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Author(s): D. C. M. Platt
Source: Latin American Research Review, Vol. 15, No. 1 (1980), pp. 113-130
Published by: The Latin American Studies Association
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D. C. M. Platt
St. Antony'sCollege,Oxford
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Dependencytheoryhas alwaysemphasizedthedominantinflu-
enceoftheinternational economy,so thatthesignificance ofthedomes-
tic marketis oftenoverlooked.Citieslike Rio de Janeiroand Buenos
Aireswere alreadyconsiderableby the mid-century. Buenos Airesin
1855had a populationof 91,000.By 1869the populationhad risento
178,000,to 438,000in 1887,678,000in 1895,and 1,576,000in 1914.38
The timingis important. The literatureon dependencyassumes
that,fromthebeginning, foreign-owned railwaysin LatinAmericawere
merefeedersto externalmarkets,and thatthe shape ofArgentine rail-
waydevelopment-a fanofrailwaysfromBuenosAires-was intended
to speed Argentinedevelopmentas an exporter.On the contrary;a
majorpartoftheinterestwas domestic.BuenosAireswas a largecity,
theonlylargecityin Argentina, ill-servedby transport intotheinterior.
The Argentinegovernment, like all governments similarlyplaced in
Europeand elsewhere,was preparedto guaranteean interest(in this
case of7 percent)on thecapitalofitsrailways,itbeingunderstoodthat
theywouldservecommercial markets(homeand foreign), transportthe
military,and promotethepoliticalobjectiveofnationalunification.39 In
practice,theprospectofbuildingup Argentine exportsofprimary pro-
duce to metropolitan Britaincan have had slightimpacton eitherpro-
motersor investors.Foreigninvestors, whentheybought(in the1860s)
thefirstissues ofthe majorArgentinelines,the Centraland the Great
Southern,maywell have hoped (orbeen led to hope by a "puff"in the
prospectus)thatthe futureof therailwayswould includethe develop-
mentofArgentinaas an exporter. Buttheirobjectivewas morelikelyto
have been a guaranteed7 percentreturnon theircapital,by contrast
withthe 5 percentobtainableon railwaysecuritiesat home. The pro-
motersofthenew lines,and theboardsofdirectors, realizedthatfinan-
cial successmustdepend on the extentto whichtheirrailwaysmight
servetheneeds oftheArgentines themselvesand oftheircapitalcity.It
was fifteen yearsor morebeforeeitherline made muchimpressionon
Argentina's exportsto Britain.Argentine exportsto Britain,as recorded
werevalued (foras lateas 1883)at less than
in Britishimportstatistics,
/1 milion (/945,708).
The argumentneed notbe restricted to railways.Argentinabe-
came a majorproducerof grainto supplyits domesticmarket,and to
substitute forimportsfromChileand theUnitedStates.Argentina was
an importer of grainintothe 1870s,and onlyan erraticexporterof a
surplusinto the 1890s. Argentinaimprovedthe qualityof its native
cattleand bred new stockin orderto feed the inhabitantsof Buenos
Aires.Such improvements could not have been directedsimplyat the
possibilityofan exportmarket.The Republicdid notexportlivecattleto
121
Europe untilthe 1890s, while the real boom in beef exportshad to await
the firstshipmentsof chilled beef in commercialquantitiesin 1901. It is
true thatArgentinafound itself,eventually,with a surplus of grain and
meat to export,but in otherproducts,like wine and sugar fromthe west
and northwest,home consumption always kept level with production
and therewas no surplus forexport.
Dos Santos has developed an imaginativestructureof big capital
fromabroad, fromthe "hegemonic centers,"invested specificallyin the
productionof raw materialsand foodstuffsforconsumption in the for-
eign metropolis. What he says may have some relevance to banana
plantations in Central America, or to copper mines in Chile and Peru.
But it was far more common for the development of Latin American
exportsto move in natural progressionfromthe gradual replacementof
importsto the complete satisfactionof the domestic market,and then,
finally,to the disposal of the surplus (if any) by export. It is simple
common sense. A developmentby naturalstages mustbe moreplausible
than a forceddevelopment to suit metropolitanneeds, more particularly
when the unplanned, highlycompetitive,almost anarchicoperations of
nineteenth-century entrepreneursand investorsare sufficiently under-
stood.
122
123
124
125
126
thesmallerRepublics,forwantofexports,werelargelyindependentof
worldtrade.Theycouldattract foreign capitalonlyso longas theycould
earnsome foreignexchangeby whatevercroptheycould sell abroad-
perhapsa littlecoffee,sugar,tobacco,cocoa,rubber.
A reappraisalofLatinAmericaneconomiesforthelastdecadesof
thenineteenth century would showa fewstrongeconomies,muchrein-
forced(in thecompetitive marketsoftheday)bytheirabilityto exporta
surplusofproduction overconsumption. These wereaccompaniedbya
muchlargergroupofweakeconomies,whichusuallypossessedtheone
ortwoexportcommodities requiredto financea modestlevelofimports
and foreignborrowing,but which,in otherrespects,remainedin a
conditionnotso dissimilarto thatofcolonialSpanishAmerica-stand-
ing,thatis, outsidethegeneralpatternofworldtradeand financeforat
leastthefirsttwo-thirds ofthenineteenth century. in the
The difference
relativeweightingoftheRepublics,and in theirimpacton worldtrade,
in thestatistics
is reflected forBritish importsfromLatinAmericaduring
thepeak periodofactivity, between1880and 1913.British importsfrom
thewholeofLatinAmericarosefrom/17.62 millionin 1880to /61.08
million(retained)in 1913. The difference is to be accountedforvery
largelyby Argentina.Totalimportsintothe UnitedKingdomfromAr-
gentinain 1880werevalued at only/890,000;in 1913retainedimports
had reached /40.73 million.The increasewas farless dramaticelse-
where.BritishimportsfromLatinAmerica(less Argentinaand Brazil),
whichcame in totalto /10.87 millionin 1880,were stillonly /15.76
million(retained)in 1913.By contrast,Britishimportsfromall partsof
the worldrose from/411.23 millionin 1880 to /659.16 million(re-
tained)in 1913.45
In conclusion,it is evidentthatthe breakwithSpain, farfrom
confirming the integration of LatinAmericaas a dependentpartnerin
the worldeconomy,reintroduced an unwelcomehalfcenturyof "in-
dependence"fromforeigntradeand finance.Subsequentdevelopment
(whichleftmanycountriesstilluntouched)owed somethingto thein-
terestof Europe in new sourcesof foodstuffs and raw materials,and
new outletsforsurpluscapital.Yetapartfromplantation economiesand
mining"enclaves,"thepatternofeconomicdevelopmentwas initiated
and determined, even fora country as closelylinkedto theinternational
economyas Argentina, by domesticneedsand priorities. The overlapof
domesticand foreignpressureson growthis obvious, especiallyfor
Argentina. Butitcannotbe said thatthecountriesofnineteenth-century
LatinAmericacouldexpandand be self-sufficient onlyas a reflection
of
the expansionof the dominantcountries(Dos Santos), or that "the
internaldynamicsofLatinAmericansocietyand itsunderdevelopment
127
NOTES
1. My italics:C. RichardBathand DilmusD. James,"DependencyAnalysisof Latin
America,"LARR 11,no. 3 (1976):33.
2. Thisdefinition is repeatedinseveralofhisworks.Theversionquotedis fromhiscon-
ference paper"The Structure ofDependence,"American Economic Review(Papersand
Proceedings) 60:2(1970):231.
3. PhilipO'Brien,"A Critiqueof LatinAmericanTheoriesof Dependency,"in Ivar
Oxaal, TonyBarnett,and David Booth(eds.), BeyondtheSociology ofDevelopment:
Economy andSociety inLatinAmerica andAfrica (London,1975),p. 13.
4. O'Briensaysas muchin hisconclusion,"A Critique," p. 25.
5. David Ray,"The DependencyModel of LatinAmericanUnderdevelopment: Three
BasicFallacies,"Journal ofInter-AmericanStudies15:1(1973):6.
6. JamesD. Cockcroft, AndreGunderFrank,and Dale L. Johnson,Dependence and
Underdevelopment: LatinAmerican Political
Economy (New York,1972),p. 7.
7. Osvaldo Sunkel,"NationalDevelopmentPolicyand ExtemalDependencyin Latin
America," Journal ofDevelopment Studies6:1 (1969):23,30.
8. Stanleyand BarbaraStein,TheColonialHeritage ofLatinAmerica: Essayson Economic
Dependence inPerspective (New York,1970),p. 135.
9. Heman Ranmirez Necochea'sHistoriadel imperialismo en Chile(Santiago,1960),as
quoted by AndreGunderFrank,Capitalism and Underdevelopment in LatinAmerica
(Londonedn., 1971),p. 97.
10. Femando H. Cardoso and Enzo Faletto,"Dependenciay desarrolloen America
Latina,"in JoseMatosMar (comp.),La Dominaci6n de AmericaLatina(BuenosAires,
1968),p. 163.
11. Dos Santos,"The Structure ofDependence,"p. 232.
12. CharlesW Bergquist, "On Paradigms and thePursuitofthePractical," LARR 13,no. 2
(1978):247-48.
13. O'Brien,"A Critique,"p. 16.
14. Cockcroft, Frank,and Johnson, Dependence andUnderdevelopment, p. 34.
15. Stein,ColonialHeritage, p. 137.
16. FrankSafford, "On Paradigms and thePursuitofthePractical: A Response,"LARR 13,
no. 2 (1978):255.
17. Stein,ColonialHeritage, p. 147.Itmaybe thatStanleyStein'sconsiderable knowledge
ofBrazilhas tendedto colorhisviewsforTheColonial HeritageofLatinAmericaas a
whole,perhapstoan unwarrantable extent.
18. Porter'sTablesand GeneralStatisticalAbstract (UnitedKingdom);at thistimetheex-
changewas C1 sterling to $5 U.S.
128
19. Ibid.
20. Stein,Colonial Heritage,
p. 135.
21. Trade andNavigation Accounts (UnitedKingdom).
22. Safford, "On Paradigms," p. 256. Safford'smaterialis derivedfrom. hisrecentbook
TheIdealofthePractical:Colombia's Struggle toForma TechnicalElite(Austin,1976).
23. I have describedthistrendin somedetailin mybookLatinAmerica andBritishTrade,
1806-1914(London,1972),pp. 47-61.
24. Stein,Colonial p. 154.
Heritage,
25. Frank,Capitalism andUnderdevelopment, p. 309.
26. The development ofBritishcommercial bankingin LatinAmerica,and itsrelation-
ship withlocal businessand nationaleconomies,is describedby CharlesJones,
"Commercial Banksand MortgageCompanies"in D. C. M. Platt(ed.), Business Im-
perialism,1840-1930:An Inquiry Basedon British Experiencein LatinAmerica (Oxford,
1977),pp. 17-52.
27. ReportdatedNew Orleans,26July1849,in theGuildhallLibrary, London(Baringar-
chives,H.C. 4.5.25).Falconnethad justbeenin Mexico.The exchangestoodat just
underfivesilverdollars(Mexican)to /1 sterling.
28. GuildhallLibrary, London(Baringarchives, letter
of24December1843.H.C. 4.1.14).
29. TheTimes,8 September1836.
30. Thiswas actuallytrue,butI realizethatwe arenotsupposedtomentionsuchthings!
Tocovermyself againstthechargeofEuro-centered jingoism,I shouldadd thatthere
were seventy-four Ministersof Financein Spain duringtheminority and reignof
Isabel11(1834-68),and fourteen morein thefewyearsbeforetheRestoration. Theef-
fecton short-term borrowing was muchthesame.
31. Theratesofissue(and henceinterest) werepublished.Someconfusion mayhaveari-
sen fromthepracticeofissuingloansat nominalratesofinterest wellbelowtheac-
tualmarketrate.If a government preferred, forexample,to issue 3 percentstock
whileitscreditwas no betterthan6 percent,theload had tobe sold to thepublicat
halfitsnominalvalue.Thefirst Mexicanloan,theGoldschmidt loanof1824,was ex-
pensive;thenew Government sold theloanof/3.2 millionnominalin 5 percentsat
58. The secondwas issuedby Barclay, Herring,Richardson& Co. in 1825,also for
/3.2 millionnominal.Thistimetheloan was in 6 percentssoldat 85.75;itwas rela-
tivelycheap. Bothwerewithinthemarketratescurrent at thetime.One ofthefew
historians tomakesenseoftheearlyborrowing ofLatinAmericais JanBaz-
practices
ant,Historia dela DeudaExterior deMexico,1823-1946(Mexico,1968),pp. 32-37.
32. Stein,Colonial p. 135.
Heritage,
33. Ibid.,p. 154.
34. Ibid.,p. 155.
35. Dos Santos,"The Structure ofDependence,"p. 232.
36. H. S. Ferns,Argentina (London,1967),p. 125.
37. Stein,Colonial p. 155.TheSteinsaredrawing,somewhatuncritically,
Heritage, on the
classicarticlebyJ.Gallagherand R. Robinson,"The Imperialism ofFreeTrade,"Eco-
nomic HistoryReview,2nd ser.,6:1 (1953):1-15.It is notunchallenged. I myselfhave
triedto showsomeofthedifficulties in twoarticles:"The Imperialism ofFreeTrade:
Some Reservations," Economic HistoryReview,2nd ser., 21:2 (1968):296-306,and
"Further Objectionsto an 'Imperialism ofFreeTrade,'1830-60,"Economic HistoryRe-
view,2nd ser.,26:1(1973):77-91.W.M. Mathewhas reviewedthePeruviancase in
his valuablearticle"The Imperialism ofFreeTrade:Peru,1820-70,"Economic History
Review, 2ndser.,21:4(1968):562-79.
38. The laterfigures are forthecityitself,notforGreaterBuenosAires.Theyare repro-
ducedbyNathanLake,"Argentina," in RichardMorse(ed.), TheUrbanDevelopment
ofLatinAmerica, 1750-1920(Stanford, 1971),p. 23.
39. The variety ofmotivesforthecreationoftheCentralArgentine Railwayhas recently
beendescribedbyPaulB. Goodwin,Jr.,inhisarticle"The CentralArgentine Railway
and theEconomicDevelopment ofArgentina, 1854-1881," Hispanic AmericanHistori-
cal Review57:4 (Nov. 1977):613-32.The argumentis further extendedin Sylvester
129
130