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Sandaa Aye
Professor Anthony
AMST
17 August 2017
Modernday Genocide: Who Are The Rohingya Muslims?

In 2016 there were more than 1,000 deaths amongst the Rohingya people. Since 2012 this

marginalized group of Muslims has been the target of many merciless attacks of injustice. Such

tragedies have resulted in the displacement of more than 140,000 Rohingya. In addition to

suffering horrid afflictions, these people continue to face a multitude of social inequality. This

being said, the Burmese government remains silent and has yet to announce any plans of action.

Myanmar, formerly known as Burma continues to administrate through a corrupt government.

Aung San Suu Kyi, is one of the most important state counselors as this country, yet she

continues to not speak out on the rights of Myanmars minority groups. In this country with a

majority Buddhist following, the Rohingya Muslims continue to live in fear and exile.

Although this may seem completely irrelevant to American studies, these transnational

connections allow us to analyze an international branch of the subject. Such methodology allows

us to build upon our understanding of the communities around us, to the surrounding world. In

the United States it is evident that certain practices are more accepted than others. But we have

the choice to identify with our beliefs. In American studies we focus on the importance of

studying everyday lives. In the case of the Rohingya Muslims, fear is the prevalent truth within

their everyday lives. More specifically, analyzing the persecution of Rohingya Muslims tells

helps us understand identity, race, space, and place. Through these aspects we can better

understand constructions of identity and difference.

As a person with Burmese heritage, I feel connected to the culture. At the same time

however, I do not feel as though I am in the position to speak on behalf of this group. Taking into
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consideration my African American background, I have this strange mixed identity. Such

attributes have transnational connections and are similar to Gloria Anzaldua's holding, Because

I a Mestiza, continually walk out of one culture and into another, because I am all cultures at the

same time. My experiences are not completely parallel in relation to Anzalduas, nor are they

similar to the Rohingya struggle. However, my identity can be applied towards their stories.

Using this platform of privilege, I hope to bring awareness towards the struggles within this third

world country and apply similar methodology.

The Rohingya are an ethnic group found in Myanmar. Although they have confirmed

their presence in this country for more than five years, they are deemed as resident foreigners

under Myanmars government. Under this state they do not receive any of the privileges of

Burmese citizenship. They are living in a world where their very identities are being monitored.

Under stringent surveillance this group continues to be denied social justice in relation to

worship, education, and even matrimony. They are forced to go to extreme lengths to even apply

for marriage. In addition to this, the Rohingya are not allowed to have more than two children.

Kids exceeding this number will be invisible; they are not able to go to school, unable to receive

any government resources, and are the children of stateless people. (Green 94)

Myanmar, a country full of corruption and development, closes off a lot of opportunities

to many marginalized groups. Those who are not born of burmese blood are unable to receive a

lot of the benefits provided by the governments. Such injustices include Chinese, Indian, and

Rohingya immigrants. There are even conflicts regarding those who originated in Myanmar. My

grandmother for example, was born to two Burmese citizens, lived the majority of her life in

Burma, but immigrated to the United States. In the process of becoming an American citizen, she

applied for a U.S. passport. Coming back to Burma with this passport, she wasnt recognized as a
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Burmese citizen. Due to these circumstances, she is ineligible to buy property in her homeland.

This depicts the alienation and sense of prejudice nationalism embedded in Myanmars

government. In other words, people who have lived the majority of their lives in this third world

country have been cut off just like that. This being said, it is no surprise that the Rohingya

Muslims have been treated in this way. Their citizenship in Burma has even been further

compromised with their identity cards. The Rohingya people are eligible to hold white level

identity cards, which are given to those who are not verified citizens, as well as other foreigners.

Before 2014, people with these cards were allowed to vote, however the parliament decided to

revoke this privilege.

As mentioned in Baschs Transnational Projects, she talks about the constructions within

culture. It is apparent that boundaries between people are created by people. She mentions

something that applies to the divided nature woven into the Burmese nation:

Bounded concepts of culture, whether signaled by the rubric of tribe, ethnic group, race,
or nation, are social constructions. They are reflective not of the stable boundaries of
cultural difference but of relations of culture and power. Moreover, while at any time,
culturally constructed boundaries- be they those of nations, ethnicities, or races- may
seem fixed, timeless, or primordial dynamic processes of reformation underlie the
apparent fixity. (Basch 267)

Baschs words have a great relation to the circumstances present in Myanmar. She is saying that

different aspects of culture, no matter what the name be, whether it may be called race, nation, or

tribe, are all the same. They all represent culture, which is a product of social fabrications. These

classifications were created by people. In reality such divides do not exist, but their purpose is to

create divisions between the people. It provides certains groups to exercise power over others.

The Rohingya people are just like any other group in Burma. They eat, breathe, and live within

this community. However, because of the constructions built to advantage Buddhist and
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Burmese elements, the Rohingya and other marginalized groups suffer. This is where the sense

of identity is most prevalent.

In American studies we learn to better understand expression. Through studying the

Rohingya struggle, I have come to understand how racial identity is a social construction. The

Rohingya people are at a disadvantage because of their identities. Although this seems like a

barbarous reality, we have analyzed parallel situations in American studies. Take 911 for

example, although the culprits were the Al-Qaeda, Muslims of all sects were persecuted.

Although they do not face the level of discrimination experienced as by the Rohingya, identity

persecution is evident within American studies.

As the Rohingya continue to be face certain injustices, the government remains silent.

Aung San Suu Kyi, an icon for so many Burmese voices, has yet to speak out in regards to this

issue. She is the leader of Myanmars opposition party, entitled the National League of

Democracy. In 1989 Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest for a total of fifteen years.

Additionally, she acts as a state counselor, a position created for Suu Kyi herself. With this

position she is able to influence a number of affiliations, organizations. This being said, it is clear

that she does not have enough power to be considered the president. But it also signifies how

much power she wields within her position. Why Aung San Suu Kyi has not opened up about

this issue, sheds light on the hierarchy in this country.

With the way the Burma is developing, it is evident that Suu Kyi has the potential to

become a full fledged leader in Myanmar. The fact that she has not spoken out on this issue is

problematic within itself. This finds similarity regarding the present day issues such as

Charlottesville and police brutality. It is wrong for those in power to not even acknowledge these

issues, as it is to commit the crime. Take Donald Trumps response to the violence in
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Charlottesville. Trump was condemned for his lack of clarity addressing the issue and his

delayed response. Using their platforms of power, people with such privilege should bring

awareness to issues. The same applies to Aung San Suu Kyi.

Upon the Rakhine State Riots in 2012, which were attacks between Buddhists and

Rohingya muslims, where Muslims of all ethnicities were targeted, Aung San Suu Kyi remained

silent. Instead of addressing the issues and corruption embedded in this issue, she simply referred

to the rule of law. In addition to this platform, Suu Kyi was appointed a position of the lower

house of Myanmars parliament in 2012. Her first speech called for laws that protect the

Myanmars minorities, as well as their interests. However, she failed to even address the Rakhine

State Riots that left more than 100,000 displaced.

Lowes Work, Immigration, Gender, tells the story of many Asian immigrants. It

follows their struggle, how they struggle to meet ends meet, and the inequality they faced in the

workforce. She mentions:

The shift toward the the transnationalization of capital is not exclusively manifested on
the denationalization of corporate power or the nation state, but perhaps more
importantly, it is expressed in the reorganization of oppositional interventions against
capital that articulate themselves in terms and relations. (Lowe 37)

This being said, I think the same applies to the power distribution in Myanmar. We cannot say

that power is being equally distributed just because there is a reduction of government dictation,

until the individuals within the community are represented. Although Aung San Suu Kyi was

elected as a representative for the people, equality is still not a truth.

Understanding race in Burma has allowed for better understanding of identity and

difference. It is prevalent that race often coincides with power, and this addresses life. One can

argue that such differences between identity brings prejudice. The Rohingya represent difference

in Myanmar and because of dissimilarities, they are treated with inequality. The country sees
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them as stateless people; the government continues to ignore their struggles, needs and their

presence.

Although Myanmar has newly moved into a democracy, the military continues to wield a

lot of the power. This being said, the country has a majority Buddhist following. Buddhist monks

wield a significant amount of power and influence. This has played a part in shaping Myanmars

progression and landscape. In the pre-colonial period, there was an apparent relationship between

religion and government. In 1948 there was a split between church and state. However this

relationship returned as an economic, and political prevalence. This upper hand advantage has

allowed Buddhist to make authoritative decisions in Myanmars government. They have been

able to make decisions in regards to the landscapes, policies, and enforcements. Take the

Shwedagon Pagoda for example, the holiest Buddhist temple in Myanmar. It consists of a stupa

that is completely covered in gold. The pagoda is said to costs 3 billion U.S. dollars.

In Transnational Projects by Linda Basch, she hopes to understand the way that race,

ethnicity, and nation coincides with domination and state power. She states that within cultural

penetration, furthermore, racial categorizations continue to be used to differentiate and justify

domination. In this, she is basically describing how certain constructions have been used to

represent power while others represent inability. This is a an excellent representation of the

Rohingya Muslims. In the case of Myanmar, such categorizations relate to Buddhism, how this

religious background is a symbol for power and influence. In the case of the Rohingya however,

these categorizations represent impairment.

Even within their communities, Rohingya muslims wield no power. In 2012, 10 houses

belonging to Rohingya Muslims were burned down, supposedly at the hands of Buddhist
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followers. This is a representation of how space and place are really affected by identities

themselves.

Upon starting this paper I failed to consider the principles of American studies. As I

began to look at this subject from a multidisciplinary perspective, I realized that everything

connected. Although separate, race, identity, space and place are all connected. Such

intersections can be used in various ways, single, or grouped to understand the Rohingya

struggle. I realized that these four attributes consistently overlap and have allowed me to

understand an immense tragedy. There are conflicts within other countries that many people are

privileged with never seeing. But a lot of these tragedies are evident within our own

communities. This being said, the persecution of Rohingya muslims is a potent example of how

lifeways are transnational. Although we do not face anything to their degree in the United States,

their struggles can be used to analyze the themes of American studies. Intersectionality, is

prevalent within any community. Identity and its formation is found between all ethnicities. If

anything, this paper has taught me to look through the eyes mentioned by John Caughey. I am

the student, and their stories are the lessons I have gathered. I will close with one of my favorite

quotes from this course, as by Caughey. Cultures are systems of meaning that allow us to make

sense of the world out there. But cultures also enable and constrain us in our attempts to

understand who we are. I found myself connected and relating everything in this subject to this

holding. It allowed me to understand the contradicting nature of life and identity.

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Works Cited

Ahsan, Ullah. "Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar." Journal of Contemporary Criminal

Justice, vol. 32, no. 3, 2016, http://search.ebscohost.com.proxy-

um.researchport.umd.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=117099144&site=ehost-

live. Accessed 15 July 2017.

Anzaldua, Gloria. Borderlands La Frontera. Aunt Lute Books, 1987.

Caughey, John. Negotiating Cultures and Identities Life History Issues, Methods, and

Readings. University of Nebraska Press Lincoln, 2006.

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Green, Penny. Islamophobia: Burmas Racist Fault-Line. Race and Class, vol. 55, no. 2, 2013,

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um.researchport.umd.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=90495409&site=ehost-

live. Accessed 29 July 2017.

Lee, Ronan. "A Politician, Not an Icon: Aung San Suu Kyi's Silence on Myanmar's

Muslim Rohingya." Islam & Christian-Muslim Relations, vol. 25, no. 3, 2014,

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um.researchport.umd.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=96764398&site=ehost-

live. Accessed 10 August 2017.

Lowe, Lisa. Work, Immigration, Gender: New Subjects of Cultural Politics. Social Justice,

vol.25, no. 3, 1998, http://www.jstor.org/stable/29767084

Powell, Bill. Its Raining Refugees. Newsweek Global, vol. 164, no. 22, 2015,

http://search.ebscohost.com.proxy-

um.researchport.umd.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=102872710&site=ehost-

live. Accessed 12 2017.

Schiller, Nina and Linda Basch. Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects. 1993