then he traces the decline of the incidents of wet-nursing. A
primary event in the gradual cessation of this practice was the Roussel Law (the Law for the Protection of Infants and
in Particular of Nurslings. enacted in 1874). Enforcement of this legislation gained great momentum in the 1890s and
early 19OOs. Provisions included state protection for all children under age of two who lived outside their parents'
home and the monitoring of wet-nursing activities.
46 Taylor 3.
There was strong scientific importance to this image, but the poster also had
strong emotional appeal. Milk itself is a theme full of associations with nature and with
motherhood. Middle-class women saw it as their personal and patriotic duties to breast-
feed their children, rather than sending them to wet nurses. This is also an image of
indulgence-Collette drinks her milk from a bowl. Both this method and the very act of
drinking milk were associated with children, peasants, and animals. There is concern for
childhood as a unique stage of development here. Collette has been provided with a
child-sized chair, and is indulged and nourished by the safe, healthy milk. She is clearly a
treasured middle-class child, impeccably dressed and groomed. In the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries wives, mothers, and daughters were invested with an aura of
purity.47 This, combined with the innocence attributed to children by the end of the
century, made a little blonde female like Collette the perfect symbol for the clean
wholesome product. The work is filled with relationships to issues of the virtue of little
girls and of milk. It is also connected the ultimate act of female patriotism: responsible
motherhood. Careful, thoughtful parents had the power to mold the child's and the
nation's character and future. They could begin to do this by serving sterilized milk.
The subject matter of a single child also reveals Steinlen' s awareness of the tastes
of his audience. With increasing desires for rises in standards of living and the
availability of birth control, smaller families in which children were the primary focus
were becoming the middle class norm. Both pampered children and prepared foods had
connotations of status and purity for the mid-1890s consumer. Advertisers continually
47Carol Duncan. "Happy Mothers and Other New Ideas in French Art," Art Bulletin 65:4 (December 1973): 570-83.
See this seminal article for a discussion of the development of the glowing, fulfilled mother in eighteenth-century art.
This "type" was particularly prominent in the work ofGreuzc and Chardin.
345
stressed the purity of their products, processed and packaged with new, hygienic
technologies. The use of children in these images also signified advertisers' desires to
communicate the vitality and youthful ingenuity of this product. Considering the
introduction of puericulture in the schools and the overall concern for the art of
childrearing, this image was of considerable social significance in 1894.
In past studies featuring this image, it has been treated as a relatively benign one.
This is presumably because of the presence of children and animals within it. Animals
are some of the strongest motifs in Steinlen's work. They were a dominant and perhaps
even an overwhelming element in his home life. It was said that Steinlen could not resist
opening his home to a stray cat, and cats made up the largest share of the pets he had in
his home. 48 Scholars who have read the image have discussed the sensual connotations
of the image related to the history of cats as an emblem of sexuality. A portion of the
previous analysis of this work emphasizes the content of cats, words and meanings linked
to sexuality.49 However, to sway the reading of this poster to one that would simply its
titillate its audience is to belittle its extreme political importance. This level of analysis
denies the unestimable significance of children, health, and science in the consciousness
of early Third Republicans. While Steinlen usually followed radical muses, his poster
reuvre reveals that he was able to glorify and normalize elements central to regeneration
41 Cate in Cate and Gill 57. Steinlen had up to forty-two pets in his home at once. "Steinlen's concern for the
abandoned cats ofMonrnartre was second only to his empathy with the outcasts of humanity. In the '90s his home at
58 rue Caulaincourt was nicknamed 'eat's cottage' because of its large feline population." The artist owned both
conventional and exotic pets. At one point a crocodile named Gustave lived with the Steinlens.
49 Anne lIan-Alter, "Paris as Mecca ofPleasurc: Women in Fin-de-Siecle France," in Phillip Dennis Cate, The Graphic
Arts and French Society. /87/-/9/4 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1988): 59. lIan-Aiter reads this
as an image of pleasure, rather than of politics.
346
efforts. This was particularly true if it overlapped his desire to promote that which would
strengthen humankind.
Steinlen promoted cloistered bourgeois life in some images by contrasting it
directly with life on the street. That which was outside the warm, nurturing haven created
by the mother was part of a profane and unsanitary world. In La Rue (1896, Fig. 6.3), the
bourgeoisie meets the working class. Public places were feared by the middle class as
they were seen to morally and physically threaten the family and its members. Issues of
conflict and danger between classes are present in this image. Middle-class figures seem
to be grouped toward the center and are encroached upon by the advancing working class.
Steinlen here has catalogued the ''types'' on the street, which would have easily been
identified by the contemporary viewer through a complex series of codes communicated
through the postures, clothing, and interrelationships found within.
Varying strata of middle- and lower-class society are found here. The bourgeois
figures include Collette, who walks alongside her caretaker, a woman in an elaborate
collar and hat (immediately behind them), an old woman with her nurse (barely visible),
and a rotund businessman. Members of the petit bourgeoisie are somewhat well-dressed,
but appear in public in clothing and with objects that connect them to their work. A
milliner (dressed in white) avoids his gaze. She is accompanied by her errand girl
(/rottin). Figures of the working class include the servants, the laundress (identified by
her bare arms and large basket),so and the nurse who holds an elaborately dressed child, at
50The subtleties of the strata of working women are noteworthy here. While the laundress and the milliner both
represent those working in the clothing industry, it is likely that the milliner owns her own shop and delegates many of
her more menial tasks to the trottin. Surely the consciousness of the ability to rise and slip among such subtle class
distinctions to Stein len became obvious in his reading of L 'Assommoir. The stereotypes of social strata would have
been reinforced in his daily program of direct observations and recording Parisian society. It seems that Zola's
influence on Steinlen never dissipated. Steinlen served as the illustrator for Anatole France's Funerailles d'Emile Zola
347
the left. Figures in Steinlen' s other posters that have been discussed (such as the little
girl) have been sheltered in bourgeois environments. When entering the street, however,
the middle class was surrounded on every side by the working class. The very old and the
very young seem to need to be protected. The appearance of maternal relationships among
the figures-between the servant girls and their charges and between the milliner and the
trottin 5i--emphasizes the fact that this is an environment in which young females need to
be sheltered and looked after. The street is a place of confrontation, emphasized by the
businessman's leer. The woman who holds the baby, the laundress with her basket,52 and
the laborers in caps are the figures whose domain is the street. These types represent the
dangerous, dirty, unknown qualities of life that the bourgeois feared. The businessman
represents a dangerous element of the bourgeois itself that might be found on the street.
Critic Gabriel Mourey wrote, "All this is modern, eminently modem. These are the
wretched, sickly flowers which spring to life in the foul soil of our overcrowded cities,
where every sort of luxury rubs shoulders with every sort of wretchedness. ,,53
This poster for the printing studio of Charles Vemeau demonstrates the empathy
that Steinlen had for the working class. The laundress is the figure who seems the most
different from the ideal middle-class woman that has appeared in his other posters.
Refined women ventured into the street only when necessary,54 but laundresses were
forced by their work to appear there daily. The laundress' work also causes her to
(paris: Pelletan, 1902). Vallery-Radot mentioned that Steinlen was inOuenced by the work of Zola in general, with
Germinal and other novels being among the artist's favorites. Examinations of Steinlen's work reveal that he shared
the penchant for observation and description. rather than analysis of the motivations of the working-class.
51 Gill 194-95.
51 For more discussion on the perceptions oflaundrcsses and artists representations of them. see Eunice Lipton's study
on laundresses.
53 Gabriel Mourey, "Steinlen as a Lithographer," The Studio 12 (1897): 252.
54 Lipton 36.
348
physically differ from the mother in Compagnie franfaise des chocolates et des this. The
laundress has a flushed face and unkempt hair; she must wear an apron and rolled-up
sleeves in public, as she sweatily bears her heavy load. Her ungraceful posture reveals
the heaviness of the cumbersome basket full of clothing that she must maneuver through
the crowd. ss She is visually excluded from the sleek people she faces. Yet, the artist
does not pity the laundress; she is strong and able. Steinlen obviously had admiration for
the determination and strength of figures, even if they were a part of a class that was
different from his own.
L' enfant qui deambule dans la rue, et meme celui qui, sagement, trottine
derriere sa nourrice, ne peut manquer d' avoir I' rei! attire par les enseignes
qui grincent au gre du vent, hi-haut, bien au-dessus de sa tete.
Barbouillees de dessins informes ou grotesques, ou se retrouvent tout
ensemble un bestiaire fantastique, une mythologie effiayante, et une
etrange chronique des metiers et des hommes, les enseignes, meprisees par
l'elite, offent un spectacle fascinant et gratuit au peule et aux enfants "aux
yeux sans prejuges", comme Ie dit Verlaine. Realite familiere du decor
urbain, I' enseigne est un stimulant simple pour Ie songe, Ie depaysement,
l'exotisme et Ie fantastique. Tout comme Ie sont les affiches
publicitaires. 56
The fifteen figures in this poster were all larger than life size. S7 The rich colors
and impressive size would have made great visual impact on the street, particularly when
the poster was hung in multiples. An image that was given such great visual importance
would certainly have made an impression on all who entered the streets where it was
hung. The visual messages sent involved the mixing of all kinds on the street. There is
also a feeling for the need to protect those who were vulnerable (such as Collette) from
55 It is also possible that Steinlen's emphasis of the ~ying walk and thrust hip oflaundress is meant to emphasize her
seXUality.
56 Chantal Georgel, L 'Enfont et I 'image all XIXe siecle (paris: Editions de la Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1988):
8.
57 The dimensions of the poster are 238 by 304 centimeters.
349
the bustle and dirt. While Steinlen gives dignity to working class types such as the
laundress, there are still signs of stress when the middle class world must mix with that of
the working class. At the tum-of-the-century, Steinlen was clearly part of a large artistic
and literary movement that examined class structure and offered working-class heroes to
the public. "La litterature, de Curel it Brieux, de Bourget it Prevost, de Coppee it Paul
Adam, ne se pose, en 1900, que des problemes sociaux: les Evangiles de Zola, les
Maternites de Carriere, Louise it l'Opera Comique, celebrent Ie proh~taire."S8 However,
La Rue ultimately fosters concern for the erosion of middle-class values on the street just
as much as it celebrates the worker.
In some images Steinlen presented images of those who were even more
threatening to the middle-class. In the same year as La Rue, he published Le Coupable
(6.4). This 1896 image promoted Fran~ois Coppee's serialized novel of the same name.
"Pour imposer sa presence it la foule indifferente et l'interpeler sue Ie probleme des
bagnes d'enfants."s9 The story was a timely one; as discussed in Chapter Two there was
great concern for defining and rehabilitating the young criminal element in France during
the early Third Republic. 6o Steinlen's image is fittingly disturbing. It features a
monochromatic scene in which an adolescent sits on a hill in front of what appears be the
correctional facility (in which the central character is incarcerated in the narrative). The
boy's rounded, lowered shoulders, facial expression, dirty fingernails, and manner of
5a Paul Morand. 1900 (paris: Les Editions de France, 1931): 6S.

598argiel and Zagrodski S l.
60As mentioned in Chapter Two, there were many prominent articles injoumals that identified the need for
rehabilitation of the juvenile criminal element These concerns were reflected in images of the time. For a socialist
perspective, sec "L'Enfant vagabond et l'ecole de preservation," La Nouvelle Revue 83 (1893): 449-68 and Victor
Garien, "La preservation de l'enfance," La Nouvelle Revue 21 (1903): S07-8. Suggestions for rehabilitation methods
included industrial arts, gardening, plumbing, and other types of vocational education.
350
dress all indicate he is depressed and dejected. It seems that he bas no one else in the
world, and seemingly no future, judging from his solitary position in the bleak landscape.
His clothing resembles a uniform, perhaps that from the correctional facility. His wooden
shoes are a symbol of rural origin (and from an urban perspective, ignorance). The clogs
seem to be marked with a band that would identify him as a resident of the building
behind him. The genetic, predestined nature of criminal behavior chronicled in Zola's
Rougon-Macquart series is echoed in Coppee's story and in this image with the
seemingly primitive feature of the joined eyebrow. Coppee's story features a character
named Chretien Forgeat who was being raised by his mother. When his mother died,
Chretien was left alone and quickly took to a life of crime. He killed a factory worker.
The narrative eventually reveals that the attorney general who prosecutes Chretien is his
father. Steinlen bas represented Chretien and the facility in which he was incarcerated,
choosing the most hopeless moment in the story.
Like Steinlen, Coppee was also a radical who was very concerned about the
welfare of children. Many of his bourgeois odes to children appeared in journals, such as
L 'Rlustration. He also wrote articles about young people and other subjects for more
radical journals, such as La Plume. Coppee's concern for the criminal tendencies of
children who had been orphaned and abandoned were part of a general societal fear. 61
While this had been prevalent since mid-century, the revision of penal codes treating
such cases regenerated great interest in the subject in the late 1880s and in the 1890s.
Damaud's article, Vagabonds et Mendiants (1889), was one of many popular press pieces
61 Coppee demonstrated considerable interest in issues linked to children and education.
351
on the subject.62 Here the author presented a history of vagabondage, instructing readers
how to identify a vagabond. Thus, Steinlen, Coppee, and Damaud were a few of many
who believed that the indigent and parentless threatened the middle class and tried to
identify and describe this element of society. Steinlen and Coppee, however, mixed their
treatments of these individuals with sympathy.63
Steinlen's later posters (within the time perameters established by this study)64
continued to positively promote the qualities of life valued by the middle class.
Advertisers continued to seek him out to promote bourgeois products and activities. In
1885 Steinlen had been approached by the Hotel de Paris in Trouville to create his first
poster, a seaside scene featuring the hotel. 6s In 1900 he was again promoted seaside
vacations, this time in conjunction with the railroad line, Chemins de fer de l'Ouest.
While the text on the poster (Fig. 6.5) lists trips from Paris to London, it is clearly the
excursions to the beaches of Normandy (listed on the right hand side) that the artist
wishes to emphasize on the company's behalf. The scene features two women looking
fondly upon a s.mall girl (whose hair, size, and dress again resemble Collette's) who is
playing with sand and a bucket. All are well-dressed and well-coift"ed. As discussed in
Chapter Two, traveling to the seaside had become an important health regimen for the
62 Gill notes that this is an important type, comparing vagabonds in the 1890s to secular versions of the Wandering
lew, a symbol for the suffering of humanity. Vagabonds had been represented as sinister, but a more positive and
hopeful view of them was developing at thefin-de-siecle. Steinlen's image represents this child as a victim, possibly of
society and heredity. This literature-based poster is just one of the many instances demonstrating the ways Steinlen
was sensitive to and responded to issues in popular literature.
6J Steinlen and Coppee were both members at the Chat Noir and developed a long-standing working relationship.
Coppee wrote the introduction for Les Rondes du Valet de Carreau, a George Auriol book that featured Steinlen
drawings, published by Flammarion in 1887. A comparison was drawn between Steinlen and some of his most
important literary collaborators in Paul Morand's 1900:" Coppee and Anatole France are the equivalent of Steinlen
because they give anecdotes of the city, such as alcoholism and prostitution." See Morand 160.
64 Stein len was still very active in the poster arena between 1905 until his death in 1923. Causes related to World War
particularly seemed to inspire Steinlen in his late career, and many of his images promoted awareness of wartime
family charities and the everyday heroism of soldiers.
65 For a reproduction of Steinlen's first poster commission, see 8argiel and Zagrodsky.
351
bourgeoisie by 1900. Photographs and articles promoting the benefits of seaside travel
were common in popular journals. Children's fashion illustrations were often set at the
beach. 66 This was one of the few places well-bred children were allowed to get soiled
and often run barefoot. The shore was a place, therefore, that children's true natures
could be expressed. The attempt to recognize and cater to the unique tastes of the young
was part of a movement that has already been demonstrated by phenomena such as the
children's publishing movement that employed Boutet de Monvel and Geoffroy at this
time. Steinlen exploited middle class tastes of fashion and child indulgence to make the
Chemin de fer de l'Ouest excursions overwhelmingly appealing. He has pictured two
ideal, similar-looking women, dressed in their fashionable seaside clothes. They are
reading and relaxing on the sand in front of the boat-filled water. The small girl is
absorbed, yet controlled in her play. Her facelessness increases her universal appeal. The
entire composition is set in a semi-circle, but Steinlen's distortion of the white skirt in the
middle reinforces this shape and reminds the viewer of the elegant designs for fans. The
elegance of the people represented, as well as the style of the poster itself implies that this
is an activity that is affordable to only one element of society. By exploiting elegance,
healthfulness, and enjoyment, Steinlen has effectively promoted the vacations the middle
class enjoyed at this time. At the same time, he excludes the people of the street from this
activity, no matter how much he wished to heroicize them.
This separation becomes increasingly apparent in Steinlen' s poster work by the
fin-de-siecle. When Steinlen was not promoting elements of the bourgeois lifestyle, his
stratification of environments and endeavors of various classes became even more
66 Figure 2.40 is one of many such fashion illustrations promoting children's seaside wear.
353
apparen~ as seen in Le Coupable. It was the working class whom Steinlen spent most of
his artistic career portraying, and he himself was nicknamed "Ie maitre de la vie qui
passe, Ie peintre de la rue.,,67 Some of Steinlen' s images of struggle appear in his 1901
album, Dans la vie. This promotional poster for a special volume of his prints is opposite
on every level and in every detail from those touting milk, cocoa, and seaside train
excursions. Published the same year Steinlen was awarded his French citizenship (Fig.
6.6), Dans la vie features only the working class. The figures of the street markedly
demonstrate the difference between the pure, sterilized world of the bourgeoisie, and
everyday street realities as dramatized by Steinlen. Many of the same types found in La
Rue appear here (most notably a strong laundress with her heavy basket at the front of the
crowd). The figures chatter, stare, slouch, heave, and meander. The atmosphere is rather
different from the tense, bustling one that the classes shared in La Rue. Even the style of
rendering the figures is different. In most of Steinlen' s images featuring the working
class, his line is crisp, sketchy, and sometimes coarse. This is in direct contrast to the
smooth, controlled outlines of the bourgeois Chemin de Fer de l'Ouest poster. The
unkempt appearance of the clothing and the slightly tousled hair of some of the figures
also contrasts with the smooth, refined, tailored image of women such as those in the
railroad poster. The street is scattered with people and animals. The working people
must exert themselves, carrying heavy burdens. There is a woman at the left center of
Dans la vie who hauls three children through the streets. After examining the railroad
67 Gustave Kahn "Art: Exposition de l'~uvre de Steinlen" Mercure de France 516. Interest in Steinlen in the 1990s
seems to have been largely in the commodification of his images. His poster imagery, primarily that featuring his
famous renderings of cats, has become widely available as emblems on mousepads, mugs, trash bins, and again as
posters.
354
poster and images such as Compagnie franrraise des chocolats et des thes, this seems to
be an unfeminine and difficult way to deal with children. There is even a notion that this
woman must deal with more children than she can manage, again at odds with the vision
of Collette and her mother. Along the wall couples flirt-middle-class women would not
be depicted in such vulgar displays of public affection. Scenes such as this that illustrate
the noise, dirt, and social activity of the working class world that the middle class was
trying to eliminate from their lives. Neither physically nor economically can these people
participate in the domestic ideal. Advertising imagery maintained the physical and
behavioral separation of classes and genders, yet the bourgeois Steinlen was able to
illustrate proletarian life with sympathy. Dans la vie features a visualization of the
working class that is respectful, but descriptive of their world as difficult, confusing, and
dangerous. The lack of order in their lives contrasts with the organized, spotless
bourgeois nest. Even the ugliness of the buildings, scaffolding and the factory smoke is
also at odds with the controlled, hygienic environments of middle class interiors. 68
Dans la vie also features a noteworthy treatment of dogs. Several mutts seem to
be scattered around the street. They may not have homes and seem to wander about at
will. Even the dogs of the street contrast greatly with the middle-class dogs of Clinique
Cheron (Fig. 6.7). This 1905 advertisement for a veterinary clinic again has exclusive
and refined appeal. As noted in discussions of Compagnie franfaise des chocolates et
des this and Lait pur sterilise, pets were an element of the cloistered bourgeois ideal.
61 While the effects offactory smoke were just being realized as harmful, the presence of the fireplace in the middle-
class home was a desirable thing. In an undated sketch for a never-finished Steinlen poster for Silberman Fireplaces
(Figure 2.8), Steinlen draws a mother or nurse bathing a small child in front of a fireplace in the home. The
accompanying text states that the Silberman brand was desirable because there would be "plus d'asphyxie" and that the
fireplaces would "sterilise I'air." See 8argiel and Zagrodski 109 for the image. The fireplace was being touted as
something that would strengthen hygiene in the home.
355
This contrasted sharply with the roles of animaJs in the lives of rural peasants, who were
tying to make their homes as separate as possible from the animals they had to keep on
the premises for the purposes of survival. A pampered domesticated animal became a
status symbol popular in the middle class home. Steinlen was one of the turn-of-the-
century's most prominent animaliers and did more to popularize pets and animal welfare
than any artist of his day.69
Here the artist has grouped cats and dogs around a benevolent, attractive
bourgeois woman. Steinlen's use of sensuously curved lines and colors and his accurate
description of the animals' coat textures, movements, and anatomy, is immediately
striking. This image contains additional elements of the domestic ideal. The pleasant,
attractive woman70 is a mother-goddess type, showing gentle affection for the animals.
There is a sensuous quality to her affectionate contact with animals--here Steinlen
acquiesces to the sexual associations of women and cats in a most obvious manner.
Middle class women were expected to be virtuous mothers, both to their children and to
their pets. The ideal woman was also a languorous, sensuous being for her husband's
pleasure.
This image also reflects the development of the domestic ideal in the specific
service that it advertises. A business such as a veterinary clinic for pets of the
bourgeoisie exists--this signifies the acceptance of the role of animals in urban middle-
class life. Owning housebound animals that did not produce or work for food had
previously been associated with the idleness of the leisure class. The dogs are of clearly
69Steinlen created a bronze medallion for the Societe Protectric:e des Animaux in 1896.
70Careful examination and comparison with the young woman from the Motocycles Comiot poster, 1899 reveals that
both may be based on representations of Collette.
356
identifiable breeds. Owning well-bred dogs such as these and keeping housecats was
now a middle-class status symbol. Steinlen was the most popular portrayer of domestic
animals in the 1880s and 1890s. 71 The popularity of images of domesticated animals at
this time signifies that a level of acceptance of them had been reached. Suddenly,
animals were appreciated for their abilities to give pleasure and to provide
companionship. This is a similar sentiment to the new nineteenth-century reverence for
children.72 The presence of domestic animals and the appearance of veterinary clinics
indicates a cultural transformation in attitudes toward the home and its inhabitants. This
image stands as one of many within Steinlen's poster reuvre that carefully delineated and
glorified a middle class ideal. The elegance found in the lines and figure types of both the
woman and the animals ultimately establish the bourgeois world as the most desirable, no
matter how heroic his images of other elements of the social strata may seem.
Ephemera and Charitable Causes
In addition to posters, limited-edition pieces of printed material for special
occasions were other vehicles through which Steinlen ultimately promoted the bourgeois
ideal and the solidification of the Republic. Steinlen' s role in the production of materials
71 Representation of the domesticated animal has truly matured in the hands of Steinlen. with his careful rendering of
the anatomy and textures of the animals' fur.
n There was a great deal ofprcss attention to issues related to domestic animals in Paris in Steinlen's day. Louis
Pasteur's development of the rabies vaccine seemed to increase interest in people-animal relations. A representative
article is E. Lefebvre, "Erreurs et Prejuges: Enrage: Hydrophobe," Magasin Pittoresque 2 (1883): 302-03. The
historicization of animals (such as those who were companions to heroes) is exemplified by E. Rodocanachi, "Les
Bctes dans I'Histoirc," La Nouvelle Revue 111(1898): 488-504. There also seemed to be great concern for animals
health and for their abilities to be good parents-it seemed that even animal families were being normalized in the
regenerative modc. Animals charities are discussed in G. de Chcrville, "Les Chiens a Paris," L 'llillstration 65 (January
9 187S) and the burial of animals is reported in words and photographs in V. Maubry. "Cimitiere de Chiens," Magasin
Pittoresque S8 (December IS 1900): 75 I-53. A survey of popular journal articles of the day indicates that household
pets were ofincrcasing interest to the middlc class and that there were escalating perceptions ofthcm as family
members to be cared for, much like children (a feeling that perseveres in present-day urban France).
357
such as menus and sheet music began not long after his arrival in Paris (specifically with
the beginning of his 1882 liaison with Le Chat Noir proprietor Rodolphe Salis). Within a
decade he was a highly sought-after illustrator for invitations, promotional cards, prints,
and pamphlets. These works were all produced simultaneously with scores of book and
journal images, as well as with the posters he began to create in the mid-1880s.
Steinlen's ephemera, in particular, expressed his concern for the life and health of Third
Republic-era children and for issues linked to their education.
Beginning with the early 1880s alliance he built with popular satirical nightclub
singer, Aristide Bruant, Steinlen was a natural choice for songwriters and publishers. who
needed an illustrator for their songsheets. Steinlen's early sheet music illustrations often
glorified Bruant or the drunks and prostitutes that were featured in his songs of street life.
In the 1890s Steinlen's songsheet work became more diverse in subject matter and much
of it was created independently of Bruant. An 1894 illustration for "La Chanson de la
Vie,,73 (Fig. 6.8) corresponds with the song's macabre humor and concern for child
mortality. In this image Steinlen has placed and innocent and typical-looking infant in
the arms of a figure in a suit and bowler. This costume of the petit bourgeoisie identifies
the working classes' familiarity of the loss of child life. The theme of death is
symbolized by the skeleton face of the adult figure. Steinlen' s identification of this figure
with a class ''type'' (similar to the two male worker figures in the background of La Rue)
made the subject both hauntingly and humorously familiar to his audiences. Many of the
people who purchased the inexpensive songsheets or heard the popular tunes in
13 The songsheet is catalogued as Crauzat, number 443, who indicates the songs words wen: written by Rene Esse and
the music by Charles Baliveau. The sheet was published by G. Ondet
358
nightclubs lived and dressed similarly to the death figme. Those of greater wealth (who
also purchased the songsheets) lived in fear of the crime, dirt, and disease they associated
with an element represented by the skeleton. They feared the filth and crime that
threatened their children, also symbolized by this figme. Steinlen's visual
characterization of death and the assignment of social characteristics to it would have
been completely recognizable to his audience. This an important element of his
popularity as a songsheet illustrator.
Steinlen's visually-expressed attitudes toward Third Republic policies and
attitudes seem to vary from the distant-yet-hopeful to the resentful. His more hopeful
images relating to the Republic pre-date the publication of Zola' s 1897 letter"J' Accuse,"
a seminal document in the intensification of the socio-political crisis, the Dreyfus
Affair. 74 An 1895 program illustrated by Steinlen expresses some of the positive work he
felt should be done by the Republic. En Attendant! (Fig. 6.9) was created for a "Concert-
Conference" that would benefit a soup fund. The charity kitchen in questions, "La Soupe
Populaire," was located in the seventeenth arrondissement (in the Batignolles-Epinettes
neighborhood). According to Steinlen catalogue raisonne author Ernest de Crauzat, the
work was reproduced on the concert program and in the form of single-sheet
lithographs. 7S The image itself blatantly expresses socialist hopes for republican
endeavors to help the poor. Marianne, identified by her phrygian cap, allegorizes and
characterizes the nation. By her actions she defines France and the Republic as a
generous and helpful nation, one that loves and cares for its people in a motherly manner.
74 Susan Gill interprets several of Steinlen's Dreyfus-related images in her 1982 dissertation.
75 The image is Crauzat's number 162.
359
She has donned an apron and draws soup from a large vat with a ladel, pouring bowlsful
to hungry workers and children. Most noticeably (in the front and center of the image)
are two children who first receive assistance. Steinlen's Marianne has been described as
''the ideal Republic which heals and comforts all woes and 'gives food to the hungry.",76
There are no bourgeois passing out sous here. Rather, this is Steinlen's dream ofa nation
ensuring that its masses do not go hungry. Clearly Steinlen approved of this government-
sponsored soup kitchen. The fact that he created such an emotional and skillfully-
rendered piece of propaganda as his career was reaching its apex reveals that this charity
had Steinlen's hope and support and that the Republic still had some of his hope.77
In the same year Steinlen created another image that promoted a charity ensuring
the welfare of indigent children. In the 1890s there was an urban movement to establish
charitable creches for working mothers who could not afford child care. 78 The area
encompassing Montmartre was a center of such efforts. There was a high concentration
of women who worked in this neighborhood, and the 1890s saw great preoccupation with
the effect of women's growing professional lives on the population growth rate. The
creche movement was thus an important part of the regeneration movement's annexation
of proletarian health issues. While certain charities had socialist support, many of the
76 Mourey 258.
77 Gabriel Mourey, "Steinlen." Revue llIustree 5:20 (October I 1900): 36. Morey provides some interpretation of this
image: "Au premier plan. deux petiolS, Ie ftere tenant la sa:ur par la robe, lui. huit ans peut-etre. se haussant sue les
pointes. elle. deja; une espece de resignation passive dans Ie regard. Derriere. un vieillard, plus loin. des ouvrieres, des
femmes, une cohue avide que l'odeur de la bonne marmite attire. Et celie qui distribue Ii tous de quoi apaiser leur faim,
belle et forte. porte sur ses cheveux envoles un bonnet pruygien. C'est la RepubJique ideate. celie qui guerit et console
et 'donne Ii manger Ii ceux qui ont faim'. Au haut de la planche, Steinlen aecrit: 'En attendant!' En attendant I'heure
qui ne sonnerajamais, helas! du bonheur universel, I'heure ou la misere et la haine seront bannies du monde, ne seront
~us que des mots vides de sens et que I'humanite de demain sera incapable de comprendre."
The works of Dr. Gaston Variot and the Goutte de Lait dispensary are discussed in Chapter Four. For sources and
imagery see the exhibition catalogue. Musee de I' Assistance PubJique de Paris, Un Patriote au Origitu!s de fa
Puericufturc: Gaston Variot. /855- J930. Medecin et Mecetu! (paris: Musee de I' Assistance PubJique de Paris, 1984).
360
creches received mainstream support from officials and citizens of the Republic to
diminish infant mortality and improve health during early childhood. A small card (210
mm x 270 mm) promoting a benefit for a privately-funded creche of the sixteenth
arrondissement (Fig. 2.29) stands as another crucial work in Steinlen's propagandistic
reuvre. This lithograph is both humorous (featuring the overwhelming sight of seven
squirming, crying babies hanging from pegs on a wall), and frightening (it creates a
collective image of infants waiting to be cared for). Such an image and the charitable
event that the it drew the public's attention to the need for personalized care for the
children being left at home by working mothers.
Many benefit concerts and parties were held at this time to supplement
government support of the care of working class children. Such events were also
designed to increased private sector awareness and financial backing of such endeavors.
As noted in consideration of Geoffroy's image, La Creche (Fig. 4.29) and Boutet's
program for the fifth arrondissement creche fund-raiser (Fig. 5.9), public nurseries were
an important element in the regeneration effort. These facilities, along with charitable
institutions such as the milk dispensaries founded by Dr. Gaston Variot and others, kept
children alive, but also served to promote standards of health and cleanliness that came to
be expected for children such as Steinlen's Collette by the mid-l 890s. The creche
movement was an element of institutional safeguarding of the health of little children.
Artists such as Steinlen both sold and gave their time and skills to promote such causes
that ultimately benefited the nation. 79
79 Crauzat categorized Steinlen '5 work by media and establishes one category devoted to charity works and invitations.
Crauzat 206-8. There: arc several other examples documented here. including number 73S, an invitation for a charity
nsmed "Protection de l'Enfance" for a 1911 event
361
Steinlen's fame had grown quickly by 1900 with his significant journal and poster
exposure. In 1897 Gabriel Mourey wrote, 'There are few artists whose name and whose
work are more widely known than those of Steinlen.,,80 As the artist's notoriety grew, so
did requests by organizations for images for charitable programmes and menus.
Steinlen's promotional card for the Lycee Racine (Fig. 6.10) is another piece that would
have circulated among a select group in Paris, promoting a charity of Steinlen' s choice.
In this case, however, the artist has promoted a middle-class charity. The image features
a girl (who appears to be Collette) reading. She is seared among a pile of books and the
benevolent specter of seventeenth-century French playwright Jean Racine watches over
her. The announcement is for afire, taking place on June 8, 1902. Because ofSteinlen's
careful choice of causes to which he gave his time and efforts (particularly by 1902, just
as demands on his time peaked), it can be assumed that this school was special to him.
There is a minimal amount of letters that exist from Steinlen' s hand, but some that are
extant reveal that he was involved in and enthusiastic about Collette's education.
Steinlen often criticized public schools in his images, so it is curious that he did
work to benefit the Lycee Racine. A photograph from circa 1900 (Fig. 6.11) reveals that
the Lycee was a typical girl's public secondary school. Further research may reveal
whether Collette actually attended the school, but it is clear that this was an institution
that favored order, discipline, and gender-role distinction. At times Steinlen used images
to bitterly criticize public education and its monotonous control. His position on public
schools will be discussed at length in the journal section. Steinlen' s inflammatory and
bitterly critical journal illustration, "Apres 30 ans de Republique" (Fig. 6.18) is at odds
10 Gabriel Mourey, "Steinlen as a Lithographer," The Studio 12 (1897): 2Sl.
362
with the image and philosophies of Lycee Racine. Clearly, Steinlen was willing to
support public schools under the right circumstances. Specific documentation about the
commission of this particular image has not yet surfaced; perhaps Steinlen was willing to
work for the school because it was where Collette attended. While it is not always easy to
determine where the artist stood on political or educational issues, it is doubtless that he
was intensely interested in the education of his daughter and of children in general.
Radical alternatives to schooling the nation's precious resources were promoted
with fervor at the dawn of the twentieth century. Many Chat Noir works of Willette,
Caran d' Ache, Steinlen, and Forain "inspired humor and satiric attacks on the
bourgeoisie." Some of the greatest efforts were made as "attacks on the inequities of the
prevailing social order"Sl that were observed in education. One of the primary radical
figures in the development and promotion of a new educational system was Jean Grave.
Publisher of the socialist journal, Les Temps Nouveaux, Grave was a friend ofSteinlen's
and one of the most vocal advocate of the working class cause in print media in France at
thefin-de-siecle. Grave created a series of inexpensive brochures (often priced at ten
centimes) preaching the virtues of socialist education. For the "Publications des Temps
Nouveaux,,,S2 Grave hired various artists to create margin and cover images for pages of
II A-D. Bancel, uLe Cooperatisme devant les ecoles sociales," La Plume 8:181 (November I-December I 1896): 666-
69 and 759-65. Bancel addresses the argument"aux Proletaires'" which was indicative of the spirit of socialist
education. The international Cooperatisme movement marked the socialists' organized foray into education. Between
the years 1885 and 1896, the movement held eight international conferences. They proposed an alternative to state and
catholic schools, according to Charles Secn!tan's Mon Utopie. One of the most important tenets of socialist education
was that it must exist without any state cooperation. Steinlen's anti-republican education imagery and his involvement
with educational promotion for a commune in the Ardennes forest indicates that he was opposed to precisely the type
of education that Geoffioy promoted on such a grand scale. Yet, Steinlen's own daughter did not attend such a school.
12 This rare series of pamphlets can be examined at Paris' Musee Social.
363
views written by himself and a small nucleus of writers. His typically socialist proposals
included returning education in the hands of paternal wisdom and authority.83
Grave's series prompted the creation of other suites of cheaply-produced
brochures, including those that advocated communist educational theory. Steinlen
illustrated for the "Philosophe Libertaire" series in 1906. Annemarie Springer has noted
SteinIen's anarchistic sympathies, and this brochure appears to be an additional document
supporting this current ofSteinIen's political interest. 84 In L 'Education de Demain (Fig.
6.12),85 author A. Laisant lamented that "Education officieIle, par consequent, signifie
conciliation entre la liberte et I' esclavage, ou plutot tentative de conserver I' esclavage en
ayant I' air de faire des concessions a la liberte. ,,86 Introduced by SteinIen drawings,
83 See Jean Grave, Enseignement Bourgeois et Enseignement Libertaire (paris: Publications des Temps Nouveaux.
(900). The cover features contrasting images of faceless. mindless students slaving under the directorship of a
tyrannical professor and a glorified image of two ruraJ children pausing to learn from a man holding a flower. This
image is directly reminiscent of recommendations made by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in Emile. A Girard's pamphlet
from the same series, Education Authorite Patemelle (paris: Publications des Temps Nouveaux. n.d) features a boy
who appears to have just come from the public schools, wearing the hat of the ane and carrying a schoolbag. He
clearly resembles the typical child of the republican schools found in the work of Geoffroy. The young etudiant cries
and cowers in front of his parents, particularly an enraged father holding a whip. In words and images, the socialists
are promoting the return of the raising and teaching of the child to whom they see as a more effective disciplinarian-
the French father.
84 For an outline of Stein len's participation in anarchistic activity through his art, see Annemarie Springer, "Terrorism
and Anarchy: Late Nineteenth-Century Images of a Political Phenomenon in France," Art Journal (Summer 1979):
261-66. "L 'anarchisme de Steinlen se leve, au nom de la peine humaine, non contre nos fi'eres, mais contre la race
horrible qui a multiplie cette peine dans I'univers. L'anarchisme de Steinlen n'a rien de commun avec Ie defaitisme ou
la traison bolcheviste. L'anarchisme de Steinlen glorifie dans la foule armee de la France I'a.rmee de la paix future,
pietinant Ie militarisme dans sa marche vers I'aurore d'un temps plus serein et plus equitable. L 'anarchisme de
Steinlen est I'inspiration meme de la Revolution des civils faisant la guerre finale Ii la guerre elle-meme." Camille
Mauclair, "L'(Euvre de guerre de Steinlen,.. L 'Art etles Artistes 23 (1918): 23. The effort to precisely determine
Steinlen's political affiliations are further complicated by his sporadic. but intense participation in anarchistic projects.
Steinlen signed a letter in the journal, Radical, in 1910, including himself with anarchists protesting actions such as
Russian imprisonment of writer Ossip Minor. See Murray 18. Steinlen's anarchist allegiances may also be linked to
the fact that Kropotkin was in exile in Switzerland when Steinlen was a young man in the 1870s. Jean Grave was also
a Kropotkio supporter and published his ideas in La Rnolte and Les Temps Nouveaux. Images such as Steinlen's
cover for L 'Education de Demain are in keeping with anarchist themes of Oppression, Revolution, Social Awakening.
and Liberty. Springer asserts that for artists such as Luce, the Pissarros, and Steinlen, "Anarchism was the logical
outcome of nineteenth-centwy opposition to a hateful bourgeois society. See Springer 261-62. Anarchism had
heightened public attention after the Ravachol bombings in 1893-93 and the 1900 International Congress for
Anarchists, held in Paris.
15 A Laisant, L 'Education de Demain (Ardennes: Publications Periodiques de la Communiste d'Aiglemont, 1906).
This issue was number five in the series and cost ten centimes.
16 Laisant 4.
364
Laisant attacked an array of concepts at the core of republican educational reform. These
included: the primary-secondary school structure, the content and practices in the
teaching ofvirtua1ly all disciplines, and the overall stultifying effects of I 'education
ojJicielle. Laisant attacked schools exactly like the Lycee Racine, only four years after
Steinlen produced thefite invitation. "L'eleve du Lycee est enferme dans Ie domaine de
la mort. ,,87
Steinlen's involvement with Grave, Laisant, and the educational brochure
movement indicates at least some approval for such ideas. Examination of his journal
imagery in the next section will reveal his distaste for public school education. It is
possible that he did not see education reform working for the working class, but was
satisfied with the systems in place for teaching bourgeois children such as his daughter.
The cover drawing for L 'Education de Demain may advocate a separate and Rousseauian
approach for teaching the proletariat. Steinlen' s simple rendering of an axe leaning
against a tree laden with fruit eloquently accompanies Laisant's recommendations despite
a complete absence of figures or interpretation. The axe symbolizes the laborer; the tool
has been set down because its user has taken the time to learn. The tree also serves a dual
purpose. It evokes the Ardennes forest anarchist commune that sponsored the pamphlet
and imagined itself as a utopian workers' society in which such learning would take
17 Laisant 7. Paul Morand further explains radical opposition to the public school system. "La refonne de 1880 sur la
gratuite et I'obligation de I'enseignement va etre reprise; Ie latin ne sera plus un privilege bourgeois; il sera incorpore
aux etudes modemes, OU la science et les langues etrangeres se rencontreront avec lui sur un pied d'egaiite; la
specialisationjesuitique est remplacee par I'abondance des cours et par une suralimentation d'idees generales.
Suppression de la diSCipline scolaire, de la marche au pas, du silence au refectoire, de I'uniforme. Brunetiere s'oppose,
dans son Discours sur fa Liberte d'enseignement (1900), aux methodes nouvelles: 'Enseigner c'est parler et parler,
c'est penser: refuser la liberte d'enseigner, c'est refuser les autres; et il cite I'exemple des universites anglo-saxonnes
qui ne dclivrent pas de diplOmes d'Etat et oula politique n'a pas acces: 'La grande erreur de la Revolution fran~se,
ecnt-i1, a cte de dctruire tout ce qu'il y avaitjadis d'intermCdiaires entre I'isolement de I'individu et I'omnipotence de
I'Etal' Le gouvemement, sans tenir compte de ces arguments, prepare des lors la reforme qui aboutira deux ans plus
lard (1902), regime sous-Iequel nous fiUnes cleves, et fort mal." Morand 63-64.
365
place. The blossoming plant naturally reminds the reader (and perhaps potentialleamers)
of fecundity and the potential harvest (of learning in this case). Socialist and communist
texts such as this also adopted some of Rousseau's educational philosophies. Rousseau
recommended that adults teach by observing and talking with children about useful and
relevant elements in their environment, such as plants. In the brochure Laisant proposes
that workers be educated in loosely-structured systems that encourage self-teaching and
offer participation in cooperative learning societies. He outlines the evils of government-
structured education for the poor:
(nous les efforts n'y sauraient rien faire; malgre la valeur des maitres,
malgre les sacrifices d'argent, la bourgeoisie dirigeante, dans son horreur
du proletariat, recevra de plus en plus une education fausse, artificielle,
88
anti-humaine et deviendra de plus en plus incapable de rien diriger.
Steinlen's cover drawing and the Lycee Racine invitation once again demonstrate
the artist's intense interest in causes, as well as his nimble and rapid realignment of
sympathies. His choice of projects may even seem duplicitous. However, what is at the
heart ofSteinlen's role in these projects is his deep interest in the good of the people and
the benefit of the nation. While these works may seem very different from the Geoffroy
paintings that appeared in the education pavilion at the Exposition Universelle only a few
years before, all of these images actually reveal a commitment to the restoration of the
strength of the people through education.
U A Laisant 7. Steinlen created little dr61eries and the cover illustration for this text. Laisant argued that illiteracy
was still high among proletariat and that the republican educational system was not working. Instead. the Ardennes
commune argues that aulorile palernelle is one solution. Another similar pamphlet series from 1898, the Publication
du Groupe d'lnitiative pour l'Ecole Libertaire, promoted family-based education even further.
Bound and Determined: Steinlen's Voice in the Publishing World
Like Boutet de Monvel and Geoffroy, Steinlen quickly realized the great financial
and communicative potential of mass-distributed print media. Steinlen and the
possibilities of spreading the world through book and journal imagery grew together. The
quality of his draughtsmanship and the keenness of his observation and ideas helped
popularize and refine the art of printing and circulation of printed matter at this time.
Steinlen's earliest work shows, however, that he was initially inspired to created
humorous vignettes from life. He achieved greater visual and ideological excellence from
the technology and the demands of the publishing world. His body of mass-media work
reveals that he was a propagandist of the highest order. His journal work reveals little
desire to promote status quo values, but it often achieves exactly this. Children are
omnipresent figures in Steinlen's imagery--they seem to be an integral part of his vision
of the human condition and often made up a large part of the audience he was trying to
reach. Steinlen's family-centered themes and his obvious desire to persuade his
audiences to strive for humane awareness caused his illustrations to intersect
ideologically with those of Boutet de Monvel and Geoffroy.
Conscience, Ambition, and Journals
Much ofSteinlen's limited present-day fame has stemmed from his journal
imagery. His work in this medium yielded some fine examples of propaganda that
supported regeneration. Just as Steinlen arrived in Paris there were two developments
that occurred that facilitated the development of the eager young artist's journal career.
367
As Phillip Dennis Cate has pointed out, Charles Gillot developed a method of
photomechanically reproducing line drawings on a newspaper press, so artists' drawings
could be used directly instead of having to be copied by an engraver. Part ofSteinlen's
great popularity and power as a visual communicator rose from print technologies such as
this that allowed his free, expressive line to appear as it did from his own hand. Gillotage
was invented in 1878, just as Steinlen was reading L 'Assommoir. The process was just
being assimilated into the print journal industry as Steinlen looked for work as an
illustrator in the early 1880s. Another reason the medium of the journal was ripe for
Steinlen's contributions was the July 29, 1881 "Freedom of the Press" law, lifting
newspaper censorship. 89 Journal illustrators had been subject to vacillating regimes,
policies, and levels of censorship throughout the nineteenth century, as Robert Justin
Goldstein has demonstrated in Censorship ofPolitical Caricature. 9O For decades, artists
(such as Daumier) had been subject to various methods of altering or silencing their
opinionated mode of expression by government censors (at times through means as
extreme as imprisonment). Steinlen arrived in Paris the year that his public brand of
radical, critical imagery was beginning to be possible in Paris.
Steinlen quickly became admired for his commitment to causes and his desire to
be on the street regularly, observing conditions of the life he chronicled. "We find
Steinlen at the entrance to the lumber yard, in the garret studio, at the time clock of the
factory. He is everywhere that the masses congregate on holidays, as casualties, or
picketing at strikes.,,91 He prodigiously created images for socialist, Marxist, and
19 Phillip Dennis Calc, "Empathy with the Humanity of the Streets." ArtNews 76:3 (March 1977): 56-59.
90 Robert Justin Goldstein, Censorship ofPolitical Caricature (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1989).
91 Taylor 4.
368
anarchist publications, as well as for some of the most widely-circulated, mainstream
publications, such as L 'Olustration. However, "comme tant d'artistes de son temps,
Steinlen est plus un revolte qu'un revolutionnaire.,,92 Steinlen's less revolutionary side
allowed him to serve as a children's journal illustrator, working simultaneously with
Geoffroy for Mon Journal in 1888-89. The three artists featured in this study each
produced an extremely high number of works for the journal industry, but none more so
than Steinlen.
Steinlen began his prolific career of journal illustration with Salis' Le Chat Noir.
His nine-year affiliation with that periodical was superseded by his work for Gil Bias
illustre. This was the journal for which he created the greatest number of works and over
the longest period of time. This sustained and widespread opportunity for him to remain
in the public eye brought him great fame and made him a household name, quite literally.
Steinlen came to Paris to discover and celebrate the worker. He was able to
successfully promote this cause over a forty-year period as his decidedly socialist point-
of-view laced a large percentage of his images that infiltrated the French home and
street. 93 Not only did his work reach families on a daily basis, but it did much to keep
socialist positions on child issues in public discourse. While the socialist view of the role
of children in society often purposely expressed agitation with the republican role of the
child, both factions saw children as an important means of manipulating the present and
future. In a Jean Grave article, "Les Enfants," from the radical literary journal, La Plume,
the socialist position on children is clearly expressed.
92 Jourdain 33.
Steinlen was also pt of a public campaign to get a visa for Maxime Gorky to recover from tuberculosis in France.
93
Murray 18.
369
(Children) are weak and they will die ifwe do not come to their aide. In
an anarchic society no one will have the fear of misery, all will be
precipitated on usefulness. The child and that which concerns moral and
physical development will become perfectly assured. Following the child,
anyone who arrives in life with unfavorable conditions, to make him and
his weakness inferior to that which gives the nights, it is not less to be
born with the right to existence and that weakness will not be a primordial
right, since the state of weakness is one of the common features of all that
it is to be human.94
Grave was also quick to defend the moral character of parents who have economic
difficulties, saying that society is as much responsible for the character of the child. He
expressed great concern for children's intellectual and spiritual development. While
radicals may have despised school reforms as "enslavement to the law," republicans were
condemning working class alcoholism and lack of cleanliness as major social problems
threatening child life. However, both sides characterized the child's mind as
impressionable and feeble--both saw children as a resource to be preserved and as a prize
to be won. From an examination ofSteinlen's journal imagery that intersects with
regeneration issues, it will become clear that the artist was purposely practicing socialist
concern for the masses, but may inadvertently have been glorifying the goodness of
middle-class lifestyle, just as he did through his posters.
While Steinlen made few judgments of working-class lifestyles, he visually
advocated an attitude of charity among the middle-class. In "Charity" from the widely-
circulated journal, L 'nlustration (Fig. 6.13), a well-dressed woman encourages the little
girl who accompanies her to give a coin to a haggard woman with two children. The
model for the serene bourgeois girl is surely Steinlen's daughter, Collette. Benevolence
contrasts with humility on a typical Paris street. The readership of L 'nlustration was one
94 Jean Grave, "Les Enfants," La Plume S:97 (May 1893): 209-10.
370
that was likely to have disposable income-Steinlen seems to be goading such individuals
to give alms to the poor. There is extra weight to his endorsement with the casting of his
own daughter as one who did so. Steinlen has also cleverly rendered the scene in a
picturesque and rather smooth manner. It will become apparent with the examples from
the more radically-oriented Gil Bias illustre that the artist was likely to alter the level of
refinement of his drawing style to more effectively communicate with the audience he
was trying to reach. 95
Another image that reflects Steinlen' s concern for the condition of families on the
streets is L 'Attentat du Pas-de-Calais (Fig. 6.14). Published in Le Chambard Socialiste96
in late 1893, the image draws from a contemporary event, typical of Steinlen' s journal
work. According to Peter Dittmar, events in the mining region at Pas-de-Calais inspired
this work. After over a decade of strikes, there was a lock-out of workers in 1893. The
loss of work affected most of the mining families in the nation and their hunger and panic
led to bitter public revolts. The miner and his family are moving forward--they are
heading to a counter march. This demonstrates that they have become symbols of
moving forward, fighting for their own rights and through their publicized efforts, the
right to work for all. 97
Steinlen98 focuses on what appears to be one family. A man, looking angry and
devastated, holds a pick and carries an infant. His wife and two more children trudge
95 The quality of Steinlen's drawing seemed to dip periodically during his intense period of productivity. His work for
working-class journals, in particular, seems rushed and uneven at times. His work for L 'Illustration was always
relatively highly finished and clever. Exceptions are his purposeful and surprisingly topical drawings in the hand of a
child for "La page de bebe," a channing 1887 L 'Illustration feature.
96 Murray 8. This was the first journal to concentrate solely on issues concerning the working-class.
97 Dittmar 74.
91 Cate in Cate and Gill 38. Steinlen used two different pseudonyms, particularly after his fame escalated. For socialist
periodicals La Feuille and Le Chambard Socia/iste he became "Petit Pierre." The name was a play on the Genoan
stein, or stone, in his last name. The name, "little stone," also drew on his association with the lithographic stone and
371
closely behind him. The entire family looks defeated and hungry, particularly the woman
and children. In relation to this study, a central issue in Steinlen's journal imagery is his
desire to promote the welfare of children at the center of working-class life. The visual
elements focus on the rights of workers, the primary characters, in contrast to the armed
guards that stand blocking the entrance to the factory. However, this is also an image that
speaks concern for the children of France. The unhappy, hungry, fearful, huddling family
has become a victim of an unjust and confrontational world. Certainly this is not good
for the innocent children. On the other hand, Steinlen clearly sanctioned a different
environment for and treatment of children two years later in his Lait pur sterilise poster.
While he was dedicated to promoting causes of the worker, a broader look at his body of
images in a broader social context reveals that he glamorized and idealized the simpler
aspects of bourgeois life.
Another work that reveals Steinlen's desire to protect the indigent child is Jolie
Societe! (Fig. 6.15).99 This work appeared in Le Chambard Socialiste, approximately six
weeks after L 'Attentat du Pas-de-Calais. It features four shabbily-dressed children
picking food from a rubbish bin. One of the children is older and he hands a morsel to
the smallest child. A few feet away is a dog (one that is possibly a whippet--again it is an
identifiable breed, as opposed to the street mutts in the Dans la vie poster). The dog is
drawn with a snooty expression and wears a well-tailored blanket with an emblem and an
embellished collar. erauzat noted that the image appeared with an Aurelien Scholl
criticism of French society that had appeared previously in l'Echo de Paris, "Une Societe
with the pebbles that were daily parts of the lives of miners and other workers. Steinlen used another pun name, Jean
Caillou (also meaning pebble), to sign his images for I.e }.fir/ilon.
99 I.e cham bard Socia/isle 7 (January 28 1894): I.
37%
est bien pres d'etre finie quand les chiens sont habilles et quand les enfants sont obliges
de se nourrir dans les boites a ordure."IOO This sarcasm and the inequities presented in the
image are biting. In the 1894 issue of Le Chambard Socialiste in which the image was
reproduced, it was subtitled "Oilles chiens des riches sont plus heureux que les enfants
des pauvres."IOl Once again Steinlen has used a theme that later he would contradict to a
degree. While he makes an effective statement with this image, he advocated animal
welfare and downright pampering in the 1905 poster, Clinique Cheron.
The journal to which Steinlen most often contributed, Gil Bias Olustre, regularly
featured images of disadvantaged children on its cover and pages. This journal's
circulation of up to 50,000 allowed Steinlen to reach his largest audience with any single
vehicle up to that point. 102 In his "style poetico-realiste"I03 Steinlen usually created
illustrations inspired by the journal's short stories and poems. Regularly-featured authors
such as Jules Jouy and Jean Richepin shared Steinlen's fascination with and concern for
people on the street. Steinlen and Jouy collaborated on an image for an 1892 issue,
''Noel des petits sans-souliers" (Fig. 6.16). The story and illustration reminded Gil Bias
Olustre's Christmastime readers of young have-nots: " ...Noel! les petits sans-
souliers,ILes sans-Ioyers,lLes sans-foyers,lQui n'avez pas de cheminees,INoel rouge,
courbant Ie dos,Niendra vous faire des cadeaux,IVos peines seront terminees!lNoel!
Noel!"I04 In a format that was familiar to Gil Bias readers, the text and image were
100 Crauzat 49-50 (catalog number 136).

101 The issue appeared on January 28, 1894.
102 Cate in Cate and Gill 29. His work forthisjoumal from 1891-1900 often appeared weekly and made Steinlen truly
a household name in Paris. The international circulation of this joumal also allowed him to make an impact on readers
and particularly on artists in other countries, most notably a young Pablo Picasso in Spain.
IOJ Peter Dittmar, "Steinlen et Ie jeune Picasso," Revue de I 'Art 68 (1985): 85.
104 Jules Jouy, "Noel des petits sans-soulicrs," Gil Bias lllustri 49 (December 4 1892): 5
373
integrate~ with the image dominating the page. As Steinlen's fame escalated there was
increasing demand for his works to be featured prominently and often. Here Steinlen
makes an impact with a rendering of five children of all sizes, banding together and
looking sadly and wistfully into a toy shop window. Behind the well-lit glass is a variety
of dolls and toy animals. Many of the dolls have elaborate clothing and hairstyles, lOS but
there is also a doll in rural costume (on the top shelf) and below it, a Polichinelle doll.
The theme is familiar--Geoffioy also created awareness of the plight of poor children at
Christmastime in his 1880 image from Magasin d'Education et Recreation (Fig. 4.6). In
Geoffroy's image, however, a wealthy little girl's toy shopping and gesture of generosity
are the focus. Steinlen emphasizes the bleakness of the experience of those in want, both
through the content and style of drawing. The Geoffroy image is delicately and finely
rendered, while Steinlen typically replicated the coarseness of street life with bold,
unrefined strokes of his crayon. Both artists attempted to increase public awareness of
the most basic things missing from many working class lives by using the universal
messages implicit in toy shops at Christmastime. However, Steinlen's image shows the
viewer exactly what type of children are needy, while they are only implied in Geoffroy's
conception of a similar theme. His "awareness of cruelty of the imposed social order
carries through the majority of his works, and makes Steinlen the most consistent and
prolific artistic standard-bearer of socialist thought in the France of the 1880s and
'90S.,,106
lOS An undated poster by Steinlen, 8ebe Jumeau, popularized a popular brand of dolls that appear to be very similar to
the dolls in the shop window. Steinlen was also keenly aware of the social stratification of toy ownership through
projects such as this. For the image see 8argiel and Zagrodski 104.
106 Cate, "Empathy with the Humanity of the Streets" 59.
374
Steinlen's 1896 representation of a "Marchand de marrons" (Fig. 6.17) was one of
many he created of that subject for journals. In this case, the image was created to
107
accompany a Jean Richepin story of the same title in Gil Bias illustri. The theme was
found often in popular illustration and literature at this time. This commonly-seen street
scene was also firmly in the public's consciousness. Here a small crowd of children
watches the merchant run his hand through a vat of warm chestnuts. Street vendors such
as this were constantly subjected to the hungry eyes and pleas of children who roamed the
streets, as their wares were one of the few visible sources of food. Their faces are
illuminated by a shop window and a gas street light; the gaunt children stare intently at
the chestnuts. Their shawls, coats, and caps indicate that it is cold and the lights and
shadowy tones imply that this is a night scene. The image both reminds the viewer of the
large element of the wandering hungry, and that a large portion of the street poor were
children. The night setting emphasizes that these en/ants were unsheltered at a time of
day and year that would be considered unsafe for any child. By criticizing society's
neglect of its youth, Steinlen is again asserting that this should not be accepted as normal.
His use of the poor to damn the evil side of proletarian life and his glorification of the
clean, cloistered life of the bourgeoisie may have simply been intended to point out
injustice. However inadvertently, Steinlen normalized that which was clean, controlled,
and orderly, thus promoting what was at the heart of French regeneration campaigns and
republican school efforts.
107 Just as Steinlen collaborated repeatedly with highly political authors, such as Anatole France and Fran~ois Coppee,
he often created images for the stories of socialist author of popular literature, Jean Richepin. Jouy and Stein len had
also collaborated on a "Marchand de mlll1'ons" piece that had appeared in the same periodical in 1982, attesting to the
popularity of this theme.
375
One ofSteinlen's images, "Apres 30 ans de Republique," (Fig. 6.18) stands out as
a particularly critical reflection on the state of the Republic and its schools. Steinlen
created this image in the first year with his alliance with L 'Assiette au Beu"e, in 1901. 108
Perhaps inspired by the antagonistic words of this highly anti-government and anti-
clericaljournal, Steinlen here makes one of his most potent attacks on the public
education system. The image was published in 1901, less than a year after the education
I09
pavilion asserted the glory of secular education at the Exposition Universelle. While
Steinlen may have unconsciously promoted the strength of the Republic by glorifying the
middle-class life of plenty elsewhere. Here he unequivocally lambasts both public
schools and the Republic itself. Just as the education pavilion provided a positive
retrospective of republican educational and public works, this image's title and visual
co.ntent give a dour summary of three decades of promise and attempted reform.
Steinlen was heavily influenced by anarchist and socialist education theory
precisely at this time, as has been made clear in the analysis of his imagery for L 'Ecole
pour Demain. In the same year that Geoffroy's work appeared in the Exposition
Universelle education paVilion, socialist educational theorist Jean Grave wrote:
En ecole telle que nous la comprenons, les enfants apprendront aenvisager

la vie telle qu' elle est, a ouvrir les yeux sans peur, a regarder les choses en
face, les hommes sous crainte; ils apprendront achercher, examiner, peser,
discuter, critiquer, n'acceptant une solution que lorsque leur raisonnement
la leur indique comme plus logique, et non parce qu'on la leur aura
enseigne telle. A cette heure OU I' on fait des ligues pour apprendre aux
individus a Ie respecter les lois, en meprisant ceux qui sont charges d'en
assurer I' execution, acertains autres am' epriser les lois pour garder toute
sa foi a ceux qui les interpretent; d' autres encore ayant la naivete de croire
qu'ils pourront faire respecter l'individu par les lois et ceux qui les font,
101 The image was recycled in 1902 for the journal, I.e Gavroche, and was the only illustration by Steinlen to appear in
this publication. Crauzat 203.
109 Le Gavroche 26 (July 28 1902). The work is Crauzat's number 695, on page 203.
376
nous, voulons simplement apprendre aux individus qu'ils doivent savoir se
respecter, et se faire respecter, sans lois, envers et contre lois, et leurs
parasites. ttO
In his image Steinlen has visualized his friend Grave's description of public schools' use
of fear tactics and the discouragement of thought and individuality.
The subtitle of this illustration is also important: "Les petits Fovaux ou l'espoir de
la Patrie." The "hope of the country" is represented as the uniform and uniformed
students of the bataillons sco/aires. Gone is the gleeful spirit of Geoffroy's grinning
revanche-driven tot (Fig. 4.22). Steinlen has represented the class of boys marching
outside their school as a complacent mass. Clearly, he sees that republicans have
engineered a future of mindlessness and absence of individuality. This has been achieved
through the rigid structures and uniformity of the public schools and militarism. The
teachers themselves are subject to some of the most biting criticism. The grotesque,
clumsy, flabby figures loom ominously in black robes over their students. To the left, a
thug-like instructor glares at the students and wields a cane. Many messages about fear
tactics used by public school teachers, as well as their own complacency and disinterest
can be read from the image. It is important to compare the appearance, attitudes, and
rapport of these teachers to those represented by Geoffroy and Boutet de Monvel. These
professeurs are radically different from Geoffroy's dedicated and loving nursery school
teacher (Fig. 2.52) and Boutet's inspired, precise Mademoiselle Genseigne (Fig. 5-27). In
satire and style most reminiscent of traditions of journal illustrating established by
Daumier, Steinlen has bitterly skewered public education. Most importantly, all of the
110 Jean Grave, "Enseignement bourgeois et enseignement Iibertaire," (paris: Aux Bureaux des Temps Nouveaux,
1900): unpaginated.
377
educational setting serves as a metaphor constructed by Steinlen to criticize the highly
organized, militarized Republic. "The ideal, launched in 1880, ofa Republican
hegemony uniting peasant, worker, teacher and employer became increasingly hollow.
France was led by a secular bourgeois government, unable to decide which it feared more;
priest or socialist." III People like Steinlen saw the government's educational experience
as one that failed.
Yet, Steinlen celebrated the children of France and their joy for learning. In a
later, but related image, Steinlen commemorated Gamines sortant de I 'ecole (Fig. 6.19).
The exact date of the image is not known, but the etching was reproduced in a 1912
edition of The Studio. Geoffroy's images of children leaving school share a vivacity and
tenaciousness with these students. The gamines' tousled hair and the manner of dress
indicates they are of a lower social stratum than many of the children in Geoffroy's work.
It is not clear whether these girls attend a public school or even one with a more radical
orientation. It can safely be assumed, however, that this was a typical scene Steinlen
observed in the streets of Montmartre. It is important to note that these girls have the
chance to go to school, something that many urban, working-class girls did not have the
chance to do at the dawn of the RepUblic. More bemused approval of the schoolgirls is
communicated through the sketchy lines that describe tight clutching of portfolios, and
close clusters of figures. The diagonal orientation of the image also lends dynamism to
the work, in stark contrast to the rigid horizontals and verticals that communicate control
and stultification in Apres 30 ans de la Repub/ique. The 1902 image also features wide,
crisp range of values, as well as carefu1ly-controlled marks. The amount of freedom and
III Murray 2.
378
enjoyment Steinlen communicated about his subject in Gamines sortant de I 'ecole
provides visual advocacy for means of educating children that preserved their spirits.
Most importantly, the girls are still spirited after spending the day in school. This
indicates that Steinlen believed France's children did flourish from and deserve some
formal education. This was not immediately evident from his involvement in the
L 'Education de Demain project (Fig. 6.12). Steinlen may be critical of structured
learning, yet structure and standards in the home are the essences of his advertising work,
such as Compagnie franr;aise des chocolats et des thes (Fig. 6.1). The presence of
propagandistic duality in Steinlen's work is particularly clear when his goals and
achievements in various media are compared with one another. He strove to serve as a
spokesman for social inequities, but could not help advocating the comfort of the middle-
class position from which he observed the worker.
Catering to the Book Readers
Steinlen's work in posters,joumals, and charity promotion clearly reveal his
support of the health of the family and France's future. His work as a book illustrator
accomplishes this as well. Perhaps this body of work was designed with even greater
bourgeois appeal to reach the book-buying audience. The nature ofSteinlen's
relationships with specific authors and publishers reveals a great deal about his ability to
please both the author and the audience. Anatole France praised him on several
occasions, with statements such as: "A refined, lively, keen, sensibility, an infallible
memory of the eye, and rapid methods of expression destined Steinlen to become a
379
portrayer of the passing life, the master of the street. ,,112 France promoted Steinlen as the
crusading bohemian who was the illustrator of working-class stories such as L 'Affaire de
Crainquebille. 113 France eventually dedicated the piece to Steinlen and to the actor who
played Crainquebille, Lucien Guitry. France and Steinlen appeared to have an amicable
relationship, with Steinlen producing many portrait sketches of France around the turn-of-
the-century. The author also assisted in other Steinlen projects, providing a preface letter
for one of the most bourgeois ofSteinlen's book projects, Histoire du Chien de Brisquet
(1900). France and Steinlen often emphasized their radical sides in promotion of
themselves and each other. However, their cronyism sets the stage for the assuring tone
in Steinlen's soothing book imagery.
Steinlen participated in a great many fashionable and experimental publishing
projects. His efforts to create imagery for a short series of miniature books delighted both
families and collectors. Like Boutet de Monvel before him, Steinlen was approached by a
publisher to illustrate small books of songs and folktales. Three volumes, all printed in
1895, were sponsored by Pairault et Companie. Three miniscule volumes (each 38 x 28
millimeters) included: Le Petit Poucet (a traditional Perrault tale), Les Rondes de
I 'Enfance (a Boutet-style collection of folk songs with images of children dancing in
native costume), as well as Voltaire's Jeannot et Colin. Each of the thumb-sized
volumes, at one-and-one-half francs, 114 were charming and affordable to a variety of
112 France quoted in Taylor 5.

113 Anatole France, L 'affaire de Crainquebille (paris: Edouard Pelletan. 190 I). The Crainquebille story was published
in many fonns in French and other languages, including the novel in play form in L 'Illustration Thiatrale. 190 I.
~reading Steinlen's e.xposure as an illustrator even wider.
I 4 Veteran Steinlen collector Norma Bartman owns examples of the miniature Pairault volumes. Versions on the
heavy paper were priced from three to six francs. The pricier versions were bound in tiny leather covers. All were
published by Pairault et Compagnie in 1895 and are 38 by 28 millimeters. Stein len illustrated only three such volumes
and all of them were compiled and released in one additional volume.
380
audiences. The title page from Les Rondes de I 'En/ance (Fig. 6.20) demonstrates that
despite his radical orientations, Steinlen too participated in the nationalistic movement to
cultivate appreciation for simple childhood pleasures and for tradition. An illustration for
"Ah! mon beau chateau" is displayed opposite the title. liS The image implies that
children separated by geography and social strata can come together in song and dance.
On the left is a country castle and directly below it are children in rather modest dress.
On the right, however, children in clothes that appear much finer dance in front of a castle
that appears more luxurious. Steinlen seems to be emulating the style of Kate
Greenaway, particularly in the way he has dressed the children at the right. The lively,
dimensional composition recalls Greenaway, rather than Boutet de Monvel. It is possible
that there is even a commentary here on the possibility of children of different nations
uniting, particularly the English and the French. The work of the Boutet is echoed in the
sweet simplicity of the children's faces and the entire conception of the illustrated
songbook. This is a rare instance in which Steinlen seems to have consciously responded
to the call of nationalism. He suppressed his own style and causes in the Pairault
miniature series, in order to promote typically French literature and music, as well as
unity.
Steinlen further manipulated his style and subject matter to appeal to tastes of a
middle-class audience. His work was packaged and re-packaged in book form numerous
times, strengthening his impact on the pUblic. 116 Chansons des jemmes, an 1897 book of
lIS Boutet de Monvel illustrated the same song in Vieilles chansons. This entire project must be seen as a response to
Boutet's success.
116 In 189S Steinlen began to publish collections solely of his lithographs. His work also appeared in periodicals of the
era that were dedicated to promoting the connoisseurship of lithographs. These included L 'Estampe Moderne and
L 'Estampe et I 'Affiche.
381
songs, featured high-quality printings of lithographs Steinlen designed to provide a
sampling of Parisian women's lives described in music by Paul Dehnet (F!g. 6.21).117 By
the end of the nineteenth century, Steinlen became a popular illustrator choice for
composers and short story writers. As connoisseurship of prints and book arts intensified
in that era, so did the number and quality ofSteinlen's book projects. Once again,
through content and style, Steinlen gives the cloistered, bourgeois life great beauty. In an
image accompanying the song, "Quand nous serons vieux" Steinlen describes form and
atmosphere through a lush, yet subtle range of tones. This luxurious handling
underscores the comfort of the woman represented in her home.
To speak ofSteinlen's technique as a lithographer, two primary qualities

strike one at once--his respect for the process itself, and the suppleness of
his treatment... Steinlen' s lithographs are lithographs pure and simple,
devoid of artifice, and quite free from that which is inherent to the process
itself... When I talk of his suppleness I refer to the artist's ability to make
his colours and his atmosphere quiver...In this he excels, thanks to a truly
rare and profound knowledge of draughtsmanship.118
The subject is an elegant woman peacefully stroking a cat on her lap while listening to a
man play the piano. Clearly, Steinlen is portraying a bourgeois home. In an 1897 issue of
The Studio, Gabriel Mourey made these comments about the aesthetic effect of the image
and continued to describe the narrative:
As we turn the pages we come upon a really delicious domestic scene. A

woman, lolling on a sofa, is playing with her cats, while in the background
a man is seated at the piano. Some flowers are fading on a table close by.
The languid gestures of the woman are full of tender grace. It the
foreground two cats are asleep. Everything speaks of the joys of home, the
rest and peace of true affection. I 19
117 Paul Delmet, Chansons des femmes (paris: Eugene Vemeau. 1897). Steinlen also illustrated many other bound
illustrated song collections, such as Delmet's Chansons de Montmartre, 1898.
III Mourey 259.
119 Mourey 258.
382
This image epitomizes the middle-class creation of homes as refined havens. The style of
the work fosters this in addition to the woman's pose and the presence of smooth, languid
housecats. Susan Gill has noted the soft, poetic tones that appear in some ofSteinlen's
work about 1900. She speculates that this was Steinlen's answer to Symbolist effects,
such as the sfumato found in Carriere's motherhood imagery.120 Just as Carriere made
motherhood elegant and softly mysterious through form and subject matter, Steinlen has
depicted the bourgeois home. He has made it peaceful and desirable in a mass-
distributed, public project.
Steinlen participated in over one hundred book and album projects, as catalogued
by Crauzat. Many of these were developed for the consumption of children and
families. 121 He collaborated with scores of Parisian publishers, becoming one of the most
sought-after illustrators by the tum-of-the-century. After his 1895 collaborations with
Pairault, he received increasing numbers of commissions targeted at family audiences. In
1897 he illustrated several series for Maison Quantin, including L 'Encyc/opedie
Enfantine and Imagerie Humoristique et Enfantine. Steinlen's self-identification with the
family and with literature is made clear in his title-page illustration for Histoire du chien
de Brisquet from 1899 (Fig. 6.22).122 Here Steinlen includes a self-portrait (the adult
figure on the right) with the book's publisher, Edouard Pelletan. The little girl
immediately in front of the book is Pelletan's daughter, Jeanne. Anatole France wrote a
preface dedicating the story to her. Like performers, they begin to tell the story (opening
120 GiIIS7.
121 Crauzat ISO. Crauzat lists Steinlen's first book as lean Aicard, La Chanson de I'Enfanl (paris: Chamerot, 1884).
Aicard was an author who was extremely involved in the children's educational literature movement in the early Third
Republic and who also collaborated with Geofti'oy in the early 18805.
122 Charles Nodier, Histoin du chien de Brisquet (paris: Pelletan, 1900). The text was preceded with a "letter to
leanne" by Steinlen's friend. Anatole France.
383
the book) for a large and diverse group of children, and a ubiquitous cat. This beautifully
bound and printed book, full of lavish Steinlen illustrations, was clearly meant for an
upscale child audience. Such children are depicted here in a well-dressed and groomed
group. Steinlen has obviously begun to benefit from the public perception of the well-
crafted book as a middle-class family event that was perfected by Boutet de Monvel and
his publishers. It is ironic that in the years immediately surrounding the Dreyfus Affair,
Steinlen's journal imagery became more antagonistic, yet his book projects were often
downright bourgeois.
In Steinlen' s book and journal projects, representations of children constantly
surface. They are omnipresent in crowds, along streets, and in the home. His images
often seem to describe and report, rather than to criticize. Certainly some of his work
presented childlife in a context that would evoke concern, and perhaps even anger in his
readers. Projects such as Les Rondes de l'Enfance reveal Steinlen's desire to create
appropriate reading material for children. His work at large seems to uncover an attempt
to improve the environments in which children were raised. Selected illustrations from
other projects report on some of these surroundings. A plate from the Almanach du
Bibliophile pour I 'Annee 1900 (Fig. 6.23) 123 presents a family of four in a cafe-concert.
The father's plaid pants and bowler mark him as a working class type, familiar from the
background of the poster, La Rue. It appears that the man is sitting at a table with his
wife and two small children with a glass of liquor in his hand. The proximity of alcohol
to the children implies that it will not be long before they, too, will be consuming
123 This wood engraving was one of several by Steinlen and other artists that were created by Emile and Eugene
Froment for this volume, printed in Paris by Edouard Pelletan in 1901. See Crauzat 164 (number 616). Pelletan was
one of Steinlen's most constant publishing collaborators in the mature years of his career.
384
something syonger. Undoubtedly, the presence of the family in an establishment
associated with working class vices of liquor and promiscuity would have raised the
eyebrows of the sophisticated connoisseurs of books and prints who would have
encountered this album.
It more likely that Steinlen meant to raise awareness with this image, rather than
to criticize. However, placing this image within the anti-alcohol discourse of the day
adds significance. As noted in the discussion of Geoffioy's Histoire d 'une bouteille
images in Chapter Four (see particularly Fig. 4.20), the effect of alcohol on the working
class family was a primary regeneration topic. CleanIiness and physical strength were
designated as be key goals for achieving a new France. One the greatest threats obstacles
was alcoholism. In the new national order families were to be sheltered in clean, vice free
environments. As mentioned in Chapter Two, articles about the health problems and
birth defects caused by alcohol use appeared regularly in family journaIs. 124 Many
popular treatises were published under the authority of doctor-authors, such as Rene
Arrive. In his Influence de I 'alcoolisme sur la depopulation (1899), Arrive asserted:
The prevention of alcohol usage, if beneficial for the public good, is of

even greater service to society. All opposition of spirits, filth, and the
future of fighting against alcoholism fights destruction of progeniture of
working class families ... The descendants of an alcoholic couple are very
often physically and mentally degenerate ... Alcoholics will now be
recognized more than syphilitics as agents of depopulation. 12S
The use of alcohol by any family member was portrayed as the quickest road to
evil and decline--those who frequented nightclubs in Montmartre were only exacerbating
the situation. Bringing one's children to such an establishment was unthinkable and
124 "Enfants d'alcooliques," Revue Encyclopidique 7 (1897): 1048.

125 Rene Arrive, Influence d'alcoolisme sur 10 depopulation (1899): 7 and 42.
385
unpatriotic in most bourgeois thinking. While Steinlen presents the family as rather
affectionate and close, their comfort in such a setting would have been alarming to those
interpreting it as one of evil and debauchery. The collection of the late Roger Lepelletier
held a similar image-a pencil sketch of a similar (if not the same) family at a bar, with
the children drinking water from a seltzer bottle. Clearly this was a theme Steinlen
observed regularly in his sketching trips around Montmartre. Because he chose to focus
on the theme numerous times, it is clear he was making a statement through his subject
matter. The Naturalist reporting approach of Steinlen does not allow him to be critical
here. Perhaps he provided more fuel for anti-alcohol regeneration arguments by
presenting families in bars as everyday vignettes in working-class Paris. This image
would have appealed to both socialist and republican visions of childhood as a state to be
protected.
A book cover for Leon Frapie's popular, Goncourt Prize-winning novel, La
Maternelle 126 (1905, Fig. 6.25) also speaks to a great many concerns about the quality of
the lives of Third Republic children. The characters in the book, a teacher and her three-
to-five-year-old charges, appear on the cover. Each child carries his or her panier--the
teacher either is ushering them out of school for the day or at lunch time. It is helpful to
compare this image to Geoffroy's 1894 painting, L 'Ecole maternelle (Fig. 2.52). In both
cases the teachers seem attentive and committed, having physical content with the
126 Steinlen also created a poster for a staging of a three-act comedy based on Coppee's novel in 1920. The image
appears in Bargiel and Zagrodski 93. Poulbot, a slightly younger emulator of Steinlen. provided the more extensive
illustrations when the book was widely reprinted. Another commemorative event that inspired Steinlen to create a
promotional and propagandistic image was the 1905 invitation to the dinner where Frapie was awarded the Academie
de Goncourt prize. Steinlen also illustrated Frapie's L '/nstitutrice de Province (1906), another instance when Steinlen
chose to create imagery for an inexpensive, popular novel in a quick, sketchy style that effectively rendered the
disheveled nature of the students in many proletarian classrooms. Both Steinlen and Frapie were intensely interested in
educational opportunities for the working class.
386
children and acting maternally. In both images the children themselves seem to be
contented. The Steinlen image, however, departs from Geoffroy's conception of an ecole
matemelle in several different ways. The drawing of the children themselves is less
formal and more vital in the Steinlen image. Also, the vehicle each artist has chosen for
his visualization of the nursery school is different. While Geoffroy created a highly
finished painting that appeared in large exhibitions and was reproduced in journals,
Steinlen's image covered an inexpensive, popular novel. Frapie's story focuses on a
teacher who is also a single mother. She teaches in a poor quarter of town and lives in a
garret. She loves her students, but they constantly challenge her by carrying out
transgressions such as smoking. Frapie writes the narrative in first person; the reader
experiences all of the frustrations and doubts of the struggling teacher. It is clear he is
purposely creating a flawed, but dedicated heroine. Geoffroy's teachers and students,
however, seem like innocent, interchangeable angels. Steinlen concurs with Frapie's
cheerful but imperfect visualization of the heroine, but the important issue is his focus on
the public nursery school itself. This book cover for La Maternelle is emblematic of the
manner in which Steinlen straddled issues of both radical and republican interests. In this
image he is also able to appeal to readers of all classes through the vehicle of the nursing
school. Despite some of the bitter attacks on public education that Steinlen participated
in (Figs. 6.12 and 6.18), he ultimately charmed his audience with a prominent image of
achievement in the public school system, specifically the democratic nursery school that
Jules Ferry prided so greatly.
387
Conclusion
In the past Steinlen's work has been seen through a filter of admiration for his
fight for working-class causes and his awareness of the nuances of the street. "Their life is
his life, their joy is his joy, their sorrow is his sorrow. He has suffered, he has laughed
with the passers-by. The soul of the angry or joyous crowds has passed into him. He has
felt their terrible simplicity and their grandeur. And this is why the work of Steinlen is
epic.,,127 Summarizing his work in this way discredits much of who Steinlen was, as well
as the great impact he had on Third Republic life. It does not recognize the artist's
masterful propaganda. Steinlen was a clever manipulator of the media, his audience, and
himself. It is more accurate to say that " ...(he) succeeded in recording a truer image of
Paris during the Belle Epoque than any other artist,,128
The reason that Steinlen's version of life was ''true'' was because he told stories
and presented ideals of life on both sides of city walls. Works such as Lait pur sterilise
are not incompatible with L 'Attentat de Pas-de-Calais. All of the works fit together
neatly in a larger scheme of what was important to Steinlen and the French people--
survival. Anatole France called him the master of "Ia vie qui passe." It was Steinlen's
role in observing and instigating change that was at the core of his importance. While the
artist may have been a socialist at heart, his peace with working the proletarian life and
living a bourgeois one forced him to deal with change and subtle social shifts on a daily
basis. This allowed him to become the successful propagandist of the regeneration age.
It is easy to forget that works such as the songsheet, Chansons de la vie and the poster,
127 Taylor S.
121 Murray 2.
388
Compagniefranfaise des chocolats et des thes, co-existed in the eyes of thousands of
Parisians. The breadth and depth of his use of media and themes allowed him to speak in
different voices and to be heard by both sides. It is clear that he heard the voices of all of
the French people; new interpretation presented here of the regenerative interest inherent
in Lait pur sterilise reveals that Steinlen wished to reassure as much as he wanted to
agitate. Much ofSteinlen's art consists of responses to social alarm. A great deal of the
duality in his work resulted from his concordance with public concern in images such as
Le Marchand de ma"ons, as well as his desire to placate with works like Les Rondes de
l'En/ance.
The similarities between the three primary artists in this study are consequential.
All three began illustrating anything and everything early in their careers to survive.
However, all three gained great savvy and flexibility in their approach to potential clients
and audiences by being forced initially to work in non-hierarchical art forms (such as
journals, books, and posters). All three manipulated the public cleverly and completely to
a degree unrecognized until now. Boutet de Monvel and Steinlen were similar in their
mutual recognition of the financial and propagandistic importance of vehicles such as the
illustration of popular music. Steinlen also reminds one of Boutet de Monvel and
Geoffioy in his openness to opportunities to illustrate nearly any type of printed matter
that would reach the public. Steinlen and Geoffioy share many affinities in their
overwhelming concerns for the education and nutrition of children. "Steinlen, the most
imaginative and original of the Parisian illustrators,,129 gained that title for both rising to
129 Richard Harding Davis. About Paris (New York:: Harper Brothers, 1895): 73. This American-in-Paris guidebook
was illustrated by Charles Dana Gibson.
389
the call of the working-class and for sometimes knowing when to please the bourgeoisie
with a pretty picture. All three artists analyzed and manipulated audiences and the
available media far more than they have ever been given credit for.
Steinlen revealed separation and conflict between the lives of the increasingly
private middle class and the public nature of proletarian life. His own life was full of
dualities-in his allegiances and in his art. As an artist and as a person, Steinlen moved
nimbly between the public and private spheres. He rose to the peculiar challenge of
maintaining his conscience in a society that wanted to stop depopulation by idealizing and
glamorizing the middle class' domesticity and consumerism. Steinlen recognized and
utilized the special power of the printed image to promote the worth of families of all
classes. As part of the bourgeoisie, Steinlen treasured children and animals, living a
middle class ideal. Simultaneously, and often with his own time and money, he ventured
to the world outside the clean, peaceful, leisurely, and healthy nest-one that was
sometimes ugly, scattered, ungraceful, jaded, and exhausting. Steinlen spoke for those
who could not have their own comfortable, peaceful retreat. He adjusted his style and
ideologies to graphically express economic realities. Through the use of pages of journals
and books, as well at the surfaces of large, multiple-color lithographic posters, Steinlen' s
sympathies with various strata of Parisian society were communicated on the public
stage.
390
CHAPTER SEVEN
CONCLUSION
In a time dominated by a sense of rapid change and lost innocence, control was a
precious commodity. During the early Third Republic governments shifted, armed forces
languished, cities grew, and a microscopic world threatened. To gain a cultural foothold,
doctors, politicians, teachers, and artists all sought to establish hegemony. Order was
power in a society as full of change and stimulation as fin-de-siecle France. Reflecting on
the visual sources for this project, imagery based on certain ideas served as a form of
currency to help guarantee schemes of control. Labeling imagery as "currency" implies
that it symbolizes power, circulates easily, and holds inherent value. Undoubtedly,
images that were orchestrated to mold the family and France's future were ideological
currency.
Because of their delayed appreciation for childhood, the French only began to
understand as the Republic dawned that childhood was the least-controlled stage of life.
The French suddenly envied refined English illustrated children's literature and
sophisticated German pre-schools, realizing that they had lagged behind. Are-structuring
of schools was obviously necessary, but widespread enlistment of images as agents of
control was an even more complex and urgent task. Pictures in a variety of media were
an important tool--they could reach people of more varying characteristics than ever
before: age, class, gender, and educational level.
391
With feelings of uneasiness and loss prevalent in the early 1870s (demonstrated in
Chapter Two with the allegorical images of 1870 and 1870, Figs. 2.1 and 2.2), it did not
take long for serious imaging-and thus control--ofthe state of childhood to begin. It is
remarkable that by ten-to-twenty years later ambitious image programs demonstrated new
forms of control to such an extent. Astonishingly mature and powerful examples of the
appreciating value of child-related imagery included: Le Magasin d 'Education et
Recreation in the 1880s; Buisson's 1893 commande to Geoffioy to paint works for the
1900 Palace d'Enseignement at the Exposition Universelle; Boutet de Monvel's Jeanne
d'Arc in 1897; and Steinlen's Lait pur sterilise in 1894; and the Exposition de l'Enfance
at the Petit Palais in 1901. Society wanted to re-imagine the state of childhood, and it
began with images that absolved, romanticized, and manipulated the concept of the child.
The task of revitalizing the birth rate and the military to make France strong again had
one hegemonic goal at its center: order. The geometry and stereotyping of children in the
work of their most popular book illustrator, Boutet de Monvel demonstrates this to an
extreme. The presentation of types was being explored simultaneously by Geoffioy and
Steinlen. One may not initially see Steinlen's starving street children or Geoffioy's
guzzling schoolboys as agents of imposing order, but this study has amply demonstrated
that these images reinforced the healthy, productive life of the bourgeoisie. What is more
important is that these three artists were not isolated. Scores of image-makers were
represented in Chapter Two. They participated in visual campaigns alongside Steinlen,
Geoffioy, and Boutet de Monvel. These anonymous or near-anonymous artists and their
work in non-hierarchical media were ubiquitous in the visual culture available to the
391
average early Third Republic person. Their intense participation in schemes to influence
their audiences demonstrates considerable levels of sophistication and self-consciousness.
This adds new dimension to the notion of the "modem artist."
Of course, it was not only the appearance of images that were valuable as
instruments of control. The ideological and physical delivery of pictures was equally
critical in the scheme ofre-ordering the country. The communication possibilities
exploded when image vehicles were suddenly better, faster, and more numerous (as
described in analyses of print and journal campaigns here).
L'image multiple et muitipliee devint des lors l' outil primordial de toute
education, qu' elle soit morale, cmetienne, ou republicaine, et laique, et de
toute instruction, en un temps OU celle-ci apparait comme un souci majeur
des philosophes et des hommes politiques. Entin I'essor de l'image prend
appui fennement sur I' emergence de I' enfant dans la societe du XIXe
siecle. 1
Thus, the participation of artists in the regeneration of their nation was not strictly
political. It touched on themes such as religion, education, commercialism, medicine. In
an exchange that again denotes the concept of Third Republic child-related imagery as
currency, the complex flow of ideas through images allowed notions of both children and
France to symbiotically mature.
Naturally, artists participated in this exchange with varying degrees of willingness
and awareness. Geoffroy was a cooperative servant of government programs at one end
of the spectrum. At the other, the radical Steinlen accomplished one thing, the
strengthening of bourgeois comfort and complacency, while actually trying to achieve
another (raising awareness for the desperate situations of life he observed on the street).
I Georgel. The St Nic journal helped spread the popularity of St Nicholas as a Christmas tradition in both France and
America. where versions appeared with the work by Boutet and others.
393
The three artists discussed in individual chapters here may initially have seemed to be
strange bedfellows, but at least one critic in their own time saw similarities between
them:
The sensitive Boutet de Monvel reveals the Champs-Elysees, the Bois de

Boulogne, the parks, the communal schools, and the gardens; for this
painter of children seeks only the reposeful ways where children go, where
they study, are led, carried, or wander safely alone. In Belleville, Geoffioy
has been responsive to benevolence and charity from man to man. He
presents the Foundling Schools, the Asylums. The soothing atmosphere of
charity envelopes his work-he has seen the poor through the medium of
philanthropic faith...And Steinlen? He is a 'lover oflife,' 'an adorer of
truth.' In his youth, even, surrounded by the wild jeunesse of the student
quarter, his spirit was calmer, profounder than the others. Montmartre
became the magnet drawing to its centre this ardent soul; in Montmartre
then, as to-day, he saw the Giant Need, imperfectly met by the vast charity
of the world. It is from this district that his eternal plea resounds for the
poor whose necessities are eternal. He finds his quarter tragic in its
commonplace moods; to him the passions of the people have spoken. 2
This passage reveals all three artist's awareness of ideological causes and their voices
within. These three are representative of the new sophistication of artists in the realms of
marketing, media, and self-promotion at the tum-of-the-century.
Pasteur, Variot, Ferry, Buisson, Kergomard, France, Hetzel, and Delagrave have
been seen as a few of the key agents of Third Republic regeneration in past studies. Now
Geoffroy, Boutet de Monvel, and Steinlen can be added to the growing list. Artists can
now take places alongside politicians, doctors, and educators as influential figures in the
re-ordering and revitalization plan for France after the devastations of 1870-71. Images
must be seen as seminal elements that were used to save France, particularly through its
children.
1 Marie Van Yorst, Modern French Masters (paris: Brentano's, 1904) 160-63.
394
The ethic of discipline, if instilled early enough, could force thee) spirit
into the necessary activity of protecting the status quo. The family served
to both promote and control this energy. The children were
simultaneously a hope and threat.3
To participate in the creation of an ethic of discipline and the preservation of the
status quo, the artist had to possess or develop an unprecedented savvy. On a grander and
more confusing scale than ever before, artist's awareness of patrons, technology, and their
audience had to be accurate and sophisticated. The audience was particularly difficult to
define as elements of class, gender, and shifting tastes changed yearly and varied with
eachjoumal, book, poster, and invitation. Even more difficult, perhaps, was the artist's
development of a conception of himself or herself in a shifting world. The propaganda
illustrated and analyzed here shows great self-awareness, even in the denial of
individuality and the preference for uniform order that sometimes pervaded the early
Third Republic. Artists made various compromises and strides to collectively create a
graphic utopia that would recreate, sustain, and preserve the essence of France. There is
no question that artists contributed valuable images that played a key role in persuading
France and its children to be cleaner, stronger, and more determined to preserve
themselves.
3 Kanipe 83.
395
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archival Sources
Serie F/12: 4055C, 4287,5341

World's Fair documentation
Sene F/17: 12527, 12539, 12964
Establishment and restructuring of education; curriculum documents
SerieF/21: 198,2058,2083,2134,4213,4287,4342,4350,4420,4726,7054
Entire series features communications and contracts between artists
and the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts
Sene F/22: 448
Records specific governmental interest in idealized visions of motherhood
Bibliotheque Nationale
Cabinet des Estampes
Salle des Imprimes
Salle des Manuscrits
CoHection Hetzel: Dossier d' Auteurs
Lettres de Louis Pasteur
Papiers Femand Vanderem
Musee National de l'Education, Rouen
Institut National de Recherche Pedagogique, Paris
Bibliotheque de la Ville de Paris
La Prefecture de Police, Ville de Paris
Musee de I' Assistance Publique, Paris
Musee d'Orleans
Musee Social, Paris
Periodicals
L 'Action Scolaire
L 'Ami de la Jeunesse
L 'Arnie
L 'Arnie de l'Enfance
L 'Arnie Parisienne
Annales de l'Institut Pasteur
Appel de la Ligue d 'Enseignement
Apres I 'Ecole
Archives de I 'Anthropologie Criminelle et des Sciences Penales
L 'Armee et la Nation
Art et Decoration
L 'Art et Les Artistes
L 'Art Franfais
396
Associations des Families et de la Neutralite de I 'Ecole
L 'Avant-garde Pedagogique
BasBleu
La Bonne Humeur: Journal pour la Famille
Bulletin de I 'Association des Dames Franfaises
Bulletin de la Ligue Franfaise de I 'Enseignement
Bulletin de la Societe des Amis de I 'Enseignement
Bulletin de la Societe Generale d 'Education et d 'Enseignement
Bulletin des Amis de I 'Enseignement Moderne
Bulletin des Patronages des Jeunes Filles
Bulletin Pedagogique d'Enseignement Secondaire
Causerie du Docteur
Century
Le Chambard Socialisle
Le Chat Noir
Le Chercheur
Congres des (Euvres de Jeunesse
Le Corps et I 'Ame de I 'Enfant
Cours de Preparation
La Curiosile Militaire
Le Devoir des Femmes Franfa;ses
Dilecta
Les Droits de la Jeunesse
L 'Ecole
L 'Ecole Maternelle
L 'Ecole Primaire
Les Ecoles Maternelles
Ecoles Menageres
Les Ecoles Mixtes
L 'Ecolier Olustre
L 'Education Chrelienne
L 'Education Lai"que: Organe de Regeneration Sodale
L 'Education Maternelle
L 'Education Modernf'
L 'Education Nationale
L 'Enfant
L 'Enseignement Catholique
L 'Enseignement dans la Famille
L 'Enseignement Libre
L 'Enseignement Menager
L 'Enseignement National
L 'Enseignement Religieux dans la Famille
Les Etudes Pedagogiques
Etudes pour Jeunes Filles
Familia
397
En Famille
La Famille Chretienne
La Famille Revue
La Femme au Foyer
La Femme chez Elle
La Femme d'Aujourd'hui
La Femme et la Famille
La Feuille
Le Figaro
La Force Physique et l'Ideal
Le Foyer: Journal de la Famille
Le Foyer Olustre
La France Elegante
La France Scolaire
Gazette d 'Education
Gazette des Etudiants
Gazette des Families
La Gazette des Sports lliustres
Genie de la Mode
Gil Bias Olustre
Le Globe Olustre
LeGymnaste
Higiene: Les Microbes
L 'Hygiene de la Viande et du Lait
L 'Hygiene et I 'Enfant
Hygiene Scolaire
L 'Olustration
L 'Olustre des Ecoles
L 'Instituteur
L 'Instruction pour Cours Moyen
Lajeunesse
La Jeunesse Amusante
Journal de la Ligue Fraternelle
Journal de la Vie Domestique
Journal de I 'Enseignement Organe des Instituteurs
Journal de I 'Enseignement Primaire
Journal de Premiere Enfance
Journal de Vulgarisation et d'Education
Journal des Ecoles: Politique, Litteraire et Scientifique
Journal des Institutrices
Le Journal des Jeunes Personnes
Journal des Pensions et des Profosseurs Libres
La Ligue Democratique des Ecoles
Le Magasin d'Education et Recreation
Le Magasin des Families
398
Le Magasin Pittoresque
Le Magazine Rlustre de la F amille
Le Monde de la Jeunesse
MonJournal
Le Monde Rlustre
Le Noel
Paris Rlustre
Le Petit Bourgeois
Le Petit Rlustre
Le Petit Journal de I 'En/ance
Le Petit Journal de la Famille
Le Petit Theatre
LaPlume
La Psychologie de I 'Enfant
Publications Philosophiques
Le Rayon Soleil
Regeneration
La Religion Laique: Organe de Regeneration Sociale
Le Reveil Catholique: Organe de la Jeunesse Catholique
Le Reveil des Jeunes
La Revue Artistique de la Famille
La Revue Bleue
La Revue de la Jeunesse Catholique
La Revue de la Mode
La Revue de I 'Art
La Revue de l'Enseignement dans la Famille
Revue de I 'Exposition Universelle de 1889
La Revue Rlustree
La Revue Jeune
La Revue Mame
La Revue Pedagogique
La Revue pour Tous
Saint-Nicholas
La Sante de la Famille
La Science en Famille
Societe d'Hygiene de [,"En/ance
Societe pour I 'Education Sodale
Les Soirees du Dimanche
Le Sport dans I 'Education
Le Tireur
La Toilette des Enfants
A Travers I 'Exposition de 1'Enseignement Primaire, 1900
La Tribune des 1nstituteurs et des Institutrices
L 'Union Patriotique de France
Union de la Jeunesse Republicaine
399
Vaillante Jeunesse
La Vie Amusante
La Vie en Famille
Primary Sources
Administration Generale de I' Assistance Politique a Paris. Enfants moralement aban-

donnes. Paris: Prefecture de la Seine, 1881-82.
Arrive, Rene. Influence de I'alcoolisme sur la depopulation. Paris: 1889.
Auge Claude. Grammaire enfantine. Paris: Larousse, 1894.
Aulard, A. Polemique et histoire. Paris: Edouard Comely et Cie., 1904.
Aveline, Claude. Steinlen: L 'Homme et I'lJ!UVre. Paris: Les Ecrivains Reunis, 1925.
Ayroles, Jean-Baptiste Joseph. Jeanne d'Arc sur les autels et la regeneration de la

France. Paris: Gawne et Cie., 1885.
Baudrillard, J. Histoire d'une bouteille. Paris: Delagrave, 1902.
Bertillon, Jacques. La Depopulation de la France. Paris: Librairie Felix Alcan, 1911.
Bertin, M. Les Deux cotes du mur. Paris: J. Hetzel et Cie., 1886.
Bloch, Achille. Paris en chansons. Paris: Georges Ondet, 1892.
Bonjean, Georges. Enfants revoltes et parents coupables: Eludes sur la

desorganisation de lafamille et sa consequences sociales. Paris: Colin, 1895.
Bonzon, Jacques. Le Crime a['Ecole. Paris: 1876.
Boutet de Monvel, Louis-Maurice. Jeanne d'Arc. Paris: PIon, 1896.
Braunschvig, Marcel. L 'Art el I 'enfant. Paris: Henri Didier, 1907.
Buffalo Fine Arts Academy Albright Art Gallery, Catalogue ofA Collection of Drawings
and Sketches by Louis Maurice Boutet de Monvel. New York: The Albright Art
Gallery, 1920.
Buisson, Ferdinand. Nouveau dictionnaire de pedagogie et d'instruction primaire. Paris:

Hachette, 1911.
400
Bunle, H. "L'Education physique et les sports en France," Journal de la Societe
Statistique de Paris (1922): 135-38.
Cacheux, E. Construction et organisation des creches, salles d'asiles, ecoles. Paris:

1885.
Cahen, L. and Mathiez, A., eds. Les Loisfranfaises de 1815 a nosjours. Paris: Librairie
Felix Alean, 1919.
Chervel, Andre ed., L 'Enseignement du Francais a I 'ecole primaire: Textes officiels,

tome 2-1880-1939. Paris: INRP Economica, 1995.
Choppin, Alain and Clinkspoor, Martine eds., Les manuels scolaires en France: Textes
officiels, 1791-1992. Paris: Institut National de Recherche Pedagogique, 1993.
Clare, Eustace and Ming, Grenville, Men o/the Third Republic. Philadelphia: Porter and
Coates, 1873.
Claretie, Leo. Exposition internationale de St-Petersbourg: Le Monde de I 'en/ance.

Paris, 1903.
Universite moderne. Paris: Delagrave, 1892.
Crauzat, Ernest de. L '(Euvre grave et lithographie de Steinlen. Paris: Societe de

propagation de livres d' art, 1913.
Darimon, Alfred. Notes pour servir I 'histoire de la gue"e de 1870. Paris: P. Ollendorff,
1888.
Delmet, Paul. Chansons desfemmes. Paris Eugene Vemeau, 1897.
Denis, Samuel. Histoire contemporaine: La Chute de I 'empire, Ie gouvernement de la

defense nationale, l'Assemblie nationale. Paris: s. n., 1897-1903.
Deschamps, Gaston. Le Malaise de la democratie. Paris: A. Colin et Cie., 1913.
Deschand, Paul Eugene Louis. La Republique nouvelle. Paris: s. n., 1898.
Desbeaux, Emile, Les Pourquois de Mademoiselle Suzanne (paris: P. Ducrocq, 1881 )..
Desmoulins, A. Contes en/antins. Theophile Steinlen, ill. Paris: Ernest Flammarion,

s.d.
Devaldes,Manuel. L 'Education et la Liberte. Paris: La Critique, 1900.
401
Dodd, Anna B. "The Education of French Children," Century 81 (December 1910): 193-
203.
Donselte, Adrien. Les Origines de la Commune de 1871. Paris: Pion, 1944.
Dubois, Lucien. Chapilres nouveaux sur Ie siege et la Commune, 1870-71. Paris: s. n.,
1872.
Dumont, Arsene. Depopulation et civilisation. Paris: Lecrosnier et Babe, 1890.
Dupanloup, Monseigneur. The Child. Kate Anderson, trans. Boston: Marlier and Co.,
1873.
--. Jeanne d'Arc. London: Burns and Oates, 1869.
Faideau, F. "Le Palais de l'Enseignement: Education et enseignement," Encylopedie du

siecle, I 'Exposition de Paris de 1900, vol. 3 :31 (1900): 241-42.
Guillemin, A. De la Protection des en/ants du premier age: Depopulation de la France.

Paris: 1901.
Exposition Intemationale Universelle de 1900, Catalogue general officiel. Paris:

Exposition Intemationale Universelie de 1900, 1900.
Fonssagrives, J. B. L 'Education physique des garfons oil avis auxfamilles et aux

instituteurs sur I 'art de diriger leur sante etleur developpement. Paris, 1870.
La Fontaine. Fables choisies pour les enfants. Paris: E. Pion, Nourrit et Cie., 1888.
Fiaux, Louis. Histoire de la guerre civile de 1871. Paris: Charpentier, 1879.
France Anatole. Exposition d'ouvrages peints, dessines ou graves par Th. A. Steinlen.
Paris: Edouard Pelletan, 1901.
Filles et garfons: Scenes de la ville et des champs. Paris: Hachette et Cie., 1900.
Funerailles d'Emile Zola. Paris: Pelletan, 1902.
---. Nos En/ants: Scenes de la ville et des champs. Paris: Hachette et Cie., 1887.
Frapie, Leon. La Maternelle. Paris: Calmann-Levy, 1910.
Galerie de la Bodiniere. Premiere exposition de 1'l1!uvre dessine et peint de T. A.

Steinlen. Paris: Galerie de la Bodiniere, 1894.
402
GaIerie Manzi, Joyant. Catalogue de I 'Exposition retrospective de I 'Q!UVre de Maurice
Boutet de Monvel du 25 avril au 9 mai 1906. Paris: GaIerie Manzi, 1906.
Geoffroy, Jean-Jules. L 'Age de I 'ecole. Paris: Hetzel, 1888.
de Grandmaison. Madame. Petits soldats en marche. Paris: Paul Bemadin, 1890.
Grave, Jean. Enseignement bourgeois et enseignementlibertaire. Paris: Publications

des Temps Nouveaux, 1900.
Harding Davis, Richard. About Paris. New York: Harper Brothers, 1895,
d'Haucour, Louis. Jeunes heros et grandes heroines: Honneur et patrie, valeur et

discipline. Paris: Librairie Artheme Fayard.
d'Hausonville, Vicomte. L 'Enfance aParis. Paris, 1879.
Lacroix, Desire. Le Livre d'Or des snfants sauveteurs. Paris: Andre Sagnier, 1878.
La Forge de Vitanval, Leon Louis. Histoire complete de MacMahon, marechal de

France, due de Magenta. Paris: Lamulle et Poisson, 1898.
Laisant, A. L 'Education de demain. Ardennes: Publications Periodiques de la

Communiste d' Aiglemont, 1906.
Lamazon, L' Abbe. La Place Vendome et La Roquette: documents historiques sur la

Commune. Paris: s.n., 1873.
Lambert, P. Les Enfances heroi"ques: Etudes, recits, projet de loi. Paris: F. Leve, 1871.
Landrieu, Therese Barthas. L 'Enseignement scolaire de la puericulture. Paris: A.

Michalon, 1909): 35.
Langlois and Blondel. Manuel d'Antialcoolisme: L 'Actionpublique et I'actionprivee.

Paris: 1906.
Le Goff, Fran~ois. The Lifo ofLouis Adolphe Thiers, Theodore Stanton, trans. New
York: O. P. Putnam's Sons, 1879.
Lemonnier, Camille. Bebes etjoujoux. Paris: P. J. Hetzel, 1880.
Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul. La Question de lapopulation. Paris: Librairie Felix Alean, 1913.
---. Etat moderne et sesfonctions. Paris: Librairie Guillaumin et Cie, 1891.
403
Leblanc, Rene. Rapport du Jury international de 1900, Tome I-Education et
enseignement. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1902.
Le Play, Frederic. On Family, Wor~ and Social Change. Catherine B. Silver, trans.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982.
Levasseur, Emile, La Populationfranfaise. Paris: A. Rousseau, 1889-1892.
Mamoz, D. La Gymnastique auXIXe siecle. Paris, 1891.
Marx, Roger. L 'Art social. Paris, 1913.
The Memorial Art Gallery. Catalogue ofan Exhibition ofPaintings and Drawings by
Gaston La Touche and Louis Maurice Boutet de Monvel. Rochester, New York:
The Memorial Art Gallery, 1920.
Mercier, Charles. Les Petits-Paris: Etude critique et conseils pratiques sur I 'hygiene
infantile. Paris: G. Steinheil, 1898.
Ministere du Commerce, de l'industrie des Postes et des Telegraphes. Exposition 1900:

Musee retrospecti/du groupe I-Education et enseignement, vol. 1. Paris:
Imprimerie Nationale, 1902.
Moll-Weiss, Augusta. La Femme, la mere, I'enfant: Guide pratique aI 'usage desjeunes

meres. Paris: Maloine, 1917.
---. Le Foyer domestique. Paris: Hachette, 1902.
---. Nos tous petits. Paris: Vuibert et Nony, 1909.
Morand, Paul. 1900. Paris: Les Editions de France, 1931.
Morere, Abbe. L 'Education de I'enfance auXIXe siecle. Paris, 1887.
Nodier, Charles. Histoire du chien de Brisquet. Paris: Pelletan~ 1900.
Parsons, James Russell, Jr. French Schools Through American Eyes. Syracuse: C. W.
Bardeen, Publisher, 1892.
Pecaut, F. L 'Education pub/ique et la vie nationale. Paris: Librarie Hachette et Cie.,

1911.
Pelletan, Edouard. Almanach du bibliophile. Paris: Jacques Dyssord, 1900.
404
Pinard, Adolphe. La Puericulture de premier age, nou"iture, vetement, hygiene. Paris:
Librairie Armand Colin, 1913.
Robiquet, Paul. Discours et opinions politiques de Jules Ferry, vol. 3. Paris: A Colin,
1893-1898.
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Emile. Barbara Foxley, trans. New York: Dutton, 1974.
Semant, P. Hebe sera soldat. Paris: s. n., 1890.
Seraine, Louis. The Health ofMarried People. Paris, 1865.
Sertillanges, A. D. La Fami/le et ['Etat. Paris: Librairie Victor Lecoffi'e, 1907.
Simon, Jules. The Government ofM Thiers (from February, 1871 to May, 1873), New
York: Scribner's Sons, 1879.
Steinlen, Marguerite. Steinlen. Paris: Musee de Montmartre, 1977.
---. "Steinlen," Du(May 1953): 18-31.
---. Steinlen: 1859-/923, peintures et dessins. Saint-Denis: Musee Municipal d'Art et

d'Histoire, 1973.
Steinlen, Theophile-Alexandre. Dans /a vie. Paris: Sevin et Rey, Libraries, 1901.
Teste, Louis. Anatomie de la Repub/ique. Paris: Librairie du XXe Siecle, 1910.
Tissot, Samuel Auguste David. L 'Onanisme, dissertation sur les maladies produites par
la masturbation. Lausanne: Marc Chapuis, 1764.
Van Vorst, Marie, Modern French Masters. Paris: Brentano's, 1904.
Jean-Louis Vaudoyer, "Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Gazette des Beaux-Arts 10 (July

1913): 131-42.
Secondary Sources
Agulhon, Maurice. Histoire vagabonde: Ideologies et po/itique dans la France du XIXe

siec/e. Vol. 2. Paris: Gallimard, 1988.
---. La Repub/ique de Jules Ferry aFranfois Mitte"and, 1880 anos

jours. Paris: Histoire de France Hachette, 1990.
405
Ambrosi, Christian and Arlette Ambrosi. La France, 1870-1975. Paris: Masson, 1976.
Arnaud, Pierre. Les Athletes de la Republique: Gymnastique, sport et ideologie

Republicaine, 1870-1914. Toulouse: Privat, 1987.
-. Le Militaire, I 'ecolier, Le gymnaste; Naissance de I 'education physique en France

(1869-1889). Paris: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1991.
-. Sport and Society in Modern France. Paris: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1983.
Arwas, Victor. Belle Epoque Posters and Graphics. New York: Rizzoli, 1978.
Auspitz, Katherine. The Radical Bourgeoisie: The Ligue de l'enseignement and the
origins ofthe Third Republic, 1866-1885. New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1982.
Bancquart, Marie-Claire. Anatole France. Paris: Julliard, 1994.
Bargiel, Rejane. L 'Affiche de librairie au XIXe siecle. Paris: Musee d'Orsay, 1987.
--- and Zagrodski, Christopher. Steinlen, affichiste, catalogue raisonne. Lausanne:

Editions du Grand-Pont, 1986.
Barr, Jean-Luc. Le Bel Heritage. Montreuil: Presses de Compo Typo Relief, 1987.
Barral, Pierre. Jules Ferry: Une Volonte pour la Republique. Nancy: Presses
Universitaires de Nancy, 1985.
Bault, Marie-Pascale. Entrer dans la vie en Poitou du XVI siecle iz nos jours. Poitiers:
Musee Sainte-Croix, 1987.
Beach, Lansing Hoskins. The Sieges ofthe Franco-Prussian War. Washington: s. n.,
1922.
Beaugrand, Fran~oise. Les En/ants par Geoffroy, 1853-1924. Paris: Gary-Roche, n. d.
--. Jean-Jules Geoffroy. Unpublished maitrise, Paris: X, Nanterre, 1983.
. "Une Peinture pour un ideal: Jean Geoffroy, 1843-1924," Paris a I'ecole. Paris:
Picard, 1993: 136.
Beaver, M. W. "Population, Infant Mortality and Milk," Population Studies 27 (1987):

243-54.
406
Bell, Susan Groag and Offen, Karen M. Women, the Family, and Freedom, vol. 2, 1880-
1850. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983.
Berlanstein, Leonard. The Working People ofParis, 1871-1914. Baltimore: Johns

Hopkins University Press, 1984.
Berliere, Jean-Marc. La Police des mlEUrS sous la lIIe Republique. Paris: Editions du
Seuil, 1992.
Bernard, J.-C ."Fille ou g~on Ii volonte: un aspect du discours medical au 1ge siecle,"
Ethnologiefranfaise 11 (1981): 63-76.
Bethenfalvay, Marina. Les Visages de I'enfant dans la Iitterature franfaise du XIXe

siecle. Paris: 1979.
Bibliotheque de la Ville de Paris. L 'Enfant dans les collections de la Ville de Paris.

Paris: Ville de Paris, 1979.
Bibliotheque Nationale, De Balzac aJules Verne: Un grand editeur du XIX siecle, P. J.

Hetzel. Paris: Bibliotheque Nationaie, 1966.
Bibiliotheque Nationale, Jean de La Fontaine: Cahiers d'une exposition. Paris:

Bibliotheque Nationale de France, 1995.
Bibliotheque Nationale. Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen: 1859-1923. Paris: Bibliotheque

Nationale, 1953.
Bonnet, Georges. Miracle de la France, 1870-1919. Paris: Fayard, 1965.
Boxer, Marilyn J. and Quataert, Jean H. Connecting Spheres: Women in the Western
World, 1500 to Present. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987.
"Women in Industrial Homework: The Flower-maker of Paris in the Belle Epoque,"

French Historical Studies 12, no. 3 (Spring 1982).
Bresky, Dushan. The Art ofAnatole France. The Hague: Mouton, 1969.
Briand, J.-P., Chapouiie, J. M., Huguet, F., Luc, J.-N., and Prost, A. L 'Enseignement
primaire et ses extensions: Annuaire statistique, Jge-20e siecles. Paris:
Economica, 1987.
Brogan, Denis W. The Development of Modem France, 1870-1939. London: Hamish

Hamilton, 1967.
407
Burguiere, Andre, Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane, Segalen, Martine, and Zonabend,
Fran~oise. A History ofthe Family. Sarah Hanbury-Tenison, trans. Vol. II.
Belknap, 1996.
Bury, J. P. T. France, 1814-1940. New York: Methuen, 1985.
Camp, Wesley Douglass. Marriage and the Family Since the Revolution. New York:
Bookman Associates, 1961.
Cate, Philip Dennis. "Empathy with the Humanity of the Street." ArtNews 76:3. March,
1977: 56-59.
---, ed. The Graphic Arts and French Society, 1871-1914. New Brunswick, N. J:
Rutgers University Press, 1988.
--- and Gill, Susan. Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen. Salt Lake City: Gibbs M. Smith, Inc.,
1982.
-- and Hitchings, Sinclair Hamilton. The Color Revolution: Color Lithography in

France, 1890-1900. Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith, 1978.
---. Shaw, Mary, eds., The Spirit ofMontmartre: Cabarets, Humor, and the Avant-Garde,
1875-1905. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996.
Chassagne, Serge. L 'Education des jeunes jilles il y a cent am. Rouen: La Maison des
Quatre Fils Aymon, 1983.
---. P comme Patrie (en France entre 1850 et 1950). Rouen: La Maison des Quatre Fils
Aymon, 1989.
Chastenet, Jacques. Histoire de la troisieme Repuhlique, vols. 1-7. Paris: Hachette,

1952-63.
Chatelet, Anne-Marie. Paris a l'ecole. Paris: Picard, 1993.
Clark, Linda L. Schooling the Daughters ofMarianne: Textbooks and the Socialization
ofGirls in Modern French Primary Schools. Albany: State University of New
York Press, 1984.
---. Social Darwinism in France. University, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1984.
Clausen, Meredith. Frantz Jourdain and the Samaritaine. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987.
Clawson, Mary Ann. "Early Modem Fraternalism and the Patriarchal Family." Feminist
Studies 2, Summer 1980: 368-91.
408
Clor, Danielle. Maurice Boutet de Monvel: Le Sacre de Jeanne d 'Arc au royaume de
I 'enfance. Paris: Unpublished Maitrise, 1991.
Comite des Amis de Steinlen. Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen. Paris: Maison de la

Pensee Fran~se, 1960.
Contamine, Henry. La Revanche, 1871-1914. Paris: Editions Berger-Levrauit, 1957.
Copley, Antony. Sexual Moralities in France, 1780-1980. New York: Routledge, 1989.
Corbin, Alain. The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and The French Social Imagination.
New York: Berg, 1986.
Crubellier, Maurice. L 'Enfance et lajeunesse dans la Societefranfaise, 1800-1950.

Paris: Librarie Armand Colin, 1979.
Cubitt, Geoffrey. The Jesuit Myth: Conspiracy Theory and Politics in Nineteenth-
Century France. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993.
Curtis, Michael. Three Against the Third Republic: Sorel, Ba"es, and Mau"as.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959.
Dardel, Aline. L 'Etude des dessins dans lesjournaux anarchistes de 1895 a 1914.
Paris, 1970.
Daumard, Adeline. Les Bourgeois et la bourgeoisie en France. Paris: Aubier, 1987.
Day, Anthony. Sexual Moralities in France, 1780-1890: New Ideas on thefamily,

divorce, and homosexuality. New York: Routledge.
Delaisi de Parseval, Genevieve and Lallemand, Suzanne. L 'Art d'accomoder les bebes:
100 ans de recetles franfaises de puericulture. Paris: 1980
Derens, Jean. "Anatole France et l' Art," Anatole France: Humanisme et actualite. Paris:
Bibliotheque historique de la ville de Paris, 1994.
Drake, Michael, ed. Time, Family and Community. Oxford: The Open University, 1994.
Dittmar, Peter. Theophile Alexandre Steinlen: Ein poetischer Realist inder Epoche des
Jugendstils. Zurich: ABC Verlag, 1984.
Donzelot, Jacques. The Policing ofFamilies. New York: Pantheon Books, 1979.
409
DriskeI, Paul Michael. Representing Belief: Religion, Art. and Society in Nineteenth-
Century France. University Park, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992.
Duby, Georges and Michelle Perrot, eds. A History of Women in the West. Vol. IV,
Emerging Feminism from Revolution to World WQT. Cambridge: The Belknap
Press, 1993.
Duncan, Carol. "Happy Mothers and Other New Ideas in French Art," Art Bulletin 65:4,
December 1973: 579.
Dupacquin, Jacques and Kessler, Denis, eds. La Societe franfaise au XIXe siecle:
tradition, transition. transformations. Paris: Fayard, 1992.
Durantini, Mary. The Child in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Painting. Ann Arbor: UMI
Research Press, 1979.
Eleb-Vidal, Monique. Architectures de la vie privee. Brussels: Archives d' Architecture

Modeme, 1989.
Ellis, Jack D. The Physician-Legislators ofFrance: Medicine and Politics in the Early
Third Republic, 1870-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
Elwitt, Sanford. The Making ofthe Third RepUblic. Class and Politics in France, 1868-
1884. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1975.
The Third Republic Defended: Bourgeois Reform in France, 1880-1914. Baton

Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986.
Encreve, Andre and Richard, Michel eds. Les Protestants dans les debats de la
Troisieme Republique (1871-1885). Paris: Societe de l'histoire du protestantisme
fran~ais, 1979.
Ferrers Gallery. Steinlen and Nam: an exhibition ofpaintings, drawings, and

lithographs. London: Ferrers Gallery, 1971.
Franits, Wayne. Paragons of Virtue: Women and Domesticity in Seventeenth-Century

Dutch Art. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993.
Frerebeau, Mariel. "What is Montmartre? Nothing! What should it be? Everything!"

ARTnews 76:3, March 1977: 60-2.
Fuchs, Rachel G. Abandoned Children: Foundlings and Child Welfare in Nineteenth-

Century France. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984.
410
-. "Morality and Poverty: Public Welfare for Mothers in Paris, 1870-1900." French
History 2:3, September, 1988: 288-31.
Furet, Fran~ois, ed. Jules Ferry, fondateur de la Repuhlique. Paris: Editions de l'Ecole
des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1985.
--. Revolutionary France, 1770-1880. Cambridge: Blackwell, 1992.
Gaillard, Jean-Michel. Jules Ferry. Librairie Artheme Fayard, 1989.
Galerie des Arts Decoratifs, Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen: 1859-1923. Lausanne:

Galerie des Arts Decoratifs, 1974.
Galleria Civica d' Arte Modema, Turin, Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen: 1859-1923.

Turin: Galleria Civica d' Arte Modema, 1980.
Gaulupeau, Yves. La France a I 'Ecole. Paris: Decouvertes Gallimard, 1992.
Genevray, Louis. Les Peintres de la vie moderne. Melun: Imprimerie Administrative,

1912.
Georgel, Chantal. L 'Enfant et I 'Image au XIXe siecle. Paris: Musee d'Orsay.
Gildea, Robert. France, 1870-1914. New York: Longman, 1996.
Gill, Susan. Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen: A Study of His Graphic Art, 1881-1900.

Unpublished dissertation. New York: City University of New York, 1982.
Gillis, John R., ed., Commemorations: The Politics ofNational Identity. Princeton, N. J.:
Princeton University Press, 1994.
Youth and History: Tradition and Change in European Age Relations.

1770-Present. New York: Academic Press, 1981.
---, Tilly, Louise A., and Levine, David, eds. The European Experience of Declining
Fertility. 1850-1970: The Quiet Revolution. Cambridge: Blackwell, 1992.
Girardet, Raoul. Le Nationalismefranfais, 1871-1914. Paris: Armand Colin, 1966.
Goldstein, Robert Justin. Censorship ofPolitical Caricature in Nineteenth-Century

France. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1989.
Gralapp, Leland. Images of the Child Cult in Mid- Victorian Book Olustration.
Unpublished Dissertation, State University of Iowa, 1953.
411
Grew, Raymond and Harrigan, Patrick J. School, State, and Society: The Growth of
Elementary Schooling in Nineteenth-Century France-A Quantitative Analysis.
Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1991.
Guiral, Pierre. La Societefranfaise, 1815-1914 vue par les romanciers. London:

Longman Group Limited, 1973.
Gullickson, Gay L. Unruly Women ofParis: Images ofthe Commune (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 1996).
Hareven, Tamara and Pakans, Andrejs, eds.." Family History at the Crossroads.
Hearn, Michael Patrick. "Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Master of the French Picture
Book," The Hornbook, April 1979: 170-80.
Heimann, Nora Mary. What Honor for the Feminine Sex: Images ofJoan ofArc in
Nineteenth-Century French Art and Literature. Unpublished dissertation, Johns
Hopkins University, 1993.
Heller, Friedrich C. "Maurice Boutet de Monvel, illustrator de livres d'enfant" Revue de

la Bibliotheque Nationale 27, Spring 1988.
Heywood, Colin. Childhood in Nineteenth-Century France: Work, Health, and

Education Among the classes populaires. New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1988.
Holt, Richard. Sport and Society in Modern France. Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1981.
Honor, Hugh. Neoclassicism. London: Pelican, 1973.
Home, Alistair. The Fall ofParis: The Siege and the Commune, 1870-1. London:
Macmillan, 1965.
Howard, Michael. The Franco-Prussian War. London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1968.
Howard, Richard. "Childhood Amnesia," Yale French Studies: The Child's Part 43
(1969): 165-69.
Hunt, David. Parents and Children in History: The Psychology of Family Lifo in Early
Modern France. New York: Basic Books, 1970.
Hutton, Patrick J. Historical Dictionary ofthe Third French Republic, 1870-1940.

Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1986.
412
Institut National de Recherche Pedagogique, P comme Patrie en France entre 1850 et
1950. Rouen: Maison des quatre fils Aymon, 1989.
Jan, Isabelle. "Children's Literature and Bourgeois Society in France Since 1860," Yale
French Studies, 43, 1969: 57-72
Jefferson, Carter. Anatole France: The Politics ofSkepticism. New Brunswick, N. J.:
Rutgers University Press, 1965.
Joughin, Jean T. The Paris Commune in French Politics, 1871-1880 and the History of
the Amnesty of 1880. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1955.
Jourdain, Fran~is. Un grand imagier, Alexandre Stein/en. Paris: Cercle d' Art, 1954.
Jullian, Philippe. Montmartre. Oxford: Phaidon Press Limited, 1977.
Kanipe, Esther. "Hetzel and the Bibliotheque d'Education et de Recreation," Yale

French Studies 43, 1969: 73-84.
Lacroix, Desire. Le Livre d'Or des enfants sauveteurs (1777-1877). Paris: Andre
Sagnier, 1878.
Ladegaillerie, J. and Legand, F. L 'Education physique au XIXe et au XXe siecles. Paris,

1971.
Lasch, Christopher. Haven in a Heartless World: The Family Beseiged. New York:
Basic Books, 1977.
Latour, Bruno. The Pasteurization ofFrance. Alan Sheridan and John Law, trans.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988.
Leach, William. Land of Desire. New York: Random House, 1993.
Lees, Andrew and Lees, Lynn. The Urbanization ofEuropean Society in the Nineteenth
Century. Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath Company, 1976.
Lehning, James R. "Literacy and Demographic Behavior: Evidence from Family

Reconstruction in Nineteenth-Century France." History ofChildhood Quarterly.
24:4, Winter, 1984: 545-59.
Le Men, Segolene. Livres d'enfants, livres d'images. Paris: Musee d'Orsay, 1989.
Lequin, Yves. Histoire des Franfais XIXe-XXe siecles. Vols. I, n, and m. Paris:
Armand Colin, 1984.
413
Loeb, Lori Anne. Consuming Angels. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.
- and Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture o/Victorian England. Stanford:

Stanford University Press, 1990.
Luc, Jean-Noel. La Petite en/ance aI 'ecole, XIXe-XXe siecles. Paris: Economica, 1982.
Machen Gresham, Mary. Images 0/Joan 0/Arc: Their Political Uses in Modern France,
Unpublished Master's Thesis, Baltimore, 1959.
Magraw, Roger. Worlcers and the Bourgeois Republic. Cambridge: Blackwell, 1992.
Maison de la Pensee Fran~aise. Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen. Paris: Maison de la

Pensee Fran~se, 1960.
Manson, Michel. Tresors d'enfances au Musee national de I 'education. Rouen:

Musee National de l'Education, 1991.
Margadant, Jo Burr. Madame Ie Profosseur: Women Educators in the Third Republic.

Nadia Margolis, Joan 0/Arc in History, Literature and Film. Oxford University Press,
1973.
Martin, Benjamin F. The Hypocrisy 0/Justice in the Belle Epoque. Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1984.
de Mause, Lloyd, ed., The History o/Childhood New York: Bedrick Books, 1988.
Mayeur, Fran~oise Gadille, Jacques. Education et images de la fomme chretienne en

France au debut du xxeme siec/e. Lyon: L'Hermes, 1980.
__e. L 'Education des jilles en France au XIXe siecle. Paris: Hachette, 1979.
Mayeur, Jean-Marie and Reberioux, Madeline. The Third Republic from its Origins to
the Great War, /871-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.
McDougall, Mary Lynn. "Protecting Infants: The French Campaign for Maternity
Leaves, 1890s-1913." French Historical Studies. 10:3, Spring 1978: 461-85.
Mclaren, Angus. "Abortion in France: Women and the Regulation of Family-Size, 1800-
1914," French Historical Studies 10:3, Spring, 1978: 461-85.
--. A History o/Contraception. Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1990.
414
McMillan, James F. Housewife or Harlot: The Place ofWomen in French Society, 1870-
1940. New York: Sl Martin's Press, 1981.
Merriman, John M., ed. Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century

Europe. New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers, 1979.
Meyer, Philippe. The Child and the State: The Intervention ofthe State in Family Life.
Judith Ennewand Janet Lloyd, trans. New York: Cambridge University Press,
1977.
Michelle, P. L. Quelques Heros de I 'enfance au pays de leurs images. Paris:

Bibliotheque Forney, 1979.
Miller, Michael Barry. The Bon Marche: Bourgeois Culture and the Department Store,
1869-1920. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1981.
Mitchell, Brian R. European Historical Statistics, 1750-1970. New York: Macmillan

Press, 1978.
Moch, Leslie Page. Paths to the City: Regional Migration in Nineteenth-Century France.
Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1983.
--- and Fuchs, Rachel G. "Getting Along: Poor Women's Networks in Nineteenth-
Century Paris." French Historical Studies. 18:1, Spring, 1993: 34-49.
--- and Gary D. Stark, eds. Essays on the Family and Historical Change. College
Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1983.
Modem Art Foundation Oscar Ghez, Peintres de Montmartre et de Montparnasse.

Geneva: Musee Rath-Geneve, 1965.
Mollier, Jennifer and George, Jocelyne. La plus longue des Repub/iques: 1870-1940.
Paris: Fayard, 1994.
Morel, Benedict Augustin. Traite des degeneresences physiques, intellectuelles et

morales de I'espece humaine. Paris 1857.
Mosse, George L. The Nationalisation ofthe Masses. New York, 1975.
---. ''Nationalism and Respectability: Normal and Abnormal Sexuality in

the Nineteenth Century." Journal ofContemporary History. 17, 1982: 221-46.
Murray, Peter. Theophile Alexandre Steinlen. Geneva: Musee du Petit Palais, 1993.
41S
Musee de i' Assistance Publique, Les Enfants et la Puericulture: Le Programme de Dr.
Gaston Variot. Paris, 1988.
Un Parriote auxorigines de lapuericulture: Gaston Variot, 1855-1930, Midecin et

mecene. Paris: Musee de i' Assistance Publique de Paris, 1984.
Musee de Toulouse-Lautrec, Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen. Albi: Musee Toulouse-

Lautrec, 1978.
Musee d'Orsay. Les Petits Filles Modernes. Paris: Musee d'Orsay, 1989.
Musee du Louvre. Dessins de Steinlen: 1859-1923. Paris: Editions des Musees

Nationaux, 1968.
Musee Municipal d'Art et d'Histoire de Saint-Denis. Steinlen: 1859-1923. Saint-Denis:

Musee Municipal d'Art et d'Histoire, 1973.
Musee National de i'Education. L 'Education desjeunesfilles il y a cent ans. Rouen:

Musee National de l'Education, 1983.
Musee Social. Guide de lafamille: Guide et documents du Musee Social. Paris:

Musee Social, 1961.
Nord, Philip. The Republican Moment: Struggles for Democracy in Nineteenth-Century

France. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995.
Nye, Robert A. Crime, Madness and Politics in Modern France: The Medical Concept of
National Decline. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1994.
---. Masculinity and Male Codes of Honor in Modern France. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1993.
O'Day, Rosemary. The Family and Family Relationships, 1500-1900: England, France,
and the United States ofAmerica. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994.
Offen, Karen. "Depopulation, Nationalism, and Feminism in Fin-de-Siecie France."

648-76.
Ogden, Philip E. and White, Paul E. Migrants in Modern France: Population Mobility in
the Later Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989.
Orlidge Davis, Muriel. Joan ofArc and the Malcing ofthe French Nation. New York: G.
P. Putnam's Sons, 1927.
416
Ozouf, Mona L 'Ecole, l'Eglise etla Republique, 1871-1914. Paris: Editions Cana,
1982.
Parmegiani, Claude-Anne. Les pelitsfranr;ais illuslres, 1860-1940. Paris: Editions du

Cercle de la Librairie, 1989.
Parmenie, A. and de La Cbapelle, Bonnier, eds., Histoire d'un editeur et de ses auteurs:
P. J. Hetzel. Paris: Albin Michel, 1953.
Pellegrin, N. and Planchard, M.-C. Enlrer dans la vie en Poitou du XVIe siecie a nos
jours. Poitiers: Musee Sainte-Croix, 1987.
Pellowski, Anne, ed. World 0/ Children's Literature. New York: R. R. Bowker, 1986.
Pemoud, Regine. Histoire de la bourgeoisie en France. Pars: Editions du Seuil, 1981.
Perrot, Michelle, ed. A History ofPrivate Life, vol. IV: From the Fires ofthe Revolution
to the Great War. Arthur Goldhammer, trans. Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1990.
Pianzola, Maurice. Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen. Lausanne: Editions Rencontres,

1971.
Pilbeam, Pamela M. Republicanism in Nineteenth-Century France, 1814-1871. New

York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.
Pisani-Ferry, Fresnette. Jules Ferry et Ie partage du monde. Paris: Bernard Grasset,

1962.
---. Monsieur L 'Inslituteur: L 'ecole primaire a 100 ans. Paris: Jean-Claude Lattes,
1981.
Ponteil, Felix. Histoire de I'enseignement en France, 1789-1965. Paris: Sirey, 1966.
Price, Roger. A Social History o/Nineteenth-Century France. London: Hutchinson,

1987.
Prost, Antoine. Histoire de I 'enseignement en France, 1800-1967. Paris: A. Colin, 1968.
Ralston, David B. The Army o/the Republic: The Place o/the Military in the Political
Evolution of France, 1871-1914. Cambridge: The M.1. T. Press, 1967.
Rearick, Charles. Pleasures o/the Belle Epoque. New Haven: Yale University Press,
1985.
Reff, Theodore. Modern Art in Paris 1835-1900. New York: Garland Publishing, 1981.
417
Reid, Roddey. Families in Jeopardy: Regulating the Social Body in France, 1750-1910.
Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993.
Richards, Thomas. The Commodity Culture of Victorian England. Stanford: Stanford

University Press, 1990.
Galerie Richlieu-Drouot. Estampes, dessins, pastels, lavis, aquarelles par Theophile-

Alexandre Steinlen (1859-1923) ayant appartenu aMademoiselle Massei(}a.
Paris: Richlieu-Drouot, 1995.
Rollet-Echalier, Catherine. La Politique a I 'egard de la petite enfance sous la /lIe

republique. Paris: Institut National d'Etudes Demographiques Presses
Universitaires de France, 1900.
Rollin, Jean. Steinlen: Le bel heritage. Musee de I'Histoire Vivante, Ville de Montreuil,
1987.
Schafer, Sylvia. Children in Moral Danger" and the Politics ofParenthood in Third
Republic France. Unpublished dissertation, University of California, Berkeley,
1991.
Scheck Kselman, Claudia The Modernization ofthe French Family: The Politics and
Ideology ofFamily Reform in Third Republic France. Unpublished dissertation,
University of Michigan, 1981.
Schinnacher, Kaethe. "Le travail des femmes en France," Le Musee Social, Memoires et
documents. Paris: A. Rousseau, 1988.
Schultheiss, Katrin. The Republican Nurse: Church, State, and Women's Work in
France, 1880-1922. Unpublished dissertation, Harvard University, 1994.
Schuwer, Philippe. History ofAdvertising. Lausanne: Leisure Arts, Ltd., 1966.
Scott, Joan W. and Tilly, Louise A. "Women's Work and the Family in Nineteenth-
Century Europe." Comparative Studies in Society and History. 17: 1, January,
1975: 36-64.
Segal, Eric J. ''Norman Rockwell and the Fashioning of American Masculinity,"

Art Bulletin 78: 4 (December 1996): 633-46.
Serman, William. Les officiersfranr;ais dans la nation, 1848-1914. Paris: Aubier,

1982.
Shorter, Edward. The Making ofthe Modern Family. New York: Basic Books, 1975.
418
SilvermaIl, Deborah L. Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siecle France: Politics, Psychology,
and Style. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989.
Smith, Bonnie G. Ladies ofthe Leisure Class: The Bourgeoises ofNorthern France in
the Nineteenth Century. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981.
Soriano, Marc. Guide de littirature pour lajeunesse. Paris: Flammarion, 1974.
Springer, Annemarie. "Terrorism and Anarchy: Late 19th-century Images of a Political

Phenomenon in France." Art Journal. 38, Summer 1979: 261-62.
--. Images of Women in fin-de-siecle Posters. Unpublished dissertation.
Stewart, Mary Lynn. Women, Work, and the French State: Labour Protection and Social
Patriarchy, 1879-1919. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1989.
Stock-Morton, Phyllis. Moral Educationfor a Secular Society: the Development of

Morale Laique in Nineteenth-Century France. Albany, NY: State University of
New York Press, 1988.
Sussman, Georges. Selling Mother's Milk: The Wet Nursing Business in France, 1715-
1914. Urbana, IL: University of Dlinois Press, 1982.
Swart, K. W. The Sense ofDecadence in Nineteenth-Century France. The Hague: M.

Nijhoff, 1964.
Talbott, John E. "The French Left and the Ideology of Educational Reform, 1919-1939."
French Historical Studies. 4, Fall, 1968: 465-76.
Taylor, Francis Henry. "Steinlen and Zola: Realism with a Purpose." Parnassus, 3-4,
1931-32: 4.
Thenel, K. G. Thiophile Alexandre Steinlen. Tours: Musee des Beaux Arts, 1982.
Thomson, David, Democracy in France Since 1870. New York: Oxford University
Press, 1964.
---, ed. France, Empire and Republic, 1850-1940: Historical Documents. New York:
Walker and Company, 1968.
Tilly, Charles. The Contentious French. Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1986.
---, ed. Historical Studies ofChanging Fertility. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press, 1978.
419
- , Tilly, Louise and Tilly, Richard. The Rebellious Century, 1830-1930. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1975.
Tilly, Louise A. and Scott, loan W .. Women, Work. and Family. New York: Holt.
Rinehart and Winston, 1978.
Tombs, Robert. France, 1814-1914. New York: Addison Wesley Longman, 1996
Trust for Museum Exhibitions, Maurice Boutet de Monvel: Master 0/French Olustration
and Portraiture. Washington, D.C.: The Trust for Museum Exhibitions, 1987.
Vaudoyer, lean-Louis. "Maurice Boutet de Monvel," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 10, 1913:
132.
Viatte, Fran~oise. Dessins de Steinlen: 1859-1923. Paris: Editions des Musee

Nationaux.
Vogler, Bernard. Histoire politique de l'Alsace. Strasbourg: Nuee bleue, 1995.
Waelti-Walters, lennifer and Steven C. Hause, eds. Feminisms o/the Belle Epoque: A
Historical and Literary Anthology. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994.
Wagner, Keith and Pemstein, Lisa. The Posters o/Paris, 1880-1900. Boston: Silver
Collection, 1990.
Weber, Eugen. Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization o/Rural France, 1870-
1914. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976.
Sports and Games in fin-de-siecle France.
Weisberg, Gabriel P. Beyond Impressionism: The Naturalist Impulse. New York:

Abrams, 1992.
---. Images o/Women: Printmakers in Francefrom 1830-1900. Salt Lake City: Utah
Museum of Fine Arts, 1977.
---. Redefining Genre: French and American Painting, 1850-1900. Washington, D. C.:
Trust for Museum Exhibitions, 1995.
---. Social Concern and the Worker: French Prints from 1830-1910. Salt Lake City:
Utah Museum of Fine Arts, 1978.
Weiss, lohn H. "Origins of the French Welfare State: Poor Relief in the Third Republic,
1871-1914." French Historical Studies. 13:1, 1983: 47-78.
420
Weiss, Shai. Child Labor Re/orm in Nineteenth-Century France: Assuring the Future
Harvest. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989.
Wheaton, Robert and Hareven, Tamara K. Family and Sexuality in French History.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1980.
Williams, Rosalind. Dream Worlds: Mass Consumerism in Late Nineteenth-Century

France. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1982.
Wright, Gordon. France in Modern Times. New York: Rand McNally, 1974.
Zeldin, Theodore. France, 1848-1945: Ambition, Love and Politics. Vols I-II. London:
Oxford University Press, 1973.
---. French Society: Anticlericalism, Education and Morals in the Nineteenth Century.
London: Allen and Unwin, 1970.
A History o/French Passions, 1848-1945. Vols. I-II. Oxford: Clarendon Press,

1977.
Zelizer, Viviana. Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value o/Children.
New York: Basic Books, 1981.
421
Fig. 1.1 Auguste Renoir, Madame Charpentier and Her Children, 1878
422
Fig. 1.2 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L 'Apolheose, 1885
423
Fig. 2.1 Edouard Morin, L 'An mil huit cent soixante et onze! ... , 1871
424
Fig. 2.2 Anonymous, 1871-1872, 1872
425
,
I ,.
: ;; i
. ..
I '
.
Fig. 2.3 BertalI, La Liberation du Territoire, 1872
426
Fig. 2.4 Anonymous, Ecole Fran~aise en Alsace, 18705
427
-::- ;;......-i.. ! ..'
Fig. 2.5 Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Dr. Pierre's Toothpaste, 1898
428
r.n ::.-,,' .Ie .:~l. r ".'r.~ iouNa-t cr......
....
ci .1.. I,IIK pJ..n'ar .... r I rl d'Uh** r'''''r,,:nli d... plu.. rl :u;u,. ... f .... i-umPlIP'It dil't-'" .1 ... '" ."",. r
ronrc",s
, ..... rl.. _. 1._ ....="~f ..r.:' . ....n..a;....., 1"!1If6t dana 'lu...... ; In ~bnl.,OIha ....... ,'U... n.~ dt:':a 1"...... 1.. ,1., C't I.:" c,n..: 1:1" "'i ..-"I, . wl' .:.
r.. v" 'III'" c.' b.t .,n'N: I'.~.ica, I. Luu ddnt mcilkur'lu.uln:'o.a .
-~
W, ... _ _ ...,,_..... --'
Fig. 2.6 Leonce Petit, Une Epidemie de sante, 1874
429
Fig. 2.7 Maxime Faivre, Le Lever de Bebe, 1892
430
.~ ..- .-_ ..... -_. - ..
It--r'~"'~ ~
- --
1toS. t) ~.)) rt~'t K I (c
~-
. r r'o~T
- _u._t) , , \ ... ~., I'f..\~ f~~t"i_
,C.~.fN'N(l5\lt5E~rrfv:
..
- . _ .. -~
~lcr<lf.~"~(
i.' '!')1-;~ __
--..-: .. - ...- ..:~~l. -~ -~ -.,t .. -~:;::--:...
,
- -:.-.
,
. ".
Fig. 2.8 Theophile Steinlen, Cheminee Silberman, n. d.
431
Fig. 2.9 Photograph, Classe des en/ants ;nfirmes, 1899
432
Fig. 2.10 Claverie, Hopital maternite, 1884
433
Fig. 2.11 Pascale-Adolphe-Jean Dagnan Bouveret, La Vaccination, 1889
434
Fig. 2.12 Scalbert, La Vaccination gratuite aParis, mairie du Pantheon, 1890
435
Fig. 2.13 George Redon, Le Vaccin de la diphterie: Culture du 'Serum,' 1894
436
Fig. 2.14 Georges Redon, Le Vaccin de la diphterie: L'inoculation, 1894
437
Fig. 2.15 P. Semeghin, La Fete de Victor Hugo: La Delegation des en/ants, 1881
438
... - 4
Fig. 2.16 Anonymous, L 'Art d'etre grand-pere, 1884
439
Fig. 2.17 Moreau de Tours, La Famille, 1898
440
Fig. 2.18 A. Forestier, La Petite fie, 1893
441
Fig. 2.19 Leon Lhennitte, La Sommeil de ['enfant, 1891
442
Fig. 2.20 Perraul~ Joies maternelles, 1873
443
~-
. ,,>II..
/11:4._.,
Fig. 2.21 G. Dutriere, Joies d'enjance, 1903
444
Fig. 2.22 Maximilienne Guyon, Maternite, 1901
44S
"-"-"- .......
11&_- .-
Fig. 2.23 Anonymous, La Mortalite des enfants en bas age, 1874
446
_ ArIoI.
_ ft . .
. . . .'1 deb
.' ....&Ie
_.....
~
_
...........
~
,t res'
. . . 18 ........
Fig. 2.24 Anonymous, Le Lair maternelle. 1879
447
IIAGASUI PlTTORESQUE.
___ Jl'a1Iaeola. daaa 8& Sctint ~ ,. - dpl .... _ qui rempioleaL BIle fail c:b6nt-
rifrre. I.e repoa est bien n6:euai....... _ dOllS meal (I&1ft' Ia 'fie qa'. rannlit .as
petits bour-
De. Ie - ' ... moW. ElIe fait cIea com"""" poia ralIoapia cIea .m... BIle porte au coquet
811ft 1& _ _Il otl elle .. troUft et eel. . de .... cMperoa de .,eJoun. da c:oIIeretLea utraordiaai-
~t ~ BIle aip que Ie petit soit muroi
de .entelles ~t de 1Oie, .u.
no couatireit pas 1
sorIir clana un COIIume mHioere. All retool' do
..,...., elIe coUll , Ia jemae IMn et lui fail IOn
eoatpIiJMnL IIGAe _ I. montre t!16pmmeot
.........................
alii .... :
. . . NCII .. _ . . . . .........
I.prIa _ ...........'8 11-'-
:
1&_ ......... _ ..... _ - , .
La mm III Ie parnin _ftDt eo qae signinent

ceellOUhaits io~, lea c:adeaIl1sool prite.
La pas moine riehclo, qui rout iloyer leurs eo-
Dulli hon de 1a a.iA1l. alit des oblipliollll a-
ri&s. Oil roomit 1 Ja ooarric:e las mille petits ac-
e_ires n6c:euairea: Ie "YOG, Ie lUcre. Ie linge;
00 habiUa I. r&DIille euti.re. DO dOllDc des \"ieult
ye&l!menll &11 _rio ne tempe 1 autre In panmte
ront ane Tilile, ellrollYeDt parroi. I'coraat aO'abl~
p V-
N~ obi IIIIaiIIw .... -.,.... _ ""-' ........
1'IIiaf, - ........ '-re.
plus nchllll et piUll. gc!amux qui ehaqenl leur
ooomee de eadeault de lout pare. Si on ftDl III
CODICIl"VV, iI lIIal s'edeuler de 1a bOMe sorte, el
jllmaia elle oe .. moolre ali.raile. La premi6re
denl de renranl.t-elle yenue ..... _mbre,le
fIClre, 1& mm. Ie parrain, IOnI lIIDUi de lui en a.
"oir . C'cst soo lriumph.. A.....t. robeI, dra-
~es,lout lui at boo; puroie eUelOUpire en pu-
lanl de lea eofants .bandaona demeur& III .,i1-
IIl!e; 00 leurenToie dahabill, desllooOOne. Si en.
ne porte point encore de rollau t 8& eoiJl'e, en. ail
c:boieir une 4loll'e BOlide III ..,-anle poor 8& robe;
eUe porte une c:eiata" d'06 pend une lum6ni6re
cie&tin6e a l'I!CeToir et oon pal t dODDer. Lea p!!-
Ula 9Oitur81 oe lont polot eIleore inYeDU",
mais eUe .e soule,e eo emprisolUl&lllle petil dau
un chariot oil il \"ogue l 8& guise. BU.
'11110 ..... ___ tr_
Aa dYriot d& ...... ".r~.
lAB nourric:ea d'enfanll royaux soat quelquerois

coalenl... U 1181 nai qu'eUes De pen. .' pre
apirei' mieWl. L'hietoire DOua a eouern! Ie
sOllvenir de la Il.,u.., qui ltait 61m Ie roi
Ren~ d'Anjoll et aa _ .Elle rut m.,nillquemenl tJ'atris ...
lrail6c par eus. et quaod en. moDl'Dt, iIa lui
...... I I
.-.waa.e.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . IIId.. -
Oreat BeYer un maasol" ear JequeI 011 Toyail a

statue peiata tenantdaaa . . bras lea deus priD_ cl'oripeaus, rlIaot d.nl uoe lIere_e ..Ue, tandis
eoraote. lIue _ rrtres de wl sont paNs eomlDe dea ma-
do.... I.e plalOuveut, .'_me pmenae itempI
tea,.
lAB exigeoeea sraadiMenl au rur et 1 meaare
que 1l1li .i6cl1ll &Y&DeeuL Au de Loais XID,
la nounic:e eat aue pW.aac:e; elle traite d'Ipll
par dill OIpioae COlDplaleaoll, imqine une habile
mise ell .un ..
Fig, 2,25 Anonymous, Anciennes mmursjranfaises, 1888
448
Fig. 2.26 Andre Gill, L 'Homme ;vre, 1880
449
Fig. 2.27 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Ce que I 'alcool a fait du pere from Histoire d 'une
Bouteille, 1902
450
IIAtiASIN ('ITTORESQUE.
de ............ qui ae perDlGUeal &UCUII

...... il cIort _
_I
.. prde lie Ia rierp JIuie.
faiait du Cbri.t Ie pl... pull .... 1'0111. ae - __
IeaIe pla II. ce ...... appanil ... _rut. or-
u. pea pIaa lard, Ia phUo.opllie ~, llui cIiaa1reL r.e..-IpCaNa _ ... ea1WIInI. de a.,...
Ires, datanl du trenibllle aikle, Ie mootnmt breUXi iia montreal que pendaot cia aiedea I...
enelo,.. de belldelellea pl.Ria eI. ~ UIq8S ae YU'i6reaL pM I .... co poiD'.
d'orfroI.. Cal alan UD jeune priace. UIl paIId du Duraal Ie quiazitale .~, I. dix_plitme at
_oolle, eI. ... Iisenda de ('lIlable pen! de _ aim-
pliciU primiliYe.
L .. loi.,. II doaner renraat c:onaulaient .i. Ie
plODpi"' .... UDe cuve beipereue, 50rte de bai-
poire ell boia de Corm. obloolue en a..p dana
I. 6lR... au lea maiIoas de baiu. Au lOrt.ir de
feau, OIl I. r6chaul'ait 1OipeuIe~ dnaal DO
paIId feu de chemio. el Oft ('emmaWotWt de
00111'.....
I.e Miroir i. ~ d'Ellllaehe Delcbamp'
DOua wl auiater .i. la toilette lie .I..(uqoo
Oa reayeloppe teDdnmeat daDa da dnpeaus
blanOli 00 prend Inod lOio d'ebmdre lea eaie
..ties ., 00 Ie ~atient par de doulx Iieaa M.
Tout. ('heun 00 Ie c:ouehera dluaa M)Q ben:eau,
00 Ie remuera en lui pNlmodiaDt Wle cba.aoa
lIIOIIIIloae.
La mod. des couch. de eouleur appualt au
~ tikle. Dua un maaaeril du uiDL Grul
COaaerft a ... Dlbliolb~ue aati_le (ma. Cr. 06),
un oourriaoo lilt cainl d'U118 6&0 IOlII' _ -
jeWe par d. bIIaclero1l. cIairu.
Celie Corme nidie, _ , . - . immobile, ~lla
DOle c:aNClllrillique _Iearuu:e. Si Je _ _ -0'
mourail cIe bolUle beure, on Ie ftprailea mailIol
. . 1& '_e. U l ' eneore de _ joan, dull "f-
IJliM Ilu lfe&ail-:\ubl'1' Ie .pullun de Simoo Mo-
rb,.., qui .. joipil II I'ntque CMcboa pour ................. DL-~ ....... ~ ..
~...,.. .. ....".'A........ IiNIIIoI'fIo ......
co....1Int Ja Pucelle &D DOlO du roi d'Aalleterre.
Sur Ie piene llIIlftaire de Ie remme de ee tallre
~. un eIlI'ulmort-M OIl pan, elDl8ail- jUlqll" Ie 1WYaIutioa. _lndilioDa .. perplllIM-
SoUl, Mn'6, .............. awt mami.. 1srP- naL Ua lUpilque delsia d.. CAalI ropa ..
lieaa.. La uempl_ de ce fail _ l lite DOID- hih~A"" rep...... I . Phanou r~' Ia
Fig. 2,28 Anonymous, Anciennes ma!urs franfaises: les emmaillotements, les

berceaux, 1888
451
Fig. 2.29 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Au Benefice de la creche du 16e
Arrondissement, 1895
452
Fig. 2.30 Lobrichon, L 'Hospice des enfonts trouves, 1890-91
453
Fig. 2.31 Hubim, Mendiantes bretonnes, 1872
454
-
:f.'
Fig. 2.32 L. Bombh~d, La Misere en Brelagne, 1903
455
Fig. 2.33 Anonymous, Le Noel des en/ants pauvres au Palais de I 'Elysee, 1889
456
Fig. 2.34 T. Haever, Au dispensaire de Belleville: distribution de jouets par Mme
Felix Faure, 1896
457
Fig. 2.35 Anonymous, Chambre dejeunefille, 1894
458
Fig. 2.36 Lobrichon, Variations on a Known Theme, 1885
459
Fig. 2.37 Tofani, Bal d'nfants, 1896
460

UNE MATINU EN~ANTINE

'rEXft ST DBIIIYS PAIl KARl
Fig. 2.38 Mars, Matinee en/antine, 1889
461
L r LLUSTRA TION
I.L............ _ _ I.r...-_.. A.O pA.Re IIONe.AU

--._L'-.~.:-...':!" .. _'-_ .... _ ... h "be -&'_ .. 10_
Fig. 2.39 Mars, Au Parc Monceau, 1886
462
j
d,
..4
'~/":~~-~-'
0
,':
..~ ~::~'i\;~':[-c, .~
,~~~~~r':~:F~:: :<
~ 'i'~'"t ;
~- ..
'r"
.. ,
"''!;:
f
LA MODE EN AOt;T ,SoJI. .
Fig. 2.40 Anonymous, La Mode en aoDI, 1891, 1891
463
LA FiatPnntE DIS jcoUs.iuiUs
__ --..-.1'_:. __ _
Fig. 2.41 Photograph, Une c/asse d 'orphelines a I 'ecole de la rue Salneuve, 1902
464
Fig. 2.42 Laurent, Dans I 'ecole, 1870
465
Fig. 2.43 Photograph, Ecole primaire superieure de garfons, Sens, 1900
466
Fig. 2.44 A. Lan~on, Instruction primaire, 1872
467
Fig. 2.45 Albert Bettanier, La Tache noire, 1887
468
Fig. 2.46 Photograph, Lavabo nouveau modele. 1900
469
Fig. 2.47 Photograph, Lavabo a I 'ecole malemelie, 1900
470
Fig. 2.48 Photograph, Lefon de temperance, 1900
471
to
.- GRAM.AIRE INFANTINB. \
Fig. 2.49 Anonymous, Amour filial from Grammaire Enfanline, 1894
472
Fig. 2.50 Photograph, Vestibule, Lycee Victor Hugo, 1896
473
Fig. 2.51 Photograph, Courtyard, Lycee Fenelon, 1900
474
Fig. 2.52 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, L 'Ecole maternelle, 1894
475
Fig. 2.53 Photograph, Une classe modele avec une seule maitresse, 1900
476
Fig. 2.54 J. Mensina Ruzesz, Les Cantines seo/aires, 1888
477
Fig. 2.55 Paul Dubois, La Charile et Ie courage militaire. 1876
478
Toas lea DO.... d. . . . . ~ Tou 1. D08lS de/..-a
et tou lei OOIDS devllDl. et lou lea DO.... deY&Dl
InqeeI. 00 peal ...un M . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . lc
ou _ 108& cha u ... : ,. __ - IOD.& cia ,_dair : ill
:oM. . . . . . . . . ter,4rf, ..., 6rt6U.
a....... 70.-0-'" '1......n ....... ' .. 'M -QaIIa
..... _ ......... Mta.._ .... -~_, ......
dQ . - . Meinla' CItu _ . . ..
....... - 1M,.., far''''' la .... . . . . " I

Patrie. Drapeaa. r ..We. Capilale. eole. Paul. 8erthe.
Oe8eD 'si..... Arm6e. o..OD. SU De. AaIoiai. Che-
min. laatibdear. '''tn.
Y..... Indle. Chama. Clo-
char. Laareaee. Islise. Papier. 1IeDri. PuMe. PelotoD._
Mooa.a DO DnOI&: ~ ,"#71"""~"''''''''~
Fig. 2.56 Anonymous, Zouave and bergere from Grammaire en/antine, 1894
479
Fig. 2.57 Photograph, Chastel-Nouvel, ecole primaire de iilles, 1900
480
Fig. 2.58 Photograph, Ecole primaire de garfons, 1900
481
Fig. 2.59 E. Delaplanche, Education maternelle, 1873
482
Fig. 2.60 Mme. Colin-Libour, Premieres etudes, 1895
483
Fig. 2.61 Janelle Bole, AlIanl aI 'Ecole, 1876
484
Fig. 2.62 L. Kratke, La Rive du lyceen, 1896
485
Fig. 2.63 Anonymous, La Toilette des en/ants, 1886
486
Fig. 2.64 Nils, Dis, papa, pourquoi if est habille comme un petit garfon?
487
Fig. 2.65 Henri Girardet, L'Invalide: Un Volontaire de trois ans, 1876
488
Fig. 2.66 Paul Legrand, Un iefon de stratlgie, 1890
489
---------...-::~--------
.--
----- --------------j
I
.",,--
',---
~ ' .. " /'
.-:..:"~~."
.-
Fig. 2.67 Rene Fath, Les Premieres armes, 1886
490
.1""!'
t
~
. . . -'
-: t..
!
f
i' 1;-t
I . t-,;:
,";~-,~ ~ :~:
~
..
~ ~ L,""",''''.'.:o:.
j
Fig. 2.68 B. Lemeunier, C 'est la garde qui passe: Paris, 1900
491
, LE -MONDE ILLUSTH
........
.. _ 1-.
.. __
...amI . . , . T UlIifImIEIlI
. _ 'I.tL
......
.-...
..... --
......
......
_ ....
-I'Ia.
_-
---'.&
... -~_ .....
..... LHi& .........
i-.. t. :
r.._
Fig. 2.69 Anonymous, Preparation aux exerc;ces militaires des petites ecoles du
XIXe a"onti;ssement, sur la place du Chateau d 'Eau, 1872
492
PM....
M~' rtrfirftMmIt.... ,"
Fig. 2.70 Anonymous, Petits soldats en marche
493
..... IOUW'I - {QIIIfeIi........ ra-t .....1
Fig. 2.71 Edmond Morin, Je sera; soldat!, 1871
494
Iunioe , . -M,1Ia i rimparlaU de l'iDdica&il1a _ .
lUiNnII : .. . . ..".~ ,
Ie reftUer. To plonger. -n c~er. NOus jet.r.'ru
frcuaclair. Voas ~trir. Je tHrir. NoUl """,tlre. Lea Gaulois .
"re braves. Le name ferulre lea Bots. A1ltrelois lea forMs
.coumr la Gaule. Le printemps 4W1nter, Ia c:ampaine
reoertlir, lea feuilles potU.er, Ie solen I,.,.. plas :chad, lea.
Oeurs commeracer l parattre, lea hirondeUes ,.".ir .
Fig,2.72 Anonymous, Aux petits freres from Grammaire en/anline, 1894
495
a
. f
....
Fig. 2.73 Photograph, Adrien Vincent from Jeunes heros et grandes, 1902
496
FIGAR.O
---
1 _
ILLUSTR.E
-... -
........
._n-.........
. . . ., -. . . . . . . . . . . C'. . . . . ~- ........... _ ~ ~ -.
Fig. 3.1 Photograph, L 'Exposition de I 'en/ance, 1901
497
Fig. 3.2 Photograp~ Berceau offirt au Prince Imperial par la Ville de Paris, 1856
(from 1901 exhibition)
498
Fig. 3.3 Plan, Education Display, 1889 World's Fair Labor Pavilion
499
---
Fig. 3.4 Plan, Education Display at 1889 World's Fair, Labor Pavilion
soo
- - - - -.. -- - - - - - - -
Fig. 3.5 Plan, Education Display, 1889 World's Fair Labor Pavilion
501
Fig. 3.6 Anonymous, A Portrait ofa Father and His Children, c. 1784-1800
502
Fig. 3.7 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, En C/asse, 1889
503
Fig. 3.8 Photograp~ Pa/ais d'enseignement, Exposition Universelle, 1900
S04
Fig. 3.9 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Ecole bretonne, 1896
505
Fig. 3.10 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Une Ecole indigene, 1897
506
Fig. 3.11 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Ler;on de dessin, 1895
507
Fig. 3.12 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Atelier scolaire a Dellys, 1899
508
PLU _ L'IUUii'IIUa
8IJ . .8. _ _ L'IIlftIUaIOJI rnllQUL
h I ' . _.... 7 b&
<,.. .0)
--.. --- i
I ..... .....,
...
w.-
--- I.6... .
r. J
t
I J
'- ....., . - J
...!LJ! f
1~E:-3.::l. L..-I _1-.(
___
' C&._'1Z--._~IIJfII
I .....~I
Fig. 3.13 Plan, Ground Floor, Education Pavilion, Exposition Universelle, 1900
509
.. DCCDI.. I'1II- R. _ _ ... "
LlLLUBTRA.T10N
R6creation .-----;-
I
Fig. 4.1 Anonymous, Collection Hetzel, 1885
510
Fig. 4.2 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Premiere cause de I'avocat Juliette, 1881
511
Fig. 4.3 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L '/nstitutrice, 1881
512
Fig. 4.4 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L'Institutrice, 1881
513
LA BATAILLE DES PETITS SOLDa\TS. SiS
, - - - - - -
if
'
;
r
!
DOua desceoclai.l "..... ..,. lei J8IIS; Nous dtcel&ioas Ifcordialemu, lea pe-
nous 6lioaa arm. de baas r..1s de bois, lilS ..Idata" plomb I & Us "6&aient pel'-
et rieD n"WI joIi COIBBIe de DOD8 voir mis Ii IOUyea' de _'=bore. pJaiAD&eries
manmuvcer au .,leU. sar DO' ruailsl Uae udeIIr perri6re IIOUS
II n'est penoDDe de DOUS qui De Ie animu, depuia Ie preIIl~ jasqll'au der-
seiuU jO~'eus de mareber all combat. I Dier, et cocnme los . . .,.. je De r6vllis -
que de monlrer m. valeur - eoDe- 'r .NODI IIOUI cNpIorlIDea d'abon! sur deus
mise ROP: pail DOtre puebe el DOtre droite
Les peUlS lIOldaCi de p10mb .tilIeD' pI_ mIJ'Ch6r..t. de IllaDi6nt llailler un creult
DOlObrcus que DOUSe Us avaieat 'avec en "ce 0'.,,..
at.
.Il ceDtre. trop dire. noDS
de la caYllerie et de l'UIilIerie. maia Doas mardUoal comme UD ..... boauoe.
les depassinos de c:i;oq silt car iJs Je yoas pie de are qu 'eo ce moment
Ivuen, I'air de Dlia i COl6 de DOUS. pas UD de ........ tNbucba. Nous 'Lions
Le jour de II b&1IiIIe arriva eDfto. Lea aussi lOIidet11m& .... Ilir DOS lringles que
Ilpius baUireal la cIIIrP' lUI' lelUl IIm- si IIOUI . . . . ' " de fer, M II boutique
boUriDS, et .UIIII6l . . .DOUS mIlD. eO DOUS I8IIIblail INp pecile pour CODIeJlir Ie
mouvemeDl. Co rUI UD Joti speccacle. tbeAtre de 001 aploits.
e
Fig. 4.5 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, "La Bataille des petits soldats de plomb et des petits
soldats de bois, 1879
514
Fig. 4.6 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Nuit de Noel, 1880
515
Fig. 4.7 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Le Quart d'heure de Rabelais, 1881
516
Fig. 4.8 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Une Page difficile, 1883
517
Fig. 4.9 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Unionfail a laforce, 1889
518
Fig. 4.10 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Fianfailles d'Arlequin, 1900
519
Fig. 4.11 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Enfant de troupe, 1891
520
Fig. 4.12 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Affames, 1890
521
"3
L'iCOLIBR ILLUSTR___ JOtlB.,AL PAIlAISSANT TOUS LES lEUDIS

~:IOLJt""" ..... :10 ..
ABOXlQUoID"TS .... aaa. f.
Ole A:'I 4 Pr. Su LI.U.I.E CI. lEU . . .""'
SIX MOil " 2 ~ 2
TROIS 1I01S. I ~ I SS 15. aa 1OVt'I.OT. PAm
Fig. 4.13 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Une Visite a /'HiJpita/, 1889
S22
Fig. 4.14 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Huile Ricin, 1895
523
~
.. A . . . . .
0: " . .
..... -" .'-- ..
MON 10IJlI.NAL ~ :,; ~ r _ ,." \.U
HeII. . . . . . ...
___. "';.,....
..
, ...
' : ,: .....p~y! US ;.I~f.#t~.~'''\~Q:A. ~IX .US ..
Fig. 4.15 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Ecole maternelle, 1890
524
Fig. 4.16 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Lefon de couture, 1885
525
Fig. 4.17 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Histoire de bebe, 1900
526
Fig. 4.18 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, C'esl une vipere!, from Les Deux Coles du Mur,
1886
527
Fig. 4.19 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, Jean-Martin Charcot, 1892
528
Fig. 4.20 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, Les ravages de I'alcool from Histoire d'une
Bouteille, 1902
529
Fig. 4.21 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, Ce que I 'alcool a fait du pere from Histoire d 'une
Bouteille, 1902
530
Fig. 4.21 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Unfutur savant, 1880
531
-~.
Fig. 4.22 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Nous les aurons ... , 1885
532
Fig. 4.23 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Derniere goutte, 1888
533
Fig. 4.24 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Unjour afite de ['ecole, 1893
534
Fig. 4.25 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La veille des prix, 1898
535
-~
Fig. 4.26 Jean-Jules Geoffioy, Studies, c. 1899
536
Fig. 4.27 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Infortunes. 1883
537
Fig. 4.28 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, L 'Homme Roi, 1890
538
Fig. 4.29 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, La Creche, 1897
539
Fig. 4.30 Jean-Jules Geoffroy, Les Risignes, 1901
540
Fig. 4.31 Jean-Jules Geoffi'oy, L '(Euvre de la Goulle de Lail au dispensaire de
Belleville, 1903
541
Fig. 5.1 Photograph, Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel in His Rue Rousselet Studio,
1876
542
. .
lJ\.. V[Nr[~DE :SUZANNE. .' ... , . . . ...'-. -: ,
~N~ ~'est pl~ une petiteRtie: ell~ va ~voi.r

trois ans~
. . . O~ J:l'elit P4J t!q~re vieux A trQis ans,
. mais .on -d~~ de. ide~""afftl.!es sur 'bien
des choSes et' ce que ~eri~in.ea, ~, appeU.ent des
princlpes, e'est-A-dire' de l~obatina,Uon. Quan<f Su-
zanne a pris. un parli que~conqtie, ~ns' savoir:60u- .
"cot pout-quoi'elle I'a prist elle' ne. veut plus en de-
mordre i cUe ~sl, en un mol, ~ enleLee.
Suza"ne a un autre' defaul:elle grimpe ,sans
cease.. dur lea meu~les. On ne eomp~ plu!l les (ois
ou elle esllom~. enlralnant dans Bachute tine chaise ou un' (au-
leuil qu'elle av~t voulu ~prudemmt!nl es~lader. Tout ~utre
'Iu'elle Ie &emil eorrige d'uoe aussi fun!l!6ie manie; Mais'je viensci~ ~~us di~qu'elle. esl
lres entetee ... Vous aUez voir les malbeurs qui peuvenl resulier de I'association de ceg
dell~ deCauls : l'eotelcment ella passion des escalades.
L'aulrejour. elleelait eneorejuchee sur une chaise dusalon. ~i elle s'elail conlenlee
d'y monter pour s'y asseoi~, comme une personneraisonnable, el pour (euUleler le'livre
d'imagea pose SUI" la table voisine, on ne lui aurail rien dit. Mais Suzanne ne reale jamais
II"
Fig. 5.2 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel La Vente de Suzanne, 1886
543
Fig. 5.3 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel La Vente de Suzanne, 1886
544
Fig. 5.4 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, lliustrationfrom L 'Ecolier lliustre,
1898
545
Alia I YOU D.... ,II d......anta IIJ'~ODft
---
...
Je .e "0"
.~-.
bien aQjoarcfhui
Fig. 5.5 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel L 'Age sans Pitie, 1896
546
Fig. 5.6 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Olustrationfrom "Children's Costumes
in the Nineteenth Century, 1908
547
Fig. 5.7 Louis-Maurice Boutet de MonveL Portrait ofRose Worms-Barella, before
1910
548
Fig. 5.8 Louis-Maurice Boutet de MonveL Bernard el Roger, 1889
549
..
Cl1t;.CHeS DU \,n:~ AHRO~~J)[SSErllNT
:1
J:~..'.
Fig. 5.9 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Program/or Fifth Arrondissement

Creche Fund-Raiser, c. 1898
550
LE PONT OAVIGNuN.
Fl.
,
\
<,
Sar Io! p"nt 01.'..\ _.i _ goOD. "
L'dD Y cbll _ U tUUl ~D road,
r ~
!
D.C.
t;3. [I pui.
Fig. 5.10 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Le Pont d'Avignon, from Vieilles

chansons et rondes pour les petits Franr;ais, 1883
551
LA QUEUE LEU LEU.
----- --------------
4I~~fiq~ce.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
CHANr.,
A 1a .... 1ftJ la, A . . . . l 1a ...... A Ia
~
PlAJ(O ~~~~i~~
A II ~I.., letlA
quae. it 1a . . . . .\ I...... 1ft 1ft. A 1a ..... 0.. Oml

n.
-
.',
Fig. 5.11 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Queue leu leu, from Vieilles
552
AS-TU VU LA CASQUETTE?
AIP._.
M eta
!Ue .. flirla
Ia -....ue. Ia e&.fIIII - Ie.
~ 1a_.fIll-"
.. ..... --.....-......
1UI_1Iit &._ ........ __
---
."
..;f':::'Jo
~~- '-.l0';'
0- ~
-!.
...
o,~oy.'6.~
....
Fig. 5.12
Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, As-tu vu fa casquette?, from Vieilles
553
II '\.n~ ..all.. il iI I.. ~, ho~)". II cn ~ut :.1 ..,.:ur Inut ,r nkoll'",
,\ La t:M"'" :.,,' ~"h.. n.h.. tr"h. (}u".1 tumha "lit' ....,. lal.H14 ~
'}luau,1 .1 (u, ,u,. I... nUlnl .. ,.;o", Tnn", les ..lame, ,tn YlII~'
II rnftU un ~"ur .t' ,-:Inn" I.m runrn..," 'k"1o h nh... " ..
I~.I Ii I.... lAin', ,-or Ii Inn 'Miu'. El Ii tlln IUI1 .. L:f Ii h.1l t;uu".
I:. It tnn 11m, d Ii lun I.un", Ef Ii (un (tUl, tAl Ii , .... , .. tn',
f}u.. ",' il lUI lur 10 muntaJ;n', TttlU's I\!s d"'''''~!10 lIu nIL,;,:'
It ranif un .. m'r ..,' eannn; 1.U1 rurt~r~nl t.lG t-uDIM,"~.
It t.:n cUi ...i ('Cur ""-It ,r mlmo, Jt.: "nu~ n...'n ......ci, n ....... ,laln',.
,)".1 rumhn ~nr U'~ .alnn,. "to \"nll4. ~, .k \"fl. hun"",,'.
.... II Inn tOlin', tl Ii Inn tpin'. F, II Inn l:lin', l"' U tnn .... n
1-". U Ie'lt lun. d Ii hill ,n', 1'-, Ii Inn '"". t't II tun hun',
. ' .. /,,-::',( ---\.'~. .

-....
"-I
~ , :~.
..
.
"" .-
Fig. 5.13 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Le Petit Chasseur, from Vieilles

SS4
FAtS DODO. COLAS.
r.il do _ do. Col..~.moop'lil rri!_re;Fais do _ do. l':lllra,du In
J>1)
..L)1 i'J. lJ 1>
"",i\'O. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
_ III; Muuan att. haul Q.i rail do Ci _lfOID. ..,. est en
J. J. d.
_ lal: rais cia _ do.Colu.maaplil r ....,rp.r.is ria _ dn.l'alll':l~ .III 10 _ I".
11;
Fig. 5.14 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Fait Dodo, Colas, from Vieilles
555
AR! VOUS D1RAI-JE, MAYAN.
:::t~~t;-i-:it~fi:~;:* ;}~; :
t;-i :7; :; ;-:;~ :~i~; 7~i; -:i-;' :
Fig. 5.15 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Ah! Vous dirai-je, maman , from
Vieilles chansons et rondes pour les petits Franrrais, 1883
556
LA BONNE AVENTURE.
Fig. 5.16 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel La Bonne Aventure, from Vieilles

chansons et rondes pour les petits Franrrais, 1883
557
LA BONNE AVENTURE.
Je suis un petit poupon Lonque leo pelilS priOn.

Dc belle flJlUre, Sonlllcntils "I IoIg"',
Qui mime bien la boabom On leur dOlll1e des bonbons,
Ella conlinares. Dc jolia Images.
Si ,ous youlez men donner. Mais quand Us Ie fonl vander.
Jc taurai bica Ics manger. C'cst I. fouel qu~oJ faut donner.
La bonne IlYenI"",, La uiste .YenlUr",
ObI pi! Oh!~i!
La bOllllc avmrurel La triilt: 4yc:nturc
3
J e serai sase et bien bon,
Pour plaire ma ~
Je la1lrei bi.... ID.& i~n.
Pour plaire man pa-c;
Je YCIlX bien Ics COOleDlOr,
Et l'jJa vctolent m'cmbnusct
La bonne avenlure
Oh!pi!
La bolUlc &YcnlUre!
Fig. 5.17 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Bonne Aventure, from Vieilles

558
C"est la proprete qui fdit reconnaitn: ;i premiere ''\Ie un
enf.mt bien elc';e, ~OlL-; de\'ons done toU( ll"abord parler de
la pmpre\e,
~Ielqucfois. en nUlls promenant dans 1.'1 campagne. nous

rcncomrons de paunes petits. gardeut"S de ,'adles uu gardeuTS
d'oies. en sabots. uu me.ue pieds nus, lis ont les, cheveux
ebourilfes. b main'! noires. Ie ncz affrememelll sale. les uns
ne sont debarbouilles que Ie dimanche. Ie.; ~llItr(.,,; ne Ie sont
jamais. Plaignons-les, Leurs parents. Ie<; llllS negligems. les
amres empechcs ~lr leur travail. ne sa\'COl P.lS ou nc peuvent
pas S'(Kcllpcr d'ellx .
....
. .:.,,,
, ", ~.
. ....

" ".' ", ~
I ~
P.- ~
,,'." l .~':;;,.... ~ ._ ..,;
,
, , ' ",
',' ,.
"L
.'n .
.I -J'(,.
'.
;
' 1
',,'
, , \--j 1 ;., . . . ~,J_; I' ~";' , ."," i
). ~"-,,l :~~.~.:~~~~_ ......- " .. ;: " 'L~
..1"-'''-'''' I:" ~~',.'. ,
Fig. 5,18 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from La Civilite puerile et

honnete, 1887
559
LA COURTOISIE ENTRE ENFANTS '11 De sullit pas
que Ics enEma
soient polis avec
~s gr.uKlcs ~nonllcs. lis doivem encore Eirc polis entre cux.
Quand lIOC pc..oUlC anUe vicm \ous voir. vons ne dcvez pas lairc fa
maU5Sildt". refll~\' de jOllcr avcc die Ct vow retirer dans un coin avec
i VOlre poupee. P:,r1el-Iui. au cOlluain:. avec lin air content; proposcz-
I"
I : i~:>.b.;:-l lui Ia premiere de jouer ;,,'cc die; rDeltezlui \'Olre poupec datU lcs
bras. en lui rccommandaJu de: prendre bien sain de cenc chcre ~titc.
l\Iontrn-lui wn lit :i gr.and., \idc.-.allx. puis scs robel. ses souliers.
Fig. 5.19 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel. Illustration from La Civilite puerile et

honnete, 1887
560
bonncu, ses lh<lpe./lIx. 101\{ q~l.t selTe da,,~ '\Co; pClilS 1II~IIIJ1CS, \'olre
amie S'3l11uset";l IX:<llIcoup. cot. quanti \'OIlS ircz 1.1 \"()ir. clle ~er;t ;1 ~(1II
,
,I
lour aimable avec vous, C'eM conullc Cel;1 que doivClIl. en elrel, ~ rnI'Voir
deux petile!! fillC's de bonne compagnie,
Ricn de plm; laid. au ronrrairc. que celles qui !Ie querellcnt. e rachcl\[.
s'arr.lchem leurs poupCcs des mains,
- Maddlloi~el1e. c 'e~t mainlcn;lIlt ilion tour It. dit r 1111(',
- Non. llIademoiselle. je TIC vClIle pas "OtiS Ia 1'('11<11"(' ", elil (';11111"(',
p"rce qllc \'OIlS cle~ line Illl;chanle,

If - Pas dll tout, lT1ad(,llI()i~dk ..r'csi VOIIS Cllli ;IVCZ (,{"lIfllt'IIU;.
UII pel! pillS. dll's !!(' h;IIII~liellt a (OIlPS d'ol1~It-'i lOIIlIIll' n:~ "il,lim
chats dc goul\ ii-I CS, ",('un fn;1 C" ~OII\ ()h'i~c'i dc lcs SCP;JI cr. CI IClIl (
lIIalllans sonl dem/cco; 1 ,Ivoi .. tit' pal eillc'i CII/~nts,
Fig. 5.20 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel. Illustration from La Civilite puerile et

honnete, 1887
561
Un mfunr un pal gr.md doit toujours
moucboir dans sa Foclle. Four De pas cue oblige
d'cmprurucr cdui des autres personncs.
Paul. ayam UD jour oublie Ie sicn. fit la SOlt~ de ~(" ~cn ir

du foulolrd qui pcndlit ;i Ia pod~ d'lm monsielll-, I:t lela
sans meme demander aucune pcmlission. Si )e :;;lIdc <.Iu
jardin ;nOlit YU Ia chose. pour sur it aurail contlnil Ie
mau\-ais farceur a fa prison du paste, Pilul Ii.u d-aiUcurs
bien attr.ape. c-.ar Ie monsieur ccait lUl priscur, ct ,on
foulanl crail rempli de bOOc. de sone que notre petit
drolc en eut Ie ne~ lOllt barbouiIle : ce rUl sa
punitiOD.
Fig,5,21 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from La Civilite puerile et

honnete, 1887
562
LA LAITIEAE ET LE POT AU LAIT
.........., '=J _ ' : ; .... - t ~ .... _ _
!'tr . ' _ _ .... .I~ ... _ ...
. . ....- . . :w- ..... ~ '._~"".

~_.! 1......... _
, . _ . , .-- - - . ,-:'; .~- -'.:'"".-'10 _ - . ..... J~ ,. '~r" _ _ . _ _
-
,
-r'_
""C"o.
_,"
r

"~"'.
'.""._,
,e"'
.......'f ._~. :."' . . :.. ~ .~ _'., '. '~ .. -'~ " ..; _ I ..... : .... _
.. ..c. .. , , _ J . J '"",," . . . . _ . - - - . . . ...

r ...-, :.. -. __.~_ :.. ,.,.._ - .. ~ . . -...
__ . . . _ .... OOC"" ..;,...,. '("'. ~
Fig. 5.22 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel. La Laitiere au pot au lait from Fables
choisies pour les enfants, 1888
563
Fig. 5.23 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Cover from Nos En/ants, 1887
564
Ll!CIE EST LA. ME1LLEURE DI;
S(EURS. PENDANT LES NEVf
fOURS QU'A DUllE LA JlALADIE
DE GERMAINE, LUCIE EST \'NUt;
&TUDIER SESLEC;;O~ ET CaUDRE
DA.NS LA CHlilBRE BLEUE. EJ..LE
A VOULU APPORTER ELLE-AtDlE
L.\ TIS.\.N A LA PETITE MALADE.
Fig. 5.24 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Convalescence from Nos En/ants,

1887
565
Fig. 5.25 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Convalescence from Nos Enfants,
1887
566
. -teles toufes dr6ites:. On .- dirait .autapt de-_':
.------------'-.....;.,....------.. peti~. boUtdueid3DiI~ueU~_~Mad~_~i~~:-:
. . ~.": . . -- - . - ' . ; ~- :.
e-Ia sci~ce..
"
_selle G~igne verse _'

.
-
' .'.
Fig. 5.26 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel. L 'Ecole from Nos En/ants, 1887
567
!
I
t
5
- R '7
TOUTES LES
MAOE~tOI8ELLE GE.~SEJGI'B
SO~T SAGES ET APPLIQUEES.
[L N\" 0\ RIf.:N DE 51 PLAISAI'T
A VOIR QUE LEURS PETJn:S
PERSONNES 1~IM08ILES E1
LEURS T~TES TOUTES
DROITES.
Fig. 5.27 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L 'Ecole from Nos enfants, 1887
568
QUE C'EST
U;HUJ LA FETE DE SON
ifit;mc DES B.\ISERS.
:. I: . J~
,I
,I' ". "',

\
.: .. ..
~
Fig. 5.28 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Suzanne from Nos en/ants, 1887
569
..- . ."- ) .. --
F
'a _. A-.
.'
,~
-......-!.
.,...If
.-
"'i-
\.
'r i
.+ ,
:J.~
""'-',r -'t
~.
.,. ..' !
1
.. I
EN CE MOMENT, ROGER PANSE SON
BEL ALEZAN QUI SERAIT LA P~RLE
DES CH~V_\UX DE BOIS, LA FLEl'I{
nES HARAS DE LA FOR~T NOIRE, S'fL
N'AVAIT PERDU LA MOITIE DE ~:\
QC'Et;E .A LA BATAfLLF_
Fig. 5.29 Louis-Maurice Boutet de MonveL L 'Ecurie de Roger from Nos En/ants,
1887
570
BERNARD, ROGER. JACQGES
:,.:n TIESNE ESTIPttENT Ql:IL N'Y A
01\T1tEMILlT :\IRE. C,\TH ERl\'\t:: IENSE
CO~ Em.. ET ELLS VOUDRArT
trRE UN GARf;OX POUR DEVENlR. UN
SOLO;\1'.
Fig. 5.30 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Revue from Nos en/ants, 1887
571
u.s s'.'\IUtkI'ENT A L'ENDROIT LE PLUS POISSONNEUX :
,JEA.'iNE S'ASSlED SOUS UN SAULE ETttE:. AYA~l POS~
SES PANtERS A TERRE, JEAX D~ROULE SA LlGNE. ELLE
EST SIMI"LF. : UNI:: GALLE, :\V~C 1:'1 f'IL .1:,,' eKE E.Pll'G.LE
RECOURRF. AU BOUT DU FlL. JEAN }. FOUR..~I LA GAULE.
JE,\NNE A DOr.;NE LE FIL ~T L'F.:PL'IGL]::; Al:SS[ LA LrGNE
EST-f::LLE CO~UIL"NE AU FRERE ET A LA SCEl:R.
Fig. 5.31 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, La Piche from Nos en/ants, 1887
572
Fig. 5.32 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Les Petits loups de mer from Nos
enfants, 1887
573
JOAN OF ARC
BY
1\'1. BOCTET DE MONVEL.
Fig. 5.33 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Cover from Jeanne d'Arc, 1896
574
For thre.e weeks the" tormrnted her with iMidiaus qucatiODll. There is
more in God's book tban in JOUr>! . I do not know Illy .-\ B C. but I come
from the King oi Heayen ... When they objected tIut God !wi no> Od of
"",n.Iarm., ttl del;"'r Fr.. n~e. she drew "e..eli up qwddy
will 6ght. but G"d wlli ;:i"" the \'lcr"'Y' .. Then:. ;u at Va"cuuleul"l>. the
propJ" c!"dan:d In her t.ln",r. They hdd he~ 10 c.e holy and In.pired. The
learned .nd powerful .... re iurced to) ~,eld 10 the enthusiasm of the multitude.
Fig. 5.34 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Illustration from Jeanne d'Arc, 1896
575
;
V '~"1
'1 !
/
;"
~l .--"
-i
. ,.:
:f'd
.[11
I~
J<Jidl w,,-. born on :tit! loch <.Ii JAnuary. I~I~.
~t D.,tllre:n\'. Iinle \'illlge .)( l.:.rr;une. depen .
I""t'" :he 0;u11l... ,,1< <>[ Chatu:l,>nt. whi.:h was held
irvin d'!t CrC)~'n ,')i Fran('e Ht'r father's name
.... a.~ ja("ques d.\n:. her moth .... , (~b .. ll"ct~ R.. m"", :
:.n.:y- Uie":"e h. .mc:st pr\.'p!e. ~lmp": ~buunng :,Ak
... ho it'-ed by tnl'lr COIl.
j "an wa:; brought up ;rith her brnrhel'5 and SIster
in a :ittlC" huus.; \\hi.:h is ~tdI ttl be !!Cen at Domretr.y.
-w) do~,.. ~o :h~ .:hurch that it:; ~dcn tvuc:h~~ the
grol\"~~ard.
Th~ child ,,'l'CW up ther". unde: the o:ye oi God.
Sil.: ,,'as a j ~t. sunpl". upri~t glrl. E~,,~"
un" lo..-".j h"r. f"r oUl Ime" her kmd heart .ma
thd' ,h" was the ~.t girl on thc villa .."'. A bra"e
w"rker. she AIded h"r iamil~' in :netr labours ; by
-la" leading the b~a.>t.< !O p<U!ure or sharing th .. ./.
cough ta;,k5 or her iather in the "'"nlr.~ Splr.
n'ng :u: her mlthl'"r', side .1I1d n~lplng ht:r In ~::c::
housC'.~crpJr.g
,,;" :.'"
Sht! !~)'.~ '";,d. and diten prayed to Him
576
577
I '
II
~
578
Fig. 5.38 Chapu, Jeanne d'Arc, 1872
579
,
Fig. 5.39 Emile Chatrousse, Jeanne d'Arc, 1891
580
Fig. 5.40 C. A. P. d'Epinay, Jeanne d'Arc, 1891
581
Figure 6-1. Theophile-Alexandre Steinle~ Compagnie Franfaise des Chocolats et des
This, 1895.
582
Fig. 6.2 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Lait pur sterilise, 1894
583
Fig. 6.3 Theophile-Alexandre Stein1e~ La Rue, 1896
584
Fig. 6.4 Theophile-Alexandre SteinIen, Le Coupab/e, 1896
585
Fig. 6.5 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Chemins de Fer de ['Ouest, 1900
586
Fig. 6.6 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Dans fa vie, 1901
587
Fig. 6.7 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Clinique Cheron, 1905
588
Fig. 6.8 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Chanson de la vie, 1894
589
Fig. 6.9 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, En Attendant!, 1895
590
Fig. 6.10 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Lycee Racine, 1902
591
Fig. 6.11 Photograph, Lycee Racine, circa 1900
592
. A. LAISANT
-
L'ED.UGATION
DE D.EMAIN
PRIX: 10 CENTIMES
JUILLET 1906
Fig. 6.12 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, L 'Education de Demain, 1906
593
.i.l~~
!-~'I' -- .
CHARlTY.
Fig. 6.13 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Charity
594
.....
~,. . ~ ~--
Fig. 6.14 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, L 'Attentat du Pas-du-Calais, 1893
595
- '. -.- -
- . - -...... ro--
.::~ - , . . ... . " - -
- - .....
....
.'
... ~.- ............

. ,---.- :-. :.(.: :-~....'"
.- T -
.-'
..,.~""", . ._
f .- ,0,
Fig. 6.15 Theophile-Alexandre Steinle~ Jolie societe!, ) 894
596
_1'1.. poda.......r......
_.Ie _. . .
Vont a1mrone 0",
T...Jaec Ie COk
ftaaobaI
,,_ ole 1'U& plel... .sa .."'...;-
It. .................. I..... boiIl. . .
La ....rIas baltWCo tI. 1Oie.
:'loa! ... periu ....1atIis
S.. _ ........r.. Icu.. oIoi... .-p
O....... _ , . . ....IUn.
No.!l ... ftlUr : c"'ac mia,uil:.
Man las rcua .... wwilleun 4. maic
Cc lie IOQt ..... tla chcm:ta.!n.
No.:1 f VOJC&: Ics tout pelin.
Fan_lolls,
S. .oat blow, .:
Tr.:ablaQh. dana la: coto d"')nac rortc~
115 ,,'allt at 1000lien .u ,alto'.. .
Pour InCttre lea jogtlS .i beau ..
f~"'C '-t ,.me No.!! appona.
. "ollt
_t.o "D~
COClt
...
1. (our, ca cria1l1
bo piII!'
__ Lao _ ....... cacarl1u1rc.
Ita .. ~t lHuoIIloa.;
: parina.:~du.~~:.;U1aar.-
lla a'... ftIMIri' rpe Ie ..I.... .
"""ill.; ~~ ~ioull... ,
- LH..a.~-
a'._ . .
- .... ..aHopn. ,
Qui til cIMmlatIn..'.
-"ed . - p , : - - ' I . _. -.
VIeatIn ......rarn tI........... .
v......... _.n_la... 1
fledl NoUll -_ --
- iULES JOr/Y.
"
-.
...:
-:.~
~ ' . ......
~ .
-'-
Fig. 6.16 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Noel des petits sans-souliers, 1892
597
Fig. 6.17 Theophile-Alexandre SteinleD, Marchand de marrons, 1896
598
Fig. 6.18 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Apres 30 am de Repub/ique, 1901
599
-*-
"'..
-~
----..;;1:-.J.
.~:
.-
,
. -'-
Fig. 6.19 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Gamines sortant de I 'ecole, 1912
600
Fig. 6.20 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, "Ah! mon beau chateau!, from Les Rondes
de I 'En/ance
601
Fig. 6.21 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Quand nous serons vieux, from Chansons
des jemmes, 1897
602
.,-
-'!"
J3~isquet
Fig. 6.22 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Histoire du Chien de Brisquet, 1899
603
Fig. 6.23 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Almanach du Bibliophile pour I 'Annie
1900, 1900
604
'"
,,-....
..--
--~~~----~{--~~---- ,.. .........
--~--------~--------
Fig. 6.24 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, La Malernelle, 1905
60S
150mm _ _ _ _ _ --1~
I
- 6" _____ ---.J-
t.-
- ~
.:ii II\MGE ' Inc

APPLIED.-=
-== 1653
..=-~
East Main Street
~=
Rochester, NY 14609 U
Phone: 7161482-0300 SA
_..= Fax: 7161288-5989
C 1993. Applied Irnaga. Inc.. All RlghlS Reserved

Propaganda and Utopianism: The F Amil y and Visual Culture in Earl y Third Republic France (1871-1905)

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Propaganda and Utopianism: The F Amil y and Visual Culture in Earl y Third Republic France (1871-1905)

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

INFORMATION TO USERS

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

The original document received by UMI contains pages with

This reproduction is the best copy available

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

GABRIEL P. WEISBERG, ADVISER

UMI Microfonn 9903642

This microfonn edition is protected against unauthorized

and have found that it is complete and satisfactory in all respects,

This dissertation is a contribution to the study of visual culture. While social

such images were profoundly propagandistic. These ubiquitous agents of persuasion

only been possible with the help of others.

It is difficult to adequately thank those who assisted and inspired me in this

turn-of-the-century than I had ever imagined. Professor Weisberg encouraged me to think

cannot be adequately understood without examination of objects people enjoyed on a

his extraordinary level of dedication and support.

France makes her irreplaceable.

researcher has been even more important.

I also wish to directly thank the members of my examining committee, whom I

to its finished form.

from years of collecting and promoting the work of Steinlen.

Recherche Pedagogique also helped a great deal.

Bibliotheque Nationale. It is important to note that most of the B. N. divisions

(Imprimes, Estampes, Manuscrits, and Services de reproduction) were rich troves of

photographing of crucial works of Geoffroy not on public display. Similar access to

above have my respect and thanks.

Chapter One: Introduction 1

Reconceptl.lalizing the Family 5

Chapter Two: Repopulate and Repatriate: The Need for Persuasive

The State of the Family 69

Gender and Patriotic Duty 140

Chapter Three: Exhibiting the Image of the Child 170

Art, Art History, and the Child Exhibitions 170

Persuasion on Paper: Geoffroy's Work in the Publishing World 194

Le Peintre Realiste des MO!urs Contemporaines 226

Chapter Five: Cultivating Frenchness Through Pretty Pictures:

Painting, Drawing, and Twists of Fate 255

Lessons in Patriotism: Boutet de Monvel's Political Children's Books 279

Joan of Arc: Regeneration's Visual Paradigm 307

Chapter Six: The Domestic Retreat vs. The Mean Street:

The Creation of an Artist and an Advocate 327

Bound and Determined: SteinIen's Voice in the Publishing World 367

Chapter Seven: Conclusion 381

or ignored. interpreting them as agents produced with an intent to stimulate French

population growth and to restore needed optimism.

Chapter One presents an overview of issues linked to this regeneration campaign

Universelle in Paris. Previously ignored primary documents reveal propagandistic

propagandists. Jean-Jules Geoffioy (1853-1924), the subject of Chapter Four, was an

Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel (1850-1913) was a primary ideological and artistic

Chapter Six demonstrates that Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen's (1859-1923) posters,

been previously recognized by social historians-, but the.evaluation of the dissemination

of such ideas through images emerges as an original contribution of this study.

Fig. 1.2 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, L 'Apotheose, 1885. Musee d'Orleans,

Fig. 2.2 Anonymous, 1871-1872. LeJournal lliustre, January, 1872

Fig. 2.3 Bertall, La Liberation du te"itoire. Le Monde Rlustre, April, 1872

Fig. 2.4 Anonymous, Ecole franfaise en Alsace, 1870s. Postcard

Fig. 2.5 Louis-Maurice Boutet de Monvel, Pate Dentifrice du Docteur Pierre.

Fig. 2.8 Theophile-Alexandre Steinlen, Cheminee Silberman, n. d. Reproduced in

Fig. 2.10 Claverie, Hopital maternite. Le Monde lliustre, March, 1884

Fig. 2.11 Pascale-Adolphe-Jean Dagnan-Bouveret, La Vaccination. Le Monde

Fig. 2.12 Scalbert, La Vaccination gratuite a Paris, mairie du Pantheon.