Two Jews, three opinions its a storied
stereotype and a truism too. Even within
the world of Torah-observant Jewry, there
has always been room and respect for
different opinions and approaches. When
that respect is eroded, and ideological
differences devolve into machlokes, there
is perhaps nothing more disturbing and
painful than watching the ensuing strife
overtake our fragile world.
UNRAVELING
THE UNREST
THE STRIFE
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS IN THE WAKE OF A WAVE OF PROTESTS
44 M I S H PAC H A
Over the past few weeks, a fraught machlokes has spilled out of its contained corner and captured
headlines and screens of observant Jews around the globe. As a publication that aims to showcase
the positive and hopeful in our society, we closely watched developments to see if the situation
would resolve, or if the demonstrations would lose steam. Unfortunately, it seems to be gaining
strength and exposure among our global readership and therefore, our mandate has changed
accordingly. Instead of minimizing the issue, weve asked our most experienced reporters and
writers from both our English and Hebrew-language departments to collaborate under the
direction of our rabbinic board, to provide readers with a thorough grounding in the facts, figures,
and phenomena that have led to the wave of demonstrations paralyzing major cities in Israel and
sparked debate, dissension, and confusion.
BY Eliezer Shulman, Shimon Breitkopf, Binyamin Rose, and Mishpacha Staff
PHOTOS AFP/IMAGEBANK, FLASH90
It is neither our place nor our aim to advance specific political or sectarian agendas. Instead, we
hope to provide the background understanding that our discerning readership seeks in an effort
to comprehend what is fueling the fire.
12 Cheshvan 5778 | November 1, 2017 M I S H PAC H A 45
The Story Behind the Strife
THE
DRAFT
TODAY
What is the standard process for a cha-
reidi yeshivah bochur to delay or avoid
army service?
As military service is compulsory for all
Israeli boys once they reach 18, about two
years beforehand, every Israeli approach-
ing draft age receives a notice to report
(hityatzvut in Hebrew) to a local IDF
induction center. The IDF draws its infor-
mation from the population registry at the
Ministry of the Interior, and notices are
mailed to every citizen secular, religious,
and chareidi.
Once he reports, a yeshivah student has
the option of declaring Toraso umanuso,
meaning he is a full-time yeshivah student.
46 M I S H PAC H A
Upon presentation of all the necessary doc-
uments proving enrollment in his yeshivah
and others from the Vaad Hayeshivos, he
receives a deferment that generally lasts for
one year. Each year, he will receive a new
notice to report, at which time he must
again show proof there has been no change
in his status. As long as he provides the nec-
essary documentation, his deferment will
be extended. In recent years, thanks to the
efforts of chareidi MKs, arrangements have
been made allowing for each yeshivah or
several yeshivos to do their paperwork as
a group and for the bochurim to come as a
group to receive their deferments.
How and why would a chareidi yeshivah
bochur end up in jail for avoiding army
service?
Anyone who fails to report is in violation of
the law, similar to someone who ignores a
traffic ticket or court summons. The army
pursues draft dodgers by sending mili-
tary police to make surprise visits to their
homes. In other cases, the draft dodgers
are discovered after being apprehended by
police in other venues often on their way
to and from shul, when stopped for traffic
violations, or at demonstrations.
Once police cross-check their names
in a database verifying their identity and
that they ignored a draft notice, they are
handed over to military police, who take
them to a detention facility, and they can
be forced to stand trial.
Have there been situations where yeshi-
vah bochurim were forcibly conscripted
into the IDF?
Its extremely rare. Normally, the IDF will
demand that the draft-evader enlist imme-
diately. If he refuses, he is processed like
any other evader and will be sentenced to
a military prison, usually for a period of
three to six weeks, after which he is nor-
mally granted a deferment and released.
Obviously the strain on a jailed bochur and
his family and the challenges of keeping a
fully observant life in prison should not
be minimized.
Does the IDF try and pressure these
bochurim to enlist through means other
than force?
In the past, before the most recent iteration
of the draft law, some yeshivah bochurim
reported that during the initial hityatzvut
process, IDF recruiters were persuading
them to enlist with various incentives,
or asking them to sign statements that
they agreed to be drafted. Even then, in
no case was a yeshivah bochur forcibly
drafted. Thanks to the efforts of the MKs
who worked on this issue, these persuasion
efforts have almost completely ceased,
and once a yeshivah bochur declares that
he learns full time, the IDF will not try to
tempt him to enlist.
Now that the Supreme Court has ruled
the draft law violates one of Israels Basic
Laws, are any yeshivah bochurim in imme-
diate danger of being drafted? What about
the long term?
The High Court has given the government
until September 2018 to pass a new law. This
means that the current iteration of the law
remains in force until that deadline. So for
now, all yeshivah students may continue
learning without the threat of a forcible draft
hanging over their heads. In the long term,
in the unlikely scenario that a new law is not
enacted, yeshivah students will be at risk of
being drafted, but like every other citizen, can
choose the option of going to military prison.
What role do the chareidi MKs play in the
draft law? Could they have done a better
or more effective job of representing cha-
reidi interests?
Ask anyone which task is top priority for
a chareidi MK, and youll get one uniform
response: dealing with the draft law for ye-
shivah bochurim. This issue concerns these
MKs and their constituents much more extended for two reasons: it didnt provide
than any talk of budgets, discrimination, ed-
ucational institutions, Shabbos ordinances,
conversion, or housing. The chareidi public
expects the MKs to preserve their way of life,
which includes enabling yeshivah bochurim
to continue learning without the threat of
arrest or criminal sanctions.
But the mandate that theyve carried
out more or less successfully for 70 years is
growing ever more complicated.
The original arrangement of draft defer-
ments for chareidim dates back to the begin-
ning of statehood, and was meant to apply to
400 Torah students. Today, between 60,000
and 70,000 Torah students mostly charei-
di, but many national-religious qualify for
deferments. This figure represents more than
a third of the size of Israels standing army.
With more secular, traditional, and na-
tional-religious parents demanding a more
equitable sharing of the military burden
known as shivyon bnetel political parties
and NGOs have launched a series of appeals
to the Supreme Court, and the shift in polit-
ical power and public opinion is making it
almost impossible to defend the status quo.
12 Cheshvan 5778 | November 1, 2017
The heads of the chareidi factions must
cope on two fronts: with demands from the
courts as well as secular coalition partners
who favor drafting more chareidim; and with
pressure from inside the chareidi community
to fight to the limit to keep the status quo.
Is there a compromise in the name of shar-
ing the burden that all parties can live with,
or is this an impossible dream?
On one extreme is talk of an all-volunteer
army, a measure that three different state
commissions have studied, but never imple-
mented. That solution appears to be fanciful.
In 2002, the Knesset passed the Tal Law,
which stipulated that ultra-Orthodox men
who chose to study Torah full time could
defer their military service for as long as
they were enrolled in their yeshivah, with
no upper time limit. However, if they left
the yeshivah, they would be subject to con-
scription. That law expired in 2012, however,
and the Supreme Court ruled it could not be
each year, with the 20162017 figure (from
for equality in military service, and senior
government economists demanded that
chareidim be incorporated into the IDF and
eventually the workforce.
Once a yeshivah
bochur declares that
he learns full time,
the IDF will not try to
tempt him to enlist
noted that the lone dissenter on the Court,
Noam Solberg, disagreed, noting the rising
What replaced the Tal Law?
There was a brief era from 2013 to 2015, when
Yesh Atid, led by Yair Lapid, held 19 Knesset
seats and was a senior coalition partner,
when the Knesset passed a law setting strict
targets for chareidi IDF enlistment, and fi-
nancial and criminal sanctions for failure
to meet those targets. In 2015, Israel held
new elections, Lapids party plummeted to
11 seats, he was exiled to the opposition, and
the chareidi parties succeeded in passing
new legislation. The law they passed was
considered by many the best possible ar-
rangement for the chareidim, easing many
of the strictures and eliminating the sanc-
tions. However, they were not successful in
changing the targets.
What do the targets call for?
The government targets were established in
2013, to draft 2,000 chareidim into the IDF
and another 1,300 into national service, for a
total of 3,300. That number was to increase
July to June) reaching 5,200 (3,000 IDF
and 2,200 national service), which could
include service in Hatzolah and Zaka. The
governments long-term goal is that at least
50% of the estimated 10,000 to 11,000 cha-
reidim reaching draft age each year would
serve, breaking down the walls between the
chareidi sector and the IDF. Toward this end,
the IDF established special chareidi brigades,
with the tacit approval of the chareidi world,
as a reasonable compromise that would pro-
vide an option for young chareidi men who
do not see their future within the yeshivah
framework. However, in the 2017 draft year,
just 2,800 chareidi men voluntarily enlisted
in the IDF or national service, or less than
30%, leading the majority of the Supreme
Court to conclude that the law wasnt work-
ing, because it wasnt meeting its targets,
and was voluntary in nature. (It should be
trendline of chareidi enlistment and saying
it was premature to throw in the towel on a
law that was supposed to remain in force
until 2023. Time would tell, he contended.)
M I S H PAC H A 47
Unraveling the Unrest

When and why was Peleg formed? in Knesset elections. (There are various opinions When it comes to the IDF draft, some members
Peleg is a small faction within the much larger chareidi mainstream. It was formed within the Eidah regarding municipal elections; of Brisk agree with the Eidah that there is an ob-
after the petirah of Rav Elyashiv and the subsequent acceptance of Rav Stein- some vote and some do not.) Members refrain ligation to protest the state policy of mandatory
man as the senior spiritual authority by the majority of the gedolim and roshei entirely from taking government money for ed- conscription. From conversations with talmi-
yeshivah. A minority who objected to this move founded a new paper, HaPeles, ucational institutions and the like. dim, it seems that there are those within Brisk
and with it a party called Peleg. They selected Rav Shmuel Auerbach as their rav But on a practical level, the Eidah does in fact who dismiss the current unrest as the result of
and spiritual guide. The party drew a small group of followers who united around cooperate with the state authorities on certain internal politics, and do not agree with the view of
the issue of the draft, claiming that the gezeiras hagiyus, as they termed it, is issues. It maintains connections to and liaisons Peleg. They feel that the best way to resolve these
not an agreement that respects the red lines of the gedolim and allows yeshivah with the police, and receives official police per- issues is through the lobbying efforts that have
bochurim to learn in peace for the most part, but rather an insidious arrange- mits for its public demonstrations. The Eidahs been a standard medium of the yeshivah world
ment thats part of the governments greater plan to secularize chareidi society. long-standing policy is that bochurim should since the establishment of the state.

PELEG:
As a result, Peleg has commanded its adherents to show all of Israel that it will report to the IDF upon receiving a draft notice
not cooperate in any shape or form with the law. For the past few years, this has (hityatzvut) to receive a deferment and if possi- PELEG: Working with the assumption that one
meant that its adherents do not show up to their local IDF draft center to register ble, a total exemption. can define the supporters of the Peleg as the stu-
as yeshivah bochurim a move that places them on the wrong side of the law. The Eidah Hachareidis supports demonstra- dents of Rav Shmuel Auerbach (even though the
In the last two weeks it has also meant a coordinated wave of demonstrations tions held to fulfill what the Eidah sees as a Torah Peleg is actually an amalgam of several different
meant to show the government its muscle and impact. obligation to protest wrongdoing. These demon- groups), it can be assumed that its adherents do
Pelegs approach is opposed by the moatzos gedolei haTorah of Degel HaTorah, strations are held only after a beis din session not harbor any ideological opposition to partic-

WHO,
Agudas Yisrael, and Shas, and of the Vaad Hayeshivos, which is managed by the of the Badatz that delineates where and when ipating in the states political processes. In the
gedolei hador and leading roshei yeshivah, who supported the amendments to the demonstration will be held, with very clear past, Rav Shmuel took an active part in Knesset
the recent law before it was struck down by the High Court. limitations. In the 1960s and 1970s, the Eidahs election campaigns, signed kol korehs, and even
protests sometimes included violence, but this appeared and spoke at election rallies.
What are the Peleg strongholds, and what kind of political power does it hold? was mostly on the part of police or a third party As far as financial allocations go, Rav Shmuels

WHAT,
Peleg has established its own schools and is largely concentrated in four cities: (usually kibbutznikim who intentionally trav- yeshivah, Maalos HaTorah, and most if not all of
Jerusalem, Ashdod, Bnei Brak, and Modiin Illit. The Peleg group is small and, in eled to Meah Shearim on Shabbos to desecrate the yeshivos that consider themselves part of the
its fight for recognition, is considered militant. Its members are willing to sacrifice Shabbos publicly). In the 1990s, the violence was Peleg, have regularly received allocations from
for their ideology, and they will give up anything financially, emotionally, and caused by fringe elements (Neturei Karta and the the state authorities.
physically for the goals of the movement. For example, avreichim who struggle like, a fringe group comprising a small number of They claim, however, that the situation has
for parnassah still donate large sums to the movements HaPeles newspaper, to families that are not compliant with the decisions changed, and all previous understandings re-

WHY?
lawyers, and to finance the anti-draft demonstrations. Beyond that, they dont of the Badatz Eidah Hachareidis). The Eidah, in garding the draft and the Education Ministry
have outside heavyweight donors, save for a group inside the Satmar community some cases, positioned supervisors to monitor are no longer relevant because of what they term
in the US, which has funded a large number of the demonstrations and activities their demonstrations and prevent violence. the gezeiras hagiyus, the draft decree. In their
due to their mutual interests. official newspaper, HaPeles, they paint main-
In the 2013 municipal elections, Peleg did win a total of five city council mem- BRISK: On matters of principle, Brisk usually stream chareidi society as an ignorant majority
bers: one in Jerusalem and two each in Modiin Illit and Bnei Brak. takes a similar approach to that of the Eidah that hasnt taken the time or effort to truly study
This representation is still minimal in comparison to Degel HaTorah; howev- Hachareidis. Some members dont take part in the plan and its ramifications.
er, Peleg viewed this as a success in light of the harsh battles waged against them government elections, and some dont partic- The Peleg has at times organized demonstra-
and the fact that this was the first time they ran for public office. Peleg, at least as ipate in municipal elections either. (There are tions and tefillah rallies together with the Eidah
of the 2015 national elections, did not have enough public support to field a slate some families where the women vote and the Hachareidis. In addition to those scheduled ral-
of candidates for the Knesset, nor is it clear that is their goal. men dont.) Like the Eidah, they do not accept lies, the movement also calls spontaneous demon-
government financial allocations. strations without any supervision or organized
What is the difference On an ideological level, Brisk supports demon- rabbinical oversight. Unlike the demonstrations
ideologically and practi- strations for the sake of voicing protest, but prac- of the Eidah meant to voice protest and the
cally between the Eidah, tically, they only demonstrate in isolated events historic mass tefillah rallies held by the unified
Brisk, and Peleg? after examining what they want to achieve and chareidi sector meant to unify thousands of
how. Brisk firmly opposes violence at demonstra- voices in prayer these demonstrations are held
THE EIDAH HACHAREIDIS: On an tions. In the distant past, when demonstrations to disrupt and disturb. This differentiates Peleg
ideological level, the Eidah routinely included police violence, they considered from virtually all mainstream chareidi practice.
Hachareidis opposes the demonstrations to be halachically forbidden due Their approach is that they can only achieve their
state and does not participate to concerns of pikuach nefesh. goals through civil disobedience and that their

48 M I S H PAC H A 12 Cheshvan 5778 | November 1, 2017 M I S H PAC H A 49

 " " "

A RACE AGAINST THE CLOCK

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replace the one the Supreme Court struck rael, which serves an appropriate purpose. .

has been waged with libel and harassment.
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rah Judaism (UTJ) party tell Mishpacha the significance, because at that point, the conver-
inboxes of the newspapers
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are bombarded with material against him.

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negative media coverage of the demonstra- tizing between different values that the state . ~







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>59 * Rav Rosen is

tions. Images of protestors blocking ambu- recognizes, Rabbi Maklev says. ~

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that he negotiated army training courses for
~

lances and scuffling with police and soldiers It seems like a crafty solution. Could it work? yeshivah bochurim during bein hazmanim.
provided cannon fodder for their political It will only be effective if the court con-
demonstrations
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Many of them have been found to be yeshivah charging only that Rav Rosen wants to sec-
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election. Rabbi Uri Maklev, who represents
angry enough to actually take on the court as an
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bochurim

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UTJ on the special parliamentary panel, In that vein, Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked draft9704 notice and some are still
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awaiting trial for draft evasion.
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disagrees.
He wants to get this off the agenda, re-
gardless of whether there will be elections.
Its also in our best interests to introduce
the new law as soon as possible, Rabbi
Maklev said.
The Supreme Court has ordered the
Knesset to correct inequities in the old draft
law that they deemed not proportional
because it granted chareidim preferential
treatment for IDF deferments and exemp-
tions compared to other sectors of Israels
population, in violation of the Knessets
1992 Basic Law on Human Dignity and Lib-
erty. In the courts worldview, Basic Laws
have more power than regular Knesset legisla-
tion.
The court is mandating equality, Rabbi Mak-
lev says. On that basis, even if the IDF decided it
didnt want to draft chareidim at all, that decision
would not pass the courts muster because it
doesnt provide for equality.
The new law is designed to address the courts
concerns. Rabbi Maklev said that a key provision
would be an attached resolution declaring Torah
study as an essential value in the State of Israel,
noting its long-standing status in Jewish tradition
and its ongoing contribution to the preservation
of the nation.
Such a resolution has two advantages. First, it

and Education Minister Naftali Bennett of the 054-8486590 ~ 


the claims made against him and stating that "
Jewish Home party have introduced a new basic 


 ~
law to give the Knesset power to redraft and Who is Rav Yigal Rosen and why was he his detractors will not desist until they physi-
:
recertify certain laws the Supreme Court may singled out by the protesters? How did the cally harm him.
In fact, he now requires police

strike down. However, that measure faces oppo- chareidi gedolim respond and why? protection
- for fear of his life.
~~ "
sition from Minister of Finance Moshe Kahlon Rav Yigal Rosen is the rosh yeshivah of Ohr At first, gedolei Yisrael did not react to the ~
of the Kulanu party, who favors a more indepen- Yisrael and one of the most prominent roshei incitement against him so as not to give it le-
.

~~
dent Supreme Court. yeshivah in the litvish community. He is po- gitimacy, but now that the situation has esca- ~
~
sitioned on the right of the litvishe world. In lated, various gedolim are offering him public ~
-
Kahlon is likely to go along with the word play
,
, , *
. | 
in the new resolution, but it will be a tough, may- recent years, the gedolei haTorah asked him to support. Rav Chaim Kanievsky issued a letter
be even an impossible sell, to win his votes on work on possible amendments to a new draft condemning the rioters. A large group of elder
the Shaked-Bennett bill. law on their behalf. As a result, the Peleg ac- gedolim accompanied by many other roshei
And without Kahlon, the Knesset lacks a ma- tivists decided to target him and prove their yeshivah signed a letter criticizing the actions
jority that could assert itself in the face of the mettle to the masses. of his detractors. Rav Baruch Dov Povarsky
courts decades-long record of judicial activism. Their three-year campaign against him attended a rally of support at his yeshivah.
12 Cheshvan 5778 | November 1, 2017
Unraveling the Unrest

THE DEMONSTRATIONS
demonstrations as kiddush Sheim
Shamayim and a noble, unbending
statement that they will not be
controlled by the state. Beyond
that, the demonstrators aim to
show that the chareidi MKs are
not working lSheim Shamayim,
and that their actions and the
In their view, (The demonstrators
have painted them-
the name Peleg Yerushalmi and thus to differ-
entiate them from the mainstream chareidi
all disruption selves as victims of
an aggressive govern-
public. Even though the media generally delve
deeply into all of the inner conflicts of other
to routine, ment, and the police
is likely taking pains
political parties, when it comes to chareidim
they lack either the interest or sophistication
in quality not to give them more
ammunition.)
to explore the inner workings of the chareidi
world. They may also feel that their viewers

eligible for the draft each year are enlisting

draft law that they helped pass
are in fact damaging and destruc- and quantity, Are there any differ-
have little interest in anything more than
seeing the action, which serves to tar all of
and that this will lead to the ultimate erosion
of the yeshivah world.
tive. Peleg also wishes to protest
the arrests of their draft evaders, qualifies as ences between the
Peleg demonstra-
chareidi society with the same black brush.

What is the usual protocol for arranging a

What instigated the mass Peleg demonstra-
tions termed the Day of Rage?
In the last week, due to the arrest of 45 bo-
churim and avreichim, the Peleg blocked the
streets of Jerusalem, and proved that they
could bring traffic to a halt on crucial arteries
in Israels capital city. They called these demon-
strations a Day of Rage, a term that was in-
troduced by the Arab Sector to commemorate
the Land Day marches of March 1976, when
Arabs nationwide marched to protest Israeli
governments announcement of a plan to ex-
propriate thousands of dunams of land for se-
curity and settlement purposes, although the
Palestinians probably borrowed that from the
1969 Days of Rage riots in Chicago to protest
US involvement in the Vietnam War.
It is clear from the recent demonstrations
that the Peleg faction feels that not enough
has been done by the chareidi MKs and that
time is not on their side; they are troubled by
the fact that as much as 30% of the chareidim
demonstration in Israel?
An application for a permit for a demonstra-
tion must be submitted to the police. At the
demonstration itself, police instructions must
be obeyed, and demonstrators should not
overflow to areas that were not included in
the permit.
Are the demonstrators at these Peleg pro-
tests members of the Peleg mainstream or
a fringe element?
The demonstrators represent the basic ide-
ology of the Peleg sector and are obeying the
commands of the writers of the HaPeles news-
paper, which leads and lauds the demonstra-
tions. However, it should be noted that not all
components of the Peleg which comprises
several distinct groups agree with this ap-
proach. Some of the yeshivos identified with
the Peleg have forbidden their bochurim to
attend any demonstrations. And despite the
fact that the movements official policy is not
to report for deferments, most of the bochurim
that belong to Peleg do report, whether because
their parents instruct them to or for other rea-
sons. Some claim that when he is asked on an
individual basis, Rav Auerbach allows them
to report for deferments, especially since the
rest of the yeshivah world reports.
What is the endgame of the Peleg demon-
strations? What will they consider mission
accomplished?
The HaPeles newspaper presents the
to prove to everyone that they will
not be broken no matter what, fulfilling their
and that they have the power to
disrupt the lives of the entire Is- mission
raeli public.
Right now, there is no actual
way to placate them. They havent stated any
specific goals or aims that they are trying to
achieve. In their view, all disruption to routine,
in quality and quantity, qualifies as fulfilling
their mission.
From the law enforcement standpoint, what
is the police policy? What sort of instruc-
tions are they getting from Chief Alsheich
or Gilad Erdan?
It is clear that the police are exercising rela-
tive restraint, and not reacting aggressively
to the demonstrators. The demonstrators
are being allowed to riot as they please, and to
snarl traffic for hours on end before they are
cleared away. Last Monday, water cannons
and skunk spray were used against them.
tions and those of the
handicapped or other
movements for social
justice?
The Peleg never applies
for police permits for
their demonstrations, while others demon-
strate only with permission. But the greater
difference lies in the goal of the demonstra-
tions: the handicapped have a clear and defined
demand that their disability stipends are
raised to equal Israels minimum wage. Once
they achieve their goal, their demonstrations
and protests will stop at once.
How are the Israeli media painting these
demonstrations, and how are they compar-
ing or contrasting them to the other social
movements demonstrations?
Until last week, the media simply called these
demonstrators chareidim gone wild. This
week, following the initiative of a popular news
network, it was decided to use for the first time
How does the average secular Israeli view
these demonstrations?
Negatively. The demonstrations are, simply
put, bad PR. Major thoroughfares are blocked,
entrances and exits to cities are closed off for
hours on end most annoyingly, without any
advance notice all for grievances that the
average Israeli cannot understand or wouldnt
agree with, even if he did.
The demonstrations seem to be incurring
another price. Surveys predict increased
electoral support for the anti-chareidi par-
ties among the general Israeli population.
Polls show Yair Lapid climbing back toward
the 20-seat mark in the next election. If that
happens, he could work his way back into a
coalition perhaps without chareidi parties
as in 20132015, and pass a more draconian
draft law. This eventuality, while alarming to
the chareidi mainstream, seems to suit the
Peleg supporters, who claim that lobbying
and shtadlanus are ineffective and do not ad-
equately protect chareidi interests.

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