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Koc h, lngrid Kummels (eds.)

GRAPHYIN
AMERICA
nd ldentities Across Time
e

ISBN 978-3-8376-3317-7

9 11~ lii)~IJIIIIliJIJI,IIjljll [ transcript]

Supported by the Alexander von Humboldt-Foundation and the lnstitute for
Latn American Studies of Freie Universitat Berlin.
Contents
Unterstlztvon/Supponedby
LAI LOitdroamerik;~-tnstitut
Freie Un ivcrsiUt Berlin

Alexander von Humboldt Photography in Latin America

5t iftung 1Foundation
lmages and ldentities Across Time and Space-
An lntroduction
Ingrid Kummels and Gisela Cnepa Koch 1 7

Of Photography and Men

Encounters with Historical Portrait and Type Photographs
Michael Kraus 1 33

Unfixed lmages .. . ,
Circulation and New Cultural Uses of Heinrich Brunmg s
Photographic Collection
Gisela Cnepa Koch 1 65

Bibllographlc informatlon publlshed by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek
The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Natio-
nalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at
http:/ jdnb.d-nb.de
2016 transcript Verlag, Blelefeld
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or uti-
lized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known
or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any infor-
mation storage or retrieval system , without permission in writing from the
publisher.
Recognizing Past and Present Through Photography
Temporality and Culture in Konrad Theodor Preuss 's lmages
Aura Lisette Reyes 1 105
Appropriating an lmage
A Study of the Reception of Ethnographic Photography Among
the Zapatee lndigenous People of Mexico
Mariana da Costa A. Petroni 1 139
Unexpected Memories
Bringing Back Photographs and Films from the 198~s to an
Ashninka Nomatsiguenga Community of the Peruvlan

Cover layout: Kordula Ri:ickenhaus, Bielefeld Selva Central

Cover illustration: A tablet at the >>Touching Photography<< exhibit with the lngrid Kummels 1 165
photograph of a Kadiwe woman taken by Guido Boggiani at the end of the
19th century. Photographer: Sebastian Bolesch. Gazing at the Face of Absence .
Signification and Re-signification of Family Photographs of
2013 Humboldt Lab DahlemjEthnologisches Museum- SMB.
Printed in Germany Disappeared University Students in Peru
Print-ISBN 978-3-8376-3317-7 Mercedes Figueroa 1 195
PDF-ISBN 978-3-8394-3317-r
Text t.Ye T ;
~~

- Unfixed lmages
Circulation and New Cultural Uses of Heinrich Brning's
Photographic Collection 1

GISELA CNEPA KOCH

The photographic collection of the German researcher Heinrich Brning

( 1848-1928), who conducted Ji fe long archaeological and ethnographic re-
search and documentation in the northem coast of Peru, is scattered; parts
are held by the Museum flir Volkerkunde in Hamburg and in the Ethnolo-
gisches Museum in Berlin. His photographs form part of a more compre-
hensive legacy that includes archaeological artifacts, historical documents,
field notes, personal correspondence, and wax cylinders on which he rec-
orded traditional music. Al! these materials, gathered in the course of half a
century, are nowadays considered the first and most importan! documental

This study has been made possible thanks to the Georg Forster Research Fel-
lowship 1 was granted by the Alexander van llumboldt Foundation, in 2014-
2015. The grant allowed me to carry out research in Germany and, therefore, 1
was able to visit the Museum fiir Volkerkunde Hamburg; the Ethnologisches
Museum and its Phonogramm-Archive in Berlin and the lbero-Amerikanisches
lnstitut in Berlin. 1 want to respectively thank Bemd Schmelz; Manuela Fischer
and Ricarda Kopal; and Barbara Gobel and Gregor Wolff for their kind support
and professional advice. 1 am especially grateful to Barbara Potthast and Hin-
nerk Onken, who enthusiastically guided me in my initial foray into the Muse-
um fiir Yolkerkunde Hamburg. 1 also had the opportunity to discuss preliminary
versions of this article with colleagues in Germany in the context of workshops
and lectures.

1 The diversity of Internet pages using and referring to Brning's photo-

graphs. Photographer: Sara Luca Guerrero. January, 2016.
 66 1 GISELA CANEPA KOCH
source for the study ofthe history and the sociallife ofthe Muchik people, 2
while Brning himself is now celebrated as a cultural hero for having ac-
complished the major task of saving the archaeological and ethnographic
legacy of the M uchik for the present generations.
When 1 was at the lbero-Amerikanisches lnstitut in Berlin in 2014, re-
viewing photo albums belonging to the legacies of importan! Gennan re-
searchers who conducted archaeological and ethnological investigation in
Latin America between the 1890s and 1940s, such as Max Uhle and Robert
Lehmann-Nitsche, 1 carne across photographs taken by Brning, as well as
by renowned Peruvian professional photographers such as Martn Chambi
3
and Max T. Yargas In sorne cases these photos were reproduced as the
motifs of postcards oras prints that appeared in books or magazines. These
albums, which were used to gather and systematize data, had been assem-
bled with visual materials that had been produced accord ing to motives and
criteria other than those of science. This can be attributed to the fact that in
this period comparative approaches still govemed ethnological research
(Stockings 2002). In contras! to what was beginning to establish itself as
the ethnographic method, with its special emphasis on the ethnographer's
first-hand records, the organization of these albums admitted data from dif-
ferent sources, as long as it found a place in the classification system and
2 The Moche or Muchik culture is a regional culture that developed during the
Early Intermedia te period in the valley of the same name, in the northem Peru-
vian coast. According to Schaedel ( 1988), Brning perforrned his studies under
the belief that there was continuity between the archaeological remains that he
had documented in his investigations and the indigenous population of the re-
gion. This fact had its counterpart in Brning's passion for documenting ethno-
graphically those he believed to be the successors ofthe Moche culture.
3 Martn Chambi (1891-1973) was one of the most prolific Peruvian photogra-
phers of nationa l and intemational renown , and a foundational figure of the
Cuzco School of Photography. Although portrait photos were one of his
strengths, special attention has been given to the photographic documentation
that he realized of men and landscapes in Andean southern Peru. Chambi stud-
ied with the Arequipa photographer Max T. Vargas (1873-1959) , in whose stu-
dio he worked as an apprentice (Huayhuaca 1993). Vargas ' s studio was one of
the most prominent among the Arequipa bourgeoisie for its portrait photos, a
genre in which he was highly recognized. At the same time, at the intemational
leve! his aesthetics had great intluence on modem fashion photographers of the
era (Garay/Villacorta 2012; Balda/Latorre 2014).
UNFIXED IMAGES 1 67
complied with the pretension of totality. Thus, in these albums photographs
4
or postcards from Chambi and Yargas, which were of artistic content and
commercial value, had been re-signified in terrns of the scientific regime in
which the album recuntextualized them. On the other hand, the presence of
Brning's photographs could be explained by the social use of photography
asan object of exchange mediating social relations (Poole 1997).
Brning fostered relationships with many researchers and scientific in-
stitutions throughout his life, exchanging viewpoints and research findings
that included methodological reflections and field data, as well as photo-
graphic material. While he produced most of his photographs in the context
of his field investigations, others were taken to record series of archaeolog-
ical items to inventory his archaeological collection, which he offered to
various Gerrnan and American museums 5
Brning's photographs have not only been separated and archived m
different institutions, but severa! have been widely dispersed and are now
found in the albums of various researchers. Copies appear in printed form,
either in older publications or in those that followed Richard Schaedel 's pi-
oneering 1988 publication on Brning's photographic collection. Such dis-
persion is certainly due to photographic technology itself, which allows for
copying and analog representations, making replicability and interchangea-
bility one of the most importan! features of photography. However, this
scattering is al so linked to the materiality of the photograph, which makes it
an object of valuations and various social uses. Mobility should not only be
understood in temporal and spatial terms - moving between locations and
time frames - but also as involving displacement between different regimes
belonging to science, art, and the market.
4 The postcards of Vargas with scenes of the social context of the architecture and
landscape of Andean southem Peru and Bolivia were widely acquired by Amer-
icanist researchers like Max Uhle, Robert Lehmann-Nitsche, and Eduard Seeler
(Onken 2014); they were used in their investigations because of the high docu-
mentary value. The lbero-Amerikanisches lnstitut Berln stores photographic
material from Max T. Vargas and from Martn Chambi (Garay/Villacorta 2012;
Buchholz 20 15).
5 According to Schaedel ( 1988), a review of Brning ' s photographs of archaeo-
logical objects indicates that he possessed around 800 objects at the end of the
19th century.
 68 1 GISELA CANEPA KOCH
As Michael Kraus (2015: 9) has argued, "each location leaves traces ofthe
image it conserves." Within this framework, 1 started tracing Brning's
photographs in view of discovering their existence beyond the museum, the
albums, and print publications. 1 found them on the Internet, where they
circulate and are appropriated as part of a wider public sphere (Figure 1).
Over the years Brning's photographs have made a transition from the ana-
log to the digital , acquiring existence in the virtual world, as well as being
restored into the local context from which they originally carne.
The mobility of Brning 's photographs and their resistance to be fixed
in particular places and to particular regimes, challenge the notion of the
photographic collection as a delimited, specific materiality localized and
confined within the boundaries of the institutions that house them. They al-
so challenge the definition of the collection as a unit with innate and prede-
temlined content and value . In that sense 1 start from the idea of Brning's
photographic collection as a landscape of Ji ved realities; that is, as a perme-
able and fluid materiality, which has been reworked in the framework of
social and technological processes, as well as in the frame of di verse histor-
ical and biographical circumstances that make his photographic legacy sus-
ceptible to multiple meanings. At present Brning's photographic collec-
tion is primarily valued in tenns of its ethnographic content, as is claimed
in various publications about his work, as well as in current public debates
on identity.
Brning's legacy has been pivota) to the ethnological construction of
the notion of "the Muchik" people. Ral Asensio identifies the year 1987 as
a key moment for the renaissance of Muchik identity and its role in the " re-
configuration of the discourses on collective identity and the beginning of
an era of change" (Asensio 2012: 35). This era includes the discovery of the
6
Lord of Sipn tombs and the publication of an article by Richard Schaedel
( 1987) in which he argues for the historical and cultural continuity between
the pre-Hispanic cultures and the current population ofthe region.
6 At the time it was one of the most importan! archaeological discoveries on the
national and intemational archaeological scene. lt did not only resonate in the
scientitic arena. The funeral attires of the Lord of Sipn were al so exhibited in
severa! museums around the world, attracting widespread public attention to the
wealth and aesthetics of its omaments and symbols wrought in gol d.
UNF IXE D IMAGES 1 69
The period that began at this moment has been characterized by the imple-
mentation ofneoliberal reforms by the Fujimori regime (1992) and the pro-
cesses of decentralization initiated in 1989, as well as by elections of new
regional govemments in 2002. The context favored the surge of movements
of identity reviva) and the development of initiatives for the management of
cultural repertoires and patrimonial goods, all of which operated in multiple
ways for the creation of a sense of regional uniqueness, for the promotion
of the region as a tourist destination, and for the consolidation of an elite
that legitimized itself as the custodian of the Muchik identity. 1t is in this
context that Brning's photographs and Brning himself, as a public figure ,
acquired new meanings and cultural and political usages, while being in-
corporated into what Finneran (20 12) ca lis a " meta-narrative of patrimony. "
A short review of his biography and of the paths his collection has tak-
en will reveal the kind of interventions, visibilities and invisibilities, plac-
ings and shifts that underlie its construction as an ethnographic collection,
as well as the photographic material 's resistance to being fixed as ethno-
graphic. In addition, it will allow meto discuss these photographs as part of
a public arena where Muchik identity is disputed and shaped.
Brning as a Collector and Self-Taught Ethnographer: The
Multiple Uses of Photography and the Heterogeneous
Formation of his Photographic Collection
Hans Heinrich Brning was born on August 20, 1848, in Hoffeld, Schles-
wig-Holstein, and died on June 2, 1928, in a hospital in Kiel. As pointed
out by those who have written about his biography and trajectory as re-
searcher (Schaedel 1988 ; Haberland 1990; Hampe 2009; Chvez 2006 ;
Schmelz/ Aristizbal 2009), Brning studied at the Technical University of
Hannover and served in the Prussian Navy ( 1870), after which he was em-
ployed by the shipping company Hapag-Lloyd. In 1875 he came to Peru to
serve as an engineer on the haciendas of the northem coast dedicated to the
planting and refining of sugar cane . He al so commercialized machinery and
served as administrator of severa! haciendas such as Ptamo, Laredo, and
Pomalca . He resided in severa! cities of northem Peru until 1925. During
those 50 years he made a single visit to Germany ( 1897-1898) to attend his
parents' golden jubilee. Though he had no training in the emerging disci-
plines of archaeology and ethnology, in contras! to other German research-
 70 1 GI SELA CAN EPA KOC H
ers who arrived in Peru at that time to do extensive fieldwork , he studied
and documented the Muchik society and culture of northem Peru with true
pass ion .
By 1880 Brning a1ready had bcgun his activities as a collector of ar-
chaeo1ogical objects (Aristizbal/Schmelz 2009). He worked in a region
particularly rich in archaeological sites that were subject to widespread
1ooting (huaqueo, derived from huaca referring to revered preco1onial
monuments and from saqueo, looting) by 1ocals and foreigners. These pie-
ces became part of prvate collections and circulated in the thriving world
market for antiquities . Exploring archaeological sites, located within the
property of the landowning class, was an amateur and recreational practice
that the local elite cultivated with enthusiasm as a forrn of social distinction
(Ganger 2014).
According to Chvez (2006), Brning accompanied these landowners,
who relied on their laborers to accomplish the hard work of excavation on
their explorations. Brning was also well acquainted with the market, for
antiquities, regularly buying pieces to expand his collection. As shown by
the letters and photographs of his personal correspondence with researchers
and directors of severa! museums, he also participated in the market early
on, offcring his archaeological collection for sale ,7 first to the Museum fr
Vilkerkunde in Hamburg, and later to other museums in Germany USA
and finally Peru. His expectations were to acquire funds that would 'enabl~
him to continue his research , which by 1895 (Schaedel 1988) had more
clearly shifted from archaeological and historical to ethnographic interests.
He then planned to retire and retum to Germany in order to fully dedcate
himself to systematizing all his field data and to publishing his research
findings.
Although he was an autodidact Brning argued that he had collected
pieces on a scientific basis, seeking to gather series of objects that could be
analyzed in a comparative way. Brning also made efforts to proceed sys-
tematically . His education as an engineer allowed for a certain leve! of rigor
in his research proceedings. For example, he measured pre-Hispanic con-
7 By 1987, when he made his only visit to Germany, he had already established
relationships with officials from the Museum fiir Yolkerkunde Hamburg; he
gave them 35 archaeological arti facts during his visit to encourage them to bu y
h1s archaeological collection (Chvez 2006).
UNFIXED IMAGES 1 71
structions, made drawings of these, and kept up-to-date on technological
and scientific progress regarding photographic documentation (Chvez
2006) . Not only did he stay informed about and acquire the latest equip-
ment, but he al so aimed for technical sophistication (Bartels 20 15) and ex-
plored different uses of photography for archaeological and ethnographic
research.
His main concem was to identify the origins of the Muchik people
through their material remains; therefore, he documented their archaeologi-
cal and historical traces. He was also aware of the fact that many of these
material traces, as well as those cultural practices that had still survived,
were in danger of disappearing. Chvez (2006) provides severa! examples
of archaeological remains documented by Brning through annotations,
drawings, and photographs, which soon afterwards disappeared completely.
In this way his legacy became a valuable source for reconstruction and his-
torical memory (Prmers 20 15) . lt is possible to identify an early period in
which Brning mainly used photography to register the site and context of
excavation and to inventory archaeological artifacts. Photographic docu -
mentation responded to a double logic - on the one hand, that of data col-
lection; on the other hand, that of historical documentation and preserva-
tion.
Given the difficult financia! conditions in which archaeological and
ethnographic fieldwork were carried out at the time, which restricted the
freedom and creativity of researchers (Kraus 20 14), it can be argued that
although limited, Brning's use of his own resources to conduct research
gave him relative freedom to determine his own agenda and allowed him to
move between archaeological, historical , and ethnological interests, as wel l
as to live during long periods with the people he studied. Adolf Bandelier,
whom he accompanied on his expeditions in Peru in 1895, had an intluence
in getting him interested in ethnographic topics. Later on, when Brning
had retumed from his visit to Germany, he acquired meteorological mea-
suring instruments, as well as photographic and sound recording equip-
ment, which was crucial to the tasks of ethnographic documentation . From
then on he devoted the use of photography to documenting aspects of daily
life, work and economy, rituals and festive traditions, and human types,
which can be identified as a second period in regard to his photographic in-
terests and production. Under the guidance of Erick von Hornbostel, direc-
tor of the Berliner Phonogramm-Archiv, Brning also made annotations
 72 1 GISELA CANEPA KOCH
and sound recordings of the extin ct Muchik language and the traditional
music of the region, spending long periods of time in the town of Eten in
1906 and 1909 (Aristizba i/Schmelz 2009).
The understanding with which Brning conducted research involved an
awareness of the scientific, economic, and social value of his collections,
both on a personal leve! as well as for the local and intemational society.
On the one hand, he used them to fulfill his intellectual curiosity; on the
other hand, he used them as a means of gaining prestige and recognition as
8
a scientist Brning used photographs for purposes beyond their represen-
taliona! function. Recogni zing their status as objects of exchange, he was
al so able to use them to enhance his reputation and build a network of con-
tacts . But he also went after their economic value.
Brning never actually sold his photographic collection in the strict
sense of the word. While photographs had played an importan! role in an-
thropology since its inception and museums considered it importan! to in-
elude them in their holdings, acquisition and conservation policies were
ambiguous, so the fonnation of photographic collections was Iargely sub-
ject lo a variety of contingencies (Kraus 20 15). Brning's photographs that
are now guarded in museums in Hamburg and Berlin were not free from
this situation.
Brning negotiated the delivery of his glass plates in exchange for two
copies of each. These copies were easier to handle and better suited for the
purposes of systematizing their content as well as for their eventual use in
9
publication !han glass plates What can be judged from his correspondence
is that he did not develop the glass plates himself, but commissioned pho-
tography studios to do the work, which implied additional costs. Thus, he
delivered an initial stack to the Museum ft.ir Yolkerkunde Hamburg when
he made his trip to Gerrnany in 1897 (Aristizbai/Schmelz 2009) . However,
according to the account of Prmers (20 15), when he finally returned to
8 Brning was listed as a member of the Co legio de Ingenieros, the Instituto His-
trico del Per, and the Soci edad Geogrfica de Lima, and in l 902 he joined the
team of the expedition along the Maraan river basin, led by Manuel Antonio
Mesones a nd financed by the Peruvian Sta te . Although he did not have a profes-
siona l tille, all these afftliations lent scientiftc credibility to his research and co l-
lections .
9 Sorne of Brning's photos illustrated local publications and the joumal An-
thropophyteia.
UNFI XED IM AGES 1 73
Germany and was negotiating with the museum for the sale of the archaeo-
logical collection he had brought along, he seemed to have had difficulty
reaching an agreement regarding the delivery of 200 glass plates that he
was still keeping. 1t was under these circumstances that he offered and later
delivered the 200 glass plates to the Berliner Gesellschaft flir Anthropolo-
gie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte (BGAEU).
10
While still in Peru, Brning had tried unsuccessfully to sell his archaeo-
logical collection to the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin. Nevertheless,
for this purpose he sent photographs that recorded the archaeological arti-
facts that forrned part of his collection. Toda y those pictures, together with
about 200 glass plates, are held by the museum. When Brning received the
first set of copies in 1927, he hadan opportunity to review, corree!, and
complete the infom1ation contained in the list that he had delivered with the
glass plates to Berlin. This systematization, which he performed near the
end of his life, turned out to be crucial since only he held this information
in his memory. 1t was only the next year when Brning died that the muse-
um contacted his nephew who was in charge of his collections, expressing
interest in acqu iring the photographs that he had kept in his possession.
Nevertheless, the nephew had already delivered them, along with other ma-
terials, to the Museum fr Yolkerkunde Hamburg.
Thus, the photographic collection that is housed in the museum of Ber-
lin was never acquired as a collection per se. lnstead it is the result of a se-
ries of contingencies that can be traccd back to Brning's as well as the
museum's agendas; meanwhile, the nature and acquisition of the photo-
graphic collection housed in the Museum ft.ir Yolkerkunde responded to
another set of circumstances . The latter includes the glass plates, copies,
and four photo albums that Brning conserved until his death. These items
were delivered together with a collection of books, historical documents,
field notes, newspapers clippings, and correspondence. These materials add
value to the photographic collection to the ex tent that they allow for an in-
forrned and contextualized reading of the photographs .
Finally, it should be said that Brning's photographic collection itself is
heterogeneous in formal, content, and provenance. In addition to the large
quantity of archaeological and ethnographic photographs, it includes photos
1O An importan! part of the fonner photographic collection of BGAEU is owned
toda y by the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin (Kraus 20 15).

74 1 GI SELA CANEPA KOC H
with personal content such as family photos, pictures of social get-togelhcrs
in which Brning participated, as well as small-format portraits lhat he may
have taken himself or purchased as a gift from his acquaintances; there are
also other sets of photographs that Brning did not take, but probably ac-
quired from photography studios in order to enlarge his collection. 11
Brning first tried to sell his archaeological collection in the mid-1980s
with hopes of using the proceeds to establish a fund that would finance
research. But due to difficulties at work and with his state of health , he
carne into economic need, and had to rush his efforts to place the archaeo-
logical collection on the market. This situation also was influenced by more
rigorous Peruvian law on heritage protection, whereupon selling and ship-
ping archaeological and historical collections abroad became more difficult.
So, by the 191 Os the scientific, heritage, and economic values allocated lo
the collection came into conlradiction. In a letter dated April 6, 1916, to hi s
friend, the landowner Jos Ignacio Chopitea, Brning writes:
"[ ... ] during a period of more than thirty years l ha ve collected data in this regard, as
well as objects made by the ancient inhabitants of Peru, so that l could use them ,
when the time was right, as the basis of my research. When 1 thought the time had
come l suffered an economic selback and now the co llection only serves as a dis-
turbance and obliges meto sell it. " (Chvez 2006: 1!1 , note 25, my translation)
Finally , thanks to contacts lhat Brning established with members of the lo-
cal and the national intellectual and political elites, he managed to sellmost
of his archaeological collection (around 5000 objects) to the Peruvian gov-
emment in 1921 (Hampe 2009 ; Aristizbai/Schmelz 2009). Nevertheless,
only four years later Brning returned to Germany where he still had to
struggle with a precarious economic situation and poor health . His attempts
to sell another part of the archaeological and photographic collections be-
carne very problematic. The difficult economic situation of museums, ag-
gravated by the post-World War 1 years, encumbered the negotiations . To-
wards the end of his life he agreed to hand over his archaeological collec-
tion to the museum in Hamburg, where authorities advised him to do so in
their view this step would allow them to raise the funds necessary to ;ur-
11 Prmers (20 15: 388) reports that Brning acquired glass pi ates belonging to
Adolph Bandelier from a photographer in Trujillo.
UNFIXED IMAGE S 1 75
chase the collection more easily. The negotiations wenl on for monlhs and
then years, while the price was declining. Finally the sale took place after
his death .
Contrary to what Brning had planned, he was unable to eilher systema-
tize the data he had collected over 50 years, or publish his findings. The
freedom to organize his own research agenda, which initially had character-
hi~ ized Brning's work, at lhe end of hi s life was completely ruined. In other
words, Brning's scientific project and lhe integrity of his colleclions were
victims of his precarious economic situation, his poor hea lth, and the unre-
warding market for antiquities and ethnographic objects.
The Enhancement of the Photographic Collection: Shaping
its Ethnographic Content
In Peru, but particularly in the northern department of Lambayeque, Brn-
12
ing is a well-known figure . A documentary produced for national TV ce-
lebra tes his life and work, a school is named after him, and lhe first muse-
um of archaeology of Lambayeque, founded lo house lhe archaeological
collection he sold to lhe Peruvian government shorlly befare his definilive
return to Germany, bears his name . The Museo Nacional Arqueolgico
Brning had its first headquarters in Brning's private home and Presiden!
Legua appoinled him as its firsl director. In 2007 lhe Federacin de Pes-
cadores y Agricultores Muchik "Enrique Brning" was founded with the
goal of demanding social and economic rights .
Additionally, Brning is broadly recognized as a cultural hero, revered
for having saved a significan! part of the archaeological and anthropologi-
12 This documentary with the till e Brning (n!d; 50 minutes; Producciones Aleara-
van Television) is one of the ten chapters of a series produced for public TV
called Hombre de Bronce, produced by Alejandro Guerrero. The series narrates
the Ji fe and work of ten prominent men of Peruvian sc ience and literature, in-
cluding Augusto Webebauer, Daniel Alcides, Julio C. Tello, Ricardo Palma, and
Jos Mara Arguedas. Another documentary that should be ment10ned IS
Schliemanns Erben: Goldpy ramiden im !nka-Reich , by Gisela Graichen and Ml-
chael Tauchert, produced by Peter Preste! for the Gerrnan ~V channel ZDF in
2008 (it was first broadcast on February 17 , 2008, as part of the Terra X senes,
sequence 23) . This film was made with the collaboration of Bemd Schmelz,
Wissenschaftlicher Leiter (Scientific Director) andan expert on Brning's work.
 76 1 GISELA CAN EPA KO CH
UNFI XED IMAGES 1 77

cal heritage of the Muchik people for future generations. He is called the
and the administration of their archaeological and anthropological legacies .
wise man; "the man forever in !ove with the Moche" ("el eterno enamorado
The same year that Rodrguez Suy Suy founded the Centro de Investi-
de los moche"), while his close work with the local population his interest
gaciones y Promocin del Pueblo Muchik in the town of Moche, Schaedel
in .everyday life, and his assumption that the people he was st~dying were
published his book on Brning's photographs (Asensio 2012). In this con-
he1rs of the ancient Muchik is referred toas "thinking like Brning" ("pen-
13 text, his publication, and in particular the ample selection of photographs it
samiento Brning"). The intellectual spokesmen of the current Muchik
includes, can be understood as an act of reparation in the sense that - ac-
neoindigenist movement recognize Brning 's legacy as foundational of
cording to the movement 's logic - Brning 's legacy belongs to the Muchik
Muchik awareness and political agenda (Al va Mendo 2004; Asensio 20 12). 15
people, who should have the right to full access . The book includes the
In 1988, U.S. anthropologist Richard Schaedel ( 1920-2005), published
reproduction of a significan! number of photographs from the collection ar-
La etnografla Muchik en lasfotograflas de H. Brning 1886-1925 in Peru,
chived in Hamburg, which totals around 2100 images. As 1 will la ter dis-
the mosl comprehensive work to date on Brning's photographic collection.
cuss, Schaedel constructs an anthropological argumenl with regard to the
The book is the result of severa! years of research at the Museum ftir
ethnographic content of Brning's photographic collection, in order to sup-
Yolkerkunde Hamburg, for which Schaedel obtained severa! research
port his theory aboul the historical continuities of the Muchik people, which
grants from lhe German govemment. His book had a positive reception,
is the main scientific argument that sustains the discourse and ideology of
smce 11 responded to the concems expressed by local intellectuals, such as
the movement.
anthropologist Vctor Antonio Rodrguez Su y Su y ( 1918-2008), a disciple
This anthropological curren! of Muchik reviva! discourses soon deve-
of Schaedel , regarding the fa te of Brning's collection after he had retumed
loped into political initiatives and demands . In 1995 the Confederacin de
to Germany. Asensio (20 12) considers Schaedel and Rodrguez Su y Su y as
los Pueblos Muchik (Confederation of the Muchik People) was created. Its
the founders of the anthropological vein of the Muchik neoindigenist
manifest was written by Schaedel and Rodrguez Suy Suy (Maeda 2009) ,
movement, which he distinguishes from the archaeological curren! that al so
who argued that there continued to be a " Muchik people" and that this
informs the discourses on identity revitalization . 14 This vein groups a sector
group had the right to defend and control their cultural and natural re-
of the. literate elite, among whom we find anthropologists who identify as
sources, with the goal of economic sustainability (Asensio 20 12). The idea
Much1k such as Rodrguez Suy Suy, Jorge Sachn, or those considered fol-
of a self-managed economy implied the recovery of ancestral technologies
lowers of Apapek ("the Creator" in Muchika language), as Schaedel was
and products such as braiding straw hats, spinning and weaving of cotton
called (Maeda 2009), which includes teachers, middle-class professionals
threads, and the cultivation of native cotton.
from the region, artisans, farmers, and fishermen (Asensio 20 12).
The reviva! of Muchik identity was initially articulated as a cultural
projecl and academic activism by Schaedel and Rodrguez Suy Suy, who 15 In order for Schaedel to be able to prepare the publication of his book in Peru ,
acted as the " bridge between Schaedel and the intellectual and social world he needed to ha ve the co pies of the photographi c material that he had revi sed
during his prolonged stays at th e Hamburg mu se um , which were tin anced by the
of the northem coast" (Asensio 2012 : 47). 1t consisted of reclaiming the
German Service of Academic Exchange (DAAD in German). How and under
nghts of the Muchik people, as the legitimate caretakers, lo ensure access to
what tem1s access to this material was carried out is a matter on which greater
clarity is need ed . To mark the occasion of the opening of the Museo Nacional
Brning in 2006, after its restoration with the support of the German govern-
13 See http ://www. rumbosdelperu .co m/de-sipan-a-br-ning-por-un-deslumbrante-cir
cuita-de-tesoros- V846.html ment and its embassy in Peru , an exhibition that included a selection of his pho-
tographic material hou sed in the Museum fiir Vi:ilkerkunde Hamburg and the
14 For more information o n Schaedel's academic and political trajectory in Peru,
Ethnologisches Museum Berlin was organized with the support of the
h1s th eones on the h1stoncal continuity of the Muchik people, his cJose links
Norddeutsche Aftinerie AG. The respective photo catalog was published by the
w1th academia and part of the intellectual elite of northem Peru, and his activ-
Goethe-lnstitut of Lima (Pamphlet " Han s Heinrich Brning (1848-1928) ," for
JSm, see Maeda (2009) and Asensio (20 12).
presentation at the museum's re-inauguration ceremony).

A year after the appearance of Schaedel's book , the museum in Hamburg
published the Gerrnan-Spanish bilingual collection Fotodokumente aus
Nordperu. Hans Heinrich Brning (1848- 1928), edited by Corinna Rad-
datz. In addition to a series of articles that discuss his biography and the
impartance of his legacy the baok includes a campilation of his photo-
graphs, which are thematically organized, and slightly different from the se-
lection in Schaedel's book. In order to edit Fotodokumente the photograph-
ic collection was arganized and canservatian measures were implemented
(Raddatz 1990). The interest of Hamburg's Museum fr Volkerkunde in
enhancing Brning 's photographic collection forms part of a more compre-
hensive initiative to focus research on the muse um 's majar photographic
collectians.
According to Konig (2002), the museum's full comprehension af the
value and purpose af the photographic material has been incansistent. Jt
was not until the 1980s that photographic collections were rediscovered as
par! of the historical patrimony of the nation. In 1999, with the financia]
support of the ZEIT faundation , the muse u m was able to begin the digitiza-
tion uf its American collection. Brning 's collection and that of Frederick
Weygald, which had been previously published and exhibited, were the
first to underga digitization. This initiative also included the organization of
the exhibition lndianer 1858-1928 and the publicatian of the respective ca-
talog, in which there are two articles dedicated to Brning's photography
that emphasize its ethnographic content.
The Ethnalogisches Museum Berlin also carried out a project ta restare
and digitize Brning's photographs as part of a larger initiative to add value
ta its collections of historical photography of Latin America. This initiative
was encouraged by the Gerrnan state foundation Deutsche Forschungsge-
meinschaft, which allawed the museum to research the collection, create
the exhibition Touching Photography (Fotografien Beriihren), and dissem-
inate its findings, which are included in the volume Exploring the Archive.
Historica/ Photography from Latin America, edited by Manuela Fischer
and Michael Kraus in 2015. The publication comprises three articles on the
photography of Brning; one examines the process of restoring his glass
plates (Bartels 20 15), and the other twa discuss the contents and va fue of
his photography for archaeo logy (Riviale 20 15 ; Prmers 20 15).
Sin ce the publicatian of Schaedel' s book several ather publications on
his photagraphic collection, field notes, notations on the Muchik Janguage,
UNF IXED IMAGES 1 79
and music recordings have appeared. Together they have all been funda-
mental in shedding light on Brning ' s collections and in consolidating his
status as a serious researcher and cultural hero. Furthermore, they have
played a role in revealing the actual location of the collections and making
their contents accessible to researchers and the public in general in northem
Peru. Yet they also reveal that the trajectory of Brning 's legacy has led to
the partial dispersion of his collections, which are now distributed in Peru-
vian and Gem1an institutions.
Brning's photographic collection is mainly valued for its ethnographic
content. This assessment derives from the argument Schaedel makes in his
book, declaring Brning to be an ethnohistorian and his photographic cal-
lection ethnographic. In presenting the biography of Brning, Richard
Schaedel writes:
"We have said that, for its time, Brning was extraordinary for his objectivity re-
garding the indigenous people and for valuing their traditional culture. 1t is even
more ex traordinary because he was able to perceivc in the lndian peasantry of the
northem coast the repository of pre-Hispanic culture, even after nearly four centuries
of acculturation. And this exp lains their interest in gening into the notarial archives ,
especially in that of Jos Rivadeneira to search for data that referred to the co lonial
past of this people, and thereby draw the continuous history of the Muchik sin ce pre-
Hispanic time. He was without doubt, not just the first ethnohistorian of Peru, but of
Latin America." (Schaede l 1988: 12 , my translation)
Schaedel's most compelling argument regarding the ethnographic character
af Brning's photographic collection is based on the systematization and
analysis he makes of the photographic corpus he se lected to discuss in his
book. The text is divided into a number of chapters that group the phato-
graphs around the themes of classic ethnographic monographs: economy,
society, religious life, technology, and types. According to Schaedel, the
fact that he was able to find and select photographs for each of these topics,
speaks to the ethnographic character of the collectian. The final section of
the boak contains a list of codes and legends that Brning had assigned and
carefully noted for each photo. To the same degree that this information
substantiates a systematic procedure that allows the contextualization of the
phatagraphs, it also helps to reinfarce the thesis about its ethnographic na-
ture.

80 1 Gi SELA CANEPA KO CH
Brning certainly had a clear interest in documenting aspects of social re-
ality and was thus covering various aspects that were of interest to him and
that corresponded to the holistic goal that classic ethnography professed at
that time. However, following the argument that archives are disciplinary
devices that define their own truth and allow for making visible sorne
things and invisible others (Foucault 1972; Mbembe 2002), 1 want to argue
that the kind of intervention that Schaedel conducted with Brning's photo-
graphic collection involves the delimitation and homogenization of his pho-
tographic production. This intervention implies both the fixing and regulat-
ing of photography within the regime of science, specifically of ethnogra-
phy, and the disciplining of the gaze with which the images are to be inter-
preted. Through selection and classification Schaedel builds a corpus that
serves to illustrate his argument, while it invisibilizes those items of the
collection that inventory lists record but do not find a place in the order he
pro poses.
In this regard it should be noted that among Brning's photographic
materials housed in the museum in Hamburg are four of his original photo
albums. One of them contains a significan! number of small-format, portrait
photos and severa! group photos depicting people and families belonging to
the middle and upper classes of Lambayeque society. One can only specu-
late whether these photographs were obtained by exchange in the logic of
the cartes de visite (Poole 1997) or if they were taken by Brning himself.
In any case, these materials indicate that for Brning photography was not
only a technology for ethnographic recording, but also occupied a place in
his social life and affections and that he was familiar with photographic
languages, aesthetics, and regimes other than the scientific. In other words,
not only had his photographic collection been constructed as purely ethno-
graphic, but also his photographic imagination.
The classificatory approach proposed by Schaedel in his book, which
can be found in the albums of researchers such as Max Uhle and Robert
Lehmann-Nitsche, was not applied by Brning when assembling his al-
bums, or in the listings that he put together. We are not certain about the
reasons that led him to act in this way. Perhaps it was the kind of systemati-
zation that he planned to do, but which was interrupted by his death. But
one could also argue instead that he was distancing himself from compara-
ti ve approaches and following the ethnographic method by emphasizing de-
UNFIXED IMAGES 1 81
tailed description of procedures, events, and social relations as well as cul-
tural content. 1t is interesting to note that the albums include series of pho-
tographs that document the sequence preparation of chicha or different
moments in the celebration of a givenflesta .
Among the photos that Schaedel classifies as " types," are severa! that
follow the pattern of physiognomic photography of the era, but most of
thcm, especially images of women or groups of women, follow the same
portrait aesthetics that characterize the portraits and family photos that
Brning kept in his album. These photographs suggest that Brning did not
only have a racial or scientistic appreciation of the subjects he portrayed,
but also an aesthetic one, going beyond the ethnographic imagination of
human types, and developing an eye committed to discovering the subjec-
tive, aesthetic, and moral dimensions of his subject of study.
In other words, the photographic gaze of Brning, which, as I ha ve dis-
cussed , suggests a complex relationship with photography and the under-
standing of ethnography as a subjective and moral task, has been mediated
by Schaedel 's gaze, which privileged an ethnographic perspective in an ob-
jectifying and exoticizing vein. lf one takes into account that Schaedel act-
ed in the framework of a committed anthropology , exercising a political
and cultural activism, we may identify a paradox. On the one hand, the sci-
entist's approach to Brning's photographic collection objectifies the pho-
tographed subjects in tenns of cultural and social categories; on the other
hand, there is the political will to vindicate the rural populations of the Pe-
ruvian northern coast, whom Schaedel considers descendants of the ancient
Muchik as cultural and political agents. lt is a paradox that has been identi-
fied as belonging to indigenista ideologies conceived and fonnulated by
elites (Mndez 1995 ; De la Cadena 2000) . Brning's photographic eye, as
an "unlikely hero of ethnic mochica claims" (Asensio 2012: 45) and as an
auto-didact, probably gave him a greater margin of freedom and creativity
when it came to taking photographs, greater than that enjoyed by Schaedel
when it came to interpreting them.
 82 1 GI SELA CAN EPA K OC H
UNFIXED IMAGES 1 83

,-. - -ill' Scaatuche Museen zu serlln

Preuf\rs(h{'r Kul!ur:>cs 1tl
http://www.smb-digital.de). This kind of initiative is part of a broader poli-
SMB-digltal
cy of making the museum and its archives accessib le, which corresponds to
Onllne-Oatenbank der Sammlung en

1 '
collaborative and participative endeavors that aim for post-colonial ap-
16
proaches (Mussell 20 14) .
In contras!, the museum in Hamburg, according to what 1 could gather
--------
"5 Apostel" from conversations with museum authorities, continues to apply a much
Posmv SW
l-lOnJHtu'lf!Ch81\JMIQIU8113.t8 f!)hOf<~.l
more conserva ti ve policy regarding the dissemination of material on the In-
19(1Q 4 .4.(11~ 1909
~lf\ol..lnO ternet. A lthough photographs have been digitized, they are accessible only
i411fllt1Uifln

lol through a personal visit to the museum, where researchers can consult a
ld&nt.Nr Vllffll/ , , 21 KA
numerical list containing a caption and view of the photo, but cannot obtain
Sl.JJlllf'JltU<JUHI.:U&tl!ort P~ .. esd'lrr"uiiUftiU>\1:
Ert>" ''>QI!O>IIUI.HIU"' a digitized copy. Dissemination of the photographic material is limited to
tt.l..,l"'loJ!'Iilf~oqltJ'I'JU<Jt~'T'IJ.-"'t'f<tl
eJc\Q EIM(IIC><)Ko-"t'JJ"iiU"''I"Stua..;r.~nl.llllff\
published editions.
WBtlm! Pau6;s(fltrll.ulfuro-t~
ldentifying the circu latio n of Brning's photographs on the Internet,
where they are circulated by a lay audience, provides insight into sorne of
the paradoxes of museum accessibility policies. Most images circulating on
2 Screenshot from the 1 1 the Internet do not slem from the Berlin museum's website, which was cre-
.. . n ernet portal of the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin
showing a ated with the explicit purpose of making the documents avai lable to the
Brunmg photograph and context information. (http://www.smb-
digital.de) public. lnstead they have been scanned from books published by the U.S.
anthropologist Richard Schaedel, such as his La etnografla muchik en las
The Photo Collection on the Internet Appro . t fotograjias de H. Brning 1886-1925. and the museum of Hamburg, that is,
R prra 1on,
econtextualization, and the Digital Archive as Network from Fotodokumente aus Nordperu von Hans Heinrich Brning, edited by
Corinna Raddatz. Printed texts and images from these scanned publications
have been partially or entire ly reproduced in nonprofessional formats by In-
8oth the Museum frVolkerkunde Hamburg and the Ethnologisches Mu- 17
teme! users , who post them on the web . lronically, the photographs from
seum Berlm ha ve carned out projects to digitize their photographic collec-
trons, mcludmg the Hans Heinrich Brning collection. This has been done
mamly for conservation purposes. Although the H b .
d h . am urg museum mclud- 16 Forming part of this line of research are projects such as: " Digital object mobili-
e t e pubhcatwn of Fotodokumente aus Nordperu as part of its initiative ty . Recen! technologies and transatlantic exchange of knowledge" coordinated
;o drs~emmate the content of Brning's collection, it is the museum of Ser- by the lbero-Amerikanisches lnstitut Berlin . The project aims at "analyz[ing)
m w rch supports digitization projects as part of an agenda that seeks to how spaces and formats of intemational cooperation are impacted by the digital
ens~re the accessrbrlrty of its collections. Besides publishing sorne of Brn- shift." Se e http://www . iai .spk-berl in.de/no _ cache/en/third-party- funded-pro

r~g s photos m the book Exploring the Archive, they have also put online jects/ongoing-projects.html?tx _ wfdrittmitte lprojekte__pi 1%5BshowU id%5 0 = 76.
This project forms part of the base project "Mobile Objects" within "Bi ld Wis-
t e catalog of hrs photos archived at the museum (as well as those of other sen Gestaltung. Ein interdisziplinares Labor" ("lmage Know ledge Gesta ltung.
collectrons), so that users can access the photographic material research it An lnterdisciplinary Laboratory") C luster of Exce ll ence at Humboldt-
~nllthe Inte,met, and
make working copies (Figure 2). Access is ~vailable by Universitat zu Berlin 20 12-2017, funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemein-
JO owmg mks on the m b schaft. Se e https://www. interdiscipl inary-laboratory. hu-berl in.de/de/Mobi le-
. 1 useum s we srte. Complementary infomlation is
d rsp ayed for each photo h. h 11 Objekte.
' w rc a ows for contextualization (see
17 In arder to prepare the publication in Peru of La etnograjia Mu chik, Brning
must have had copies of the photos . 1 have no precise information about these
 84 1 GISELA CANEPA KOCH
the Hamburg museum are the ones that have been widely disseminated -
contrary to the policies of the museum. lt might be said that in this context,
and regardless of the technological possibilities each medium entails the
book containing the printed photos has proved to ha ve higher mobility 'than
the digitized photos on the museum's website. Access to the Brning pho-
tographs enabled by Internet users does not follow a progressive sequence
model in which a museum and its digitization projects assume the role of
and operate as mediators between the "original" - the photographic object
located in the museum, whether a negative or a copy - and the digitized
version. lns!ead , transfers take place from the published copy to its digital
version, and in this process the Internet user assumes the Ieading role.
The form in which Brning's photographs are appropriated reveals the
motives that propel network actors and their way of performing on the In-
ternet, scanning printed images and allowing for more effective and effi-
cien! uses. Most network actors are not expert researchers. They do not use
the Internet as a resource for scientific data; nor do they always require the
photo's context information. Instead they favor the possibility offered by
digital technology and the performative nature of the Internet in creating
the photographic context for a given image anew. They have no need of
high-quality copies, as their logic is that of the prosumer (Toffler 1997).
Furthermore, as participants of what Joan Fontcuberta (20 15) defines as the
post-photographic condition, Internet actors are not subject to the tyranny
of the original.
In other words, they value the image as part of a repertoire that can be
iterated on the network, engaging photography in terms of the performative
imperatives of the Internet, submitting to the call of the "click": to search,
download, copy, share, rank, comment and intervene. The "click" refers to
the fact that they are "permanently performing tasks and advancing in a
complicated map of itineraries" (Cnepa/ Uife 2014: 77). Regarding the
website of the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin, it can be noted that access to
Brning's photos is notas straightforward as it is when resorting to Google
by using the search terms " Brning," "Brning photographs," or " Brning
photographic collection." Google first brings Internet searchers to images
rnaterials and their fate . Sorne of his photos are otherwise kept and partially ex-
hibited in the Brning rnuseurn . These copies rnight al so be the source of sorne
of the scans.
UNFIXED IMAGES 1 85
that originated in print publications. These images appear individually oras
albums on websites dedicated to regional news or cultural issues, as well as
blogs or Facebook pages administered by members of Lambayeque's local
elite, such as intellectuals, journalists, and communicators. In contras!, ac-
cess to the museum website requires a more specialized search, following
the access routes available on the page itself, which is less consumer-
friendly and less efficient.
The circulation of Brning's photographs on the Internet responds to
two types of presence: First, as an object of accounts that inforn1 about its
social use and presence ojjline, but communicate this information through
virtual channels; second, as a presence iterated on platforms such as blogs
and Facebook, operating as part of a repertoire that allows for intervention
online. Regarding the first type of presence, 1 want to note that it works
within the public arena where the discourse on Muchik identity is being
discussed. Within this arena the photographs succeed in reproducing the ar-
gument that present-day society has its historical and cultural origin in the
heritage of the Muchik people, which is registered and materialized in
Brning's photographs. Here the image operates as an index. In this case,
the heritage attributes and ethnographic contents that have been granted to
the photographic collection are invoked in order to convey legitimacy to
Muchik identity. The collection serves as a source of scientific and histori-
cal evidence and evidence of cultural authenticity for contemporary society
in the region .
Here 1 want to refer to three examples that 1 consider illustrative of the
way Brning's photographs have been appropriated, transforming them into
an essential part of present-day society and culture in the region: (i) the cur-
ren! inclusion of a photo of the Danza de los Diablicos, which Brning reg-
istered at the Feast of the Yirgin of the Immaculate Conception in Jayanca
in 1904, as evidence for the historical and cultural roots of the dance, in the
file prepared for the nomination of the dance as Cultural Heritage of the
Nation ; 18 (ii) the appearance of the same photograph of the Diablicos dance
next to the photo of a contemporary dance troupe in a newspaper article
18 The nornination of the Diab/icos dance as part of the nation ' s cultural heritage
went into effect on May 29, 2013. The photos 1 refer to appeared on the web
page of RPP Noticias on May 31, 2014 (http://rpp.pe/peru!actualidad/larnbay
eque-la-poblacion-de-tucurne-la-virgen-y-los-diablicos-noticia-599951 ).
 86 1 GiSELA CANEPA KO C H
UNFI XED IMAGES 1 87

that highlights cultural organizations th at perform the dance in an effort to Ricardo Silva Peralta
revitalize it as part of regional identity politics ; and (iii) th e use of 20 pho- .. 11

tographs of women taken by Brning in Lambayeque in 1894 to reconstruct
the face of the pre-Columbian priestess of Chomancap (La Sacerdotisa de
Chomancap). 19
In addition, Brning's photographs portraying people at work or doing
daily activities are used, for example, in school projects that seek to foster
the region's historical memory . One project consisted in mounting an exhi-
bition using parts of the photographs in staging scenes of everyday life. In
Un abrazo a todas las madres lambayecanas en su dfa , especialmente a
las mams seguidoras del grupo Antiguas Fotos de Chiclayo, q~e
encaman a la mujer de esta tierra nortefla que con la fuerza telunca
recibida de sus ra lees ancestrales engendr a quienes forar fan fa
grandeza y el futuro de Lambayeque con la energ fa de s.us manos y el
genio de su raza ... Dios acompafle siempre su dlanotraJinar y ~u f esus
pasos para el bien de esta generosa tierra que nos VIO nacer .. .. Feliz Ola
de la Madre .. .

this case, the images allow the creation of an event in which visitors be-
come part of the scene that they share with the persons represented in large-
sca le reprodu ctions. Thus, so far one can argue for a complex appropriation
and redefinition of Brning's photographs lhat implies underslanding and
using them as evidence, hislorical sources, and cultural heritage in arder lo
construct arguments aboul memory, authenticity, and regional identity. But
lhey can also be understood as a performalive device lo create events and
intervene in hislory, so thal actors (who understand images in such a way)
participa te in whal Appadurai and Breckenridge ( 1995: 4-5) de fine as "pub-
Ji e culture," a "zone of cultural debate," that "articulate[s] the space be-
tween domestic life and the projects of lhe nation-state - where different
social groups (classes, ethnic groups, genders) constitule their idenliti es by
lheir experience of mass-medi ated forms in relation lo lhe praclices of eve-
ryday life." Furthermore, Brning 's photographs perform within such a
public culture, online and offline, as well as transiting between both
spheres. 108 01'> ,::!>1

3 Facebook page Antiguas Fotos de Chic/ayo with one of Brning's photographs

anda greeting posted on the occasion of Mother's Day. (www.facebook.com)

Regarding the presence of Brning 's photographs as a visual repertoire

19 Her skeleta l remains we re found in 20 11 in a royal tomb, and are 1200 years
old. The reconstruction of her face was part of a co ll aborative project between
th e Brning mu seum in Lambayequ e and Utah Yalley University. See Peru 21
Noticias, December 12, 20 12. See http://peru21 .pe/opinion/ lograron-reconstru ir-
rostro-sacerdotisa-21 07527.
used for intervention via Internet plalfonns, one can find them bemg Cited
on blogs, YouTube, and Facebook pages. For purposes of the discuss ion
presented here, 1 will mention two Facebook pages : Anclent.Photos ofChi-
clayo. Public Group (A ntiguas Fotos de Chic/ayo. Grupo ~ub!L co), and lm-
ages of Lambayeque. Website of Society/Culture (lmagenes de Lam-
. sto
bayeque. web de sociedad/cultura). The admmistrators of these web-
t t 1 'd
si tes and the members of the Facebook group be long to the provmcia mi -
die class; among them are professiona ls, local inte llectuals, JOumahsts, and
 UN FIXED IMAGES 1 89
88 1 GISELA CAN EPA KOC H

public officers, including a group of migrants living in othcr citics of Pcru

ty between the women depicted by Brning at the beginning of the 20th
or in other countries. All are very much engaged in the debates on Muchik
ccntury and contemporary female members of the Facebook group, as well
identity, so these Internet platforms allow them to develop initiativcs ami
as society in northem Peru. The art and craft of traditional weaving of straw
have a say in these debates.
hats work as an index of such continuity, which spokesmen of the Muchik
A review of the content tha! appears on these platforms, whether in th c
reviva! movement also conceive of as central to the development of a self-
texts and photographs posted by those in charge of the si tes or by those who
make eomments, allows us lo identify aspects of interest with respect to managed Muchik economy.
Nevertheless, at the same time that continuity is acknowledged, com-
Much1k 1dent1ty. For example, on a rhetoricallevel , Brning's photographic
ments from female members of the Facebook group refer to the fact that
ma!enals allow for befare 1 after comparisons. In one case, a black-and-
spatial and temporal distance is reestablished. For example, they recall that
white photograph taken by Brning at the tum of the century, which shows
their grandmothers used to weave straw hats and that this tradition had been
a building that is representa ti ve of !he architecture of the era, is placed nex!
lost by people living in the cities. So, the women depicted in the photos
to a color photo of the same building today, now completely deteriorated.
stand for Muchik identity , but at the same time they are objectified as a dis-
Thus, the first image operates as the index of the past and a better time
tan! "other" in time and space. lt is interesting to observe that women in-
while being compared to the present and demanding that action be taken:
stead of men promptly establish this distance between themselves and the
Such rhetoric appeals to nostalgia in arder to make a political argumen!
women depicted in the photo, since they consider themselves to be part of
about the fa te of the city's architectural heritage.
an urban, middle-class, literate, and professional community.
The fact that Brning's photos work as an index of a Iost past and of
Distancing from and objectification of the women portrayed in the pho-
nostalgia is especially relevan! if one considers that many of the members
tos and the Muchik identity they represen! also occurs as they become cap-
of both Facebook pages that 1 have mentioned are migrants who reside
tured in the materiality of the photographic object - even though these pho-
abroad or in o!her Peruvian cities. In that regard, these photos operate as an
tos circulate as digitized artifacts. Members of Antiguas Fotos de Chiclayo
mdex of both a pas! time and spatial distance. This fact becomes relevan!
see themselves as legitimate and authentic representatives of Muchik tradi-
when one eonsiders the use of Brning's photos in making an argument
tion taking responsibility for the management of the historical photos of the
about traditlon and Muchik identity, particularly tha! of Muchik women
Figure 3 shows the Mother's Day greeting posted on the Facebook grou~ region that they have gathered in their digital archive. In other words,
Muchik identity - that is, the one that the group identif1es with, represents,
Anttguas Fotos de Chiclayo, as well as comments from some of the mem-
and guards - is embodied in the photographic archive. At the same time,
bers. The greetings, which are intended for all women in the group and in
this version of Muchik identity is separated from real contemporary indige-
the reg10n who are mothers, refer to !he forces of tradition and the telluric
nous women who live and work in the rural and impoverished areas of this
power of the landscape as the foundation of their identity. The argument
part of northern Peru and who, eventual! y, could be identi fied or might rec-
contamed m th1s commentary is illustrated with a photograph of a rural
ognize themselves as descendants of the women depicted in the photos.
landscape taken by Brning that shows a group of women in traditional
Furtherrnore, it is interesting to note that men who belong to the Face-
dress, sitting on the floor, accompanied by their children, and weaving
book group do not select photographs that portray Muchik men to represen!
straw hats: Th1s scene represents what is considered a typical activity of
themselves or celebrate their Muchik identity . Thus, a distinction is estab-
everyday hfe for Muchik women.
lished between middle-class urban men as subjects that represen! Muchik
In other words, Muchik identity and its foundational forces are materi-
identity and women (of !he past and the present), who are the objects of
alized in women's bodies and activities, as well as in their surroundings.
representation . A further distinction is instituted, that comprehends class
Smce Schaedel 's argument about Muchik continuity is very much dissemi-
and geographical location, between middle-class urban men and women,
nated, it can be said that the photograph further implies the idea of continui-
and impoverished, rural men and women (ofthe past and the present).
 90 1 GI SEL A C ANEPA K OC H
The tasks of constructing, safeguarding, and publishing the contents of the
photographic archive which materializes that Muchik identity, define the
contours of Antiguas Fotos de Chic/ayo. This pro file is further performed in
a certain style that comprehends the kind of visual material and commen-
taries that are considered appropriate for posting on Facebook and that
count on a proper interpretation of them. This style includes using historical
photographs and having the sensibility and the capacity to recognize and
appreciate them for their historical, social , and aesthetic value. Although it
is not required to have expert knowledge of these photos, differences are
established between those who are connoisseurs and those who are not. In
other words, through di scursive practices entailed in the work of interpret-
ing historical photographs (Postill 201 0), a " visual divide" (Kummels 20 15)
becomes operative in the shaping of public culture of Muchik identity.
Even though the group is open to all who concerned with Muchik identity,
some participants have been banned, for example, after they posted off-
tapie photographs of curren! events, social gatherings, or tourism promo-
tion. On the other hand commentary about the photographs includes notes
with information about the image or about the people or events that are
documented in the photographs . Celebratory and nostalgic comments are
abundan! and welcome. Brietly, the pro file and style of the Facebook page
determine the contours of the public sphere and define the repertories and
style adopted for making a legitimate and constructive intervention, a pro-
cess that shapes the community of lcgitimate participants, which considers
itself litera te and refined .
The discourse on Muchik identity on the Antiguas Fotos de Chic/ayo
Facebook community is that of a regional elite and differs from the dis-
course promoted by Schaedel , Rodrguez Suy Suy , and other intellectuals
who are engaged with the political agendas of workers, rural , and marginal-
ized groups. lt is celebratory, romantic, and exoticizing. As Marisol de la
Cadena (2000) has noted with respect to ethnic configurations in Cuzco,
this type of representation allows a regional elite to distinguish itself from
others within the nation state; at the same time, it allows the regional elite
to consider itself separate from rural communities, farmers, craftsmen , and
fishermen .
Although it draws on Brning ' s photographic repertoire, which ata first
glance would connect it to the anthropological arguments developed by
Schaedel , these digital representations and performances result in being
UNFI XED IMAGES 1 91
more instrumental to what Asensio (20 12: 4) defines as Muchik "archaeo-
logical identity ." Within this identity "the appeal to Mochica culture consti-
tutes a narrative about the origin of the regional identity that perfectly fits
the political and economic project of the new regional elite: a political pro-
ject based on principies of regional autonomy, order and commitment to in-
ternational commerce as the source of economic wealth for the region"
(Asensio 2012: 42-43) . Re-contextualized in curren! public discourses on
Muchik identity , Brning's photos are being used to serve a nostalgic, ro-
mantic, and gendered representation that entails forms of ethnic, class, and
gender differentiation and exclusion.
Another aspect 1 wish to touch upon deals with the online perfonnativi-
ty of Brning's photographs, regarding the way they circulate, are contex-
tualized, and shape a digital archive . To that end 1 have identified Diego
Portilla Miranda's blog, TextosotxeT, as the site where scanned images and
text from the book published by the museum in Hamburg were first made
free! y available on the Internet (Figure 1). In February 2012, a file was up-
loaded, followed by four more, untilthe entire book - including articles and
photographs - were finally added to the blog' s archive.
The scanned texts and links to materials that make up the blog ' s com-
plete archive (which Portilla mana.g es rigorously , including the respective
bibliographical references), come from the social sciences , communica-
tions , philosophy, and the history of the region. In the context of this blog,
the digital version of Fotodokumente becomes part of a more comprehen-
sive constellation of academic texts, selected according to the particular in-
terests of the blogger. In this case, it is part of an effort of to make a text
that is considered relevan! for the historical memory and identity of Lam-
bayeque accessible to the public, placing a special value on its ethnographic
content. Thus, the texts and the photographs have been displaced into the
digital and virtual regime, thereby altering their condition as museum ob-
jects, but remaining within the ethnographic regime.
However, the scanned version of Fotodokumente is part of a personal
library that is made available to the public. Although it is a German-
Spanish, bilingual edition, access to the book is limited when it comes to
the Peruvian public, particular! y in regions of the country where library re-
sources are inadequate. For these readers, the Internet constitutes an im-
portan! so urce of access to material that is not physically within their reach,
making access to the digitized catalog a way of staying informed. As an
 UNFI XED IMAGE S 1 93
92 1 GI SELA CAN EPA K OC H

online actor, Pimentel is not only a consumer of books; he also acts as a

sort of virtual libraran or archivist, that is, as an intermediary between thc
museum, its experts and custodians, and users of the Internet, challenging
the sovereignty that the fonner excrcise upon the objects, collections, and
knowledge linked to them. This mediation, however, does not occur with
Fot AI!Mn '-"'deeS
the materials housed in the museum, but between the museum's printed
catalog and the digital version hosted on Pimentel 's blog. In other words, L
one can argue, as 1 will discuss shortly, that in the virtual world of the In-
ternet, it is the scanned photographs and the various archives that are creat-
ed with them that constitute "the original" from the perspective of the In-
ternet user.
The digital version of Fotodokumente that Pimentel shares in his blog
on February 12, 2013, la ter appears in the Facebook page Imgenes de
Lambayeque. 1t is hosted there on September 5, 2013 , as an al bu m called
La etnografia Muchik en la fotografia de Heinrich Brning 1886-I925. 1t
should be pointed out that the title of this album, which contains material
from the book published by the Hamburg museum, is the same as the tille
of Schaedel's book. Yet the administrator of Imgenes de Lambayeque has
knowledge of both publications, and both are avai lable on his Facebook
platform; so this apparent confusion is informative of two things: First, it Hons Helmk:h Brunlng

seems to suggest that no distinction is to be made between the two texts, in

the sense that Brning's collection is conceptualized as a landscape with
horizons that project beyond the boundedness of the particular materialities
that either the collection sheltered in Hamburg or the published catalogs
impose. Second, by stating so clearly the title of Schaedel's book, viewers
are encouraged to accept its arguments as the lens through which Brning's
photos should be read . As Van Dijck has argued (20 10: 6), the circulation
of photographic material on Internet platforms such as Flickr and Facebook
responds to the imperatives of sharing, so that connectivity and networking
become main features of a "new regime for shaping views." Therefore, it is
possible to assert that the collecting and sharing of Brning's photographs,
the creation of albums, and the reference made to differenl sources, do nol
only creale the collection anew, but also exert a nonnalizing force on the
interpretative frame to read them.
On the Facebook page Imgenes de Lambayeque, the album that con-
tains the Hamburg museum's publication is preceded by a text written by
the website administrator, Diego Portilla Miranda, summarizing Brning's
4 Facebook page Antig11as Fotos de Chic/ayo; one of the albums named Hans
Heinrich Brning includes an article copied from the blog of the historian Teo-
doro Ha m pe and the complete scanned version of the book Fotodok11mente a11s
Nordper11. (https://www.facebook.com)
biography. The blog TextosotexT is cited as the source of the photographs
collected on this page, anda link is provided . Later, on July 27, 2014, the
same material appears in the album Hans Heinrich Brning belonging to
the Facebook group Antiguas Fotos de Chic/ayo (Figure 4). Here there is
no reference to the source from which the digitized material has been taken.
While a member of the group may ha ve directly scanned it from the book,
one could al so suppose that it was taken from Pimentel ' s blog, ore ven from
Imgenes de Lambayeque, since, as 1 have been able lo verify , these Face-
book groups share images with each other. For example, the note accom-
panying a photograph posted April, 13, 2013, on Imgenes de Lambayeque
refers to the page Antiguas foto s de Chic/ayo as its source. This al so shows
 94 1 GI SEL A CAN EPA K OC H
how the group's archive has become a source and referent for other Internet
users, su eh as members of the Imgenes de Lambayeque gro u p.
On the other hand, although Antiguas fotos de Chiclayo is named as the
source of this photograph, it could not ha ve been taken from the album that
contains the digital version of Fotodokumente, because that complete ar-
chive was not uploaded until after the post on Imgenes de Lambayeque
was made. What 1 have been able to confirm is that this photograph already
existed in the photo gallery of Antigua Fotos de Chiclayo. There it was
posted two months befare, on February 21 , 2013, with the title Balsilla en
la costa de Pimente/ (Figure 1). In su m, prior lo the existence of the com-
plete digital version of the book published by the Hamburg museum, coi-
Iections of Brning's photographic material already existed in the digital
20
world, and had even been assembled in small albums following thematic
criteria with titles such as: "Brning and the Muchik People," "Brning and
the World ofthe Sea" or "Brning and Wildlife."
The complete image archives of the two Facebook pages that 1 am ana-
lyzing are therefore made up of individual photographs that can be found in
the photo gallery, as well as in the albums. 8oth were sources from which
photographic material has been selected to create additional new albums or
add new posts. Thus, one could argue that the photographic corpus pub-
lished in the books Fotodokumente and La etnografia Muchik have been
separated into parts. However, picking up on the discussion about the de-
mocratizing role of digital technologies on mobility of and access to muse-
um collections, one could also argue that what is really taking place is a
multiplication of archives; in a second step a network of archives is consti-
tuted, which intensifies the mobility of the images and they become in-
creasingly accessible and visible to new audiences .
As is well known these networks find their own boundaries and fron-
tiers in the communities that are articulated through them. Although the
museum in Berln has placed its digital collection of Brning ' s photographs
online, these do not circulate in the archiva! networks that configure them-
selves around the blog and the Facebook communities that currently con-
20 One likely source for this may have been partial scans of Fotodolwmente as well
as Etnografia Mu chik, which , as 1 indicated earlier, are also referred to by users
of these pages and even shared in pdf forma t.
UNFI XEO IMAGES 1 95
gregate around Lambayeque public culture. Despite the efforts of the mu-
seum to provide greater accessibility of its collections, they have remained
restricted to specialized academic circles . The alternative archiva! initia-
tives that 1 am analyzing actually function as a parallel network to that of
the museums. In this regard, it should be pointed out that in these alterna-
tive archives each online iteration of Brning's photographs leads further
away from the original - that is, from the existence of the photographs as
objects in the collections of the museums of Hamburg and Berlin; at the
same time new referents of authenticity are created. A good example of this
is the animated version of a photographic selection made from available
materials and titled Hans Heinrich Brning. A/bum fotogrfico, which is
21
found on YouTube. This video itself constitutes original material
As Walter Benjamn ( 1969) has stated, the technologies of mechanical
reproduction empty the represented objects, as well as the object of repre-
sentation itself (the original print of a photograph), of its aura of originality
as it operates in a representational regime. What the present exploration
shows us is that on the Internet the authenticity of a photograph is reinstat-
ed in each of its iterations. Therefore, the digitization of Brning's photo-
graphic collection (including that of the printed catalogs) and its respective
displacement into the virtual world also implies their mobility between the
representational and performative regimes (Cnepa/Ulfe 20 14). In this per-
formative regime, the agency of online users - which this medium both
demands and constitutes - is central. On the Facebook pages that 1 have
been exploring, photographic material is gathered, selected, grouped and
separated, posted and shared online, as well as commented on by posting
observations, sometimes brief, sometimes lengthy. To carry out these tasks
Internet users refer to the printed material , especially to material found on
the Facebook pages themselves. As a whole, the materials that have been
gathered form a larger archive that includes albums with historical photo-
graphs of diverse origins (professional photographers, family collections,
magazines, and newspapers) ; they also contain texts that include newspaper
21 This video (https: //www.youtube.com/watch?v=KgmlQ2M6WdM ; accessed
January S, 20 16) was made by Mil ton Crdenas Neyra and shared on April 27,
2013 , the same year that the digital version of Fotodokumente disseminated.
Mil ton Crdenas Neyra , who is al so a member of the group Imgenes de Lam-
bayeque, has shared other YouTube videos that deal with ecology, music , and
sport in Lambayeque.
 UNFI XED IMAGES 1 97
96 1 GI SELA CANEPA K OC H

interest in identifying the theme, place, or date of the image . This type of
clippings, posters, and official documents. In general , no contextua! infor-
concern can be observed among learned users or those who are precisely
mation is provided for these images; however, if additional information is
linked to the academic world in the region, but it also emerges when argu-
offered when a photo is posted, users of the site can then expand upon or
ments are required to legitimize the photographic material ; scientific dis-
correct that infom1ation.
course still serves to confer authority upon images.
These comments can be the direct expression of the actors' voices or
However, everything that has been pointed to as positive attributes of
quotes from other voices. In contras! to what Roland Barthes ( 1992) argues
the digital archives, in the sense that they favor a more democratic access
for print media, there is no one single inscription here that fixes the contcnt
and meaningful social and political uses of historical images, has to be at-
of the photograph . Neither is there, as in the case of the digitized photo-
tenuated: The analyzed virtual archives of the blogs and Facebook plat-
graphs of the collection of the Berlin museum, a file that informs us in an
forms do not facilitate the search and the systematization of the material ac-
authoritative way about the photograph. On the contrary, when an image on
cording to scientif1c standards ofrigor and productivity.
Facebook is commented on (for it can also remain unnoticed online), it is
On the other hand, access to Brning's photos in a way that reproduces
the object of multiple disputed interventions and interpretations . While the
and systematizes them according to scientific standards is restricted by the
comments remain set in written form, the platform operates rather like a fo-
disposition of the museum to show, publish, and share aspects of its collec-
rum of ephemeral statements similar to oral communication.
tion with a broader audience. It can abstain from digital dissemination alto-
To summarize, one can argue that the appropriations and consequent
gether, as in the case of the museum in Hamburg, or design the scope of its
recontextualizations of Brning's photographic legacy made possible
platform to mainly appeal to specialized audiences, as in the case ofthe
through its entry onto the Internet increase the accessibility of this material;
museum in Berlin. In terms of possible appropriations and recontextuahza-
therefore, new audiences, new voices, and new experts appear beyond those
tions of Brning' s photographic legacy, this certainly entails limitations.
of the museum. Moreover, this even applies to museums that are revising
the1r pohc1es and opening their collections up to the virtual world. One can
also observe a greater creativity when handling historical photographs; Final Remarks
wh1ch translate into new , emerging agendas and novel uses of material ini-
Many of Brning's photographs are already more than \00 years old and
tially confined to the spaces and imperatives of the scientific regime. These
have traveled a long way. On his retum to Germany , Brning took them
new spaces also signify that the photographic material retums to the place
along with him and surely never imagined that decades later they would re-
from which it had been removed in the course of production and circula-
tum to the region of Lambayeque, where their joumey had originated. Pho-
tion. This occurs in a transformed historical context; the material retums as
tographs, along with other cultural objects, ha ve alife of their own and un-
new agents that intervene in the configuration of contemporary social pro-
dergo change. During their many joumeys and their digital transformation,
cesses.
Brning's photographs have even been converted into something new -
In this process the ethnographic photo regains mobility by moving be-
original objects with their own contextua! referents - while losing their
tween different regimes such as those of science, aesthetics, identity poli-
tJcs, and performativity, while also regaining its complexity as a cultural connection lo the old.
Brning took photographs in an effort to document the traces of conti-
object. In this respect a tension between the modem archive and the digital
nuity between ancient Muchik society and that of the contemporary inhab-
archive may be noted. As 1 have already argued, although the photographic
itants of the region. And it was in this same spirit that the U.S. anthropolo-
archive has been displaced outside the scientific regime, Internet users do
gist Richard Schaedel brought those photos back to Peru, this time in print-
not stop taking its ethnographic content into account. On the contrary this
dimension is rcinforced through various comments made about the im~ges,
ed version. The publication of Brning's photographs has played a central
role in the emergence of an ethno-political movement of Muchik identity.
whether to highlight the scientific importance of Brning ' s work or show
 98 1 GI SEL A CAN EPA K OC H
In this regard Brning's photographs have played a double role. On thc
011
hand, they have been used lo construct a visual argument about cultural
continuity between the Muchik past and present. On the other hand, thcy
ha ve been freed from the regime of the museum and the analogical archive,
and appropriated as a repertory through which the various groups that makc
up society in the region of Lambayeque are able to perform Muchik identily
and give it particular meanings of their own, meanings that differ according
to ethnicity, class and gender - and sometimes converge or contlict with
each other. In conclusion, and drawing on Haskins's (2007: 408) discussion
on the September 11 Digital Archive, the processes of oftline and onlinc
appropriations and recontextualizations of Brning's photographic collec-
tion, entail a tension between creating "bridges between demographically
and politically di verse audiences" and promoting " balkanization."
UNFIXED IMAGES 1 99
'
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Figure Sources

1 Photographer: Sara Luca Guerrero . January , 2016

2 Screenshot from http ://www.smb-digital.de/eMuseumPlus?service
=direct/ 1/ ResultLightbox View/result.t l.collection _ lightbox.$TspTitlel
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sp= 3&sp=Sl ightbox _ 3 x4&sp=O&sp=Sdetai l&sp=O&sp= F&sp=T &sp=7
3 Screenshot from https://www.facebook.com/groups/chiclayoold/search/
?query= %20mam%C3%A 1s%20seguidoras
4 Screenshot from https: //www.facebook.com/groups/chiclayoold/photos
/? filter=albums