Denevan Prehistoric Amazonia

A Bluff Model of Riverine Settlement in Prehistoric Amazonia
Authors(s): William M. Denevan

Source: Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 86, No. 4 (Dec., 1996), pp.
654-681
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Association of American Geographers
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A Bluff Model of Riverine Settlement in
Prehistoric Amazonia
William M. Denevan
Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Madison
The population density and level of cultural com-
density and level of cultural development were
plexity achieved by protohistoric Amazonians is
considerably greater on the v -rzea than on the
one of the most controversial topics in American
terra firme at the time of European contact."
archaeology. (Meggers 1993-1995:91)
She now argues in an article on "Prehistoric
n Amazonia (Figure 1), it is well established Population Density in the Amazon Basin" that
that late prehistoric settlement and agri- overall densities were comparable for both
culture were concentrated along the major varzea and terra firme, 0.3/km2 (Meggers
rivers. In the Handbook of South American In- 1992:203), and that "[r]iverine villages are
dians, Julian Steward (1948:886) stated that [were] not significantly larger and more perma-
"the important ecological differences were nent than hinterland ones" (Meggers 1993-
those between water-front and hinterland peo- 1995:97). For terra firme, her 0.3/km2 is based
ples. . . . The differences were in resources, on an average of present indigenous densities
and these partly determined population den- which vary from 0.04 to 1.0/km2 with a mean
sity and community size"; this is reflected in of ca 0.3. No references are given. However,
Steward's (1949:659) map of South American 0.3/km2 is close to the 0.23/km2 (0.6/mi2) of
population densities at European contact. Betty Steward and Faron (1959:52-53)3 and my own
Meggers' 1971 Amazonia book is organized 0.2/km2 (Denevan 1976:226)4 (Table 1).
on the basis of va'rzea (floodplain) and terra Meggers (1992:203) applies the same den-
firme (upland or interfluve) distinctions. The sity of 0.3/km2 to the vairzea. She admits that
same emphasis was made by Donald Lath- "higher concentrations could have existed on
rap (1968a; 1968b; 1970), Robert Carneiro the vairzea [but that] these are offset by large
(1970; 1995), Anna Roosevelt (1980), myself uninhabitable regions." She believes that flood-
(Denevan 1966b; 1976), and others. plain occupation and agriculture would have
This riverine orientation is supported by the been limited by periodic high floods that cov-
archaeological and ethnohistorical records, al- ered entire sectors of floodplain: "On the var-
though both are meager; few river tribes sur- zea, the high fertility of soils is offset by unpre-
vived the colonial period. The riverine pattern dictable variations in the timing and intensity
seems explicable by the good soil and rich of annual river fluctuations, with attendant risk
wildlife resources of the va'rzea compared to of frequent crop loss" (Meggers 1994:416). As
the terra firme, in addition to ease of move- a result, "the terra firme [was] an equally if not
ment. The general assumption has been that a more reliable habitat for humans" (Meggers
settlement and resource use were focused in et al. 1988:291). Riverine settlement, being at
the floodplain. Roosevelt (1980), for example, risk from floods, depended on supplementary
repeatedly refers to agriculture and dense food production from terra firme (Meggers
populations "in" the floodplains.1 However, the 1993-1995:106), presumably from long-fallow
floodplain is a high-risk habitat because of shifting cultivation supporting low densities,
regular annual flooding plus periodic extreme hence the application of the 0.3 terra firme
flooding that overflows even the highest ter- density to the overall vairzea. Meggers
rain, in addition to daily tidal flooding in the (1984:642; 1971:133) believes that sites in the
delta region. Flooding is what floodplains do, varzea were few, mainly "temporary camps
and "floodplain" is defined here accordingly.2 . . . during low water" or "fishing stations" (of
Meggers has retreated somewhat from her which few have survived).
earlier assertion (1971:122) that "population My initial reaction to this argument was that
Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 86(4), 1996, pp. 654-681
?1 996 by Association of American Geographers
Published by Blackwell Publishers, 238 Main Street, Cambridge, MA 02142, and 108 Cowley Road, Oxford, OX4 1JF, UK.
A Bluff Model of Settlement 655
Amazon Basin e
0MB I A1%N
Ruig r 1. ac e ,a n t
Ilpa ~ ~ Tuua aau o ta.
I '?&ivo :YuriZBFLIVA
0 mstgo4n TS Alm
Figure1. Amaon Basn, locting rvers, plae, nribs mnind
it is contrary to all my previous thinking about meters, alternating with unpopulated bluffs iso-
the cultural ecology of prehistoric floodplain lated from active river channels.
settlement (Denevan 1966a; 1970; 1976; 1984; The importance of bluff location of prehis-
1 992a). I suggested overall floodplain densities toric sites in Amazonia has been noted pre-
ranging from 5 to 15 per km2 (Table 1). A re- viously by archaeologists and others, but with-
consideration of riverine settlement and agri- out elaboration. Here I will review the evidence
culture, as presented here, now convinces me and suggest an integrated bluff/v~rzea strategy
that Meggers is essentially correct about the of complementary resource use and reexamine
demographic significance of high floods, but spatial patterns of settlement and population
that she underestimates the contribution of density.
bluff agriculture and both local and overall
riverine population densities and numbers
(Denevan n.d.). The Riverine Bluffs
I propose a model that identifies valley-side
bluffs as favored sites for relatively large and Amazon River bluffs are near-vertical walls
semipermanent settlements. I believe that most rising above and confining the entrenched val-
prehistoric "riverine" settlement was not lo- ley, separating the recent alluvium of the var-
cated in the floodplain but rather on those zea from the impoverished soils of the Tertiary
fringing bluff tops that were adjacent to active and Pleistocene uplands (Figure 2). Heights are
river channels. Subsistence was a multiple variable depending on location and seasonal
strategy that involved the seasonal utilization of water level; 10-20 m during low water is com-
floodplain playas5 and levee soils and wildlife mon, but some bluffs are much higher. The
in combination with more permanent bluff- bluffs, as well as floodplain levees, are subject
edge gardens and agroforestry. However, bluff to collapse (bank caving) when the river chan-
settlement was spatially sporadic rather than nel is immediately adjacent and migrating
continuous, being dense mainly along sectors (Sternberg 1960:402-404), such collapse de-
where a river channel impinged against a bluff. stroying past and present settlement sites on
These sectors could continue for many kilo- the bluff edges (Lathrap 1968a:69, 76). The
656 Denevan
Table 1. Amazonian Population Density Estimates, 1492 (per kM2).
E. Total Total
and Population, Population,
Terra S.E. Wet Dry Lower Overall Greater Amazon
Source Riverine Firme Coast Savanna Savanna Montane Densitya Amazoniab Basinc
Steward .20-.60 .10-.40 .60 .15-.60 .10 .35 .220 2,153,000 1,302,000
(1949:659-
663)
Steward and .39-.78 .23 .78 .43-.78 .12 .39 .278 2,720,000d 1,645,000
Faron
(1959:52-53)
Hemming .275e 2,686,000 1,627,000
(1978:492)
Meggers .30 .30 .300 2,931,000 1,775,000g
(1992:203)
Denevan 5.30 .20 9.50 1.30-2.00 .50 1.20 .589 5,750,000 3,485,000
(1970:79-82)
Denevan 14.60 .20 9.50 1.30-2.00 .50 1.20 .696 or 6,800,000 4,118,000
(1976:226- .522 or or
234) 5,1 00,000h 3,088,000
Denevan 13.90 .580 5,664,000 3,431,000
(1 992a:xxv-
xxix)
Newson 2.95 .41-.51 1.61 .760-.830' 7,424,000 4,496,000
(1996:10, 11, (E. (E. (E. to to
15) Ecuador) Ecuador) Ecuador) 8,108,000J 4,910,00ok
Denevan (n.d.) Bluff patches: .561 5,487,000' 3,319,000m
10 or
more;
remainder:
.30
Notes:
aTotal population estimate for Greater Amazonia divided by the total approximate area of Greater Amazonia, 9,769,000 km2,
unless otherwise noted. Greater Amazonia, as I have defined it, includes the tropical interior of South America east of the An-
des and north of the Tropic of Capricorn, including the Orinoco Basin but not the Gran Chaco (Denevan 1976:230, 231).
bTotals are either for Greater Amazonia or extrapolations to Greater Amazonia in the cases of Hemming, Meggers, and
Newson. Totals are based on tribal, regional, or habitat counts and estimates or density estimates, including projections back-
wards in time.
COverall density multiplied by the area of the Amazon Basin (catchment area) of 5,916,000 km2 as given by Sternberg
(1975:15).
dFor the several categories of tropical forest, eastern Brazil, and northern Venezuela, which together are approximately equal
to Greater Amazonia.
eDerived from Hemming's total of 2,184,000 for tropical Brazil (total for Brazil minus the three southern states).
fMeggers' average density for both va'rzea and terra firme.
gMeggers' own total is 'depending on the boundaries employed ... 1,500,000 to 2,000,000 for Amazonia as a whole."
hThe second estimate is a 25 percent reduction to allow for unoccupied buffer zones between antagonistic social groups.
'Newson's density for eastern Ecuador.
Extrapolation of Newson's density for eastern Ecuador to Greater Amazonia.
kNewson's own total for the Amazon Basin (size not given) is 4,860,000 to 5,460,000, based on her density for eastern Ecua-
dor.
IThis is an adjustment of my 1992 total, changing only the riverine density, area, and population.
mNewson (1996:15) indicates that my (n.d.) new Amazon Basin total should be 3,640,000, but her method for deriving this
figure is not indicated.
likelihood of site destruction from lateral ero- Amazon there are high levee sites that are over
sion is considerable for the highly meandering 2,000 years old, suggesting long-term channel
tributaries of the Upper Amazon (Figure 3), but stability (Sternberg 1975:18). The Taperinha
much less so for the more stable, more linear shell midden site east of Santarem in Brazil is
mainstream Amazon (Figure 4) and Orinoco. 7,000 to 8,000 years old (Roosevelt 1991).
Many prehistoric sites have survived on the A bluff site is only attractive for settlement,
bluffs, as evidenced by dated anthropogenic however, if there is navigable water in the river
soils, bones, and cultural material. In the central channel immediately below. Such a proximate
Cross Section of the Upper Amazon Floodplain
Orchard Pi I y
Pineapple \ F'i t
Manioc Umar11f
Village
Village
Manioc/ Manioc/ Manioc/
Orchard Maize Swamp Forest Mai/Maic
- --I~i~li Walter Level--------{ea / {;F) ,_Maize Orchard Maize
7----- - 7------
PeANuts\N MaizeEL Hi~h Like UPLAND
Sanu d bits Lon levpli nearse
har
MAIN ~PIayIy~S FLOODPLAIN
Figure 2. Representative cross section of the Upper Amazon floodplain near Iquitos showing the main channel,
side channel, water levels, natural levees, bluffs, villages, and a terra preta site. Source: adapted from Coomes
1992:164.
channel (or lake) must be navigable year- a steep bluff is possible but difficult. Many bluff
round, not just seasonally, and if not the main sites today are located where small upland
channel then it must be connected to the main streams meet and dissect the bluff.
channel. As a river shifts its course away from
a bluff site, settlement is likely to be aban-
doned. In Peru, a migrating river channel is
Ethnohistorical Evidence for
likely to return to a bluff edge in about 500
Settlement Location and Size
years (Lathrap 1968a:75), at which point a for-
mer village site may be reoccupied. At San
Francisco de Yarinacocha (Figure 3), a bluff site The remarkable Spanish voyages (Figure 6)
on the Rlo Ucayali in Peru, there are 18 archae- on the Amazon in the mid-sixteenth century
ological levels (components) with an average give some indication of the topographical lo-
duration of about 100 years and a maximum of cation, size, and distribution of indigenous set-
200 years (Lathrap 1 968a:67). tlement. High ground is consistently referred
Sections of bluff may extend for tens of to, but the terms used are not necessarily in-
kilometers without being fringed by a river dicative of fringing bluffs in contrast to natural
channel, the channel or multiple channels be- levees within the floodplain. In the description
ing either at the opposite bluff or in mid-flood- of the Orellana expedition down the Amazon
plain. This is illustrated in Figure 4. Settlement in 1541-1542, "high banks," "hills," and "ele-
avoids such areas. Present-day towns, small vil- vated spot overlooking the river" are likely
lages, and individual dwellings are invariably bluffs, but "high land" is more ambiguous (Car-
located on bluffs overlooking active channels, vajal 1 934a:199, 201, 204, 209, 217, 277;
as were colonial missions (see below). The 1934b:424, 425).6 In the land of Chief Arripuna
same was apparently true of most prehistoric (Tapaj6 Indians), Carvajal (1 934a:227) noted
bluff settlements (Figure 5), and this has pro- that for several leagues,7 "down close to the
found significance for prehistoric demography. shore there were no settlements, for they all
Dense riverine populations and associated ag- appeared to be in the interior of the land," and
riculture apparently were sporadic rather than that fortresses were "about two or three
continuous. leagues back from the river." In his second
In addition, bluff sites must have access to version of the Orellana voyage, Carvajal
fresh water. Hauling water in pots or gourds up (1934b:427, 430, 431, 440) mentioned villages
658 Denevan
Central Ucayali Floodplain, Bluff, and Upland
s /? Gail /to-^XE FLOODPLAIN
t t lC11#> gear =g, \ ~~~(Vdrzea)
Figure 3. The Central R(o Ucayali Floodplain in Peru. Note the strongly meandering channel, numerous lakes,
islands, and side channels. The floodplain is over 25 km wide here. The city of Pucallpa is on the western bluff
adjacent to the main channel. The Shipibo village and archaeological site of Yarinacocha is on the bluff over-
looking a cut-off lake that was until recently part of the main channel. The lake still provides access to the Ucayali
via a small channel. The Shipibo village of Panaillo is within the floodplain on a high levee that is flooded in
some years. The village does not have access to terra firme resources, so high floods are a serious crisis. Source:
adapted from Bergman 1980:13.
"on a hillside," "situated on high land," "on a 203, 212; 1934b:428) described linear9 Oma-
slope of a hill," and warriors "upon the high gua and Tapaj6 villages that were 1, 2, 2.5, 4,
bank of the river." Salinas de Loyola (1965:201 - and 5 leagues long. An Omagua village
202, 207) in 1557 observed that the Rfo Ucayali "stretched for five leagues without there inter-
tribes "have their settlements on top of the vening any space from house to house," and
ravines [barrancas] of the river." for 80 leagues "there was not from village to
Villages also were observed within the village a crossbow shot," and at most under
floodplains, particularly on islands. Myers half a league (Carvajal 1934a:198). One village
(1992b:132) mentions two reports from the was broken up into sectors, each with its own
1560-1561 Pedro de Ursua (Orsu'a)/Lope de "landing place down on the river" (Carvajal
Aguirre expedition of large Omagua villages on 1934a:203). Altamirano described a Yurimagua
Garcia Island on the Amazon west of the village 3 leagues long with the houses touching
mouth of the Rlo Napo. The issue here, how- one another, and another on a high bluff ("bar-
ever, is not whether settlements were located rancas muy altas") reached by a staircase with
in the floodplain, but rather the importance of over 100 steps cut into the bluff (Vazquez de
complementary settlement on the bluffs. Espinosa 1948:385). Francisco Vdzquez
There are several mentions of village sizes (1981:225), who also was with Ursuia and
by members of the mid-sixteenth century Aguirre, described the same village as being
Spanish expeditions. Captain Altamirano, who only 2 leagues long. Acuha (1942:79) reported
was with Ursu'a and Aguirre, reported Omagua a Yurimagua village that was over 1 league long
villages (Rfo Napo to Rfo Putumayo) number- 80 years later.
ing 2,000, 8,000, 6,000, and 2,000 Indians As to the spacing of villages, conflicting
(Vazquez de Espinosa 1948:383-384). Myers figures are given. For an Omagua territory of
(1 992b:1 32-1 33) lists several early accounts of over 80 leagues, Carvajal (1934a:184, 188) in-
Omagua villages with 30 to 60 large houses dicated 26 overlords (subchiefs), probably
each. Salinas de Loyola reported villages (Co- heads of individual large villages, for an average
cama) on the Ucayali numbering 200, 300, and spacing of 3 leagues. Participants in the
400 houses, with about 20 per house; the Ursuta/Aguirre expedition 20 years later re-
largest could have contained 8,000 people ported 10 to 15 and 15 to 20 Omagua villages
(Myers 1974:140-141). Carvajal (1934b:426) over 150 leagues, but the historian Ortiguera,
described a Yurimagua village as having 500 who apparently interviewed survivors, gave 25
houses. Evaluating these early reports, Myers to 30 villages over the same distance (Myers
(1992b:138-139) estimates that in 1541-1542 1992b:133). Ten to 30 villages over 150 leagues
there were 30 Omagua villages, averaging 20 would give an average spacing between vil-
large communal houses each, averaging 40-50 lages of from 5 to 15 leagues. These potentially
occupants in each house,8 or 800-1,000 per large separations conform to the model of spo-
village, for a total of 24,000 to 30,000 people, radic bluff settlement proposed here.
with a reduction to possibly 6,000 by 1651. Initial expeditions on the Amazon above the
Thus it is feasible that the largest Omagua vil- Rio Negro reported large uninhabited sectors,
lages held a few thousand people, but not apart from broad village spacing, possibly 25
likely 6,000-8,000. Smaller villages were also percent of the mainstream between the Negro
mentioned. In a recent examination of the early and the Putumayo and 50 percent along
voyages, Porro (1994:86) for the Yurimagua the lower Napo and the Ucayali (DeBoer
(Yoriman) between Tef6 and Coari in 1647 es- 1981:376). Such percentages are probably too
timates that villages averaged 20-24 houses, high overall; below the Rio Negro large gaps
with a reported four, five, or more families each apparently were absent. The approximate
(Acuha 1942:79), for an average of about 550 locations of the empty sectors are mapped
people in each village. This is still a significant by DeBoer (1981:368), based on Carvajal
village size, and undoubtedly there had been (1 934a:1 79, 200) in 1541 -1 542, Salinas de Loy-
population reductions since the initial Spanish ola (1965:207, 213) in 1557, and Acuria
contacts a century before. (1942:72) in 1639. The reported lengths of
Sixteenth-century accounts also provide an these empty lands varied from 10 to 200
indication of the degree of continuity of settle- leagues. In addition, Gonzalo de Zu'niga
ment along the Amazon. Carvajal (1934a:202, (1981:6), who was with Ursula and Aguirre in
660 Denevan
Town/City-----
0 Village c M e
Is. Island tocations of Io er Settlements
.a- Bluff
I. l _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
IS.
Figure 4. Amazon floodplain between Manaus and Monte Alegre, Brazil, showing channels, islands, bluffs,
and recent settlement locations. There are 153 villages, towns, and large cities shown. One hundred and six of
these are on bluff edges; 35 are within the floodplain, most on islands, all but two being small villages; and 12
are on terra firme within 10 km of the floodplain (additional towns further from the bluffs are not shown; most
are along roads). Of the 106 bluff-edge settlements, most are adjacent to major channels, and of the remainder,
most are adjacent to large floodplain lakes. Sources: adapted from maps in RADAM 1976 (Vol. 10); 1978 (Vol. 18).
1560-1561, reported three unpopulated sec- banks which were the site of human habita-
tors along the upper Amazon measuring 300, tion." Also, the Spaniards intentionally avoided
150, and 300 leagues separating occupied the settled sides of the river (Carvajal 1934a:
provinces of 150 and 200 leagues; the empty 227). Stocks (1983:265) suggests that the
sectors only contained fishing camps of one or empty sectors reflect the uneven distribution
two houses. of fluvial lakes (prime fishing sites), but this
DeBoer (1981) and Myers (1976) believe does not seem likely (Myers 1990:14). On the
that the longer empty sectors were buffer lower Napo, Carvajal (1934b:420) reported vil-
zones or "no-man's lands" between hostile lages "completely abandoned . . . because the
groups. Their argument is convincing; how- river overflowed its course and inundated
ever, such empty lands, or some or parts of everything." These villages may have been re-
them, also could have been sectors where the located to bluff sites during seasonal high
river channels did not impinge on bluffs and water, which would explain why river travelers
thus were unattractive to settlement. Myers did not observe settlement when they were
(1 992a:88) points out that "[wihen Orellana out of view of the bluffs. Another explanation
and Orsua were out of touch with people, they for empty lands could have been regional de-
were traveling through stretches where the population from early European-introduced
course of the Amazon passed through the epidemics, but this probably would not ac-
middle of the wirzea, remote from the high count for the spatial patterns observed.
T~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
0I0
FIgr 4I coIntinued.
Interaction between the floodplains and the other early Amazon accounts to be unreliable,
bluff fringes and interior is indicated by early and she discounts the reports of large popula-
Spanish reports of roads extending inland from tions and villages, whereas Myers (1992b),
the rivers. Carvajal (1934a:200, 202, 203, 209, Roosevelt (1987:154), Porro (1994:86), and
210) mentioned "many roads," "like royal high- Whitehead (1994:35-36) disagree. Carvajal's
ways and wider," "leading into the interior," (1934a; 1934b) 1542 accounts, it should be
"roads that came down to the river" in the noted, were written within weeks or a few
Omagua region.10 Sancho Pizarro, with Ursda, months after completion of the voyage, not
reported following an Omagua road for 30 years later when memory had faded. Hyper-
leagues for 30 days into the interior (Vdzquez bole and fantastic happenings are generally ob-
de Espinosa 1948:385-386). Nimuendajd vious. Certainly more credence can be given
(1952:11) observed prehistoric roads near the to direct observations by the Spaniards in con-
Rio Tapaj6s that were 1-1.5 m wide and 30 cm trast to what the Indians reportedly told them.
deep that "run almost in a straight line from And more credence can be given to numbers
one black earth [old village site] deposit to of villages and houses, which are readily count-
another." These roads may have been simply able, than to estimates of numbers of warriors
wide trails, but they are suggestive of resource attacking or people in a village or clustered on
use inland from the bluffs, as well as social a river bank.
interaction between varzea and terra firme. Carvajal's record of the Orellana voyage con-
sists of two versions (Medina 1934:7-11). The
first written was published by the Chilean his-
Evaluation of the Early Accounts torian Jose Toribio Medina in Spain (Carvajal
1894) and later in English translation edited by
Meggers (1992:203; 1993-1995:93-96,102- H. C. Heaton (Carvajal 1934a). This exists as
104) considers information in Carvajal and the two transcripts of the lost original. The first
662 Denevan
*Terra Preta Site
kTerra Firme (upland)
ocations of Archaeological Sites Varzea (floodplain)
Figure 5. Locations of 75 archaeological village sites along the Amazon in the vicinity of Santarem and the Rio
Iapajos. Most sites are on bluffs, but several are on terra hirme south of Santarem. Source: adapted from Meggers
1971:132; 1984:642, which is based on Nimuendaju n d.
(Mufoz version) is incomplete. The second is some months later; and, given that some pas-
that compiled by Medina. There are only a few sages are almost identical whereas others are
differences, but some are relevant to our dis- quite different, it is likely that Carvajal had the
cussion. In the Muioz version, armies of earlier account in front of him and corrected
10,000 and 8,000 Indians are mentioned in the or amplified some passages but not others as
Province of Machiparo (Aisuari), whereas in he prepared the new version. Changes may
the Medina version the information given is, also have been made by Orellana in the first
first, "more than 400 Indians" and, second, version and by Oviedo in the second on the
"many Indians" and "beyond count" (Carvajal basis of interviews he had with other members
1 934a:1 96-1 97). of the expedition; also changes could have
The second account by Carvajal was pre- been made by transcribers.
pared for the great historian of the Indies Gon- The point to be made is that the Oviedo
zalo FernAndez de Oviedo y Valdes, who was version is probably more reliable than the
in Santo Domingo when Orellana's voyage Medina version. However, it is the Medina ver-
ended. Oviedo requested a report from Car- sion that most modern scholars cite. There is
vajal and then published it in his Historia de las more likely to be exaggeration of armies and
Indias. Heaton published a translation (Carvajal village sizes in the Medina version than in the
1934b) in the same volume with the Medina Oviedo version. There is no mention of 50,000
version. Heaton (1934:385-389) believed that or 10,000 and 8,000 warriors as there is in the
the Medina version was probably written has- Medina (and Muhoz) versions (Carvajal
tily by Carvajal in late 1542 on the Island of 1934a:190, 196, 197), nor of villages 4 or 5
Cubagua as a report to Orellana; that the ver- leagues in length. There is one mention of
sion for Oviedo was written more carefully 5,000 warriors in the Oviedo version (Carvajal
<S~~t>^8H -3 - :- 80O - 0 / 2 Ci L ~~~~~~OM B IA 7 _ %,
--:t:-:0W- .. ..... .... . ..... Upper Amazonl
i.:iE iEE. i. t E; E-,............. . ' .... . Ca
.....0-E .... E EC ADO R . >
-g0-0k^<XX~uayaquil ,<!II
- i ; . .< .........
/t <oSA 0 jan f ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~amshiyacu e
... > .. ..... Santa /
.... .......... 1 <t P E R U > Rosa )/
SE:;:iE-: :-;;EE:E gi0E;!;- 0E: E\Chachapoyas ^ _ ' _p jurJ v 9
:E:; :: ;;:-; ;-E--;g::: -:-::::E~gg \ \( \Po- / fArchaeological Sites
..:-g ..... 0 ... . ;. Xgg;;0;;- 1. Araracuara
: ::-: ;::E :i::E: !<;:;:;::: ;S:; :::E; ! E j;;;::;:eE\ 5 S: < ' )2. Finca R ivera
....i!0-:00: .. 0E:0 . i:;5:lti0:-0; .i . ........00000;00 .;0 .d ~ u l ... ..... .. 3 . C u sh illo co ch a
... ...... 4.~e Cumancaya EE ED! y\
| ...........;; .t\ Pucallpa 5. Sarayacu
... . .... ..... . ..Wi:g |dE-!i00- gil:tifi~ii :id: ~Ei~~;00!fi0:i~!:E~ \/ 6. Yarinacocha
i~iSE:-12i-:,EE-~n~iE~v;iEEIE;Sur;E:l:;:E~f:!i:!!-E;:EE;!2E~i ~ R \ \ e ,,Orellana Expedition,
..... .. :E ....0 ) > t 1541-1542 (upper route)
... .. .... ..;S: ;;;:;;-:EEi:i;Sf :;!;:;:;iXEE::E:;;;;;E:Eg; Sg;;;~:;;: 0E j< VS 'U s a A g i r x e ii n
- i;- 80tE:- -E 0 - - 00\ Xe<; < ~ ~ ~~~ ~~~~~~~~~0 200 400
Figure 6. Upper Amazonia, locating places and archaeological sites mentioned and the upper routes of the
Orellana (1541-1542) and Ursuia/Aguirre (1560-1561 ) expeditions. Sources for routes: Medinal1934:48 and Minta
1 994:vi-vii.
1 934b:440). In the latter, there are various gen-

bluffs that are indeed several kilometers in
eral references to numerous villages, both large

length (see below). Meggers' (1993-1995:98)
and small, and to large numbers of Indians.

argument that all large prehistoric sites repre-
Thus the Oviedo version of Carvajal provides

sent multiple reoccupations, and not single vil-
a more moderate and believable view of Ama-

lages at one point in time, is weakened by the
zon demography and settlement than does the

several sixteenth- and seventeenth-century re-
often criticized Medina version.

ports of large, linear, occupied villages.
Village lengths of from 1 to 5 km were re-

As for the figures from the other mid-
ported by four different people between 1542

sixteenth century expeditions-Ursda/Aguirre
and 1639; some are probably exaggerations, and Salinas-there were village sizes reported
but villages at least 1 league (5.9 km) long are

as large as 6,000 to 10,000, but with houses
possible. There are archaeological sites along numbering only 20 to 60. This again suggests
664 Denevan
an exaggeration of village populations and Careiro Island near Manaus. Most floodplain
more reliability of house numbers. (A village of villages, however, probably did not have
20 to 60 houses at 40 to 50 people per house sufficient duration to create terra preta of sig-
would total 2,400 to 3,000 Indians.) The esti- nificant depth. Furthermore, most garbage
mates of villages with 200 to 500 houses for probably went into the river, rather than accu-
the Cocama would mean 4,000 to 10,000 mulating. Meggers (1984:642) points out that
each, using Myers' estimate of 20 persons per "Temporary camps undoubtedly existed on the
house; however, house sizes may have been flood plain during low water to facilitate agri-
smaller in these provinces. In general, there is cultural work and other subsistence activities,
a degree of consistency in the various accounts but evidence has been obliterated by shifts in
of the three voyages. the courses of the channels and deposition of
sediment." Many villages consisted of houses
on pilings that could survive periodic high
Archaeological Evidence floods; however, crops cannot, although vul-
nerability varies with crop and with duration
The concentration of prehistoric Amazonian and depth of flooding.
riverine settlement sites on bluffs was ob-
served by Nimuendajd (1952:11) in 1949 for
the Santarem region. Lathrap (1 968a:77) for the Terra Preta
central Ucayali believed that while there was
settlement in the floodplain, it was "more typi- Terra preta, or terra preta do indio (Indian
black earth), is an anthropic soil of prehistoric

cally on the bluffs adjoining the flood plain."
Myers (1973:240-243) lists 40 archaeological origin, black or dark brown, rich in organic
sites for the central Amazon, Rio Napo, and material, and laden with cultural debris (ceram-
ics, bones, ash). Such soil has been reported

central Rio Ucayali, of which 32 are on high
banks, bluffs, or hills. Meggers' (1971:132; along the Amazon, Orinoco, Negro, Guapor6,
1984:642) map of sites centered on the Rio Tocantins, Tapaj6s, Xingc, Napo, Ucayali,
Tapaj6s shows 75 by my count, based on a Caqueta, Corentyne (Guyana), other rivers,
manuscript map by Nimuendajd (n.d.) (Fig- Maraj6 Island, and also in the Colombian Lla-
ure 5). Nimuendajd (1952:9-11) said that he nos (Nimuendajd 1952; N. Smith 1980; Eden
et al. 1984; Balee 1989:10-14; Herrera et al.

had located 65 sites, less than half of those in
1992; Katzer 1944; Meggers 1993-1995:98;

the region, almost all "found on high ground,
Andrade 1986:22-23; and Woods 1995). Dates

safe from inundation." Some are on interior
are as old as 100-450 B.C. (Eden et al.

terra firme east of the Rio Tapaj6s. A 1924 map
1984:126). Most terra preta sites are on bluff

by Nimuendajd (1952:9ff) of the area just west
edges. Some are enormous, such as the one

of the Tapaj6s shows 28 terra preta (black
earth) sites. N. Smith (1980:563) indicates 17 underlying much of the city of Santarem.
Roosevelt (1989b:45) believes that some of

terra preta riverine sites between Santarem and
these sites were large nucleated towns of

Manacapuru. Meggers et al. (1988:289) map
chiefdom status, with a permanence of several

23 sites along the Rio Xingd, and Meggers
hundred years. "Santarem habitation sites ex-

(1 992:1 99) maps 37 prehistoric sites along the
Rio Tocantins, most seeming to be on bluffs. tend almost continuously along the river for
hundreds of miles" (Roosevelt 1989a:82).

Andrade (1986:22-23) maps 51 terra preta
An early description of terra preta soils was

sites, including those of N. Smith.
provided by the English traveler Herbert Smith

Archaeological sites have been discovered in
(1879:238), who found American Confederate

the floodplains, usually on high levees, but
families farming them near Santarem: "It [to-

they do not seem to be common. Most of the
bacco] is cultivated on the rich black lands

many that once existed have been destroyed
along the edge of these bluffs.... All along this

by river erosion or buried under sediment.
side of the Tapajds ... [which] must have been

Myers (1973:241) reports floodplain lake sites
lined with these villages, for the black land is

at Cushillococha on the Peru/Brazil border.
almost continuous, and at many points pottery

Lathrap (1968a:74) described them at Cuman-
and stone implements cover the ground like

caya on the Ucayali. Sternberg (1960:417)
shells on a surf-washed beach."

found sites 1,000-2,000 years old on levees on
Terra pretas are usually former settlement long (terra preta?) (Myers 1973:240). Although
sites whose dark color is mainly due to residue some terra preta sites have been excavated,
from fires for cooking and warmth; soil carbon apparently none have been mapped.
is high. N. Smith (1980:561-562) found that Darkness and depth of terra preta are prob-
phosphorus levels are high, the result of ash, ably indicative of length of occupation,
fish and game and human bones, feces, urine, whether continuous or periodic. The riverine
and shells. Bones also account for a high cal- sites examined by N. Smith (1980:563-564)
cium content. The pH levels are also higher had depths of up to 2 m with an average of
than for adjacent soils, and aluminum levels are 0.73 m. He suggests an accumulation rate of
moderately low. The soil fertility of terra preta about 1 cm per 10 years of occupation; thus
is significantly higher than for most terra firme 2 m depth would mean 2,000 years of settle-
soils.11 Currently, both Indians and non-Indians ment, but this seems unlikely. Ceramics, which
seek out terra preta soil for their fields.12 are common in black earths, vary in style, in-
Terra preta on bluffs occurs on a variety of dicating different cultural phases and hence,
terra firme soils, including oxisols, ultisols, eu- possibly, discontinuous settlement. Meggers
trophic soils (terra roxa), and spodosols (N. (1992) demonstrates this on the basis of seria-
Smith 1980:557). Most of these soils are of very tion sequence analysis of ceramics in sites
low natural fertility, the terra roxa being the along the Rio Xingc, Rio Tocantins, and other
main exception. Soil darkness varies consider- tributaries. She believes that sites with large
ably and there is no agreement on color criteria surface areas "represent multiple reoccu-
for a terra preta. The Araracuara Project re- pations rather than large single villages" (Meg-
searchers on the Rio Caqueta in the Colombian gers et al. 1988:291) and that, "[h]ence, the
Amazon found brown soils adjacent to or sur- surface extent of archaeological sites cannot be
rounding pockets of black soil. They believe used to infer village size, as has often been
that the brown soils are not settlement zones assumed" (Meggers 1995:29). Roosevelt
but rather permanent or semi-intensive agricul- (1989b:45-46), on the other hand, believes
tural sectors that were maintained by organic that many large sites were of long duration, as
additives that produced the brownish color. do Mora et al. (1991:39, 61, 77) and Herrera
The brown soils differ from the black soils in et al. (1992:110) for Araracuara. Reoccupation
color, less depth, less phosphorous, and hav- was probably a factor, but it remains to be
ing fewer cultural remains (Andrade 1986: demonstrated how long and how large most
53-54; Mora et al. 1991:75-77). Sombroek specific occupations were, a critical issue for
(1966:1 75) points out the occurrence of brown estimating site populations.
soil (terra mulatta) in the Belterra area east of There have been a few terra preta sites re-
the Rio Tapaj6s. This is a soil lighter than terra ported within floodplains on high levees or on
preta, without artifacts, occurring in bands river terraces (Sternberg 1960:417, 419;
around terra preta on terra firme. He believed Coomes 1995a). However, most are on terra
that "this soil has obtained its specific proper- firme bluffs. N. Smith (1980:562) found that
ties from long-lasting cultivation." Undoubt- even the 12 interfluve sites he examined were
edly, different kinds of terra preta originated located either along a small river or within a
and evolved through different pathways and few hundred meters of a perennial stream, in-
on different parent soils (Woods 1995). dicating the importance of navigation, potable
Terra preta bluff sites are linear, paralleling water, and relatively easily cleared riparian for-
the rivers. The 17 river-edge sites examined by est. Bluff sites are often just above falls or rapids
N. Smith (1980:563) range in size from about or where bluffs jut into rivers or at tributary
1 to 90 ha and average 21.2 ha. A site on the junctions (N. Smith 1980:562-563; Myers
Rio Xingu near Altamira is 1.8 km long and 1990:19), suggesting strategic considerations.
500 m wide, covering 90 ha, and one at Mana- Sombroek (1966:1 75) observed that terra preta
capuru on the Amazon is 4 km long and ex- sites in eastern Brazil "are especially frequent
tends 200 m inland, totaling 80 ha according at outer bends of the rivers, where no flood-
to N. Smith (1980:560; 2 km by 400 m accord- plains occur between the water and the up-
ing to Myers 1973:240). Roosevelt (1987:157) land, and where the waterway can be scanned
says that the terra preta underlying Santarem freely."
covers 5 km2 (500 ha). The site at Tef6 is 6 km Certainly not all bluff sites are terra preta. For
666 Denevan
example, the large Finca Rivera site near Leticia Site 2 is on the 140 m high Araracuara sand-
(Colombia) (1.5 km long, 45-60 m wide, stone plateau overlooking the Rio Caqueta.
16 ha) is up to 30 cm deep, with no indication The site was originally occupied about 2700
of black earth, though there is a brown midden B.C.; anthropic soil is lacking. The second pe-
layer (Bolian 1975:22, 27). riod of occupation was continuous from A.D.
Numerous small terra preta sites have been 385 to A.D. 1175, nearly 800 years, covering
reported in interfluve forests in Brazil, includ- an area of 6 ha of brown anthropic soil. Open
ing a total of about 50,000 ha between the Rio zones of savanna were created. The dominant
Tapajos and Rio Curua-Una (Katzer 1944:35- crop was maize, with some manioc. Palms and
38). Such sites are usually much smaller than other fruit trees included Iriartea, Oenocarpus,
most bluff sites; N. Smith (1 980:563) obtained Jessenia, Mauritia, Astrocaryum, Bactris, At-
an average of 1.4 ha for 12 interfluve sites. talea, and Lepidocaryum, all important house-
Some are as small as 0.3-0.5 ha. Most are shal- garden and swidden-fallow trees today. This
lower than bluff sites, suggesting shorter peri- suggests that agroforestry systems had been
ods of occupation, but sufficient to create established. By A.D. 800, agriculture had be-
black earth. They tend to be circular and prob- come intensified (and was nearly continuous)
ably represent a few large communal houses with additions of chili peppers, caimito (Poute-
or a circle of smaller houses. However, there ria cainito), and varieties of manioc. The maxi-
are also some very large (100 ha or more) mum percentages of palms coincide with
interfluve terra preta sites, such as between maximums of cultivated crops. Algae and silt
the lower Tapajos and Arapiuns rivers, some occur in the soil, possibly from swamps in the
being distant from any perennial source of floodplain, suggesting the transport of alluvial
water (McCann 1994); however, Nimuendaju silt and organic matter to the fields to improve
(1952:11) reported prehistoric wells in this re- fertility and to reduce erosion. Most of the sur-
gion. rounding forest was maintained even with a
Present-day terra firme Indian settlements growing population.
seldom produce terra preta, undoubtedly be- By A.D. 1200, the settlement was aban-
cause they are of short duration and are sup- doned, and the savannas disappeared (burning
ported by shifting cultivation. Permanent vil- ceased?) and were replaced by forest. Cultivars
lages would require some form of stable, sus- decreased in variety, but some manioc re-
tainable agriculture. Exceptions might occur mained, suggesting the continuation of small
with some of the older mission villages, and swidden plots. A variety of fruit trees persisted,
these should be examined for black earth for- such as avocado, star apple (Chrysophyllum
mation. Black earth is still being formed today cainito), guava (Psidium guajava), and peach
in the backyards of Amazonian towns in Brazil palm (Bactris gasipaes), suggesting swidden-
visited by N. Smith (1980:555-556). He notes fallow management. The settlement itself may
that the rate of formation is probably slower have combined with an existing village (Site 3)
now than in prehistory due to pig and chicken 3 km away, which expanded at about the same
scavaging and the current practice of building time. Abandonment, however, was probably
fires on above-ground platforms. not for ecological reasons, as the original site
had been productive for hundreds of years.
The anthropic soils at Site 3 span from A.D.
The Terra Preta of Araracuara 0-1800. Initial fields were small with long
fallows. After A.D. 800 the site experienced
Colombian scholars have studied the terra intensified agriculture (long cropping, short fal-
preta bluff soils at Araracuara on the Rio lowing), assisted by soil additives including do-
Caqueta in the Colombian Amazon (Figure 6) mestic waste, dead leaves, wood, and weeds,
(Andrade 1986; Mora et al. 1991; Herrera et al. plus silt and algae. These additives occur in
1992; and Cavelier et al. 1990; also Eden et al. greater quantities than at Site 2. The site is
1984). Analyses of soils, pollen, phytoliths, larger than Site 2, with 14.5 ha of brown and
plant remains, and ceramics, plus radiocarbon black soil, extending for about 1 km. The black
dating provide systematic evidence for the na- soil probably originated at house sites and the
ture of prehistoric bluff settlement and land brown soil at intensive field and garden sites.
use. It took an estimated 245 tons per ha of allu-
vial silt annually to maintain soil fertility at Site most years and can be planted with the longer
3 according to Herrera et al. (1992:111). How- maturing varieties of manioc, other annuals,
ever, the present average depth of the silt layer plantains, and native fruit trees.13 A gradient of
is only 36 cm, much less than would be ex- plantings was thus possible in relation to water-
pected. Also, this material would have had to level duration, as is illustrated for the Shipibo
have been carried at least 900 m from the river by Bergman (1980:60). The margins of va'rzea
bank and up the bluff, a considerable labor lakes were also preferred sites for settlement
requirement. Thus, a massive movement of silt and cultivation because of rich, year-round fish
can be questioned, and local organic inputs resources (Lathrap et al. 1985:42).
may have been more important. The floodplains have clear advantages for ag-
The Araracuara project seems to provide riculture. Soils, while variable in texture and
support for the bluff model presented here: nutrients, are mostly of relatively high fertility,
lengthy permanent settlement and large popu- renewed by annual flood deposits, with ade-
lations; permanent agriculture involving ar- quate moisture availability which is capillary
tificial soil fertility maintenance, supplemented and not necessarily dependent on direct rain-
by forms of agroforestry; and interaction with fall, although sandy soils may dry out. Forest
an adjacent floodplain. That this land-use pat- clearance, ordinarily difficult in upland forests
tern was widespread in prehistoric Amazonia using stone axes, often is not a problem here.
seems likely, but remains to be demonstrated. The playas and low levees lack large trees and
may be cleared of herbaceous vegetation by
the annual floods and deep silt deposits. The
Agricultural Evidence high levees may be forested with early succes-
sional growth which is relatively easily cleared,
What was the primary habitat that sustained but they may also have large, mature trees. The
prehistoric riverine farmers? The archaeological need for weeding varies with site. Cropping
and early ethnohistorical evidence is meager can be annual, although playas frequently shift
and inconclusive. Later ethnohistoric and re- in location. For the Rro Pachitea in Peru, Campa
cent ethnographic evidence is probably not Indian fields on levees are fallowed for only
indicative of prehistoric conditions. Thus the one to three years, and only because of weed
model suggested here is largely inferential, but invasion, not declining fertility (Allen and Tizon
nevertheless feasible and probable. 1973:145). However, at San Jorge near Iquitos,
swiddens on high levees are cropped for two
to three years followed by about ten years
Varzea Cultivation of agroforest prior to reclearing (Hiraoka
1989:92-93). High levee soils only infrequently
Floodplain agriculture is described by Meg- receive flood silt deposits and hence fertility
gers (1971:125-126), based on early accounts, may be less than for the low levees and playas,
primarily for the Omagua Indians. By 1700 and this results in field fallowing according to
most indigenous riverine farming had disap- Hiraoka (1985:8, 15).
peared. One of the few surviving river tribes is The disadvantage of floodplains resides in
the Shipibo on the Rio Ucayali in Peru, whose the irregularity and variability of flooding. On
subsistence at Panaillo is described by Bergman the tributaries destructive floods can occur
(1980). without warning, even during low-water sea-
The large floodplains are highly varied envi- sons. The rise and fall of the main Amazon is
ronments in terms of flooding regimes, soils, more regular, but periodic extreme floods oc-
and microrelief (Denevan 1984). For the Ama- cur, filling the entire floodplain, topping the
zon, varzea width ranges between about 10 natural levees, and destroying most crops. On
and 50 km, generally being narrower below the Rfo Ucayali (Figure 3), floods covering the
the Rio Negro. During low water large amounts highest levee for a month or so occur about
of terrain are exposed as playas, islands, and every ten years, and slightly lower levees may
low levees for sufficient lengths of time to allow be topped twice every ten years (Bergman
the cultivation of fast-growing crops such as 1980:53; Chibnik 1994:221). At Manacapuru,
maize, peanuts, beans, and watermelon. The during the seven-year period 1979-1985, the
highest natural levees are above flood levels entire floodplain was flooded only in June 1982
668 Denevan
(Sippel et al. 1994:75). Hydrograph records for rates) caught in the dry season for eating in the
Manaus and Manacapuru from 1903 to 1985 wet season (Vdzquez de Espinosa 1948:385).
show 17 discharges near the 1982 level or The capacity for food storage alleviated the
greater, for an average of about one year in five problem of flooding, but may not have been
(Richey et al. 1989:246). For the central Ama- sufficient to counter high floods of long dura-
zon, Meggers (1971:12) points out that tion or floods occurring several years in se-
"[a]lthough the 1953 crest reached only ten quence. The loss of crops to flooding was
feet above average, it had a disastrous impact mentioned by Fritz (1 922:50): "when the River
on crops and cattle." This was the highest river is in high-flood, they are left without a chagra
stage during the period 1903-1953 (see Stern- [field] and not seldom without anything to live
berg 1975:22). Thus floodplains are a relatively upon." Likewise, Acuha (1942:35) said that the
rich but very high-risk habitat. Indians "are exposed to a great reduction and
As for crops, the accounts in the sixteenth loss [of crops], because of the powerful
and seventeenth centuries mention the im- floods." In addition, fish availability is greatly
portance of both maize and manioc in the reduced in the river channels during high
floodplains. For the Omagua, additional crops water.
included sweet potatoes, peanuts, beans, to- Storage of food was mainly seasonal, and
bacco, achiote (Bixa orellana), cotton, gourds, at best provided for a year or so of non-
peppers, pineapples, cacao, and avocado and production. More than food was involved,
other fruits (Meggers 1971:125). Carvajal however. Seed and tuber cuttings must be pre-
(1934a:192, 200, 211) reported Orellana's men served in adequate quantity for future plant-
obtaining very large quantities of food in some ings. Seed can be stored, if not eaten in emer-
villages. However, generally it is not clear as to gencies, but I know of no long-term storage of
whether the primary production was coming manioc cuttings. If manioc plants were de-
from playas and islands, levees, or terra firme, stroyed by flooding, new cuttings would have
or from all, which is likely, and which crops to have been obtained from terra firme fields.
were grown where. There is historical and ar- Thus non-floodplain (terra firme) sources of
chaeological evidence that both maize (mud food would have been essential for the support
flats) and manioc (levees) were primary flood- of large numbers of people over the long run.
plain crops (Fritz 1922:50; Acuha 1942:35; Today, of course, floodplain farmers and fisher-
Heriarte 1952:17; also see Roosevelt 1980:112- men have access to market sources of food;
159). however, in the Iquitos region trading for staple
food between floodplain and upland farmers is
still their "safety net," not the market (Coomes
Food Storage 1 995b).
Food was stored in order to feed people
during the high-water and flood periods. The River Terrace Cultivation
storage of manioc in pits in the floodplain,
keeping for up to two years without rotting, is The premise of the Bluff Model is that vairzea
mentioned by Fritz (1922:50) and Acuha agriculture, while very productive, is at risk be-
(1 942:35-36). The Tapaj6 stored maize in bas- cause of periodic high floods that fill the flood-
kets buried in ash for protection from weevils plains. This is not entirely so, however. There
(Carvajal 1934b:432). Maize was normally are large river terraces within the valley-sur-
stored in rafters and in raised cribs (Carvajal faces of Pleistocene and Holocene age that are
1934b:398). Bitter manioc was made into cas- higher than the highest levees and are not
sava flour, or mixed maize-manioc flour (Car- flooded. Ages range between about 5,000 and
vajal 1934b:398, 425), and also stored. Such 100,000 years. Dumont et al. (1990:128, 131)
farinha today keeps for long periods. In addi- map terraces in the R(o Ucayali valley with
tion, fish were smoked and turtles were kept dates from 8,520 B.P. to 32,750 B.P. Thus river
live in pens (Acuha 1942:39). Orellana's men terrace soils are relatively young and less
obtained 1,000 turtles in a single village accord- weathered than terra firme soils and have a
ing to Carvajal (1934a:193), and Ursuia's men relatively high nutrient content (RAsAnen et al.
reported a village with 4,000 turtles (in cor- 1993:211). Other terrace soils, however, are
poorer colluvial material washed down from ameter. Experiments indicate that steel axes are
uplands. Floodplain terraces cover 0.7 percent 7 to 60 times more efficient than are stone
or about 4,800 km2 of the Peruvian Amazon, axes. Consequently, such clearing was prob-
based on measurements on Landsat photogra- ably minimized or avoided. Once a clearing
phy (RasAnen et al. 1993:211). In the eastern was established, it was likely maintained semi-
Amazon, river-terrace formations have been permanently in production, possibly gradually
explained by sea-level oscillations, whereas enlarged, with only short periods of fallow-
tectonic activity in the sub-Andean fault system ing.14 Small plots could be established at tree-
is believed responsible in the upper Amazon fall openings.15 Otherwise, fields would have
(Salo and Kalliola 1991:248-249). been concentrated along the edges of rivers
River terraces, in part at least, have a consid- and streams where growth was largely secon-
erable potential for settlement and cultivation dary, dominated by small trees and softwoods
because they do not flood, but only if they are that could be comparatively easily cleared with
readily accessible. On the large rivers they do stone axes. Field sizes became larger with the
not seem to be utilized much today, possibly use of metal axes (Denevan 1992b:157, 162).
because they are distant from the main chan- A second consideration in reconstructing
nels, not easily reached by canoe, and because prehistoric terra firme agriculture is that agro-
they are fragmented. The same difficulties forestry systems were probably integrated with
probably prevailed in prehistory. River terraces permanent gardens and swiddens. Such agro-
have seldom been examined by archaeolo- forestry would have included swidden-fallow
gists, so their past agricultural importance re- management (enriched fallows, successional
mains unknown. Mora et al. (1 991:6) map ter- management) and fruit orchards (Denevan and
races along the Rio Caqueta in the Colombian Padoch 1988) and forms of forest manipulation
Amazon and show several prehistoric sites on (Posey 1985:144-152). The use and cultivation
them. Where present and accessible, they may of fruit trees is mentioned frequently in the
have provided a nonflooded alternative to bluff early accounts, attesting to their importance.16
occupation. Fruits were cultivated, managed in disturbed
sites, and wild. Cultivated fields, in particular,
suggest permanent fields and settlement, since
Bluff Cultivation perennials are less common in short-cropping,
long-fallow systems where people move fre-
The bluffs are part of the well-drained, low- quently. The high concentration of fruit trees at
fertility terra firme where prehistoric agriculture the Araracuara bluff site (see above) is indica-
has been portrayed as long-fallow shifting tive of agroforestry systems, such as orchards,
cultivation comparable to that of surviving In- house gardens, and managed fallows (Mora
dians today (Meggers 1971:42, 99; Roosevelt et al. 1991:43). The location of fruit trees is
1980:87). However, there are contemporary generally not clear, but they were probably on
Amazonian examples of more permanent pro- both high levees and bluffs. Laureano de la
duction, based on soil protection and mainte- Cruz (1885:188) in 1651 reported that Omagua
nance, such as the short-fallow swiddens and Indians "went into the interior forests [monte
house gardens of the Kayap6 (Hecht and Posey adentro] to search for the fruits of palms and
1989), Waika (Harris 1971), Siona (Siona- other trees," possibly trees growing in swidden
Secoya) (Vickers 1983:37-38), and Amuesha fallows, indicating forest utilization inland from
(Salick 1989:201-205). Agroforestry systems the bluffs.
based on perennials have been examined for Permanent and semipermanent production
the Bora (Denevan and Padoch 1988) and systems were probably characteristic of the
Runa (Irvine 1989). bluff zones where there is archaeological and
An important consideration for prehistoric ethnohistoric evidence of relatively dense
terra firme agriculture in Amazonia is the use population concentrations. Terra preta soil is
of stone axes to clear forest (Denevan 1 992b). indirect evidence of intensive terra firme culti-
Given the inefficiency of stone axes, compared vation, in that permanent or semipermanent
to metal axes, enormous amounts of time and settlement creating terra preta is usually asso-
energy were required to clear mature forest, ciated with permanent or semipermanent
particularly hardwoods and trees of large di- fields. The black soil itself was undoubtedly
670 Denevan
cultivated, as it is today. In addition, brown managed fallow and more fields that are distant
anthropic soils (terra mulatta) adjacent to black from the village (4 km or more).
soils probably were either agricultural soils en- In the short-fallow fields at Tamshiyacu, one
riched over time by organic additives (Som- or two crops of manioc are obtained over two
broek 1966:175; Andrade 1986:54; Mora et al. to three years, with yields of 9.0-9.5 metric
1991:77) or possibly they were zones of spo- tons/ha/yr. No fertilizers are needed, even
radic settlement. though the soils are very acidic and low in
Whether agricultural pressure on bluff-zone nutrients. Other crops do poorly, however. For
vegetation was sufficient to create savannas manioc, several weedings are necessary, and
and soil degradation is uncertain. Carvajal this is the main problem rather than declining
(1 934a:227) mentioned Tapaj6 "fortresses scat- yields. The low-protein manioc staple is sup-
tered along the tops of hills and for the most plemented with fishing and hunting and flood-
part stripped bare," but this was "two or three plain seed crops. The agroforestry zone con-
leagues back from the river." These could have sists of a young managed fallow or transitional
been interior natural savannas, as occur today stage (two to six years), with pineapple domi-
in the Santarem region. However, Carvajal nating, plus fruit trees such as Pourouma, Inga,
(1934b:435) at apparently the same site stated star apple, cashew, and peach palm. The older
that [a]ill along that side of the river . .. there agroforest (over six years) is dominated by
were not only savannas, but also uplands and groves of umarf (Poraqueiba sericea) which last
slopes and hills cleared of trees." Thus inten- 20 to 30 years. Other older economic trees
sive agriculture may have created anthropic include Mauritia flexuosa, Astrocaryum cham-
savannas. This is also suggested for the bira, Brazil nuts, peach palm, and avocado.
Araracuara site in Colombia (Mora et al. These agroforestry systems are derived from
1991:39).
Indian antecedents. The zone most distant
from the bluff at Tamshiyacu consists of long-
fallow shifting cultivation within primary forest.
A year of maize, rice, and beans is followed by
Bluff Cultivation in Contemporary Peru

one to two years of manioc and plantains, fol-
lowed by mostly natural growth for 20 years
Analogs of prehistoric bluff agriculture and

or more. Most families also have a home gar-
agroforestry exist today but have been little den (1,000-2,000 mi2).
studied. One example is that of riberefo set-

At Santa Rosa, another riberefo village on
tlers along the Amazon in the Iquitos region

the lower Rfo Ucayali, farmers also cultivate
(Figure 6). The village of Tamshiyacu is on the

both varzea and terra firme habitats (Padoch
east bluff of the floodplain, which is 15-25 km

and de Jong 1992). The village was originally
wide, adjacent to the main channel (Hiraoka

on a natural levee, but was moved recently to
1986). This is Tertiary age upland (altura), 40 m

a bluff site because of high floods. The flood-
above mean river level. A small sector of levees

plain playas and levees continue to be culti-
and sandbars is planted in rice, maize, beans,

vated, including the old village-site levee, but
and vegetables at low water. Cultivation ex-

most farmers also have swidden and agrofores-
tends inland from the bluff edge for between

try plots in the bluff zone. A variety of cropping
1 and 5 km, the greatest distance being from

combinations representing 12 different pro-
the village itself. The immediate bluff zone (1.0

duction systems are employed, but the most
to 1.5 km wide) is used for short-fallow swid-

common component is swidden-fallow agro-
dens. A middle zone (1.0 to 2.5 km wide) is

forestry. On the Rfo Tahuayo most floodplain
used for agroforestry. The most interior zone

farmers have terra firme plots for security
(1.0 to 2.0 km wide) is used for scattered long-

(flood insurance), whereas many terra firme
fallow shifting cultivation, beyond which is ma-

farmers do not also have floodplain plots
ture forest (Hiraoka 1986:358). However, for

(Coomes 1992:171). This is indicative of which
villages along the nearby Rio Tahuayo just

habitat is most risky. On the other hand, flood-
south, Coomes (1992:182-188) did not find

plain farmers move to higher ground after
this zonation, although the same types of fields

flood "wipe outs," but still prefer to locate as
occur. He describes a patchwork of these

close to the river as possible. The Shipibo at
types with the mix related to the age of the

San Fernando de Yarinacocha and at Sarayacu
settlement, the older villages having more

plant crops on both floodplain and terra firme
(Myers 1990:33, 57). However, other Shipibo productive than the floodplain but are more
have all their fields in the floodplain (Bergman reliable, and they are also more defensible. The
1980:90; Myers 1990:33). critical archaeological evidence is terra preta,
Elsewhere, Brazilian caboclos at Coari on the anthropic black soil created by prehistoric set-
middle Amazon have some of their fields on tlement mainly on the bluffs, and often of con-
the vairzea, but most of their fields are on the siderable extent and depth. The evidence for
upland as protection against loss of crops to intensive bluff agriculture is mainly inferential.
high floods (Parker et al. 1983:181-183). Tu- Large, permanent villages require productive,
cuna Indians near Leticia, Colombia, live in the stable agriculture. There is brown anthropic
floodplain, but may have fields on the terra soil probably resulting from intensive cultiva-
firme as "an insurance" garden when major tion around some village sites. Integrated
floods are expected, and people on the terra bluff/floodplain production systems today are
firme have fields both there and in the flood- indicative of what was possible. Bluff/flood-
plain (Bolian 1975:20). plain interaction is indicated by sixteenth-
century locational information, and by reports
of roads leading from bluff edges into the inte-
Projecting to Prehistory
rior, of landing places "down" on the river, of
fruit trees being harvested in the interior, and
The long-fallow zone at Tamshiyacu prob-

of fish being traded inland. Also, there are
ably did not exist when stone axes were used.

many examples today of integrated bluff/flood-
The short-fallow zone adjacent to the bluff

plain production systems.
edges probably consisted of semipermanent

We do not know the nature of prehistoric
fields, orchards, house gardens, and young

socioeconomic complementarity between
agroforest. This zone of intensive cultivation

bluff and floodplain, nor do we know much
initially was probably not very wide, given the

more about nonmarket complementarity to-
difficulty of clearing primary forest, except

day. People may have had fields in both habi-
along tributary streams. However, as the popu-

tats, including satellite villages in one or the
lation grew, this strip could have been ex-

other. There may well have been a form of
panded as mature trees at the edge were

transhumance or shifting of residence from
gradually felled. The swidden-agroforest zone

temporary huts on the playas to the bluffs dur-
may have been as much a manipulated forest

ing normal high water. People living in more
as a managed agroforest, with, however, small

permanent villages on high natural levees may
gardens located at tree falls, their density de-

have had recourse to living temporarily with
creasing with distance from rivers and streams. kin on the bluffs during exceptional floods.17
Where shifting cultivation (long or short fallow)

There probably also was a seasonal shift in em-
was practiced, the fallow vegetation was prob-

phasis from vwrzea fishing during low water to
ably managed to maintain a high proportion of

bluff-zone hunting during high water, when
useful plants, as is done today by the Bora and

fish availability declines. There was probably an
other Amazon people (Denevan and Padoch

exchange of upland manioc for floodplain fish
1988). These fallows would have been re- and of upland fruit, fish poison, drugs, and
cleared while young, and tree felling was still

medicinals for floodplain products. This ex-
feasible with stone axes.

change could have been by trade, via kinship,
by control of multiple resource habitats, or all
of these. In addition, there must have been
Discussion exchange up and down river and from bluff
edge to the interior, often involving consider-
Bluff! Varzea Complementarity able distance and time. In any event, it is not
likely- that a floodplain community could
I have examined historical, archaeological,

manage over long periods without some
and agricultural evidence to support the thesis means of access to upland resources. Hence,
that prehistoric riverine settlement in Ama- most floodplain villages were likely located
zonia was primarily located on fringing bluffs where they had access by water to the base of
rather than in the floodplains, based on a dual bluffs, a clustering or patch pattern paralleling
strategy or complementarity of va'rzea and that of bluff villages.
terra firme resource use. Bluff locations are less Cultivation in the vwrzea consisted of
672 Denevan
patches of plots in different microhabitats vary- areas, probably because bluff settlement was
ing in length and duration of flooding and with unsafe given increased European river activity.
soil fertility and texture, with a zonation by In 1616, a Jesuit mission was founded at
elevation along the sides of levees and islands. Belem near the mouth of the Amazon, and
Bluff fields were a mosaic of permanent plots others were soon established along the river.
amidst managed forest, combined with a zona- Hemming mapped 87 missions in 1759 along
tion based on distance from river bank. Villag- the central and lower Amazon (Figure 7). Pres-
ers relied on both bluff and va'rzea for both ton James in his text Latin America noted the
crops and wildlife. Subsistence strategy varied bluff location of these missions: "Upstream,
depending on ecology, season, demography, wherever the river in its meandering course
and distance. Bluff cultivation and forest re- swept against the base of the valley bluff and
sources provided a safety valve when va'rzea so provided high ground next to the navigable
fields were destroyed by high floods. These river channel, mission stations were built"
patterns can be observed along the Amazon (James 1969:840). Other missions, such as
today. V?rzea and bluff-edge vegetation was in Sarayacu (Franciscan) on the Ucayali, were lo-
large part manageable with stone axes. Primary cated within but at the edge of the floodplain
forests beyond the bluff edges were gradually and crops were planted both in the floodplain
modified and managed for several kilometers. and on the adjacent terra firme (Myers
Trekking to the interior for plant and animal 1990:57). While many of the missions were
resource exploitation and for trade could have abandoned as their Indian populations de-
contributed to this diversified subsistence strat- clined, others became river ports and rubber
egy. Such an integrated subsistence system collection centers-the antecedents of present
could conceivably have supported permanent river towns and cities.
settlements of several thousand people or By 1850 there were very few riverine Indians
more.
surviving along the Amazon and its main lower
tributaries as a result of disease, slaving, fleeing
to the interior forests, and detribalization. De-
Decline of Bluff Sefflement and Cultivation

population and tribal extinction were propor-
tionally much greater than in the interfluves
By the mid-seventeenth century there were

and along lesser tributaries. The rubber boom
reports of villages on islands and playas. Acuha

brought new people into riverine Amazonia,
(1942:35) in 1641 indicated that in Omagua

and new bluff settlements were established,
territory the river was full of islands, all of

but forest extraction was more important than
which were inhabited or cultivated, but that

agriculture. With the decline of rubber and
the Indians "are exposed to great loss, on ac-

other extractive products, subsistence agricul-
count of the powerful floods." Laureano de la

ture was slowly reestablished by the remaining
Cruz (1885:86-88) in 1647 reported a village

people-detribalized Indians from the interior,
on the Island of Piramota below the mouth of

and settlers, all now referred to as riberehos in
the Napo. Fritz (1922:50) in 1689-1691 said

the Upper Amazon and as ribeirinhos or cabo-
that Omagua houses and fields "are generally

clos in Brazil (Parker 1985). They utilize both
situated on islands, beaches or banks of the

varzeas and bluffs, and unless markets are
River; all low lying lands liable to be flooded,"

close by (a day or so by water), they are still
rather than on high land, even though their

dependent on bluff!va'rzea complementarity.
crops might be destroyed; this was because of

Most of the larger, permanent settlements con-
custom or fear of forest Indians. Heriarte

tinue to be on bluffs (Figure 4). "There are no
(1952:16), for the Tapajo region in 1692, be-

cities on the Amazon floodplain proper"
lieved that the river banks (bluffs?) were not

(Goulding et al. 1996:14).
inhabited because the Indians had fled to es-
cape the Portuguese. Myers (1992b:134) and
Bolian (1975:15-16) suggest that by the seven- Demographic Implications
teenth century much of Omagua bluff settle-
ment had shifted to islands for defensive rea- If the model of bluff settlement presented
sons. Thus bluff control by va'rzea Indians here is basically correct, what are the conse-
seems to have broken down early in some quences for estimating late prehistoric riverine
t Missions 66? 6O+ 54? 48
A Mission/Fort
x Fort Locations of Colonial Missions
OCity 0A L N I
AmapcA - N ; |
Uaup 4< -s OCEANti:E::
Macapa
t ~~~~~ ~ ~~ ~~~~Monte t
Alegre m if iMrafro is.
or Jaurv apObidos a b on Blufs A
9io Manaus t at Sntar6m
O~ven a Tefet
%?O Kilometers
9~~\O ~~~O ~~~~0t 0 ~~ 50 100
66o 610o 5140 8
Figure 7. Central and lower Amazon showing locations of 75 missions and mission/forts in 1759. All but four
or five appear to be on bluffs. Source: adapted from Hemming 1978:xxii-xxiii.
populations in Amazonia? In three earlier at- (usually much less for agriculture). For a bluff
tempts to estimate Amazon populations near village, the average sustaining area would be
the time of initial European contact, I obtained 196 km2. For the Amazon bluff village of Tam-
samples of known densities for small areas of shiyacu in Peru with a population of 2,040 (Hi-
floodplain (5.3, 14.6, and 13.9 per kiM2) and raoka 1986:357), the population density for
projected these to all floodplains to get esti- 196 km2 would be 10.4 per km2. Assuming that
mated total populations (Denevan 1970:67; an estimated 20 percent of the bluff terrain was
1976:218; 1992a:xxvi). The same was done for on navigable channels (based on an examina-
other major habitat types to obtain total popu- tion of fluvial maps), a 15 km wide sustaining
lations for Greater Amazonia (Table 1). For the area extending 10 km inland from bluff edges
floodplains, I now reject this entire methodol- and 5 km into the vwrzeas, each side of the
ogy, given the argument here that settlement river, and a density of 10 persons per kM2, the
was not evenly dispersed in the floodplains, total riverine population for 20 percent of the
but rather was mainly concentrated in clusters Amazon River and 21 major tributaries (esti-
on bluff segments that impinged against active mated sectors with floodplains) in Greater
channels of the Amazon and its major tribu- Amazonia would be 1,464,000. The rest of the
taries. We do not know how many such vil- riverine zone was not devoid of people, al-
lages there were or how large they were, ex- though settlement was mostly sparse and un-
cept for a few terra preta sites that have been stable. Average density is unknowable, but if
measured. Hence, it is impossible to estimate Meggers' overall Amazon density of only 0.3
prehistoric riverine population densities or total per km2 is used for the remaining 80 percent
populations. of the riverine sustaining area, this would add
As an exercise, however, I used available 176,000 people for a riverine total of 1,640,000.
population densities and sustaining areas for Table 1 provides previous estimates of habi-
contemporary Indian and peasant villages to tat densities, overall densities, and total popu-
obtain a potential aboriginal population lations for Greater Amazonia and for the Ama-
(Denevan n.d.). Sustaining areas (agriculture, zon Basin by myself and others. Previous river-
plant foraging, hunting, fishing) average a ra- ine density estimates range from 0.3 to 14.6
dius of 10 km for hunting and 5 km for fishing persons per kiM2, but are for floodplains only
674 Denevan
and do not allow for deep hunting and agro- of terrain would be most advantageously situ-
forestry sustaining areas on terra firme. ated. . . . Furthermore, a village with gardens
Using a riverine total of 1,640,000, adjusting on interfluvial land would be assured of pro-
floodplain and riverine sizes, and retaining pre- duce throughout the flood season." And Eden
vious habitat estimates yields a new estimate (1990:79) states that: "Adjacent tracts of the
for Greater Amazonia population of 5,487,000, terra firme were also used for cultivation, pro-
a reduction of 177,000 from my 1992 estimate viding some insurance against the flood risk of
(Table 1), a relatively minor amount. Although the virzea." Carneiro (1995:57-58) empha-
the assumptions are tenuous and the densities sizes that "Vdrzea could never have been the
of 10 and 0.3 persons per km2 are feasible but only land reserved for growing crops. Some
conservative, working numbers at best, the reliance must also have been placed on terra
new perspective based on the bluff model firme.... In years of excessive flooding, then,
raises new questions on Amazonian demogra- terra firme would have served as a kind of
phy and settlement. 'crop insurance' . .. unquestionably this [high
As I have indicated, I now have serious res- bluff] must have been a choice site for an In-
ervations about all earlier estimates based on dian village." Finally, geographer N. Smith
habitat densities. Thus I am reluctant to suggest (1 995:228) states that "[m]any villages were es-
a new total population. However, based on 20 tablished along the upland bluff overlooking
years of considering the question of Amazon floodplains so that the inhabitants could take
Indian numbers as of 1492, new historical and advantage of animal and plant resources from
archaeological research, and Newson's (1996; both vdrzea and upland environments" (also
see Table 1) recent estimates resulting from a see Goulding et al. 1996:24). What we do not
careful examination of ethnohistorical informa- know is the degree to which individual house-
tion from the Ecuadorian Amazon, I believe holds utilized both habitats with multiple
that reasonable ranges of estimates would fall dwellings, or relied upon specialization and ex-
between 5.5 and 7.5 million for Greater Ama- change.
zon and between 3.5 and 5.0 million for the Thus prehistoric bluff! wvrzea com plementar-
Amazon Basin, numbers well above those of ity for riverine Amazonia was suggested earlier,
Steward, Hemming, and Meggers (Table 1). but the implications were not adequately ac-
knowledged in archaeological research on
settlement patterns, demography, and subsis-
Conclusions tence. Rather than rationalizing that most river-
ine sites were floodplain and thus destroyed,
The concept that prehistoric riverine food archaeologists should focus on bluff sites,
production involved the integration of bluff which were primary and which have survived
and floodplain cultivation has been presented to a considerable extent. The evidence is good
previously by several scholars, mainly inferred that large settlements existed on the bluffs,
from the same forms of evidence examined contrary to Meggers' (1 992:203) assertion that
here. One of the first was the archaeologist "[T]he conclusion that early eyewitness ac-
Peter Paul Hilbert (1957:2-3). According to counts exaggerate the indigenous population
Lathrap (1970:44): density seems inescapable."18 However, the
distribution of large bluff villages was sporadic
The tropical forest farmer living on the bluff of old
rather than continuous, which has not been
alluvium adjacent to the active flood plain could
pointed out previously. They were separated

simultaneously farm the limited but excellent re-
cent alluvial soils in an intensive and continuous by smaller, unstable settlements in the flood-
manner and the poor but essentially unlimited soils
plains and by sparse settlement in the bluff
of the old alluvial deposits using slash-and-burn
zones isolated from river channels. Accord-
agriculture.
ingly, population densities alternated between
Meggers (1991:199) comments that most relatively dense (10 per km2 or more) and
known archaeological sites are "riverine in lo- sparse (0.3 per km2 or less) as compared to
cation, but the sustaining area is primarily terra Meggers' overall riverine density of 0.3. Perma-
firme" (also see Meggers 1984:632; 1993- nent bluff settlement was made possible by the
1995:106). Myers (1990:30) points out for the integration of house gardens, intensive fields,
Shipibo that "a village accessible to both kinds fruit orchards, and managed secondary forest
tion, while appropriate for subsistence, may

in combination with seasonal cultivation of
floodplain soils. Variability and flexibility pre- not be feasible for a strongly market-oriented
vailed. There is evidence to support this patchy economy. On the other hand, a complemen-
bluff/lvrzea complementarity model, but fur- tary bluff/floodplain mosaic system of land use
ther research is needed. The model also may can maintain some form of forest, ensure reli-
be relevant to other prehistoric bluff/floodplain able security, and support a modest population
contexts, such as the Mississippi River where density, such as apparently existed in the in-
there are numerous settlement sites on both digenous past.
levees within floodplains and on adjacent up-
lands.19
Acknowledgments
Amazonianist ethnohistorian Antonio Porro
(1994:86, 91) has "no doubt about the demo-
I have relied heavily on the research and ideas of
graphic density of the floodplain as a whole
archaeologists Donald Lathrap, Thomas Myers, Betty
and the great size of many villages"; and he

Meggers, and Anna Roosevelt. Drafts profited from
believes the early "sources suggest that the critical readings by Oliver Coomes, Kent
Mathewson, and Clark Erickson. Research and writ-

[fluvial] provinces were territorially defined and
ing were funded, in part, by the National Endowment
socially stratified," with "centralized political
for the Humanities and the Wisconsin Alumni Re-
power" (i.e., chiefdoms). The bluff model pre-
search Foundation. The figures were prepared by the
sented here should help substantiate this river-

University of Wisconsin Cartographic Laboratory.
This paper was presented as my retirement lecture

ine argument made by Porro, as well as earlier
at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, December
by Lathrap, Carneiro, Myers, Roosevelt, and
3, 1993, and as the 13th Carl 0. Sauer Memorial
others. The bluff model, in part at least, ex-
Lecture delivered at the University of California at
plains concentrated riverine settlement; other-
Berkeley, October 11, 1994. I thank the geography
wise populations likely would have been thinly departments at Madison, my academic home for 30
years, and at Berkeley, my alma mater, for their rec-

dispersed over thousands of kilometers of
ognition and their hospitality on these occasions.
floodplain.
Finally, the bluff model undermines the con-
ventional dichotomy between virzea and terra
Notes
firme settlement and agriculture based on soil
constraints expressed by many Amazon schol-
1. The "evidence from archaeology and ethnohis-
ars. If bluff soils could be made to help support

tory made it clear that dense populations and
advanced cultures had developed in Amazonian

relatively large numbers of people, so could
floodplain habitats in late-prehistoric times"
other terra firme soils. Interfluve terra preta
(Roosevelt 1980:252). Later, however, Roosevelt
sites confirm this. That such sites are sporadic
(1987:154-155) stated that late prehistoric chief-
was the result of other factors, including the

doms were "settled along the banks, levees, and
use of inefficient stone axes, the limited avail- deltas of the major floodplains," which is still am-
biguous as to precise location. She does not
ability of animal protein, lack of demographic
define "floodplain."
pressure, and village fissioning.
2. "At maximum river stage, the entire floodplain is
The bluff model, if valid, has significant im-
covered by a continuous sheet of water" (Sippel
plications for contemporary Amazonian devel-

et al. 1994:73). However, there are some high
levees, ancient floodplain surfaces, and river ter-

opment. Uniform settlement and cultivation of
races that never seem to flood and can thus be
the major riverine zones is unlikely, given that
considered to be within the valley but not part
the floodplains are subject to periodic destruc-
of the active floodplain.
tive floods (unless farmers are protected by

3. This is a revision of Steward's (1 949:659) regional
credit or insurance), given the limited extent of density estimates of between 0.10 and 0.40/km2
for the nonriverine Amazon forests.
unflooded bluffs that are adjacent to active
4. Population densities listed by Beckerman
year-round navigable river channels, and given
(1987:86) for 13 contemporary Amazon terra
distances to markets.20 The patch pattern that
firme tribes average 0.39 per kmi2, with a range
existed prehistorically exists today, and is likely

from 0.01 to 1.00.
5. In Peru, a distinction is made between emergent

to persist in the future. Second, terra firme soils
sandbars (playas) and mudflats (barreales). Here,
can be cultivated permanently by traditional
playa (beach) refers to both.
methods. To be sure, high labor costs, polycul-
6. For example, "un pueblo que estaba en una
tural cropping, a diversity of food production

loma," and "sobre un alto una hermosa
poblaci6n" (Carvajal 1894:54).

systems, and forest management and extrac-
676 Denevan
7. A sixteenth-century Spanish league (legua) firme at the time of European contact" (Meggers
measured about 3 2/3 mi or 5.9 km (Medina 1971:1 22).
1934:47); however, the length of a league varied 19. For the American Bottom region of the Missis-
somewhat in time and place, often 5 km being sippi, Woods and Holley (1991:50) indicate that
given. The accuracy of measurement during "[I]t is very likely that [prehistoric] upland settle-
early Amazon River travel is unknown; some dis- ments were exploiting both upland and bottom-
tances reported are clearly excessive. land environments."
8. Communal houses containing over 100 people 20. For a discussion of the general problems of ag-
have been observed in the twentieth century ricultural development of the Amazon floodplain
(Myers 1992b:138). in Peru, see Chibnik (1994:221-223). Goulding
9. One seventeenth-century account reported et al. (1996:165, 166) indicate that the govern-
Omagua villages perpendicular to the rivers, pos- ments of Amazonian countries are beginning to
sibly to focus on a prime river landing (Cruz shift development efforts from the uplands to the
1885; in Myers 1992b:133). However, I know of floodplains, where serious environmental prob-
no reported archaeological sites so oriented. lems are now occurring as a result.
10. "Hab(a muchos caminos que entraban la tierra
adentro muy reales" (Carvajal 1894:42, also see
pp. 45, 46, 53, 67). "Highways" were not likely,
but neither is it likely that these were simple
References
trails, which the Spaniards were quite familiar
with.
Acuha, Crist6bal de. 1942 [1641]. Nuevo descu-

11. For Araracuara, Eden et al. (1 984:1 34) found the
terra preta soils to be higher in phosphorus and brimiento del gran r(o de las Amazonas. Buenos
organic carbon than adjacent soils, but similar in

Aires: Emec6 Editores.
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Allen, William L., and Holshouser de Tiz6n, Judy.
12. Farmers today even transport black earths con-
1973. Land Use Patterns among the Campa of
siderable distances by truck to fertilize their fields
the Alto Pachitea, Peru. In Variation in Anthro-
and gardens (Smith 1980:562).
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13. Agroforestry systems with annuals and fruit trees
pp. 137-153. Urbana: Illinois Archaeological Sur-
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vey.
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Anderson, Anthony B., Magee, Pennie, G6ly, Anne,

(1987:190-192), Coomes (1995a), and Hiraoka
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burn agriculture was a secondary, derived, and
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Submitted 2/96; Accepted 4/96.
Denevan, William M. 1996. A Bluff Model of Riverine Settlement in Prehistoric Amazonia. Annals
of the Association of American Geographers 86(4):654-681. Abstract.
In Amazonia, prehistoric settlement was especially concentrated along the major rivers. This has
been explained by the superior soil and wildlife resources of the floodplain (virzea) compared
to the interfluve uplands (terra firme). However, the floodplain is a high-risk habitat because of
regular and periodic extreme flooding of even the highest terrain. A bluff model is proposed
arguing that most settlement was not in the floodplain but rather on the valley-side bluff tops
adjacent to active river channels. Subsistence was a multistrategy utilizing floodplain playa
(beach) and levee soils and aquatic wildlife periodically in combination with more stable bluff-
edge gardens, agroforestry, and hunting. That permanent and semipermanent cultivation sys-
tems were established on the poor bluff soils is evidenced by archaeology, ethnohistory,
paleoecology, and zones of anthropogenic soils (terra preta). However, bluff occupation was
sporadic rather than continuous, with large settlements mostly located where main river chan-
nels impinged against bluffs. This pattern persisted with colonial missions, and it continues today.
Key Words: Amazonia, bluff settlement, demography, intensive agriculture, prehistoric, riverine,
terra preta.
Correspondence: P.O. Box 853, Gualala, California, 95445.

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A Bluff Model of Riverine Settlement in Prehistoric Amazonia

Authors(s): William M. Denevan

Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Madison

The population density and level of cultural com-

density and level of cultural development were

plexity achieved by protohistoric Amazonians is

considerably greater on the v -rzea than on the

one of the most controversial topics in American

terra firme at the time of European contact."

archaeology. (Meggers 1993-1995:91)

She now argues in an article on "Prehistoric

ples. . . . The differences were in resources, on an average of present indigenous densities

floodplain is a high-risk habitat because of shifting cultivation supporting low densities,

Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 86(4), 1996, pp. 654-681

?1 996 by Association of American Geographers

Ilpa ~ ~ Tuua aau o ta.

Figure1. Amaon Basn, locting rvers, plae, nribs mnind

that she underestimates the contribution of density.

bluff agriculture and both local and overall

riverine population densities and numbers

(Denevan n.d.). The Riverine Bluffs

I propose a model that identifies valley-side

Table 1. Amazonian Population Density Estimates, 1492 (per kM2).

and Population, Population,

Terra S.E. Wet Dry Lower Overall Greater Amazon

Hemming .275e 2,686,000 1,627,000

Meggers .30 .30 .300 2,931,000 1,775,000g

234) 5,1 00,000h 3,088,000

Denevan 13.90 .580 5,664,000 3,431,000

Newson 2.95 .41-.51 1.61 .760-.830' 7,424,000 4,496,000

(1996:10, 11, (E. (E. (E. to to

15) Ecuador) Ecuador) Ecuador) 8,108,000J 4,910,00ok

Denevan (n.d.) Bluff patches: .561 5,487,000' 3,319,000m

fMeggers' average density for both va'rzea and terra firme.

'Newson's density for eastern Ecuador.

Extrapolation of Newson's density for eastern Ecuador to Greater Amazonia.

figure is not indicated.

Cross Section of the Upper Amazon Floodplain

Manioc/ Manioc/ Manioc/

Orchard Maize Swamp Forest Mai/Maic

- --I~i~li Walter Level--------{ea / {;F) ,_Maize Orchard Maize

PeANuts\N MaizeEL Hi~h Like UPLAND

Sanu d bits Lon levpli nearse

MAIN ~PIayIy~S FLOODPLAIN

channel. As a river shifts its course away from

a bluff site, settlement is likely to be aban-

doned. In Peru, a migrating river channel is

Ethnohistorical Evidence for

likely to return to a bluff edge in about 500

Settlement Location and Size

years (Lathrap 1968a:75), at which point a for-

mer village site may be reoccupied. At San

200 years (Lathrap 1 968a:67). tlement. High ground is consistently referred

continuous. leagues back from the river." In his second

Central Ucayali Floodplain, Bluff, and Upland

s /? Gail /to-^XE FLOODPLAIN

t t lC11#> gear =g, \ ~~~(Vdrzea)

adapted from Bergman 1980:13.

Aguirre expedition of large Omagua villages on 1934a:203). Altamirano described a Yurimagua

complementary settlement on the bluffs. Espinosa 1948:385). Francisco Vdzquez

villages (Rfo Napo to Rfo Putumayo) number- 80 years later.

Omagua villages with 30 to 60 large houses dicated 26 overlords (subchiefs), probably

contacts a century before. (1942:72) in 1639. The reported lengths of

indication of the degree of continuity of settle- leagues. In addition, Gonzalo de Zu'niga

<St>^8H -3 - :- 80O - 0 / 2 Ci L ~~~~OM B IA 7 _ %,

- i;- 80tE:- -E 0 - - 00\ Xe<; < ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~0 200 400