Social & Cultural Geography, Vol. 5, No.

4, December 2004 Routledge

Taylors.Francis Group

Editorial
Embodying Emotion Sensing Space:
Introducing emotional geographies

Joyce Davidson^ & Christine Milligan^

^Department of Geography, Queen's University, Canada; ^Institute for Health
Research, Lancaster University, UK

Recent years have witnessed a welling-up of
emotion within geography, a surge of interest
reminiscent of the fascination and exploration
of embodiment that characterized much social
and cultural geography over the last decade.
This emotional engagement becomes increas-
ingly tangible as we begin to see its expression
in print; in the early and oft-quoted editorial by
Anderson and Smith (2001); in journal special
issues (see Davidson and Bondi 2004), articles
(Thrift 2004), introductory texts (Parr forth-
coming), and edited collections dedicated to the
subject(s) of emotion (e.g. Davidson, Bondi and
Smith forthcoming). We would suggest that
much current writing has benefited substan-
tially from previous geographical and other
spatially nuanced 'body work'. After all, our
first and foremost, most immediate and inti-
mately felt geography is the body, the site of
emotional experience and expression par excel-
lence. Emotions, to be sure, take place within
and around this closest of spatial scales.
Embodiment and its theorists thus do well to
take emotion seriouslysince there is little we
do with our bodies that we can think apart
from feeling. Erom the supposedly peaceful
space of sleepinseparable from the magical
and moving realm of dreamsto anxiety-rid-
den (for some, profit making for others) dietary
and exercise regimes, the most basic bodily
tasks of resting, eating, working out or just
getting around, can be 'fraught' with fear, guilt
and shame, or infused with adrenaline thrills,
cravings or dreamt-up desires. Recognition of
the inherently emotional nature of embodiment
has, thus, led many to the conclusion that we
need to explore how we feelas well as
thinkthrough 'the body'. For example,
Longhurst (1997, 2001), building on the earlier
work of feminist researchers such as McDowell
(1995), McDowell and Court (1994) and Rose
(1995), has written extensively about women's
experiential accounts of both how it feels to be
pregnant and perceived by others to be 'overly'
emotional.
In attempts to articulate emotionto em-
body it linguisticallywe speak of the 'heights'
of joy and the 'depths' of despair, significant
others are comfortingly close or distressingly
distant. The articulation of emotion is, thus,
spatially mediated in a manner that is not
simply metaphorical. Our emotional relations
and interactions weave through and help form
the fabric of our unique personal geographies.

ISSN 1464-9365 print/ISSN 1470-1197 online/04/040523-10 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd
DOI: 10.1080/1464936042000317677
524 Joyce Davidson & Christine Milligan
We live in worlds of pain or of pleasure;
emotional environs that we sense can expand
or contract in response to our experience of
eventsthough there is rarely a clear or con-
sistent sense of simple 'cause' and 'affect'.
While we attribute emotional agency or ca-
pacity to a surprising range of external
sourcessaying, for example, that low clouds
make us gloomy, while blue skies raise our
spiritsour heart-felt articulations of emotion,
themselves, acknowledge their interactional
quality. We speak, for example, of the opti-
mist's ability to see the world as if viewed
through 'rose-tinted spectacles', apparently en-
hancing the felt quality of their surroundings
by dint of attitude alone. Without doubt, our
emotions matter. They have tangible effects on
our surroundings and can shape the very nature
and experience of our being-in-the-world. Emo-
tions can clearly alter the way the world is for
us, affecting our sense of time as well as space.
Our sense of who and what we are is continu-
ally (re) shaped by how we feel. Similarly, the
imagined or projected substance of our future
experience will alter in relation to our current
emotional state. As studies of phobic and delu-
sional geographies show, for some, the feeling
that space is populated with the complex and
often contradictory emotional projections of
others results in experiences of unbearable in-
tensity and distress that challenge the very
boundaries of the self (Davidson 2003; Parr
1999).
Our attempts to understand emotion or
make sense of space are, thus, somewhat circu-
lar in nature. We can, perhaps, usefully speak
of an emotio-spatial hermeneutic: emotions are
understandable'sensible'only in the con-
text of particular places. Likewise, place must
be felt to make sense. This leads to our feeling
that meaningful senses of space emerge only via
movements between people and places. Perhaps
through an exploration of diverse senses of
space, we could become better placed to ap-
preciate the emotionally dynamic spatiality of
contemporary social life.
Recent geographical work has recognized the
significance of emotion at a range of spatial
scales. As we move 'out' from the body, emo-
tions are no less important but they are ar-
guably less obvious, less centrally placed in
studies of, for example, the home, the com-
munity, the city and so on (Valentine 2001,
following Smith 1992, 1993). What follows is,
thus, an attempt to firstly, give the reader a
'feel(ing) for' recent geographical literature of
significance for this field of study through high-
lighting the emotionality of certain examples
that we consider illustrativeif not representa-
tiveof relevant research. Secondly, we draw
attention to some areas of geographical re-
search where the engagement with emotions as
a means of helping us to interpret and under-
stand the people/place relationship has (to
date) been largely implicit, but which, we sug-
gest, could benefit greatly from a more explicit
engagement with the spatiality of emotions.'
Emotions, then, might be seen as a form of
connective tissue that links experiential geogra-
phies of the human psyche and physique
with (in) broader social geographies of place.
Eor example, Butler and Parr's collection lAind
and Body Spaces (1999), focuses on new ge-
ographies of illness, impairment and disability
and contributors such as Chouinard (1999a),
Dyck (1999) and Moss (1999) tease out dy-
namic links between kinds of experiences usu-
ally deemed either physical 'or' emotional.
Those with disability or chronic illness may
have co-morbid symptoms of, for example,
stress and depression. They also experience the
less 'pathological', everyday experience of
emotional highs and lows that accompany the
struggle to re-negotiate a changing embodied
relationship with a restrictive social and built
environment. In some cases the emotional pain.
 Editorial: Introducing emotional geographies
the frustrations and humiliations experienced
may nonetheless work as an incentive toward
activism and perhaps enable a different sense of
achievement.
Moving 'out' from the body, we can tease
out the emotional impact of geographical work
on the home. Work by Twigg (2000) and Milli-
gan (2000, 2003), for example, has drawn atten-
tion to both the physical and the emotional
labour of caring for frail older and disabled
people in the home. Such work reveals how
care work becomes wrapped up in multiple
meanings of home and identity as it increas-
ingly transgresses the normal boundaries of
daily life and the public world of service pro-
vision. In recent work on home hospice and the
spatial paradox of terminal care. Brown takes
the home/care relationship further into the pol-
itical realm, as he maintains that the emotive
and material facets of care mark it out as a
form of 'heart politics' that 'fracture justice and
care in a binary system of political action'
(2003: 835). Geographies of health and illness
are thus arguably at the forefront of those
acknowledging the important place of emotions
when it comes to conceptualizing and faithfully
re-presenting subjects' experiences (see e.g.
Dorn 1998; Wilton 1996; and chapters in
Kearns and Gesler 1998).
Other geographical work on the home has
paid particular attention to the emotionality of
gendered (Domosh and Seagar 2001: 2) and
'family' space (Sibley 1995a), including the
challenges and rewards of parenting (Aitken
2000; Gabb 2004); and the pleasures and frus-
trations of home based eating practices (Bell
and Valentine 1997; Mathee 2004); and leisure
habits (Christensen, James and Jenks 2000).
Important work has also appeared on less obvi-
ously 'familial' aspects of emotions in the
home, including the tensions and abuses sur-
rounding experience of domestic labour (Pratt
1997; Stiell and England 1997) as well as the
525
more explicitly abusive and threateningto
both physical and emotional well-being
worlds of domestic violence (Burman and
Chantler 2004; Cribb 1999).
Looking beyond the home, there are numer-
ous examples of geographical studies that
touch on the emotional impact of inclusion and
exclusion at the scale of community, including
those based on ethnicity, 'race' and class
(Dwyer 1999; Rose 1990; Sibley 1995b). Also
notable within recent research are geographies
of gay 'communities', most manifest in the
public/popular imagination in terms of 'gay-
pride parades' (Johnston 1997). These geogra-
phies have also been inextricably bound up
with the politics of AIDs and its public ex-
pression of grief and loss (through, for exam-
ple, quilt displays; Brown 1997). Such events
have an emotional 'draw' for many and for
various reasons, and in some cases are proving
increasingly popular 'tourist attractions' pro-
vocative of 'desire' for some, 'disgust' for oth-
ers (Johnston 2002).
Highlighting the complexity of subjectivities
and emotional identity, Butler (1999) revealed
that we can never belong fully to one com-
munity 'or' another, and offered insights into
the emotional impacts of marginalization from
communities based on sexuality or embodied
ability. Valentine and Skelton (2003) deal with,
somewhat, similar issues as they explore the
complex and shifting nature of emotional at-
tachments for those negotiating relations with/
in D/deaf communities. While much
emotion-work remains to be done at this scale,
other geographies of community life can be
read as opening paths to the further explo-
ration of the place of emotion in, for example,
artistic communities (Bain 2003), religious com-
munities (Bowen 2001), and virtual and/or pol-
itical communities (Froehling 1999; Wakeford
1998) based on varied affiliations and attach-
ments.
526 Joyce Davidson & Christine Milligan
At a further spatial remove, our exploration
of institutional(ized) emotions considers as-
pects of research and writings on 'partial' insti-
tutions such as schools (Blackman 1998;
Fielding 2000; Krenichyn 1999) and places of
work (Blumen 2002; Bondi 2003a, 2004; Mc-
Dowell 1995, 2000), including the academy
(Chouinard 1999b; Dyck 1999). Emotional ge-
ographies of 'total' institutions such as prisons
(Dirsuweit 1999) and asylums (Philo and Parr
2000) reveal more about the ways in which
emotions are dynamically related to place.
These studies show that emotional expression,
if not experience, is more or less 'governed' by
rules. Our tendency to respond with reticence
or rebellion will 'provoke' emotional responses
from others that re-shape the quality of our
emotional experience of institutional spaces.
Moving on to the emotionality of social life
in the city, geographers have long worked in
ways that uncover the pains as well as the
pleasures of urban life. From Newman's (1972)
early writings on 'defensible space' and Cole-
man's (1985) work on the relationship between
physical form and 'social malaise' in the city,
empirical analyses have shown the extent to
which fear places limits on mobility (Bannister
and Eyfe 2001; Listerborn 2002; Mehta and
Bondi 1999; Pain 1997). Others have focused on
exploring potential means of coping emotion-
ally with restrictive spatiality (e.g. Koskella
1997). Such accounts also, in part, reflect the
early geographical writings of Graham Rowles
who, more than twenty-five years ago, drew
attention to the importance of emotion in
understanding the constriction and selective in-
tensification of the geographical life-spaces that
people (specifically, older people) inhabit. In
his, oft-cited, book Prisoners of Space? he
maintained that in order to interpret the total-
ity of an individual's geographical experience,
'it is necessary to merge action, orientation,
feeling and fantasy' (1978: 189).
Other accounts of urban life and cities con-
sider the emotional aspects of forms of con-
sumption (Hubbard forthcoming; Malbon
1998) as well as the emotional production of
city spaces in (hetero)sexualized terms (Valen-
tine 1996). Debates around geographies of ex-
clusion and surveillance in the urban
environment of those increasingly considered to
be otheror lessthan desirable in contem-
porary urban spaces (Dear and Wolch 1987;
Eyfe 2000; Parr, 2000) could also benefit from a
more explicit engagement with the emotions.
Consideration of rural spaces reveals a con-
siderable body of work that can be used to
challenge stereotypes and representations of
'rural relaxation' versus 'city stress' (Hopkins
1998). Such spaces can be characterized by
emotional hardship for those without homes
(Cloke, Milbourne and Widdowfield 2000),
those experiencing mental ill-health (Milligan
1999; Parr and Philo 2003) or marginalized
from the mainstream (Hetherington 1998).
Work on heritage and spiritual tourism (e.g.
Hale 2002; Kneafsey 2002) also highlights some
of the ways in which both the state and the
tourist industry have sought to commodify the
rural landscape through a deliberate appeal to
our sense of the romantic, the mystical and the
spiritual in an effort to appeal to contemporary
visitors. As these authors point out, however,
such commodification can also create conflict
and act to perpetuate the notion of rural
dwellers as peripheral and 'other'. Emotional
geographies of rural life could also usefully
draw out the impact of developments and dis-
asters for the emotional well-being of those
living and working in such areas (see, e.g.,
Convery, Bailey, Mort and Baxter's forth-
coming work on the recent foot and mouth
disaster in the UK). Work in this field might
also usefully explore gendered expectations
about appropriate behaviours and work prac-
tices in the countryside, the extent to which the
 Editorial: Introducing emotional geographies
countryside is classed, 'racialized' and sexual-
ized in exclusionary ways, and the implications
for the emotional well-being of those 'others'
who try to make their lives there.
In thinking about the 'nation' and beyond,
we need to consider the emotional constitution
of identity and nationalism (Dowier 2001).
Nationality and nationhood are inextricably
bound up in appeals to our emotional selves.
The use of symbols, imagery and music, for
example, have long been used as a means of
stirring our senses to draw out sentiments of
national pride (Gellner 1983; Wood 2004).
Consider the extent to which flag-waving and
the chanting of national anthems have become
a ritual part of the football experience; or how
the Conservative party in the UK have sought
to appeal to our sense of national pride and
identity in an effort to rouse public opinion
against further integration into the European
Community. In an era of globalization, how-
ever, it has been argued that increasingly frac-
tured and diasporic communities are seeking to
(re)gain a sense of self through the 'rediscovery'
of their genealogical roots (Nash 2002)articu-
lated through the emergence of 'hyphenated
identities' such as African-American, Irish-
American and so forth (Hague 2002: 145).
Emotional geographies and geographies of
emotion are, thus, significant across a broad
spectrum of sites and scales and the papers in
this special issue seek to engage with this in a
variety of differing ways. The contributions of
both Rose and Segrott and Doel focus largely
on individuals and the homespace, while
MacKian's paper seeks to engage with the per-
sonal, everyday lives of individuals through her
engagement with the wider community. The
papers by both Colls and Kawale address dif-
fering ways in which urban spaces are con-
structed in embodied and emotional ways.
Finally, in Wood and Smith's paper, the
emotional dimensions of human interactions
527
are explored at a range of differing scales that
stretch from the intimate to the national. In
addition to engaging with emotional geogra-
phies at these overtly spatial scales, each con-
tributor attempts to make sense of our feelings
for and about particular aspects of contempor-
ary culture and experience in individual and
insightful ways. Different theoretical and
methodological frameworks are employed by
each, but all share a commitment to helping us
understand the significant, yet continually shift-
ing, place of emotion in our lives.
In the opening paper. Wood and Smith
offer a useful perspective on the implications
of the omission of emotion from human
geography, and stress the need to prioritize
emotion in attempts to understand socio-spa-
tial life. Focusing on sense and sound, particu-
larly musical aspects of 'auditory geography'
(Rodaway 1994), the authors investigate spaces
of musical performance, which, they argue,
offer important sites for exploring the powerful
potential of emotions to shape social life. Cen-
tral to this paper is an understanding that
music is potentially powerful., and can be mobi-
lized to affect social well-being, for better and
worse.
Placing the sense of sight close to the heart of
our second paper. Rose examines the paradoxi-
cal place of photographs in the home-lives of
women with young children. Attending closely
to their own articulations of emotion, she re-
lates shifting senses of intensity and ambiv-
alence, and a certain confusion about how and
why these familial, somewhat 'trivial' artefacts
can seem so precious and emotionally resonant.
Suggesting that photographs are an embodi-
ment of 'togetherness'. Rose infers that they
may, in fact, play an important but largely
unrecognized role in the management of 'moth-
ering' emotions. By examining 'feelings about
photos' Rose, thus, contributes to our under-
standing of the complexity and depth of
528 Joyce Davidson & Christine Milligan
emotional engagement with the everyday, even
banal, viewed object.
In 'Inequalities of the Heart', Kawale consid-
ers a different kind of performance, that of
emotion work by lesbian and bi-sexual women,
engaged more or less explicitly in the construc-
tion of sexualized city space. Kawale's work
reveals that urban space is often assumed to be
heterosexual, and that performance of alterna-
tive sexual identity is a necessary part of chal-
lenging taken-for-granted spatial structures and
emotional environments. Work on emotions
often means concealing them, performing the
absence of emotion to avoid identification. In
effect this strategy works to secure the stability
of institutionalized heterosexuality and the
construction of space as unquestionably
straight.
In Colls's paper, she works to embody
emotional geographies of consumption by
looking at how women feel about shopping for
clothes. Taking us on a tour of relevant social
science work on emotions and consumption,
Colls's analysis reveals that 'consuming clothes'
is an emotionally charged experience for
women who find the spatial practices both
delightful and demanding. How women look is
shown to be intimately connected with how
they feel. Perhaps unsurprisingly, body shape
and especially size are shown to be of particu-
lar importance in the need to negotiate feelings
about bodies.
The two remaining papers both deal with
aspects of health. In Segrott and Doel's paper,
they engage in some depth with existing litera-
ture on geographies of emotional health, mak-
ing new links with other disciplines to explore
the personal spaces inhabited by individuals
with Obsessive Compulsive Disorder and the
problems they experience in engaging with
wider social spaces. MacKian, however, ad-
dresses a significantly different perspective on
emotional geographies to that of our other
contributors as she seeks to explore ways in
which it might be possible to give visual ex-
pression to the place of emotions in everyday
life. Taking a methodological approach to the
expression of emotion MacKian attempts to
'map' the complex landscapes of reflexive
modernity through the experience of individu-
als with long-term illness.
Each contribution to this themed section
thus offers a unique perspective on who and
what has been important and influential in the
formation of the emotional geography it pre-
sents, and does so in a way that advances our
understanding of emotion, in different senses
and at different scales. Our introduction to
these papers is, of necessity, highly selective,
partial and personal, and no doubt excludes the
work of many for whom emotions are of cru-
cial importance. Incompleteness aside, we hope
that when read in conjunction with the papers
outlined above, it will be useful for those inter-
ested and involved in this fieldif only by
highlighting how much work remains to be
done and how many connections remain to be
made.
Note
1 While this introduction is concerned with explicitly
geographical approaches, important work on emotional
life is of course taking place within other disciplines,
and sociologists in particular have provided insightful
and influential accounts (see e.g. chapters in Bendelow
and Williams 1998).
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