DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA: A CASE STUDY OF NIGERIAN

POLITICS

A PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT

STAFF TRAINIG SCHOOL, ITA-OGBOLU, ONDO STATE.

BY

OLADIPO VERONICA DADA

IN A WAY OF FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIRMENT FOR

THE AWARD OF CERTIFIATE IN DIPLOMA IN LOCAL

GOVERNMENT STUDIES.
 CONTENTS

PRELIMINARY PAGES...............................................................................

CERTIFICATION........................................................................................

DEDICATION............................................................................................

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT...............................................................................

ABSTRACT................................................................................................
INTRODUCTION.......................................................................................

BACKGROUND AND CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS ..........................................

THE RULE OF LAW AND NIGERIAN DEMOCRACY.....................................
THE JUDICIARY IN NIGERIA.....................................................................
PARTY POLITICS AND THE CHALLENGES OFDEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES.......

ALLEGED MILITARISATION OF DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA...........................

ANALYTICAL DISCUSSION ON NIGERIAN DEMOCRACY.
UNDERDEVELOPEMENT AS A SETBACK TO NIGERIAN DEMOCRACY..
WORKABILITY OF DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA............................................

CONCLUSION...............................................................................................

NOTES AND REFERENCES..................................................................

 CERTIFICATION

I certify that this project was carried out by MRS OLADIPO VERONICA DADA of
Ondo State Local Government Staff Training School Ita-Ogbolu and tha I
supervised the project.

NAME:
PROJECT SUPERVISOR SIGNATURE & DATE
 DEDICATON

The dedication of this work is given to the glory of God almighty, for

nothing would have been possible if not for his power of endless possibilities.

He has been shedding his ever-protective light on my part from the inception of

my existence and the beginning of my academic race.

MRS OLADOPO V.D

 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Words are not enough to express my gratitude to almighty God for granting

me opportunity to see the start and the finish of this work.

I want to appreciate Ondo State Local Government Staff Training School, Ita-

Ogbolu fpr counting me worthy of taking up a course such as Diploma in Local

Government Studies in the Institution.

I cannot but give credit to my Supervisor Mr. Arijrluwa Wunmi, his

supervising capacity made the work devoid of errors and mistakes.

I say thank you t my bosom friend, Mrs. Bamigbele Ebun. She has been with

me through the ups and downs of life. Her contribution to the success of this work

cannot be overemphasized.

I express my gratitude to Mr. Moses Ogolo for his fatherly advice and

believing in my capacity to bring this work to reality.

I give recognition to the efforts of Mr. Akinwunmi Oladimeji his support and

timely intervention through the course of this work.

I am grateful to Hon. Ebenezer Alabi for his financial support. God will

continue to enrich your pocket.

 I specially appreciate my royal mother, Olori Olajumoke Faborode for her

motherly advice and support towards the success of this work.

My appreciation also goes to one understanding friend of mine, Olori Ariyo

Juliet. Thank you so much for everything.

I acknowledge Mr. Jide Atanniyi, Com. Victor Omodara. I say thanks to you

all.

My love for my son (Olatunde) who is the brain behind the computation of

this work cannot be overemphasized. I love you so much. Thank you.

I say thank you to the entire Staff of the Local Government Staff Training

School, Ita-Ogbolu, Ondo state.

 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

Democracy and Nigeria are like Siamese twins; though conjoined, they are

uncomfortable and under intense pressure that could result in all forms of hurt,

even death. Although, democracy may not be strange to an overwhelming

percentage of Nigerians; what may be strange to them is the brand of democracy

that invests, first and foremost, in human and material resources for the purposes

of political stability, economic viability, scientific advancement, technological

breakthrough, educational development and life-enhancing social services. Given

the general optimism that Nigeria was going to be the bastion of democracy in

Africa following her independence from Britain in 1960, one should normally

expect that by now democracy should be deeply rooted and institutionalized in the

country. Ironically and unfortunately, Nigeria, as far as the practice and delivery of

dividends of liberal democracy is concerned, is yet a cripple that can barely stand

let alone walk or run.

Democracy, either as a concept or a system of rule, has become excessively

ambiguous in contemporary political analysis. According to Omoleke (2009) in

Euginia (2010), democracy is a system of government, a set of institutions that fulfill

at least two essential requirements, which are ability to elicit as accurately as

possible the opinion of as many people as possible on who shall be their

representatives and on how the country ought to be governed. This means that

democracy connote universal suffrage, institutionalization of free and fair election

at frequent intervals; and the elected representatives must be accountable to the

electorate. The essential condition of democracy is that there shall be a consensus

on the rules of the political game. Democracy therefore, entails a system of

governance that is accountable and guarantees a wide range of social, economic

and political rights.

Indeed, there is probably no concept that has been so subjected to varying

definitions, antagonistic interpretations and contradictory practises as the concept

of democracy. This is not surprising given the fact that democracy has become

more and more widely praised and embraced thereby making it more and more

difficult to pin down. Politicians from the extreme left to the extreme right always

insist that the form of politics1 or rule they support is the one that is democratic in

character. Even military regimes, which, according to Robert Mundt et. al. cannot

deliver democracy, always invoke the concept of democracy in support of

arguments although such invocations are often punctured by ubiquitous violations

of the fundamental rights of the people. This is what Peter Ekeh refers to as
democratism, which, according to him, refers to the brand of rule that makes use

of false principles of the institutions of democracy while at the same time creating

anti-democratic conditions.

Thus, being the least objectionable form of rule, most regimes stake out some

sort of claim to the practice of democracy while those that do not often insist that

their particular instance of non-democratic rule is a necessary stage along the road

to ultimate democracy. Indeed, Bernard Crick has described democracy as the most

promiscuous word in the world of public affairs. This is ostensibly because

democracy is what is virtuous for a state to be even in Africa, where liberal

democracy has suffered several severe setbacks; since the 90s, it has gained a

momentum comparable to that of science in the world of technology since the

Industrial Revolution. One major consequence of the universal research attention

democracy has received is what can be described as its contestation. Gallie may

therefore not be wrong in including democracy in the catalogue of what he referred

to as essentially contested concepts since a term that means anything means

nothing. This appears to be the case with democracy which nowadays is not so

much a term of precision or restricted and specific meaning but a vague

endorsement of a popular idea.

1.2 Statement of the problem

This work asserts that Nigerian democracy is problematic in certain ways: it

is spendthrift. Nigerian democracy is a brand of democracy that spends so much to

accomplish so little (where and when it achieves anything at all).

It invests in the comfort of officials rather than in human and material resources.

In fact, the welfare of the common man occupies the bottom rung on the ladder of

the priorities of the anchors of Nigerian democracy.

Nigerian democracy is plagued by hydra-headed and pathological corruption that

ensures that the impact of any seeming good policy is either extremely negligible

or almost exactly nil. The paper however concludes that while the balance sheet of

democracy in Nigeria may be less than satisfactory; all hope is not lost as the desire

for the practice of true democracy amongst Nigerians remains unassailably high.

This essay suggests some ways through which liberal democracy can be

modified to suit us. It shall suggest among other things that the kind of democracy

that should be practiced in Nigeria should incorporate traditional socio-ethical

values present in the primordial African traditional settings. These values and other

African democratic heritage, we believe, will go a long way in resolving our political

crisis and aid in nurturing our democracy. And the thrust of the argument flows

from the communitarians argument that citizens can only flourish politically in a
community where traditions are strong and the spirit of civic responsibility is

imbibed by all. It is however cautioned that the emphasis on the community should

not be such that would displace the fundamental rights of citizens as that is the

major commitment believed to be central to the principle of democracy.

From the above, one may be tempted to conclude that democracy is an

abstract and illusive form of government because the assumptions on which it rests

are almost always difficult of fulfilment. It is therefore not surprising that the

concept of democracy has attracted several severe criticisms from both adversaries

and sympathizers. The adversaries (e.g. Plato, 328-347 B.C.) asserted that while

democracy may be possible, it is inherently undesirable. There are also those who,

like Robert Michels, hold the view that while democracy might be desirable if it

were possible; in actuality, it is inherently impossible. The sympathetic critics are

those who strongly support democracy but are critical of it in some important

respects. The above notwithstanding, the greatest merit of democracy is probably

its recognition of the duties of government and the rights of the governed. Thus,

democracy may not be foolproof; its strength lies in the possibility of adjustment

and re-adjustment of institutions in accordance with prevailing socio-political and

economic conditions and realities.

 Thus, like any other concept or form of government, democracy has its own

limits and possibilities. There is no doubt that democracy has brought untold succor

or what Ronald Manzer terms political goods to humanity particularly in the

Western world. Conversely, the pattern and practice of democracy in Nigeria has

widened the gap between the rich and the poor, fuelled corruption, exacerbated

ethnic and religious unrest, provoked unprecedented agitations by ethnic militias,

led to the intervention of the military in the democratic process, strangulated the

economy and impoverished the masses.

1.3Aims and objectives of the Study

The purpose of this paper is to attempt a critical appraisal of the pace,

practice, pattern, priorities, problems and prospects of Nigerian democracy. While

it remains true that Nigeria is governed by democratically elected leaders at the

federal and state levels, Nigeria is yet to institutionalize democracy after a century

of existence as a political entity. The paper discusses some of the impediments to

the institutionalization of democracy in Nigeria after more than half a century of

political independence. Some of these are the countrys colonial background

interspersed by vagaries engendered by deep-rooted ethnicity; complacent and

spendthrift leadership; incessant intervention of the military in the democratic

process; electoral fraud; wide spread poverty and high illiteracy level. The paper

argues that the pivot around which most of the factors listed above revolve is

corruption which has virtually become a way of life in Nigeria. The paper however

contends that the above notwithstanding, the prospect of a politically stable and

democratically viable nation is marked by peoples eagerness to participate in the

electoral process; the relative stability and sustenance of multi-party system and

the general realization in the country that the only acceptable and popular route

to the acquisition of political power is the ballot box. The paper obtains its data

from primary and secondary source materials and employs the historical method

of data analysis - simple descriptive collation and analysis of historical data.

1.4 Scope and Limitations of the Study

Nigeria is the most populous African state and one of the worlds most

ethnically diverse societies, being made up of over 250 ethno-linguistic groups.

Formally, these groups were agglomerated into a single political unit in 1914, but

integration among them was minimal because Britains policy of indirect rule

sustained and even magnified differences between them. By allying and

strengthening the power of the northern Muslim aristocracy, colonial policy

reduced traditional checks and balances, and severely limited access to Western

education in northern Nigeria. Administrative policies and translations of the

Christian Bible contributed to formation of new ethnic identities and new educated

middle classes in the southern provinces of Nigeria where the modern nationalist

movement was born. In 1939, the British carved out three regions, each with

dominant (majority) and subordinate (minority) ethnic groups, and established

commodity marketing boards which were later used to fund the political projects

and parties from each region. Religion, too, is critical for grasping the difficulty of

achieving consensus in a complex state like Nigeria. For example, from 40-50

percent of Yoruba are estimated to be Muslims, but this affiliation has not

translated into political solidarity with the Muslim groups of the far north.

Christianization, on the other hand, has integrated previously fragmented groups

in the Southeast and in the Middle Belt or North Central zone of Nigeria. The

politicization of religion is nothing new in Nigeria, but has become more

pronounced since the introduction of the Islamic (Sharia) criminal code in the 12

northern states after the 1999 election. Thus, there is no shortage of potential

cleavages or flashpoints in Nigeria. Its size, limited internal communications, ethnic

diversity, cross-cutting alliances and cleavages render it a difficult country to

govern under the best of circumstances. By the time of independence in 1960,

Nigeria was divided into three semi-autonomous regions, each composed of many

nationalities with few common cultural experiences and even fewer incentives to
act collectively as a nation. As the worlds fifth largest federation, it is not surprising

that Nigeria has struggled with refining federal powers and obtaining buy in from

its constituent groups who demanded the creation of more states and more local

government associations (LGAs). Catering to the demands of constituent groups

created incentives for ethnic mobilization around various new and imaged

primordial identities. Indeed, some of the elder interlocutors interviewed by the

Assessment Team noted that there was less inter-ethnic conflict under colonialism

because the administrative units were more mixed. Critics say the 1999

constitution concentrates too much power in the central government, especially

with regard to the control of police and the appointment of judges. The

arrangement that each of the 36 states must have a minister in the Cabinet has

further undermined appointments based on professional merit.

The perennial challenge for the Nigerian federation, known as the National

Question, has been how to transform the array of competing ethnic and religious

groups into stakeholders. This has been attempted primarily through the

multiplication of administrative units. At the same time, however, the tendencies

for centralization meant that power was not dispersed, but that smaller and smaller

political units were linked to the federal power structure in a top-down distribution

of resources and opportunity. This arrangement creates a balancing network of

alliances and relationships that prevented any single faction or group from

becoming dominant.

1.5 Operational Definition of Terms

i. The Rule of Law

Since Nigerias political independence on October1, 1960 successive regimes have

canvassed for the government based on the principles of the rule of law and

democracy. Nigeria has elaborate provisions on the rule of law and democracy for

the ultimate existence of good governance. For example, in the opening paragraph

of the 1979 Nigerian Constitution, as consolidated in the 1999 Constitution, it is

clearly stated thus:

We the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria have firmly adopted this

document for the purpose of promoting the good government and welfare of all

persons in our country on the principles of freedom, equality and justice, and for

the purpose of consolidating the unity of our people.

Sec (1) of both the 1979 and the 1999 constitutions provides that this constitution

is supreme and its provisions shall have binding force on all authorities and persons

throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The constitution makes elaborate

provisions for the promotion and protection of the fundamental human rights as

contains in sections 33, 34,35,36,37,38,39,40,41,42,43,44 and 45 among others.

Similarly, the constitution, under its fundamental objectives and directive

principles, makes elaborate provisions on government obligations to the people as

contains in sections 13 through 21. Section 22 of the 1999 Constitution specially

provides that the press, radio, television and other agencies of the mass media

shall at all times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in this

chapter and uphold the responsibility and accountability of the government to the

people.

Nigeria is also a signatory to various international conventions, charters and

treaties that promote and sustain the fundamental human rights and other

elements of the rule of law. It is, therefore, safe to infer that the rule of law is

supreme in Nigeria, at least, in theory.

Sec. (2) forbids any persons or group of persons to take control of the government

of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in accordance with the provisions of this

constitution, which include representative government based on elective

principles. There are elections for the three levels of government in Nigeria today.

The judiciary, through the various courts and tribunals, has tried to uphold the

fundamental human rights.

Generally, the successive regimes in Nigeria have ample provisions for democracy

and the rule of the law, but good governance has been elusive. The existence of

multiparty system has become a permanent feature of Nigerian democracy. The

fundamental human rights, including freedom of the Press are elaborately provided

in the constitution. This largely accounts for low score or outright negative index of

Nigeria and other African democracies in the benchmark of good governance as

corruption, election irregularities, poverty, unemployment, maladministration,

gagging of the press, muzzling down of political opponents, emerging one

party state, declining per capita income and gross national product, GNP, among

other negative signals.

The rule of law, democracy and good governance are the major features of any

civilized society today. The governance of any state where any of them is lacking

often degenerates to dictatorship and authoritarianism. The rule of law provides

the general framework for good governance. Democracy floats on the rule of law,

while the good governance promotes and sustains both of them.

Nigeria is governed by the rule of law and democratic principles despite some

present limitations. Good governance is the destination of both democracy and the

rule of the law. The media have worked hard to sustain both the rule of law and
democracy despite some structural and institutional problems. Many years of civil

rule, no doubt, assisted to frustrate the functional triumvirate of the rule of law,

democracy and the media for improved good governance in Nigeria. Except an

immediate overhaul of the structural, economic, legal, educational, administrative

and other bureaucratic impediments is done the rule of law and democracy may

remain an article of faith, as good governance shall continue to be elusive in

Nigeria.
 CHAPTER FIVE

5.1 Evaluation
i. What Level of Dividence?
Given the structural barriers to democratization represented by the oligarchy, it is

all the more remarkable that progress is nevertheless being made on a variety of

fronts. The May 2006 defeat by the National Assembly of the third term initiative

was the culmination of a number of positive trends in Nigerian democratic

development. The concept of a Nigerian nation appears to have taken root. Second,

is the evident consensus among elites and the public on the principle of alternation

of power, a key foundation of democratic governance. Such alternation is so far

defined 1) in personal terms, such that no individual can occupy the summit offices

of the federation for more than two terms; and 2) in regional terms, in that

government offices must be rotated at the federal level among the six informal

zones of the nation, and among the senatorial districts and local government

areas at the state level.

Moreover, civil society and the public itself had roles in defeating the presidents

third term gambit, signifying their growing influence in national politics. These roles

were facilitated by new technologies of communication, such as cell phones, cable

TV, text messaging and web sites. For perhaps the first time since 1999, legislators

felt compelled to consult with their constituents and to vote as the public wished
(84 percent were against the third term amendments),2 even though the

presidency was reportedly offering $1 million bribes to each member of the

National Assembly who voted in favor of the amendment package. Private

television companies provided live coverage of the debates in the Assembly, and

newspapers published lists of which legislators were for or against the measures.

Positive changes since 1999 include an improvement in the human rights situation

(see Section 2.2 below), affirmation of freedom of the press and other civil liberties,

and greater freedom for civil society advocates.

The National Assembly and Supreme Court are playing more active roles and

starting to become more effective in asserting their constitutional prerogatives in

the face of a dominant executive. On the other hand, the police routinely torture

detainees, few prisoners appear before judges, and security forces harass elected

officials, human rights activists, and the independent media. While the

Government of Nigeria (GON) has overcome the international pariah status that

dated back to the mid-1990s, when Nigeria was temporarily expelled from the

Commonwealth as a result of human rights violations, much remains to be done.

Nigerias international financial reputation has also significantly improved as a

result of its agreement with the Paris Club of 19 official creditors to settle its

external debt with the group. In exchange for a payment of $12.4 billion, the Paris
Club countries agreed to forgive the $18 million remainder of the $30 billion debt

held by Nigeria. Upon completion of its payment in April 2006, Nigeria became the

first sub-Saharan African country to completely eliminate its Paris Club debt. The

country still owes some $5 billion to other lenders, including the World Bank and

the private sector. Nigeria has now been taken off an international credit blacklist

and is able to borrow on favorable terms again. The broader economic reform

program that conditioned the debt elimination deal is known as the National

Economic Empowerment Development Strategy (NEEDS). The reform package was

approved by the IMF as a condition of endorsing the debt deal, and the IMF enacted

a two-year Policy Support Instrument (PSI) in October 2005 that includes ongoing

IMF monitoring of progress made in the reforms. The IMF completed its first review

of Nigerias PSI in April 2006 in which it endorsed government policies to date.

 ii. Fundamental Democratic Issues

The positive trends cited above do not erase the abysmal record of the

Nigerian oligarchy. Given the scale of petro-revenues and the potential of Nigerias

natural resources, the oligarchys failure to address the most minimal of the

majoritys basic human needs can be construed as criminal negligence. The World

Bank ranks Nigeria as among the worlds poorest countries, with the vast majority

of the population living on less than $2 per day. Only 40 percent of Nigerians have

access to electricity. Most citizens suffer from grossly inadequate state services,

such as the provision of public utilities (electricity, water, sanitation), social services

such as education and health, or the maintenance of public security. Most social

indicators, such as life expectancy, health, and education, have actually declined

despite a windfall of oil revenues. Meanwhile, demographic trends are bringing

massive numbers of young Nigerians into the political sphere over the next 10

years, most of whom are gaining political consciousness within a context of

frustration and hopelessness.

Explosive demographic growth helps to explain how the Nigerian state became so

distanced from the needs of its people. In the early 1920s, when the first federal

arrangements were conceptualized by the British, the population stood at less than

20 million. By independence in 1960, the number of citizens was estimated to have

doubled to 40 million. In the 45 years after that, the population has soared even

more rapidly, to an estimated 137 million in 2005. The nature of demographic

change is even more worrisome than total population figures would indicate,

however, with Nigeria having one of the highest urbanization rates in the world at

around 5.3 percent per year in a country that is still mainly agrarian. Moreover,

most estimates place over 40 percent of Nigerians under the age of 15, which

means there is a massive demographic bulge approaching adulthood amidst a

dearth of opportunity or hope. It is becoming widely accepted that for this new

generation, conditions and prospects are worse than they were for the youth at

independence in 1960.

Rising violence, assassinations of candidates, more advanced weaponry, and

misuse of security forces to intimidate candidates has lowered public expectations

for the 2007 election. Members of the oligarchy manipulate ethnic, religious, and

geographic cleavages to gain leverage in the inter-elite competition for resources.

Electoral registration assumes a reliable, legitimate census. The first census to be

carried out since 1991 took place in March 2006, but questions regarding origin

were omitted to reduce controversy surrounding the distribution of political

representation and economic resources among states.

 5.2 Conclusion

This paper has attempted a critical appraisal of the pace, practice, pattern, priorities,

problems and prospects of Nigerian democracy. One of the major findings and

arguments of the paper is that while democracy is being nourished and made to take

roots in other climes, it is being manipulated and malnourished in Nigeria. In his

1962 assessment of the practice of democracy in Nigeria, Chief Obafemi

Awolowo108 opined that democracy was pinning away on its death-bedit has

been mercilessly assaulted and violatedit is already being made to suffer from

gross misuse and utter lack of nurture.109 While it is true that this kind of criticism

should normally be expected from a Parliamentary Opposition Leader; Chief

Awolowos assessment was probably an irreducible fact. Regrettably, the situation

is worst today. The pace of democracy in Nigeria is everything but progressive at

times it stagnates while at some other times it retards. Nigerian political history is

replete with failed electoral processes, a cyclical failure that returns the country to

the scratch each time an attempt is made at making democracy get off the ground

in the country.

Once upon a time, Nigeria was a beacon of hope for Africa. A few years after the

country gained independence from Britain, Nicolas Freville wrote since her
independence, Nigeria has become a very good example to other African

countries...More children go to school in Nigeria than in any other African

country...the government cares for the sick...111 From our discussion so far, it is

obvious that the same cannot be said of Nigeria today. As far as the practise of

democracy in Nigeria is concerned, it is virtually not beneficial to the common man.

There is however no perfect democracy anywhere in the world and, as pointed out

earlier on, the eagerness of Nigerians to participate in the electoral process; the

relative stability and sustenance of multi-party system and the general realisation in

the country that the only acceptable and popular route to the acquisition of political

power is the ballot box are some of the fillips that suggest that all hope is not lost