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Introduction
The growing interest in Philippine colonial history in the recent years coupled
with the development of cultural studies and Postcolonial history have created new
historiography after the American period was strongly nationalistic and was
characterized by a search for what was authentically Filipino. However, in their patriotic
attempt to recognize what was genuinely Filipino, historical works before the 1980s
tended to disavow the colonial past.2 With the rise of a new generation of Philippine
historians, the Spanish past is being revisited and fished out in innovative ways.3 Their
focus on language, representation, literature, popular culture and the subaltern classes
helps devise new ways of reconstructing and interpreting the past. These current
approaches have thus broken ground in the study of Philippine heritage, which admits
1
Presented in The Ninth International Conference on New Directions in the Humanities Universidad
de Granada, Campus La Cartuja Granada, Spain, 8 to 11 June 2011.
2
Yoshiko Nagano offers a concise and incisive analysis of trends in Philippine historiography in her
introductory essay to a compilation of essays by Ileto, Rafael and Quibuyen in Yoshiko Nagano,
Philippine Historiography and Colonial Discourse: Eight Selected Essays on Postcolonial Studies
in the Philippines (An Introduction to the Japanese Translation), trans. by Michiyo Yoneno-Reyes
(Los Angeles: Occasional Papers, UCLA Center for Southeast Asian Studies, UCLA International
Institute, 2007).
3
I borrow the term from Vicente Rafael. See the Introduction in Contracting Colonialism.
Translation and Christian Conversion in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule (Quezon City:
Ateneo de Manila University, 1988; fourth printing, 2006), pp. 1-22.
2
both pre-Spanish and Spanish traditions, received, assimilated and refashioned either by
the colonial subjects or through the interaction between colonizer and colonized. In the
education and culture-- took place through colonial intermediaries. What were the roles
between colonizer and colonized, the intermediary was situated at a point where he/she
could advance or frustrate the interests of either side. In light of these concerns, this
paper will dwell on the figure of the Filipino primary school teacher as an intermediary
in Philippine colonial society. The study will focus on the roles teachers played in the
transmission of the Spanish colonial agenda that the central government wished to
promote via the Royal Decree on Primary Education, 20th of December 1863. It is hoped
that the study will throw light on the position of teachers in colonial society and how
The history of the Spanish regime in the Philippines before the 19th century can
be divided into two periods. The first, from 1565 to around 1665, witnessed the era of
conquest and Christianization under the reign of the Hapsburg monarchs. The regime of
Charles II (1665-1700), immediately preceding the War of Succession, signaled the end
of Hapsburg hegemony in the Spanish empire. From 1700 onwards, the throne would be
occupied by the Bourbon dynasty. 4 The second or the Bourbon period, from 1700 to the
4
The early Bourbon period under the reign of Philip V (1700-1746) was taken up by war. The
Bourbon dynasty brought the influence of the French Englightenment to Spain and the Philippines.
For a discussion on the Bourbon reforms, see Nicholas P. Cushner, S.J., Spain in the Philippines
3
close of the 18th century, was characterized by economic and administrative reforms. In
terms of Christianization, this division leaves room for precision because not all the
peoples of the Philippines had been Christianized by 1665. Towards the end of the 19th
century, there were still many places that were predominantly non-Christian as the
ethnographic map on page 6 shows. Nonetheless, by the end of the 18th century, most
parts of the Philippines had felt the impact of Spanish domination mainly through civil
had not materialized however; but on the whole, Spanish colonial power was articulated
in the governance of the Philippines. The country was incorporated in the Spanish crown
and was governed from the Viceroyalty of Mexico until 1821, when Mexico won
independence. Because of distance, however, the capitn general, based in the islands,
headed the government of the Philippines. On the provincial level, the alcaldes mayores
(mayors) and, later, gobernador (governor) led the provincial government. The
The political upheavals in the mother country influenced the politics of the far-flung
colony. Corruption in local administration was rife. Economic problems mounted and
were aggravated by the loss of Mexico, which until then helped sustain the Philippines
through the regular remittance of the situado (financial aid). To address these problems
the Spanish government tried to adopt political and economic reforms to develop a
sustainable colony. These reforms focused on the following areas: public instruction,
public health and sanitation, revenue and tax collection, public works and forced labor,
(Spain in the Philippines, from Conquest to Revolution. 1st ed. (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila
University ; Rutland, Vt. : C. E. Tuttle Co., 1971), pp. 186-209.
4
agriculture, industry and commerce, and checks on the conduct of local government.5
Although these reforms brought about some prosperity to the archipelago, metropolitan
ties with the Philippines weakened because of significant challenges that distance and
geography posed, and a growing nationalist sentiment among Filipino intellectuals or the
ilustrados.
The educational reform of 1863 can be understood within this political context.
Several factors motivated the educational reform implemented through the Royal Decree
of 20 December 1863. First, the liberal ideal that pushed for the removal of Church
control on education; second, the need to teach Spanish to the indigenous population;
third, the belief that free public instruction aimed at the Hispanization of the country
would strengthen ties between Spain and the Philippines. The first motivation was not
fully realized because the government needed the collaboration of the clergy for the
execution of the decree. For instance, parish priests were assigned as local inspectors to
ensure the execution of ordinances ensuing from the 1863 decree. The second and the
third factors were intrinsically linked. Hispanization and the teaching of Spanish in the
schools were the overriding concerns of the liberals in Spain. Both Spanish liberals and
Filipino ilustrados believed that a common language and culture would create more
secure links between the government and the governed, without the need for interpreters.
A decree on the importance of Spanish was passed on 3 February 1889. It began thus:
5
See Eliodoro Gil Robles. The Philippines in the 19th Century (Quezon City: Malaya Books,
1969), pp. 219-87.
5
assimilation not only for their own welfare but also for the common
good.6
In support of this decree, the first edition of La Solidaridad, a newspaper run by Filipino
The government ought to know and study for itself the needs of the
people and the people look forward to the time when they can voice
The intervention that the writers of La Solidaridad referred to was the work of
interpretation that the Spanish missionaries did to mediate between the government and
the subjects. Both Spanish civil servants and natives had to rely on the friars to
communicate with each other. Since the friars had mastery of both Spanish and Filipino
languages, they were in a privileged position to either open or close communication lines
The 1863 decree wished to train native teachers in order to spread Spanish culture
and language, and also moral criteria throughout the archipelago. It aimed to promote
Hispanization through public instruction, assigning the teachers as the agents of this
6
Decree of the Overseas Ministry, 3 February 1889 in La Solidaridad, 15 February 1889, vol. I,
trans. by Guadalupe Fores-Ganzon (Pasig: Fundacin Santiago, 1996), p. 13.
7
Ibid, p. 9.
6
formed group of primary school teachers and their role as intermediaries tasked with the
8
Blumentritt, Ferdinand. Ethnographic Map of the Philippines. 1890
http://www.univie.ac.at/voelkerkunde/apsis/aufi/blumen/blumap.htm
7
9
Dean C. Worcester, The Philippine Islands and their People (New York: Macmillan Company,
1899).
8
instruction in the Philippine Islands.10 It created new spaces where various individuals
within different geographical locations in the archipelago could interact. In satisfying the
the establishment of a school, one for girls and another for boys, in every town.11 This
decree demanded that there be qualified teachers to work in the schools; and with the
creation of teachers the creation of places for the training of prospective teachers
followed. Hence the Normal Schools for men and women were established between
1865 and 1892.12 Thus the 1863 decree and the body of education laws that followed it
existing boundaries of the town or village where schools where located or within newly
created boundaries like the Normal School and the primary schools. The systems of
interaction that developed in these spaces involved the teacher, the students, the
10
20 Diciembre 1863 Real decreto estableciendo un plan de instruccin primaria en Filipinas in
Daniel Grifol y Aliaga, La instruccin primaria en Filipinas Compilacin de lo legislado sobre este
ramo, comentada, anotada y concordada (Manila: Tipo-Litografa de Chofre y Compaa, 1894), pp.
3-7.
11
Art. 8, 20 diciembre 1863, Reglamento para las escuelas y maestros de instruccin primaria de
indgenas del archipilago filipino, Grifol y Aliaga, p. 119.
12
The Colegio-Escuela de Sta Isabel de Nueva Cceres was approved by Royal Decree of
November 5, 1867. It was inaugurated on April 12, 1868. Its founder, Bishop Francisco Gainza,
O.P., entrusted the running of the school to the Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul. He
subsequently sought its approval as a normal school for women. The approval was granted on the
11th of January 1872 by royal decree. However, this decree only took effect on the 9 th of June 1875.
The Escuela Normal de Maestros de Manila was established by the Decree of 20 December 1863.
The administration of the school was entrusted to the Jesuits. The Escuela Normal de Maestras de
Manila was established by Royal Decree on the 11th of March 1892. The Augustinian nuns were
tasked with the management of the school. See Grifol y Aliaga, pp. 11-12, 41 and 58.
9
principala made up of local authorities, the parish priest, the local population, and the
government. Although the most important mission of primary education teachers was to
staff the schools and to teach indigenous children who attended them, their position as a
newly constituted authority with the mission to spread Spains civilizing objective,
generated complex forms of interaction that were directly or indirectly related to their
main job. From 1863 onwards, the teacher became a civil servant, an agent of the
government who was expected to bring to fruition the Metropolis civilizing mission to
The 1863 Royal Decree and the succeeding education laws for the Pacific colony
insisted on the "civilizing and cultural" mission of the Spanish government. These laws
embodied a final attempt to develop and civilize the Pacific colony. Such motivations
were prevalent in the 19th century colonial rhetoric. However, the aim to civilize through
religion and the Spanish language was already present in colonial discourse from the
beginning of the Spanish period. The Council of the Indies issued decrees from as early
as 1550 exhorting missionaries to found schools, to teach the Catechism and the Spanish
The agent appointed for the civilizing mission was the teacher, fashioned and
formed in the Normal Schools. Hence the teacher became the servant of government to
serve government purposes. The 1863 decree set very high expectations for the teachers
13
Encarnacin Alzona, A History of Education in the Philippines : 1565-1930 (Manila : University
of the Philippines Press, 1932), pp. 20-22.
10
to meet. However, the application of the law in specific circumstances was plagued by
culture, religious and moral values were not met in the practical sphere. The challenges
were mostly geographical, length of training, lack of funds, and poor attendance in
schools. On the surface, the teachers seemed to be responsible for the failure of the
public education project. However, the realization of this project should be related to the
demanding expectations set by the authorities not only on the teachers, but also on the
colonial and local governments. The teachers role as an intermediary can be analyzed
from two perspectives. These perspectives are based on the goals that the 1863 decree
established for teachers. First, entrusted with the spread of Spanish, they became agents
of Hispanization. Second, tasked with the education of the young, teachers were
expected to embody moral and religious virtues. We can then study their position as
One of the most important tasks of teachers was to teach the Spanish language.
The consequences were dire for those natives who did not learn Spanish, while the
rewards were generous for those who did. Those who did not learn to speak, read and
write in Spanish could not be appointed as heads of municipalities or form part of the
upper class or be exempted from personal service tax.14 Teachers who did not teach
Spanish effectively would have their salaries forfeited and were dismissed.15 Echoing the
14
Real Decreto 20 diciembre 1863, artculo 16, in Grifol y Aliaga pp. 6-7.
15
Note to the Decreto del gobierno general del 30 junio 1887, Grifol y Aliaga, pp. 283-284.
11
1763 Ordenanzas,16 the constant repetition of the need to teach Spanish in the decrees
from 1863 onwards, indicated that Hispanization was not easily achievable.
To facilitate the use of Spanish as lingua franca in the schools, some philologists
began editing dictionaries in Spanish and in the different Filipino languages.17 In the
report of the Consejo de Filipinas regarding the approval of the Gramtica Hispano-
Philippines:
It is expected that the children may learn our mother tongue only by
speaking their own language, so much so that not even the knowledge of
that (native) tongue is required of the teacher, and by using in the schools
if the students were not children, who lack the attention proper to their
16
See Decreto del gobierno general, 30 junio 1887, in Grifol, pp. 282-285.
Grifols list of approved text books for primary schools includes the following grammar books,
17
18
Report of the Consejo de Filipinas to the Overseas Minister, 10 April 1876, AHN Ultramar, leg.
163, exp. n. 10.
12
retain a word or two that they forget as soon as they get out of the school.19
Despite the challenges to teaching Spanish, the use of Castilian words in Filipino
languages and dialects is common and widespread. The inclusion of Spanish words such
as Dios (God), Virgen or birhen (Virgin Mary or virgin), Espritu Santo (Holy Spirit), in
culture. Evelyn Caldera Soriano gives a list of Spanish terms that indigenous languages,
particularly Bicol and Visayan, have adopted. Words like insurekto (insurgent),
intension (intention), interior (interior), interpreter (interpreter), etc, are now part of
these local languages.20 In effect, those words that the Consejo de Filipinas feared that
school children would forget were retained. However, the widespread knowledge of
Even though the government through various legal measures, rewards and
sanctions, repeatedly insisted on the use of Spanish, the challenges to spreading the
colonial language remained insurmountable. At the close of the Spanish occupation, the
literacy rate was between 75 and 80 per cent, but of six million people, only about
200,000 could speak and write in Spanish. Historians have given a number of
explanations for this disparity. One explanation attributes the problem to the friars
19
Ibid. Translation mine.
20
Evelyn Caldera Soriano, Lengua y cultura espaolas en Filipinas in Ma. Dolores Elizalde, et al
(eds.), Imperios y naciones en el Pacfico Vol. II: Colonialismo e identidad nacional en Filipinas y
Micronesia (Madrid: CSIC, 2001), p. 213.
13
consistent opposition to teaching Spanish to the natives. The ilustrados in the late 19th
century faulted the friars for the persistence of the language problem.21 Later Philippine
historiography repeats this idea. The other justification that is more indulgent towards
the missionaries attributed the problem to the small number of Spanish settlers in the
Philippines. In 1887, for instance, there were about 30,000 Spaniards among 6 million
Filipinos.22 Earlier statistics featured the same trend.23 Some speculated that increased
Spanish migration to the country would lead to the Hispanization of the natives.24 These
varying approaches to the question of language and Hispanization show its complexity.
in the islands because the problem was due to a combination of many causes.
for the colonial government to approve the cited grammar books as teaching aids. The
efforts made to translate Spanish to languages that the students could understand
contributed to the complexity of the process of mediation that teachers had to perform as
21
La Enseanza del Castellano en Filipinas in La Solidaridad, 15 February 1889, pp. 3-4.
22
See Enrique Taviel de Andrade, Historia de la Exposicin de las Islas Filipinas en Madrid el ao
1887, Vol. II (Madrid: Imprenta de Ulpiano Gmez y Perez, 1887), p. 83. There were 30,734
Spaniards in the Philippines. 17,469 were in the military, while the rest were in the country for other
reasons.
23
See the population tables for 1818 in Manuel Buzeta, Diccionario Geogrfico, Estadstico,
Histrico de las Islas Filipinas, 1850, Vol. I (Madrid: Imprenta de D. Jos de la Pea, 1850), pp.
301-306 and ibid vol. II, table numbers 2, 3, 4, 9 and 10.
24
Wenceslao Retana, Carta abierta in La poca, 5 June 1891. Cited in The friar viewpoint from
Eladio Zamora, O.S.A, Las corporaciones religiosas en Filipinas (Valladolid, 1901), in Blair and
Robertson volume 46 (Mandaluyong, Metro Manila: Cacho Hermanos, 1973), p. 337-39. This letter
was addressed to Manuel Becerra who was then minister of the Colonies.
14
also implied teaching the curriculum subjects in the native languages. According to the
Consejo de Filipinas the Gramtica Hispano-Visayas addressed the need of teachers to:
1) learn the dialect of their pupils, and 2) teach Spanish in a more effective way. The
complexities of translation would have interfered with the teachers civilizing mission.
curriculum subjects to the students, teachers had to process these subjects and translate
them into languages that their pupils could understand. The difficult practice of
The 1863 decree constituted the teacher as another authority within the local
sphere.25 The presence of teachers in the space of local communities created a dynamics
of interaction within the community. This interaction involved the students, the residents
of the community, and local authorities. Because of the title of primary school teacher
and the relative prestige that accompanied it, it would be reasonable to assume that the
and civilization, the teacher was expected to embody all the values that the 1863 Decree
promoted. These values would manifest in both the public and the private spheres, that
25
Article 8 of Real Decreto 20 diciembre 1863, in Grifol p. 5: En los pueblos donde el Gobierno
Superior civil lo decrete por permitirlo su corto vecindario, desempearn los Maestros las
funciones de Secretarios de los Gobernadorcillos, disfrutando por este concepto un sobresueldo
proporcionado los recursos locales (In towns with regard to which the superior civil government
shall so decree, by reason of the population, the teachers shall act as secretaries of the petty
governors, receiving for such services an extra allowance in proportion to the local resources.
Translation from Census of the Philippine Islands vol. III, p. 580).
15
is, teachers public identity and their private lives, their respective world views and their
personal actions, even those that did not directly relate to the teaching profession. The
social standing of teachers as civil servants made them public figures. This means that
their private life was public matter.26 Consequently, it was important that both the private
and the public dimensions of the teachers identity upheld the value system of the
possession of education.27 The authorities believed and hoped that these values would
trickle down not only to the students under the teachers' tutelage, but also to the local
residents of the places where the teachers worked. The opposite was also true. If teachers
were corrupt, their vice could influence the people. The authorities realized that the
creation of the school and the presence of the teacher refashioned society at large. There
was an acknowledged conviction that the interaction between the teacher and the
residents of the town or village became an occasion for the cultural reshaping of the role
players in this interaction. This belief was expressed in the letter of Father
Hermenegildo Jacas, director of the Normal School for men in Manila. The letter
indicated the achievement of the Normal School in spreading civilization throughout the
islands by producing trained teachers who imbibed those moral, religious and civic
virtues.
This is evinced by disciplinary cases involving teachers in different provinces. PNA, Escuelas
26
the public sphere. Christian doctrine was at the top of the list of subjects they needed to
teach.29 Teachers were also required to uphold religious conduct through the moral
example of their private lives. The Regulation of the Normal School for Teachers of
Primary Instruction, also approved on the 20th of December 1863, outlined the moral
28
Hermenegildo Jacas, Letter to the Governor General, 1 November 1893, in Grifol y Aliaga, p. 88.
Translation mine:
29
Article 1, Reglamento para las escuelas y maestros de instruccin primaria de indgenas, 20
December 1863, in Grifol y Aliaga, p. 117: Instruction in schools for natives shall be confined for
the present to elementary primary instruction and shall include: 1. Christian doctrine and principles
of ethics and sacred history, suitable for children (translation from Census of the Philippine Islands,
vol. III, p. 583.)
17
Art. 2. The students will be boarding and will be subjected to the same
morality.30
Archival records on disciplinary cases of teachers show that a number of them did
not fulfill this role. Much as the laws insisted on the importance of Christian virtues for
teachers, several were dismissed because of faults in religious and civic virtues.31 The
30
Reglamento de la Escuela Normal de maestros de instruccin primaria de indgenas, 20 diciembre
1863 in Grifol y Aliaga, pp. 11 and 13. Translation mine:
spread of Catholic doctrine was not easily achievable through mere reliance on teachers.
Reports of disciplinary cases involve teachers who observed mala conducta pblica y
privada (ill conduct in public and in private), conduct that was reproachable by religious
standards. Their behavior sparked controversy in the communities they served and
conduct was not automatic, however. Since theirs was a tenured job, due process was
observed. Some teachers were even reinstated after long hearings. Interestingly, towards
the close of the Spanish regime in the Philippines, several teachers were dismissed for
suspected involvement in pro-independence activities.32 In that case the civic value they
imbibed was in stark contrast with that which the Spanish regime propounded.
Conclusion
The 1863 decree was part of a long series of educational laws passed by the
Spanish colonial government to spread its civilizing mission through education. This
agenda was couched in the overarching belief that civilization was synonymous to
dismissed for being involved in revolutionary activities (Ma. Luisa T. Camagay, Working Women of
Manila in the19th Century (Manila: University of the Philippines Press and the University Center for
Womens Studies, 1995), pp. 73-74.); Ambrosio Lazaro, dismissed for supposed incompetence on
the job (Letter of Ambrosio Lazaro to the Mayor of Bulacan, 30 April 1884, ANF UTAD Roll
1627355, Escuelas). These are just examples of disciplinary cases.
32
The issues of the Boletin Oficial del Magisterio Filipino in November 1896 and the succeeding
months published lists of teachers who had been dismissed because of involvement in subversive
activities. Ma. Luisa T. Camagay, Working Women of Manila in the19th Century (Manila: University
of the Philippines Press and the University Center for Womens Studies, 1995), pp. 73-74.
19
were ambivalent subjects. As seen in the above discussion, teachers as paragons of virtue
and promoters of Spanish language did not completely satisfy these categories. Many of
them challenged, though not all of them explicitly, the ideas of civilization that the
colonizers espoused. Teachers made colonial ideals only partially present within their
milieu.
At this point, I wish to propose an idea to move this research forward. My theory
examples of moral and religious virtue, also cast their personal imprint on the civilizing
message they were assigned to transmit. This personal imprint included their cultural
background, their interpretation of Spanish civilization, and even their actions in the
private and public spheres. To substantiate this, a more comprehensive study of archive
records of teachers, especially those who opened their own schools, still needs to be
done. However, it is not out of place to make assumptions regarding the personal marks
of teachers on the civilizing mission. These personal marks made the transmission of the
ideals of the 1863 decree more complex. This point is important in the context of
encounters between Philippine cultures and Spain. The interaction of teachers with the
people who received them would not have come about or would have arisen with
difficulty, if not for the 1863 law. Although it is early to draw any definite conclusion
regarding the significance of teachers in the reception of the Spanish civilizing mission,
the study of teachers roles as civilizers merits some attention. The cases of some
teachers show that they either promoted or challenged the colonial plan. A number of
them did not fulfill their role as civilizers according to Spanish categories. These cases
lead us to surmise that despite the efforts of the colonial government to use teachers as
20
punishment, the personal imprint was still in effect, and would impact on the
transmission of the civilization that the colonizers wanted to spread. Thus the civilizing
mission through Hispanization and the Spanish language, and by imparting religious
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23