DENYA PHONOLOGY

by
Tanyi Eyong Mbuagbaw

Cameroon Bible Translation Association (CABTA)

B.P 1299, Yaounde, Cameroon
1996
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

[] phonetic data

// phonemicised data

V vowel

cons. consonant

cont. continuant

sg. singular

pl. plural

lat. lateral

cor. coronal

strid. strident

nas. nasal

ant. anterior

U.F. Underlying form

DS Downstep

H High

L Low

Del. Rel. Delayed Release

N. Syllabic Nasal

n. cl Noun class

A.M Associative Marker

T Tone

T Floating Tone

# Morpheme boundary

2
SP Soft Palate

Syllable node

R Rhyme

O Onset

C Coda

x Segment

V. ass. Vowel Assimilation

V. Ct. Vowel Contraction

V. El. Vowel Elision

NP Noun Phrase

VP Verb Phrase

DET Determiner

SPE Sound Pattern of English

3
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The data used for the analysis was first collected during the Christmas week of

December 1993. More than 2000 words were collected from pastor Ncha Gabriel

Bessong and Lucas Ettamambui. The data was corrected and expanded in July 1995

by the above two persons and also by some members of the Denya language

committee. They are namely: Daniel Eta Akwo, and Mr. Robinson Tambi. All of

them were prepared to give any assistance to see this work completed. I am indeed

very grateful to them.

I am very grateful to my wife who was always patient with me during the long

period devoted to this work especially working long periods at night.

I am also very grateful to Dr. Steven Bird and Dr. Jim Roberts for their input in

this Phonology. I am very greatful to Dr. Keith Snider whose insight in African

languages has helped me to complete this work.

4
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 Purpose and Scope

1.2 Language Background

1.3 Classification

1.4 Bilingualism

1.5 Pidgin and English

1.6 Occupation

1.7 Review of Literature

1.8 Manyu Literacy and Development Programme (MALDEP)

1.9 Overview of Grammar

1.9.1 Nouns

1.9.2 Derived Nouns

1.9. 3 Pronouns

1.9.4 Adjectives

1.9. 5 Verbs

5
2. VOWEL AND CONSONANT SYSTEMS

2.1 Vowels

2.1.1 The Vowel System

2.1.2 Descriptive Statement of Vocallic Allophones

2.1.3 Distinctive Feature Matrix for Vowels

2.2 Consonants

2..2.1 Denya Phonetic Consonant Chart

2.2.2 Descriptive Statement of Consonant Phonemes

2.2.3 Distinctive feature Matrix for Sonorants

2.2.4 Distinctive Feature Matrix for Obstruents

2.3 Phonemic contrast for Vowels and Consonants

2.4 The Feature Geometry of Denya

2.4.1 Laryngeal features

2.4.2 Supralaryngeal Features

2.4.3 Underspecification

2.5 Distribution of Consonants in Onset Position

2.6 Consonants in Coda Position

2.7 Consonant Distrbution in Different Positions of the Morpheme

3. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES

3.1 Introduction

3.2 Assimilation and Contraction in Denya

3.3 Glide Formation

3.4 Desyllabification

3.5 Consonant weakening

3.5 Reduplication

6
4. THE SYLLABLE

4.1 Specific Syllable Types

4.2 Affricates

4.3 Semi-vowels

5. TONE

5.1 Tonal phonemes

5.2 The Distribution of Tone on Nouns

5.3 Tone in the Associative Construction

5.3.1 Tone Rules

5.3.2 Mapping Rules

5.4 Tones on Verbs

5.5 Description of Tone in the Verb Phrase

5.5.1 Tone Rules

5.5.2 Mapping Rules

5.5.3 Late Phonetic Realisation

5.6 Denya Verb Tone Paradigms

5.7 Tonal Processes

5.7.1 Downdrift and Downstep

5.8 Contour Tones

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY

7
1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 Purpose and scope

The purpose of this work is to describe and analyse Denya Phonology, its noun

class system and detail analysis on the tones and verbs.This data was collected in

December 1993 at Mukonyong (Small Nyang) in the Takamanda dialect area, during

which I spent a week working on the lexical items for Denya. The data was again

checked in June 1995 for further correction. However, this work cannot pretend to

deal with every signifant aspect of Denya Phonology. Nevertheless, it hoped that this

description will be of use to linguists interested in Bantoid languages and in the

Nyang family in particular, a family for which much linguistic work needs to be done.

The emphasis of this work is descriptive rather theoretical although it is difficult

to described any work in a theoretical vacuum, since description involves a certain

amount of analysis.

The study begins with both the vowel and consonant systems in section 2.

Constraints on the structure of the syllables and morphemes are treated in section 3.

Morphological processes are covered in section 4. Aspects of the tonal phonology are

described in section 5. Phonlogical processes are discussed in section 6.

1.2 Language Background

Denya is a language spoken in the Manyu Divison of the South West Province in

the Republic of Cameroon. The speakers of the language are commonly referred to as

Anyang and number 16,000 (1994 estimate). They occupy the forest area of Akwaya

Sub-Divison and some parts of Upper Banyang Sub-Divison. The majority of the

speakers are settled on the banks of the Manyu river (Cross River) in Mamfe town

westward to the border with Nigeria. There are many speakers of the language living

8
in other areas of the country. Neighbouring languages include Kenyang, Ejagham,

and Kendem to the south-west, Boki to the west, Asumbo, Amasi and Menka to the

north.

Denya has four main dialects, Takamanda, Basho, Bitieku and Bajwa.

Takamanda and Basho and named after villages located in the centre of the dialect

areas. The other two, Bitieku and Bajwa received their names from their clans which

speak their dialect. People from the Takamanda and Bitieku dialects usually group

Basho and Bajwa as one and they refer to it as Basho or Bajwa. In my analysis, I used

the Takamanda dialect because it is widely recognised as the standard dialect. For

more details, see Tyhurst and Tyhurst (1983b).

1.3 Classification

BANTOID

Southern Bantoid

Tivoid Ekoid-Mbe Jawaran Mamfe (Nyang) Beboid Grassfield

Denya Kendem Kenyang

Johnston (1919) classified Denya as Ekoid, a sub-group of the Cross River

languages. Talbot (1926) considered it to be a sub-group of Banyangi, while

Westermann (1952) classified it as Ekoid Bantu. Jacquot and Richardson (1956)

noted that it is very difficult to classify Denya. Consequently they adhered to

Guthries (1953) classification and regarded it as a Bantoid language because it has

both Bantu and Non-Bantu features.

9
 In 1965, Crabb, working on Ekoid languages, claimed that these languages were

Bantu because they shared some Bantu features in the noun class prefixes. In Crabbs

view, Denya is a Bantu language. Williamson (1971) classified Denya as Bantu

because at this time, it was proved that both the noun prefixes and concord systems

are those of Bantu. She further argued that Guthries classification was based on

typological and not on genetic considerations. Watters (1989) and Watters and Leroy

(1989) classified Denya as Southern Bantoid, one of the members of which is the

large (Wide) Bantu family.

1.4 Bilingualism

Denya people living in the neighbouring languages are mostly bilingual. A vast

majority of the people speak their language and Kenyang. This results from the close

contact between the two languages through trade and intermarriage. In some cases,

multi-lingualism is the appropriate term since many people speak Kenyang and

Ejagham. The growth of the Kenyang and Ejagham language among the Denya

people is as a result of Akwaya Sub-Division being inaccessible by road. Instead of

trekking long distances to reach Akwaya, the Anyangs prefer to come to Mamfe for

business, medical services and administrative reasons, which has brought them into

contact with Kenyang (the language of Mamfe) and Ejagham.

1.5 Pidgin and English

Further to the previous discussion of bilingualism among the local languages, we

should also consider the use of Pidgin English and English. The majority of the

people know Pidgin and those who use English are those who have undergone some

sort of formal education.

10
 Pidgin is frequently used as a means of communication when a group gets

together with more than one language represented (at the market, in church or at the

bar). English is used in official circles; schools, offices etc. However, in situations

where only one language group is represented the people typically use their own

language (e.g neighbours talking, social gatherings in the village, village disputes

etc).

1.6 Occupation

The majority of the people are subsistence farmers. They grow cash crops such as

coffee and cocoa. They also grow other foodstuffs such as cocoyams, yams, rice,

beans, cassava, plantain, melon, and a variety of vegetables such as eru, (a type of

vegetable harvested in the forest) green vegetables, pumpkin leaves, water leaf, etc. A

lot of palm oil, vegetables, pineapple, garri, rice, water fufu, are exported to Nigeria

through the Manyu River and other bush tracks. Some are exported to other provinces

of Cameroon.

1.7 Review of Literature

The first linguistic data of Anyang is Mansfields (1908) comparative wordlist of

six languages, which include Denya (Anyang). In 1981, Abangma worked on the use

of modes in Denya discourse in which he obtained a Doctorat de 3e cycle from the

University of Yaounde. In his thesis, he worked on the consonant and vowel systems,

and I have borrowed some of his data. Little was done on the syllable structure or on

grammatical tone and nothing was done on the morphophonology. In 1983, Tyhurst

worked on the linguistic survey of the Nyang languages. In his analysis he discussed

briefly the vowel and consonant phonemes of Kenyang, Denya and Kendem and tone

contrast in the three languages. He also provided a wordlist of the three languages and

11
their various dialects. Tyhurst and Tyhurst (1983b) also undertook a sociolinguistic

survey of Kenyang and Denya. In 1994, the author proposed an orthography for

Denya, wrote a paper on Denya Tone Orthography and also published the alphabet.

Ongoing work includes the lexicon of the language (Mbuagbaw, forthcoming) and a

revision of the orthography.

1.8 Manyu Literacy and Development programme (MALDEP)

MALDEP came into existence in 1993 when it was felt that the three languages,

Kenyang, Denya and Ejagham, should work in close collaboration with each other. Its

goal is to oversee the development of literacy materials and the teaching of the three

languages. Furthermore, since Kenyang and Denya are closely related, it will be

easier to adapt a translated text from one language to the other.

1.9 Overview of Grammar

The focus of the present study is on the phonology of Denya. However, it is

impossible to discuss phonology without refering to various syntactic and

morphological structures. In this section, I extend my sketch of Denya to include

description of those structures which one way or the other are referred to in this

document.

Syntactic Structures

Denya is a noun class language with an SVO structure. Simple sentence

structures are shown having a subject, verb and object. Simple sentences can be

diagrammed as shown below.

12
 S

NP VP

N DET V NP

ta$mbi$ a$ wa@ m$p$

Tambi he kill cow

Tambi killed a cow

The noun phrase may consist of a noun, as head, followed by modifiers such as

adjectives and/or determiners. True adjectives are few in number. There are other

adjectives that occur in semantic fields such as colours and numbers. Noun phrases

may also consist of NP-NP constructions in which the first NP possesses the second

NP. In Denya, when two nouns are put together, the associative marker occurs

between the two nouns in some situations. Typical noun phrases are displayed below:

NP NP

N A NP NP

N N
u$-pu@ u@-pE@a@
houses two ge$n$ ge@ $tSa@
two houses stick of Ncha
Nchas stick

1.9.1 Nouns

Nouns in Denya consist of a noun stem, which may be simple or compound to

which it is adjoined any one of a number of noun class prefixes. There are also nouns

13
which are derived from verbs - nominalised verbs which function somewhat like

English gerunds.

Denya distinguishes 10 noun classes, 5 of which are used with s ingular nouns, 5 of

which are used with plural nouns. The numbering for classes is used as in Narrow

Bantu except for class 6a which corresopnds to Bantu classification. Each class

conditions agreement on modifiers and corresponding pronouns. The classes are

grouped in pairs representing the singular/plural contrasts. These pairs are termed

genders. Classes 1, 3, 5, 7 and 9 are the singular classes. Classes 2, 4, 6, 8 and 10 are

the plural classes. Class 6a is for mass nouns.

Major Genders:

The major genders found in Denya are as follows 1/2, 3/4, 5/6, 7/8, 9/10. In citing

a noun gender, the first number refers to the class of the singular form and the second

noun refers to the class of the plural form (e.g. 1/2 means class 1 in the singular and

class 2 in the plural.)

Gender 1/2
N-, me- a- ma-

n$tE$ e`sgdq pl a$ntE$ e`sgdqr

me$fwE@ rk`ud pl ma$fwE@ rk`udr
m$fwa$ bghde pl a$fwa$ bghder

The one noun person has an irregular alternation involving the stem itself

mu& person pl b& persons/people

14
 Gender 3/4

E- de-

E$sa& btsk`rr pl de$sa& btsk`rrdr

E$tE$ cthjdq pl de$tE$ cthjdqr
E$t$ `wd pl de$t$ `wdr
E$kw$ne@ ltcehrg pl de$kw$ne@ ltcehrgdr

Gender 3/6

E- ma-

E$bE@ k`v pl ma$bE@ k`vr

E$bE& qhudq pl ma$bE& qhudqr
E$ba@ etet pl ma$ba@ etet
E$bo$ba@ akntrd pl ma$bo$ba@ akntrdr
E$tu$ d`q pl ma$tu$ d`qr
E$pwE$ enqdkdf pl mA$pwE$ enqdkdfr

Gender 5/6

me- ma-

head me$kpo$ pl ma$kpo$ heads

ehqd me$wE$ pl ma$wE$ ehqdr

o`rstqd me$kE& pl ma$kE& o`rstqdr

oqdbhohbd ne$bE@ pl ma$bE@ oqdbhohbdr

bhuds b`s ne$nso& pl ma$nso& bhuds b`sr

bq`a ne$gya& pl ma$gya& bq`ar

15
 Class 6a

ma-

ma$na& v`sdq
ma$we& nhk
ma$tyE@ rohsskd
ma$no& aknnc

Gender 5/8

me- u-

me$kwa@la^ kdno`qc u$kwa@la^ kdno`qcr

me$ki$ fnqqhk` u$ki$ fnqqhk`r

Gender 7/8
ge- u-, o-

ge$ba$ a`f pl u$ba$ a`fr

ge$pu@ gntrd pl u$pu@ gntrdr
ge$ku@ vnncdm anvk pl u$ku@ vnncdm anvkr
ge$pa$ vntmc pl u$pa$ vntmc
ge@Nk$ q`uhmd pl u@Nk$ q`uhmd
ge$No$No$ atlakd add pl o$No$No$ atlakd add
ge$pa& b`sdqohkk`q pl u$pa& b`sdqohkk`q
ge$tw$ n$tw$ ltc pl o$tw$ n$tw$ ltc
ge@bwi^ enqdrs pl o@bwi^ enqdrs

16
 Gender 9/10

me-, N-

me$se$ lnmjdx
m$my$ rm`jd
N$Nme$ fn`s
m$p$ bnv
m$myo& onqbtohmd
$tSwE$ tSwE$ rtmahqc
me$gyE@ me$kw$ qnnrsdq
n$ku@m& bqnv
me$we$ snqsnhrd

1.9.2 Derived Nouns

Derivational processes are limited in Denya and tonally they are restricted to one

at the surface level. The formation of a gerund type of a noun from the verb (whether

transitive or intransitive) takes the suffix ge- or ne-. Thus we derive forms such as the

following. Through out the examples, that follow in this section the tones provided for

are underlying tones.

Verb Gloss Nominal Gloss

L
fE$ to lock fE@-ne@ locking

H
E@ to eat E@-ge@ eating

LH
tSyE& to give tSyE@-ge@ giving

HH
kE@le@ to find kE@le@-ge@ finding

17
 1.9.3 Pronouns

In this section, I sketch the morphological structure of independent and

possessive pronouns. Independent pronouns are those which may stand alone (e.g in

answer to a question such as what ? or who?). Possessive pronouns are those which

make reference to nouns that possess other (following) nouns. The following chart

sets out these pronouns.

SING. PLURAL
Indep. Poss. Indep. Poss.

1st person m$me$ E$ya^ e$se@ E$yi$ge$se@

2nd person w$ E$dZyE& E$u@ E$yi$ge$u@

3rd person dZi$ E$dZi& E$bw@ E$yi$ge$bw@

1.9.4 Adjectives

An adjective consists of a root to which a noun class prefix is adjoined. Concord

exists between the adjective and the (preceding) noun it modifies, and this is indicated

by the copying of the noun class prefix from the noun onto the adjective.

From tonal phenomena, it must be argued that the noun-adjective construction

constitutes two phonological word. This may be seen from the surface tonal melody

of the construction. The tone of the first prefix is not dependent upon the underlying

melody of the construction as a whole. The examples below demonstrates this and

also shows that vowel coalescence occurs in this environment;

u$-pu@ u@-pE@a@ [u$pu@pE@a@] two houses

de$-n$ de@-pE@a@ [de$n$ri @pE@a@] two irons

a$-ntE$ a@-pE@a@ [a$ntE$a@pE@a@] two fathers

18
 1.9.5 Verbs

We now turn our attention to the constituent structure of the verb in Denya.

Simple verb stems consist only of a root which is either monosyllabic or disyllabic.

All monosyllabic verb roots have the following underlying tonal melodies of L, H,

and LH. All disyllabic verb roots have the tonal melody of HH.

The tense markers are made up of two non-past markers of ne- and ge- which

occur as suffixes to the verb. They are demonstrated below:

a$ kE$le$-ge$ He is wanting

a$ fE$-ne$ He is locking

a$ kE$-nE$ He is walking

a$ gyi$-ge$ He is asking

The future tense is made up of the morpheme E which occurs after the verb.

Some examples are shown below:

$ E$ E^ I will eat

N$ kE$ ne$ E^ I will walk

Aspect in Denya can be marked as follows:

Present perfective a$ E@ mE@ He has eaten

Present imperfective a$ E@ He ate

Present habitual a$ E$ dZE&-nde@ge@be@ He eats (habitually)

Present continuous a$ E$ He is eating

19
 2. VOWEL AND CONSONANT SYSTEMS

2.1 Vowels

The vowels of Denya can best be described by the three parameters of height of

tongue, backness of tongue and lip rounding.

2.1.1 The Vowel System

The phonetic vowels of Denya are shown in the table below:

i i0 u u0
e e0 o o0
E E0 0
a a0

The evidence for this system will now be presented as shown below:

2.1.2 Descriptive Statement of Vocalic Allophones.

The allophonic variation of the various vowels are displayed below. Their various

contrast are shown in section 2.8.

/ i/ [ i0 ] Closed front nasalised unrounded vowel

[ni0@] to fold

[$i0$] stream

[i] Closed front unrounded oral vowel

[ t=i$] to wipe

[dZi$] to twist

/e0/ [e0] half-close front nasalised unrounded vowel

[ne0$gbo$] death

[me0$] swallow

/e/ [e] half-close front oral unrounded vowel

[be@] to dance

20
 [ke$] to sink

/E/ [E0] half-open front nasalised unrounded vowel

[E0@] to eat
[N$NmE$0] year

[] half-close central unrouded vowel

[gb@re@] to sprinkle
[l@re@] to show
[E] half-close front oral unrounded vowel
[bE@] to remain
[kE$] to walk

/a/ [a0] open back nasalised unrounded vowel

[a0@] to stretch
[Na0@] to chew
[a] open-back oral unrounded vowel
[sa@] to write
[kpa$] to carry

/u/ [u0] closed back nasalised rouded vowel

[u0@] to drink
[mu0] to demolish
[u] [bu@] to chase
[ku@le@] to move

[] closed back unrouded vowel

[m$f$a]$ chief

[b$a]$ mushroom

/o/ [o0] half-close back nasalised rounded vowel

[o@0] to jump
[E@no0@ge@] respect
[o] half-close back oral rounded vowel

21
 [ke@to$] hut
[u$to$] power

// [0] half-open nasalised rounded vowel

[n0@] to bite
[m&0] wine
[] half-open oral rounded vowel
[m$p$] cow
[dZ$] easy

All vowels in Denya are phonetically nasalised. The schwa is an allophone of /E/

and it occurs between consonants.

/E/ > [ ] / [cons] - [cons]

2.1.3 Distinctive Feature Matrix for Vowels.

i e E a o u
High + - - - - - +
Low - - - + - - -
Back - - - + + + +
Round - - - - + + +

2.2. CONSONANTS

The consonants of Denya are represented at two levels; the phonetic and the

phonemic. They are displayed and classified according to the place and manner of

articulation, the state of the vocal cords, whether vibrating or not. All consonants in

Denya are produced with an egressive air stream mechanism.

The consonant phones are displayed below in vertical columns according to their

points of articulation while the horizontal columns display manner of articulation.

Before we look at the chart, a few comments should be put in order pertaining to

symbols used in the chart.

22
c5 indicates an interdental/dental consonant phone

c7 indicates a retroflexed consonant phone

c5' indicates an unreleased consonant phone

The various abbreviations of the points of articulations are as follows:

bi bilabial

ld labiodental

da dental alvoelar

al alveolar

ap alveo-palatal

pa

fv front velar

bv back velar

/ glottal stop

23
24
2.2.1 Denya Phonetic Consonant Chart

bi ld da al ap pa fv bv lv gl

Vl plosive p t5 t k5 k7 kp /

Vl unreleased
plosive t5

Vd plosive b d g7 g7 gb

nasal m M n5 n N5 N7 Nm

Vl fricative f s S h

Vd fricative B

Vl affricate tS

Vd affricate dZ

lateral l5 l

flap R

approx. y w

2.2.2 Descriptive Statement of Consonant Phonemes

/p/ [p] Voiceless bilabial plosive occurs syllable

initially
[po@] to save

[m$-p$] cow

/b/ [B] voiced bilabial fricative occurs

intervocalically
[E$kpa$BE@] divination
[E$ta@ra@BE@] rock
[b] voiced bilabial plosive occurs syllable
initially
[ba@] to marry

25
 [bu@] to drive

/t/ [ t5] voiceless dental (freely varying to

interdental) plosive occurs preceeding
front vowels
[ t5i$] to erase
[ t5e@] to crack

/d/ [t5] voiceless unreleased dental freely varying

to interdental) plosive, occus syllable
finally
[N$ga@t5] Scorpion
[NgwE$t5] book
[d] voiced alveolar plosive occurs word
intially
[de$n$0] bicycle
[de$kpa@] scabies

/k/ [k5] voiceless velar dental plosive occurs

before front vowels
[ne$0k5i$] long life
[k5E$] to walk
[k7] voiceless velar retroflexed plosive occurs
before back vowels
[k7u@] to call
[k7$] to beg

/g/ [g7] vioced velar retroflex plosive occurs

morpheme initially
[g7@] to allow
[g7o$] to dig
[g5] voiced velar dental (freely varying to
interdental) plosive occurs before /y/
[g5ya@] to split

26
 [g5yi@] to ask
[] voiced velar fricative occurs
intervocalically in fast speech
[sa@a@re@] to whip
[ge$o&] bone

/kp/ [kp] vioceless labiovelar plosive occurs

syllable initially
[kpa@] to carry
[ge$kpo$] poor

/gb/ [gb] voiced labiovelar plosive occurs syllable

initially
[gbE@] to close
[gbE@re@] to sprinkle

/f/ [f] voiceless labiodental fricative occurs

syllable initially
[fe@re@] to remove
[fE$] to lock

/v/ [v] voiced labiodental fricative occurs

syllable initially
[E$vo$] musical instrument
[a@va@] name

/s/ [s] voiceless alveolar fricative occurs syllable

initially
[sa@] to write
[sE$] to take
[S] voiceless palatal fricative occurs syllable
initially
[SyE$] to abuse
[Su$] to drag

/h/ [h] voiceless glottal fricative occurs word

i i i ll

27
 initially
[ho$vya$] leaves
[h$N$0n0@] hollow

/m/ [m] voiced bilabial nasal occurs syllable

initially
[me0] to swallow
[m$mi0$] palmnuts
[M] voiced labiodental nasal occurs before
voiceless labiodental fricative
[M$fa&] moon
[M$f@] buffalo

/n/ [n5] voiced dental (freely varying to

interdental) nasal, occurs preceeding front
vowels
[n5i0$] to fold
[n5e0$] and

/N/ [N] voiced velar nasal occurs morpheme

initially and finally
[n@d@N] jigger
[Na@0me0@] to squeeze

/Nm/ [Nm] voiced labio-velar nasal occurs morpheme

initially
[a$Nme$0ne0$] to fidget
[Nme$0] to shoot

/tS/ [tS] voiceless palatal affricate occurs

morpheme initially and medially
[tSw@] to come
[tSi@tSi$tSi@] across

/dZ/ [dZ] voiced palatal affricate occurs word

initially and medially

28
 [dZo$] to weave
[ge$dZu$] to whisper

/l/ [l5] voiced alveolar dental lateral occurs

before front vowels
[l5i$] to cry
[pE@l5e@] to watch
[l7] voiced alveolar retroflexed lateral occurs
before back vowels
[l7$] to start
[l7o$] to mark

/r/ [R] voiced alveolar flap occurs morpheme

initially and medially
[Ra$mb$] floor mat
[ka@Re@] to share

/y/ [y] voiced palatal semi-vowel occurs

morpheme initially
[yi$] this
[E$ya^] my

/w/ [w] voiced labio-velar semi-vowel occus

morpheme initially and medially
[w$] you
[da@wE$] towel
[/] glottal stop occurs at the end of words
[da$ba$/] bat
[tSwa@/] to chew

29
2.2.3 Distinctive Feature Matrix for Sonorants.

m n N Nm l r j w

cons. + + + + + + + - -

cont. - - - - - - + + +

nas. + + + + + - - - -

lat. - - - - - + - - -

lab. + - - - + - - - +

ant. + + - - - + + - -

cor - + + - - + + + -

high - - + + + - - + +

back - - - + + - - - +

2.2.4.Distinctive Feature Matrix for Obstruents

p b t d tS dZ k g kp gb f v s h

voice - + - + - + - + - + - + - -
cont. - - - - - - - - - - + + + +
strident - - - - - - - - - - + + + -
ant. + + + + + + - - - - + + + -
lab. + + - - - - - - + + + + - -
high - - - - + + + + + + - - - -
low - - - - - - - - - - - - - +
back - - - - - - + + + + - - - -
del. rel. - - - - + + - - - - - - - -

2.3 Phonemic contrast for Vowels and Consonants

Below is chart showing the various ways in which vowels and consonants do

contrast. The vowels are represented horizontally while the consonants are

30
represented vertically. Any slot that appears empty shows that the combination does

not exist in that position.

i e E a o u

p m$pi$ pe@ pE$ pa@ m$p$ po@ ge$pu@

nail to wake to plant to count cow to save house
b u$bi@ be@ bE@ ba@ b@ bo@ bu@
secret to dance to remain to marry to pick to escape to send
up away
t ti@ te$ n$tE$ ta$ t@ u$to$ tu@
to burst to father to touch to send power to meet
remembe
r
d de$we@ dE$dE$ n$da$ n$d$ do$
fire level rubber to day to strike
tS $tSi$ tSE@ tS$ tSo@ tSu$
corn to slash to to go to rinse
condemn
dZ dZi$ dZe@ dZa$ dZ$ dZo@ dZu@
to twist to bless to pull easy to steal to pull
out
k ne$ki$ ke$ kE$ ka@ k$ ge$ko@ ku@
long to sink to walk to loosen to beg cloud to call
life
g ge@be@ gE@ g@ go$
time to view to allow to dig
kp kpe@ kpE$ kpa$ ge$kp$ kpo@
to scratch to enter to carry a lump to sell
gb gbe@ gbE@ E$gba$ gb@ gbo@
to rest to pour armpit to bark to die
m m$mi$ me$ m$ma@ m& a$mo$ mu$
palm- to mother wine ajar to
nuts swallow demolish
n ni@ ne@ne@ nE@re@ na$ n@ E@no@ge@
to fold to open to add to add to bite respect
$i$ E@ a@ o@ u@
stream to eat to stretch to jump to drink
N Ne@ne@ Na@
to tickle to chew
N N$Nme$ N$NmE$ me$Nmo$
m goat year relative

31
f fe@ fE& fa$ f@ fu@
to drive to praise to share to seize to boil
away
v da@vE@ a$va$ E@v@Nma$ E$vo$
personal personal charm musical
name name instrume
nt
s o$se$ sE$ sa@ s@ me$so$ su$
greed to receive to write to cancell back to drag
h h$N$n@ ho$vya$
hollow leaves
l li$ pE@le@ lE@re@ u$la$ l$ lo$ ge$lu$
to cry to push to train to reason to start to mark to force
r ri$nte$ fe@re@ fE@re@ ramb$
remem- to reject to think floor mat
brance
w we@ wE@ wa@ w$ wu@
to yell to fasten to kill to vomit feelings
y yi$ gya@ y$
this to split a
response

In the above data, the underlying tones represented are H and L. A detailed study will

be discussed in chapter 6.

2.4 The Feature Geometry of Denya

The theory stems from the fact that, a language is not made up of atomic

indivisible units, but should be rather decomposed into sets of phonological features.

In Chomsky and Halle (1968), each segment is represented as a simple set of co-

ocurrent binary phonological features such as [-voice], [+nasal]. However, in

Clements (1985) and subsequent work, it has been argued that the set of phonological

features should be internally structured. For instance, place features must be assumed

to form a subunit of features since cross-linguistically, they behave as a unit in

assimilation processes such as the assimilation of nasal consonants to the following

consonant with respect to place of articulation.

32
 I will here assume the feature geometry for Denya based on the proposals by

Halle (1992). This will serve as our point of departure.

[round] Labial
[lateral]

[anter] [strid]
[distrib] Coronal Oral [contin]

[back]
[high] Dorsal [cons]
[low] [sonor]

[nasal] Soft Palate Nasal

[spread gl]
Glottal Pharyngeal
[voiced]

terminal features articulator cavity stricture root

In this model, several hierarchical distinctions are introduced among the features. The

root node represents the phonological unity of the features that form together a

phonlogical segment. The root node is annotated with the binary features [consonant]

and [sonorant]. These are the major class features that divide the segment of a

language into three classes:

[+cons -sonor] obstruents

[+cons +sonor] sonorant consonants

[-cons +sonor] vowels

The terminal features ([round], [anter], [distrib], [back], [high], [low], etc) are

related to the SPE major class features [consonatal] and [sonorant], which form the

root of the tree through two intermediate levels of stricture: the six articulators and

three cavity nodes to which they are assigned. Off to the side are a set of features

characterising the degree and type of stricture made by the articulator in its cavity.

33
For instance, the feature [consonantal] specifies the difference in the degree of

stricture.

2.4.1 Laryngeal Features

Laryngeal is a class node which unites features with respect to the ways in which

the larynx is used in articulation. The basic larnyngeal distinction for Denya is the

distinction between voiced and voiceless segments. The feature [voice] in Denya, is

only distinctive with respect to obstruents: sonorant consonants and vowels are

always voiced. In this paper, I will take the conservative position that the terminal

nodes in feature geometry are binary features, and therefore voiced segments are

described as [+voice], and voiceless segments [-voice].

The feature [aspirated] can be used to characterise the /h/, a voiced glottal

fricative which is marginal in Denya. Aspirated sounds are produced with the vocal

cords drawn apart. The /h/ does not have supralaryngeal properties of its own. The

shape of the vocal tract is determined by the shape of the two vowels /, o/ .The

glottal stop is a phonetic feature and not a phonological one. It occurs only at the end

of words in Denya. Geometrically, these laryngeal features could be represented as

follows:

Place

Pharyngeal

[Pharyngeal]
[h, /] laryngeals

34
 This feature shows the internal structure of place node. The term Pharyngeal

appears at two different lwvels in the tree. It stands for a whole class of gutturals and

also appears as a terminal feature since no articulator is designated for the laryngeals.

2.4.2 Supralaryngeal Features

Supralaryngeal features are traditionally divided into manner features and place

features. Although supralaryngeal is a convenient term, this does not mean that it is

a class node: suffient evidence for the supralaryngeal features behaving as a unit is

lacking (McCarthy 1988). The manner features comprise [stop], [affricate],

[fricative], [approximant], [nasal] and [lateral]. Fricatives and vowels are

[+continuant] while the other consonants are not.

On the other hand Place is clearly a class node because the cluster of place may

behave as a unit in phonological processes, for instance in the place assimilation for

nasal consonants and the phoneme /s/ becoming [+high].

In Denya, three articulators play a role with respect to the place of articulation,

the lips (bilabial), the tongue blade (coronal) and the tongue body (dorsum).

The lips play an essential role in the production of bilabial consonants /p, b, m/ ,

labiodental consonants such as /f and v/ and labiovelar consonants such as

/gb, kp, Nm, and w/. The features are displayed geometrically as seen below:

Assimilation. In Denya, the phoneme /s/ assimilates to the semi-vowels /y and w/ to

become [S]. In the tree, this can be represented as seen below:

35
 Root/stricture V

Cavity Pharyngeal Oral Oral

Articulator Glottal Coronal Dorsal

[-voiced] [+ant] [+high]

In the above tree, assimilation is represented by a dotted line connecting both

features and showing how the high vowels have assimilated to the voiceless alveolar

fricative /s/.

[+cont] > [+high]/ V -

+syll

Vowel Nasalisation

Nasalisation is the superimposition of a nasal resonance on an oral segment.

Phonetically, all vowels become slightly nasalised when adjacent to a nasal

consonant. This nasalisation is generally more salient when the nasal consonant

precedes the vowel than when it follows it.

In Denya, all vowels become phonetically nasalised when they are following a

nasal consonant. Under feature geometry, the nasal node is dependent on the soft

palate (SP) articulator node. On phonetic grounds, it makes sense to identify SP as an

articulator because it is one of the independently movable elements of the vocal tract.

(Kenstowicz 1994). Below are some examples of words that are phonetically

nasalised.

[me$0ti$ ] road [ne0$ko$] parcel

36
[ma$0na0&] water [u0@] to drink
[ge$n0&] stick [ma0$kE$] news
[me$a0$] meat [ne$0nt@] pimple
[Na@0ne0@] to peel [ne0$g$] navel cord
[me0$sa$ ] hunger [ge$mE$0] neck

V > [+nas] / N-

Thus, vowel nasalisation could be represented as seen below under feature

geometry:

E@n@ku$ E@n@ku$

SP > SP

[nasal] [nasal]

Stricture Features

The process of consonant weakening is also taking place in Denya where voiced

plosives become fricatives when they occur intervocalically. It is most common in

fast speech.

/E$-kpa$bE@/ [E$kpa$BE@] divination

/E$-ta@ra@bE@/ [E$ta@ra@BE@] rock

/ne$-ba@/ [ne$Ba@] marriage

/me$-ko$/ [me$o$] sound

/me$-go&/ [me$o&] boa

The process of consonant weakening can be repesented geometrically as seen

below:

37
 V C V

Place Place Place

[+cont] [-cont] [+cont]

Nasal Assimilation

In Denya, as in many languages, nasal consonants are often homorganic with a

following obstruent. It occurs as a prefix to either nouns or verbs (Abangma 1981).

The first of these prefixes which will be symbolised as /N-/, denotes singular for noun

classes 1 and 6. This nasal prefix is easily distinguished by the speaker because it is

attached to nouns.

The second of these prefixes (also symbolised as /N-/) is very common in current

speech. It marks the first person singular subject pronoun and is usually attached to

verbs. It has the same tonal pattern as the verb. Though nasal prefixes may resemble

nasal consonants in their point of articulation, they carry contrastive tone and

therefore function as syllable peaks.

Underlying form Phonological Representation

/N-pi$/ [m$pi$] nail

/N-tE$/ [n$tE$] father

/N-ga$/ [N$ga$] knife

/N-tSi$/ [$tSi$] corn

/N-gbo$N/ [N@mgbo$N] green vegetable

38
 /N-kE$/ [N$kE$] I walked

/N-fE$/ [m$fE$] I locked

/N-tSw$] [$tSw$] I came

/N-t$/ [n$t$] I cleared

In the configuration below, nasals need to be specified for place and the place

feature will be spread from the following consonant. This is represented by the oral

node.

. [+consonant]

[+nasal] Oral

Contour Segments

In Denya, double articulated stops and affricates are common segments for which

similar internal structure can be proposed. The motivation for these are much the

same as the tonal case. The combination of [g] + [b] will form a double articulated

stop [gb], a common feature in Bantoid languages while [n] + [d] will form a

prenasalised stop [nd]. [t]+ [S] will form [tS] while [d] and [Z] will form

[dZ]respectively. They are represented in the tree as shown below:

[+nasal] [-nasal] [-cont][+cont]

Root Root

Coronal Coronal

[nd] [tS]

Here are some examples presented below:

39
 /m$p$/ cow /tS@/ to condemn

/n$tE$/ father /tSwa$/ to chew

/n$de&/ cloth /dZo$/ to pin

/m$fa&/ month /dZa$/ to draw

Vowel Height

Chomsky and Halle (1968) used the binary features [high] and [low] for vowel

height. Thus they can distinguish between three degrees of vowel height (which group

with [back] but not round under the Dorsal articulator). Like the other dorsal features,

[high] and [low] are defined phonetically as tongue body displacement from a neutral

position. Wang (1968) pointed out that there are languages for which four vowel

height can be distingushed.Clements, (1991) subdivided vowel height into different

registers in which each division is implemented by a feature [openi]. The various

registers form a hierarchical family of features housed under the aperture node. Denya

clearly requires four degrees of height. In the analysis, we will be using the feature

[mid] instead of the feature [low].

-back +back

+high, -mid i u

+high, +mid e o

-high, +mid E

-high, -mid a

Both models define essentially the same natural classes; high, mid, and low

vowels as well as nonhigh [e, o, E, , a] and nonlow [i, u, e, o, E, ]. As seen in the

above three examples, high and low cannot be grouped together to the exclusion of

mid. In the traditional model employing [high] and [low], [i, u] and [a] can be singled

40
out with one feature specification while [e o E ] needs two. In the hierarchical model

bases on [openi], three feature specifications are needed to distiguish between the high

and the mid vowels.

2.4.3 Underspersification

In the lexicon, not all phonological properties of a segment need to be

represented since certain properties are predictable. A good example is when the nasal

consonant in Denya occurs following a consonant which can be predicted by a

phonological rule of place assimilation.

Another type of rule is formed by rules that predict feature specifications of

certain segments on the basis of other feature specifications of that segment, so called

segment structure rules (Booij 1995). The following redundancy rules hold for the

segments of Denya:

[+lat] ----> [+cons, +son]

[+nas] ----> [+cons, +son, -cont,]
[-son] ----> [+cons]
[+son] ----> [+voice, +cont]
[-cons] ----> [+appr]

Underspecification occurs in voiceless consonants that occur intervocalically in

fast speech. They become fricatives through the process of consonant weakening. See

section 2.2.2. for the various consonant allophones.

2.5 Distribution of Consonant in Onset Position

41
The table below shows consonants which fill the onset position of the CV and CVC

syllables. A position in the table is marked if there are examples of consonants being

followed by a particular vowel. It is left blank if there are no such examples.

The chart shows that the following consonants have the widest distribution /p, b,

t, k, m and l/. This is followed next by the following consonants /kp, g, gb and w/.

The least widely distributed consonants are /N and h/. The consonant and vowel

contrast in section 2.5 gives a lot of illustrations.

i e a o u
p x x w x w x x
t x x w x w x x
sS x x w x w x x
j x x w x w x x
jo x w x w x
a x x w x w x x
c x w x w x
cZ x x x w x x
f x w w x
fa x w x w x
e x w x w x
u w x w x
r x w x w x x
l x x w x w x x
m x x w x w x
x x w x x x
N x x
Nm x w x
h w x
l x x w x w x x
r x x w x
w x w x w x
y x x w

From the chart we can see that the vowel /a/ has the widest distribution.

/, o and u/ never follow the following consonants, /r, and N/. The high close front

42
vowel /i/ never follows the the velar nasal /N/. The high close front vowel [i ] never

occurs after the voiceless palatal fricative [S ].

2.6 Consonants in Coda Position.

In syllable final position, the consonants /N,m,t, and d/ are represented.

2.7 Distribution of Consonant Phonemes in Different Positions of the Morpheme.

##- V#- N#- V-V -##

p x x x x
t x x x x
tS x x x x
k x x x x
kp x x x
b x x x x
d x x x x x
dZ x x x x
g x x x x
gb x x x x
f x x x x
v x x
s x x x
h x
m x x x x x
n x x x x x
x x x x
N x x x
Nm x x x x
l x x x x
r x x
w x x x
y x x x

3. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES

3. 1 Introduction

43
 This section discusses the major phonological processes which apply to vowels

when they are in sequence within or across a morpheme boundary in Denya. The

pattern of this operation is for typological and theoretical reasons such as the interplay

of syntactic relations in the application of phonological processes, and rule ordering.

When two underlying vowels occur in juxtaposition across a morpheme boundary

(V1 + V2), they are realised as a single short vowel (V1) in Denya. The phonological

processes of assimilation followed by contraction is postulated. Chumbow (1982)

postulates that contraction is not a single process but is rather a number of discrete

processes which include assimilation and elision. He proposes that when two vowels

are in an environment favourable for contraction, the first vowel assimilates certain

features of the second vowel before it (i.e the first vowel) is elided. Donwa-Ifode

(1985), working in Isoko proved that elision operates in quite a different way from

assimilation and contraction. According to her data, elision only takes place when a

closing sequence of vowels occurs before a morpheme boundary followed by another

word. The close vowel occuring as a second or third in a sequence of two or three

vowels before a boundary is elided and the situation created by this elision is ideal for

the application of assimilation. Thus, the process of elison first takes place then the

process of assimilation and contraction. I will represent some of her data from Isoko.

uzou + @m@

head child
V. El uzo + @m@

V. ass. uz@m
@ @

V. Ct. uz@m@

head of a child

44
 fou + IRaI

blow fire

V. El fo + IRaI

V. ass. fIIRaI

V. Ct. fIRaI

blow the fire

In the examples above, we assume that the two items in each construction is

deleted before the optional contraction of the two identical vowels on either side of it.

The presence of the boundary is vital for the operation of elision and assimilation.

3.2 Assimilation and Contraction in Denya

In Denya, when there are two vowels on either side of a boundary, there is either

a complete assimilation of the vowel at V2 to the one at V1 and in some cases, there is

no assimilation at all. Following the assimilation of V2 to V1, the sequence V1V2 may

optionally be contracted to a single V1.

1) geka + EdZi 2) mia + EdZimb

hoe his animal those

V ass. gekaadZi miaadZimb

V Ct. gekadZi miadZimb

his hoe those animals

3) mawe + Emi 4) mak + adZi

oil his farms these

V ass. maweemi makdZi

45
 V Ct. mawemi makdZi

his oil these farms

5) to + Ebw 6) s + oto

shoot hand burn huts

V. ass. toobw sto

V. Ct. tobw sto

shoot the hand burn the huts

The assimlation under discussion is progressive and the condition under which it

applies is phonological. Progressive assimilation applies to vowels in a noun plus

pronoun and verb plus noun.

3.3 Glide Formation

When words are uttered in isolation, the close vowels in the opening sequences

undergo a glide formation process. The structural condition under which a glide

formation will apply for a close vowel is that it occurs between a consonant and an

open vowel.

dZu$a$ ----> dZwa$ to laugh

li@a@ ----> lya@ to leave

mu$a$ ----> mwa$ to tease

fi@E@ ----> fyE@ to put

ge$lu@@ ----> ge$lw@ stool

E$fu$a$le$ ----> E$fwa$le$ agony

Glide formation process exists not only within morphemes but also across

morpheme boundaries as in:

46
 m$mi$ + a$Nwa^ ----> m$mya$Nwa^ palmnuts of the cat
palmnut cat

tu@ + a$kpa$ra$ ----> twa@kpa$ra$ meet the prostitute

meet prostitute

ni$ + a$gbo$gbo$ ----> nya$gbo$gbo$ fold the towel

fold towel

3.4 Desyllabification

In Denya, when two nasals or a vowel and a nasal are

used across morpheme or word boundary, the second or

following nasal is desyllabified. This is represented

below:

full form elided form gloss

ndNp gigger of cow
ndN+mp
Nkmp vegetable of cow
Nkm+mp
Nkmpu vegetable of furrow
Nkm+mpu

N [V]
> / N #-C
+syll -syll
3.5 Consonant Weakening

The process of consonant weakening takes place when oral plosives occur at word

boundary. It does not matter whether they occur at syllable final position or as

prefixes of nouns.

47
 Here are some examples below:

full form Elided form gloss

NgwEt + ayimb NgwErEyimb that book

b Ngad + Ebimb b Ngarabimb these scorpions

gepu + gema gepuema one house

wa + be waBe kill the louse

gen + k gen small stick

+cons -cons -cons

-nas. > [+cont] +syll - -syll

3.6 Reduplication.

The process of reduplication consists of two separate aspects:

1) copying of the phonemes of the base;

2) how many are actually pronounced in that particular base.

In Denya, the process of reduplication is unproductive except in two isolated

cases where the root is fully copied to show intensification such as:

pe$re$ slow pe$re$+pe$re$ = pe$re$-pe$re$ very slowly

b$ge$ tasty b$ge$$+b$ge$ = b$ge$-b$ge$ very tasty

There are non-productive fixed forms where the total root is reduplicated. The

root is never used in isolation such as:

bya$ +bya$ = bya$-bya$ hairy

tSa@+tSa@ = tSa@-tSa@ different

ge@dZi@+ge@dZi@ = ge@dZi@-ge@dZi@ only

kpa@ra@+kpa$ra$ = kpa@ra@-kpa$ra$ ceiling

48
There are cases where only the root is reduplicated. They are shown below:

E$-Nw@+E$-Nw$ = E$-Nw@-Nw$ snail

E$-Nme$ne$ + E$-Nme$ne$ = E$-Nme$Nme$ne$ rumour

49
50
3. THE SYLLABLE .

Most phonologists attempt to deal with the syllable as a phonological unit. Each

syllable consists of an obligatory nucleus (either a vowel or a syllabic consonant)

preceded by zero or more consonants(the coda). The nucleus may be a vowel or a

syllabic consonant. Thus, we may regard the syllable as the minimum unit.of the

word.The syllable is traditionally assumed to be composed of three phonetic parts:

1) the onset,

2) the peak or nucleus,

3)the coda.

For phonological purposes, however, only a single division is relevant namely

between :

1)the onset,

2) the rhyme consisting of the phonetic peak or nucleus and the coda. The

structure of the syllable is thus represented below:

Onset Rhyme

Nucleus Coda

The syllable node () consists of an optional onset (O) filled by a consonant, an

obligatory nucleus (R) filled by a vowel or an optional consonant in the coda position

(C).

3.1 Specific Syllable Types

51
 The syllable in Denya is made up of segments (consonants, vowels, syllabic

nasals) semi-vowels /y/ and /w/, and tone. The segmental forms of lexical

morphemes are presented below under syllable types. There is a listing of the various

syllable types and their skeletal tier and an indepth analysis of the various syllables

and tones completes this section. X represents the various segments which may be

vowels, consonants or syllabic consonants. No theoretical status is claimed for this

particular model of syllable structure.

1) CV

O R

x x

b u
This is the most common syllable structure and it is mostly common in verbs.

Some examples are represented below:

mu$ to demolish

n$ to bite

me$ to swallow

sa@ to write

fE$ to seal

2) CSV is the next syllable structure that is quite common. CSV is not treated as

CVV for the various reasons:

a) the semi-vowels do not carry a tone of their own,

52
 b) the phonetic duration of semi-vowels in this position is not as long as regular

short vowels. It is thus heard phonetically as a modification of release of basic

consonants,

x x x

Z*ghfg\

In the following example, the semi-vowel is always [+high] as seen above. An

example in Denya can thus be illustrated below:

O R

x x x

p w _sn anqqnv&

Gdqd `qd rnld dw`lokdr adknv9

gya@ to split

fwi@ to drive

lya@ to lean on

kwe@ to fail

kwa@ to sing

tSw@ to come

bwE@ to raise

bw@le@ to trick

53
 There are a few other consonant clusters with the syllable structure CCV which

occurs in the language. The consonant clusters are found in borrowed words. The

second consonant does not take the feature [+high].

/m$-frE@ka@N/ rust

/gli@ta$/ grater

/a$ka$fla@ o$/ greetings

They also occur in ideophones such as:

/gri$di$di$$/ to glide

/gbra$m/ falling coconut

The syllable structure can be represented as shown below:

O R O R O R

x x x x x x x x x

g l i t a gb r a m
grater falling of a coconut

3) V. A single vowel occurs only as a pronoun. They can also occur as prefixes of

nouns as can be shown below:

R R O R

x x x x

a$ he E$ t u ear

Some examples are shown below:

$ you (non-emphatic pronoun)

54
 a@ they (non-emphatic pronoun)

E$-bE@ law

u@ -ba$ bags

4) V.CCV. This syllable structure is not common. It is found in the plural prefix

of some nouns.

a$ntE$ fathers

u@Nk$ ravines

R O R

x x x x

a$ n t E$ fathers

5) CVC. The CVC syllable types are not common in Denya. I will here represent

all CVC syllable types that exist in the language:

ma&N to

N$-ga@d scorpion

n@-d@N jigger

N@-gbo$N green vegetables

N$-gwE$t school (or book)

55
 O R R O R

x x x x x x x

m a& N to N g a@ d scorpion

Geminate consonant was discovered in one of the words in the lexicon:

/ge$ssa$/ basket

The syllable structure could be represented as CVC.CV

4.2 Affricates

The affricates /tS/ and /dZ/ should be treated as a single phoneme for the various

reasons:

1)These consonants never occur in the reverse form. That is /St/ and /Zd/ never

occur.

2) The affricates may be followed by the semi-vowels /y/ and /w/ in a syllable. In

Denya, the affricate seems to require an internal sequencing of the feature

[continuant]. Thus, we can represent the affricate in Denya geometrically as seen

below:

[+coron]

[+anter]

[-cont] [+cont]

This representation is supported by syllables that treat the consonant as a stop and

the second, as a fricative. Two examples are represented below:

56
 O R O R

x x x x x

tS w @ dZ I@
to come to stir

The NCV syllable structure can be treated as shown below:

R O R

x x x

n$ t E$
father

Other examples include:

m$-p$ cow

m$-pi$ nail

N$-ga$ knife

n$-da$ rubber

$-tSu$ thatch

4.3 Semi-Vowels

The two semi-vowels /y/ and /w/ occur syllable initially in Denya. In this

position, they are analysed as consonant phonemes and are treated at the phoneme

level. Some examples of [y] and [w] consonant phonemes are:

/w$/ you /yi$/ this

/wa$/ mine /E$ya^/ my

When the above two semi-vowels occur between a consonant and a vowel, they

are treated as consonant clusters with the consonants they follow.

57
/kwe@/ to fail /tya@/ scatter

/a$Nwa^/ cat /gya@/ to ask

/E$bw$/ hand /tSyE&/ to give

There are also sequences of vowels that occur in the language. The syllable

structure could be represented as CV.V where the second V belongs to a different

syllable, the reason being that Denya does not allow a CVV syllable structure.

/E@-pE@a@/ two

/u$-bE$a@/ yaws

/kpE@a@/ to urge

/l@ea@ @/ to allow

The syllable structure can be represented thus:

R O R R O R R

x x x x x x x

E p E a l e a

5. TONE

Pike (1948) defines as tonal any language having signifant,

contrastive , but relative pitch on each syllable.

Denya is a tone language like most African languages.

On the surface Denya has two level tones [ @ ] and low [

$ ] and two contour tones falling

58
 [ ^ ] and rising [ & ]. In addition there is the

phenomenon of downstep high being marked /H/. This will

also be discussed below.

5.1 Tonal Phonemes

In a tone language, the speaker uses the pitch of his voice to distinguish lexically

between morphemes or words that would have been otherwise identical. For example,

the following are generally distinguished from each other by tone.

/ti@/ to pierce
/ti$/ to wipe

/be@/ to dance
/be$/ war

/ge$ba$/ area
/ge@ba$/ bag

/m$bu@/ dumb
/m$bu$/ hole

A set of eight lexical items has been distinguished as

shown above.

Below, there is a discussion on the distribution of tones on nouns, and the various

tones in the associative construction.

The discussion about tones on verbs includes the distribution of tones, the

description of tone in the verb phrase, the verb classes and the various verb tone

paradigms completes this chapter.

59
5.2 The Distribution of Tones.

Monosyllabic noun roots have the following tones: L, H, LH, and HL. The

Downstep High /H/ is not found on monosyllabic noun roots.

Monosyllabic Disyllabic Trisyllabic

ge$ba$ `qd` ge$pwe$ni$ cnud m$pa$mpa$le$ fq`rrgnoodq

me$ti$ qn`c ge$a$a$ khnm E$t$ge$mf$ b`sskd dfqds

ro`bd snvdk vhmf

me$lu$ a$gbo$gbo$ ge$ba$ge$le$

Monosyllabic Disyllabic Trisyllabic

ge$ko@ enf $dZ@me@ dqnrhnm N$kpa@Na@ni@ aqnjdm

ne$ba@ l`qqh`fd m$pu@mpu@ ctrs chrg

khfgs rgdkk
ge$Ngb@ ge$ko@Nko@

LH

Monosyllabic Disyllabic Trisllabic

ma$na& v`sdq E$bo$ba@ akntrd There are no

l`mtqd adf atf trisyllabic

u$dZwa& ka$la$Ngba@
noun
lnmsg adks
m$fa& E$ka$nda@
roots

60
 HL
Monosyllabic Disyllabic Trisyllabic

ti^ sd` m$ba@le$ v`kk There are no

btbjnn rlnjd trisyllabic

ge$pi^ a$mwa@we$
noun
b`s a`lann
a$Nwa^ ge$mpe@le$
roots
sqdd

LLH

There are no me$a$tu& q`s N$k$me$w@ rm`hk

monosyllabic bg`ee mdbjk`bd
u$tSa$tSu& m$bo$ge$no@
noun roots

LHL

There are no n$da$kw^ dbgn me@Nk$re@n$ adff`q

monosyllabic `msdknod
me$kw$bu^
noun roots

5.3 Tone in the Associative Construction

Tone changes in the Denya associative (genitive) construction seem to be quite

complex because the rules needed to explain them are often restrictive in their

structural description. This paper uses an autosegmental approach to describe these

changes. It is hoped that these rules will be helpful in explaining the entire Denya

tone system. The purpose of autosegmental theory is to provide a more adequate

understanding of the phonetic side of the linguistic representation (Goldsmith

1976b:32). Autosegmental theory assumes that different phonological features

function on different tiers, or levels, and must be associated to produce the final

61
phonetic form of an utterance. The tones are represented autosegmentally because

tonal behaviour is autonomous from other segments.

The associative marker (AM) can be a segment with a H tone or a zero depending

on the class of the first noun in the associative construction. These rules are posited to

explain tone perturbations that occur when two nouns are put together in such a

construction. Some of these rules govern tone spreading depending on the final

syllable of the first noun while others govern downstep.

5.3.1 Tone Rules

The first tone rules discussed are in regard to mapping. Some examples are

shown below. This is followed by a discussion of rules that govern tone changes when

nouns are put in the associative construction. As will be seen in the discussion below,

the behaviour of tones in certain environments will depend on :

a) whether the tone of the final stem is H or L,

b) whether the AM is segmental or not,

c) whether the noun prefix of the second noun is a vowel or a syllabic

consonant ,

d) whether the stem of the first noun is HL or LH.

E$bw$ + E$ta$ E$bw@ta$ hand of jaw

ma$na& + E$ba@ ma$na@ba@ water of fufu

ge$pu@ + m$p$ ge$pu@ge@mp@ house of cow

ge@ba$ + ma&myE$ ge@ba$ma&myE$ bag of cow

The examples are taken from charts in the section 5.3.3. In this discussion, the

AM is considered as a pre-prefix of the second noun itself.

62
5.3.2 Mapping Rules

Syllabic nasals and vowels are marked with tones within morphemes before any

tone rules are applied. Tones are mapped onto segments beginning with the first

syllable on the left in each morpheme mapping out one tone to one syllable and

moving to the right until all the tones are connected to at least one syllable. An

example of this is the word me$se$ monkey as shown below:

mese

Discussion of the main tone rules begins with a

presentation of tone spreading rules, where tones spread

rightward or leftward. This is followed by a presentation

of rules describing tone changes in the final syllable of

the first noun. These rules create environments that

contribute to the late phonetic realization rule such as

in downstep.

Leftward spreading H of the AM onto the root of the

first noun:

In associative noun phrases, the H tone of the AM

spreads to the left delinking the L of the noun stem.

This rule applies regardless the tone of the first noun

stem of the first noun is and is formalized as in (3)

below.

63
 (3) Leftward spreading H of the AM unto the stem of
the first noun.

X +

L + H

In (4) below, the floating H of the AM spreads

leftward unto the L of the noun stem disassociating the

lexical L.

mekpo +mp$ mekpo mp

----->
L H L L H L
me$kpo$ +
@ m$p$ ---> me$kpo@mp$ head of cow

The L tone prefix of the second noun is dissociated as

a result of the spread of the tone of the AM unto the

noun.

In (5), the H tone of the AM spreads to the left

delinking the L of the noun stem but does not delink the

prefix of the second noun because the prefix of the

second noun has a contour tone thus checking the

spreading of the H tone of the AM.

mekpo + mamyE$ mekpomamyE$

----->

L H L H L L H L H
L

me$kpo$ + @ +ma&myE$ > me$kpo@ma&myE$ Head of dog

64
 Falling Simplification:

The underlying tone is HHL which results in the

falling of the final syllable of the disyllabic noun.

When this pattern occurs, the falling tone is simplified

to H with the L of the H being dissociated. This rule is

formalized as shown below:

6) CV

H L

In (7) below the L tone is dissociated by the H tone

of the AM. The concord marker also takes a H tone.

ge-bwi - ge - mekpo gebwigemekpo

----->
H H L H H L H H H L

ge@bwi^ @ ge@ me$ kpo$ > ge@bwi@ge@ me$kpo$ head of forest

In (8) below, the L tone is dissociated together with

the L tone prefix of the second noun and its vowel. The

surface tones that remain are HL

gebe - ata gebe ta

----->
H H L L H L

Rising Simplification:
The underlying tone is LLH. Here a rising tone occurs

in the final syllable of the disyllabic noun. The rising

65
tone is simplified to a H because of the presence of a H

concord marker.

9)
CV

L H

In (10) below, the H is dissociated when it is

following a H concord marker. The L tone of the second

noun is unaffected.

11) gen - ge - mekpo gengemekpo

---->
L L H H L L H L

stick of head

Falling Creation:

In falling creation, the tone of the stem of the first

noun has a vowel with a low tone. The H tone associates

with the L, creating a falling tone. The vowel of the

prefix of the second noun is elided. This rule is

formalized below:

12)

+ X + X + + X + X
+
----->

+ H + L + + H + L
+

Below, the vowel is first elided then, the H tone

spreads to the right and instead of dissociating the L,

it anchors on it thereby creating a contour tone.

66
 13) geba - ukw geba kw

----->
L H L H L H L H
scar of bridge

Downstep Rule:

Downstep is similar to downdrift rule except that

downstep is caused by a the presence of a floating L

floating L. In the example below, the H is mapped as + 1 to

show that the H tone is one step lower than the normal H.

14) X + X
+ 1 pitch

H L + H

Downstep was first mentioned in example (6) above

where the floating L tone caused the final H to be

downstepped. Here below, we shall see how a rising

contour is first simplified to a H. The vowel of the

prefix of the second noun is elided leaving the L tone to

become floating. This causes the final H to be

downstepped.

15) mana - ukw mana - ukw mana kw

>
L L H L H L H L H
L H L H
water of bridge

Downdrift

For us to predict the phenomenon of downdrift, an

associated L has to cause the following H to be lowered.

67
This causes a downdrift . Below, + 1 pitch lower means

that the H tone is one step lower than the normal H.

17) X X

+ 1 pitch
L H

Example (17) means that all tones, both H and L, are

lowered the same amount and the difference in pitch

between H and L does not decrease. The new values of H

and L will continue till the next L H sequence, rather.

This is illustrated below in (18)

18) geba + ge + mp gebagemp

------>

H L H L H L H L
bag of cow

The L tone of the prefix of the second noun is elided.

In example (19) below the L tone of the first noun

anchors to the H tone of the prefix of the second noun. A

rising contour results. The vowel prefix of the second

noun is elided.

19) uba +Efimb ubafimb

------>

H L H L H L H L

CONCLUSION

68
From the discussion above, it is apparent that rules

governing Denya Associative construction are often

restricted in environment. The tones of the nouns, the

syllable structure of the first noun or the AM, the type

of prefix of the second noun are all crucial as to

whether a rule applies. For instance a downstep rule

occurs when there is a floating L preceding a word

boundary.

The more restrictive the environment of a rule, the

smaller the corpus of attested examples. It is hoped that
the examples in the 5.3.3 will help some other linguists
to build theories which will handle Denya tone
perturbations much more clearly.

Below is a chart showing all the tones, their associative markers and concord. The

various concords are represented in slanted lines to differentiate one word from the

other. The various words and their glosses are as follows:

ma$na& water
E$bw$ hand
ne$ba@ marriage
ge@bwi^ time
ge$n& stick
me$kpo$ head
m$p$ cow
ge$pu@ cow
ma&myE$ dog
ge@ba$ bag
ne@NE@ne@ tooth

69
 ma$na& E$bw$ ne$ba@ ge@bwi^ gE$n& me$kpo$ m$p$ ge$pu@ ma&myE$ ge@ba$ ne@NE@ne@
ma$na& LH/LLH LLH/L LLH/LH LLH/HHL LLH/LLH LLH/LL LLH/L LLH/LH LLH/LHL LLH/HL LLH/HHH
E$bw$ LH/LLH LL/LL LH/LH LH/LLH LH/LLH LH/LL LH/L LH/LH LH/LHL LH/HL LH/HHH
ne$ba@ LH/H/LLH LH/H/L LH/H/LH LH/H/HHL LH/H/LLH LH/H/LL LH/H/L LH/H/LH LH/H/LHL HH/H/HL HH/H/HHH
ge@bwi^ HH/H/LLH HH/H/L HH/H/LH HH/H/HHL HH/H/LLH HH/H/LL HH/H/L HH/H/LH HH/H/LHL LL/H/HL LL/H/HHH
ge$n& LL/H/LLH LL/H/.L LL/H/LH LL/H/HHL LLH/LL LL/H/LL LL/H/L LL/H/LH LL/H/LHL LH/HL LH/HHH
me$kpo$ LH/LLH LH/L LH/LH LH/HHL LH/LLH LL/LL LH/L LH/LH LH/LHL LL/HL LL/HHH
m$p$ LL/LLH LL/L LL/LH LL/HHL LL/LLH LL/LL LL/L LL/LH LL/LHL LH/H/HL LH/H/HHH
ge$pu@ LH/.LLH LH/H/L LH/H/LH LH/H/HHL LH/H/LLH LH/H/LL LH/H/L LH/LH LH/H/LHL LHL/HL LHL/HHH
ma$myE$ LHL/LLH LHL/L LHL/LH LHL/HHL LHL/LLH LHL/LL LHL/L LHL/LH LHL/LHL HL/H/HL HL/H/HHH
ge@ba$ HL/H/LLH HL/H/L HL/H/LH HL/H/HHL HL/H/LLH HL/H/LL HL/H/L HL/H/LH HL/H/LHL HH/H/HL HH/H/HHH
ne@NE@ne@ HHH/LLH HHH/L HHH/LH HHH/HHL HHH/LLH HHH/LL HHH/L HHH/LH HHH/LHL HHH/HL HHH/HHH

70
5.4 Tones on Verbs

Verbs in Denya have four tone patterns, H, L, HL, and LH. Verbs exist in

monosyllabic and disyllabic types. Trisyllabic verbs have not yet been discovered.

Monosyllabic Disyllabic

ti$ sn drb`od NmE@re@ sn oqdrr

tu@ sn bnkkhcd ga@re@ sn sdkk
wE@ sn e`rsdm pE@le@ sn v`sbg

Monosyllabic Disyllabic

ti$ sn dq`rd Disyllabic verbs do not

ke$ sn rhmj exist.

kpE$ sn dmsdq

LH

Monosyllabic

Monosyllabic verbs do not de$mby@ sn cntas

exist. ge$Nga@ sn hmsdqudmd

HL

Monosyllabic

There are no monosyllabic dZen@te$ sn hmsdqudmd

verbs

71
 5.5 Description of Tone in the Verb Phrase

On the segmental level, a simple Denya verb phrase is

made up of the following morphemes, in the order given:

subject marker, the verb root, tense marker and mood. The

various verbs are marked by different suffixes. The L-

tone verbs take the suffix -ne, the H-tone verbs take the

suffix -ge. Below, I will display the various subject and

object markers that go with the verb:

1. Subject Markers (SM)

The SM are as follows:

0r n 0ok de$

1r 1ok E$u@

2r a 2ok E$bw@

The Direct Object Markers (OMS) are as follows:

0r m$me 0ok E$se@

1r w$ 1ok de$
2r dZi$ 2ok a@

While the SMs occur before the verb, the OMs occur

after the verb. The suffixes play a great role as well as

the tone in the various verb paradigms. The suffix -ne

is used to mark the L-tone verbs in the non-past. The

suffix -ge is used to mark some monosyllabic and

disyllabic H-tone verbs. The suffix -mE@ is used to mark a

verb in the perfective construction.

5.5.1 Tone Rules

72
 The tones discussed are in regard to mapping. When the subject marker is

attached to the verb, there will be various tone rules that govern tone changes

5.5.2 Mapping Rules

The various vowels are marked with tones within morphemes before any tone

rules are applied. Tones are mapped onto segments beginning with the first syllable

on the left in each morpheme, spreading to the right until all the tones are connected

to at least one syllable as seen below.

V V

An example of this is the word ku@le@ to rise. When mapping rules are applied,

the H tone on the root is mapped unto the first syllable and spreads unto the second

syllable resulting unto the surface form.

ku@le@

A study of the main tone rules begins with a presentation of tone spreading rules,

where tones spread rightward or leftward. This is followed by a presentation of rules

describing tone changes.

1) Floating L-tone spreads to the Right of the verb Stem

In this rule, when the the subject marker is a H tone , the floating L is seen

spreading to the verb root and just assimilates to it:

X + X

H L + L

73
 This can represented below:

If the verb root is a H, tone verb, a Downstep is created

a@ E@

H L H they ate

3) High Tone Spread unto the Right.

The H spread rule states that when there is a H-L-L sequence, the H tone spreads

to the right delinking the first L. This is shown below:

X + X + X

H + L + L

In the example above, the High tone of the subject marker spreads to the right

delinking the L tone of the verb root. This is shown below:

a@ fE$ ne$ a@ fE@ ne$

>

H L L H H L
they are locking

4)Low Tone Spread to the Left

The tone spreads from the the suffix and delink the the H tone of the second

syllable thereby making it a L. The verb root is now HL instead of HH. This can be

demonstrated below:

5) X + X X + X

H + H + L

6) a@ kE@le@ ge$ a@ kE@le$ ge$

>

74
 H H L H H L

they are wanting

5.5.3 Late Phonetic Realisation.

Two additional rules must be posited to explain the lowering of pitch in certain

environment- downdrift and downstep.

Downdrift. In downdrift, an associated L automatically causes the following H to

be lowered. This can be formalised as seen below:

7) X X
>+ 1 pitch

L H

In this rule, when a H is following a L, it will cause the H following it to be given

a value of one pitch lower. This is shown below:

8) a@ kE$ mE@
- + 1 pitch

H L H they have walked

Downdrift is being created by the addition of the past tense marker mE@ which carries a

H tone.

Downstep: The downstep rule is similar to downdrift except that downstep is

created by the presence of a floating L rather than an associated L. An associated H is

therefore downstepped when it is immediately preceded by another word containing a

final floating L, which is preceded by an associated H. Any following H, has the same

pitch as the downstepped H. and any following L has a pitch value of two lower than

75
the pitch value of the preceding H. Thus the difference in pitch value between further

H and L tones remains the same. The downstepped rule is formalised as seen below:

Downstep Rule

9) X X
> + 1 pitch

H L H

In the following example, the floating L causes the following H to become

downstepped.

10) a@ E@

HL H they ate

Falling Creation: The H tone spreads to the right anchoring on the verb root to

become a falling tone:

11) X + X

H + L

12) a@ kE^

H H L they should walk

Conclusion

The most common tone changes in Denya can be accounted for by the spread of

H and L tones. Unlike some Bantu languages, segmental markers for tenses are still

present, so that there are few tones that are not lexically associated to segments. Most

tone changes are fairly regular and predictable. Floating tones are also present which

may have been associated historically with segmental morphemes.

76
6.6 Denya Verb Tone Paradigms

kE$ walk

ma&N kE$ to walk

I am walking
N$ kE$ ne$
I usually walk
N$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
I will walk
N$ kE$ ne$ E^
I should walk
N& kE$ I might walk
N$ ka$ge$ kE^ I walked
N$ kE$ I have walked

N$ kE$ mE@ I walked

$ kE$ ne$ xnt 'rf( `qd v`kjhmf

$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ xnt 'rf(trt`kkx v`kj
$ kE$ ne$ E^ xnt 'rf( vhkk v`kj
@ kE^ xnt 'rf( rgntkc v`kj
& kE$ xnt 'rf( v`kjdc
@ kE$ mE@ xnt 'rf( g`ud v`kjdc

a$ kE$ ne$ gd hr v`kjhmf

a$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ gd trt`kkx v`kjr

a$ kE$ ne$ E^ gd vhkk v`kj

a@ kE^ gd rgntkc v`kj

a$ ka$ge$ kE^ gd lhfgs v`kj

a$ kE$ gd v`kjdc

77
a$ kE$ mE@ gd g`r v`kjdc

e$se@ de$ kE$ ne$ vd `qd v`kjhmf

de$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ vd trt`kkx v`kj
de$ kE$ ne$ E^ vd vhkk v`kj
de$ kE^ vd rgntkc v`kj
de$ ka$ge$ kE^ vd lhfgs v`kj
de$ kE$ vd v`kjdc
de$ kE$ mE@ vd g`ud v`kjdc

E$u@ de$ kE$ ne$ xnt 'ok( `qd v`kjhmf

de$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ xnt 'ok( trt`kkx v`kj
de$ kE$ ne$ E^ xnt 'ok( vhkk v`kj
de@ kE^ xnt 'ok( rgntkc v`kj
de$ ka$ge$ kE^ xnt 'ok( lhfgs v`kj
de& kE$ xnt 'ok( v`kjdc
de& kE$ mE@ xnt g`ud v`kjdc

a@ kE$ ne$ sgdx `qd v`kjhmf

a@ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ sgdx trt`kkx v`kj
a@ kE$ ne$ E^ sgdx vhkk v`kj
a@ kE^ sgdx rgntkc v`kjdc
a@ ka@ge$ kE^ sgdx lhfgs v`kj
a@ kE$ sgdx v`kjdc
a@ kE$ mE@ sgdx g`ud v`kjdc

78
E@ d`s
ma& E@ sn d`s
a$ E^ gd hr d`shmf
a$ E^ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ gd trt`kkx d`sr
a$ E^ E^ gd vhkk d`s
a@ E@ gd rgntkc d`s
a$ ka$ge$ E@ gd lhfgs d`s
a$ E@ mE@ gd `sd

a@ E^ sgdx `qd d`shmf

a@ E^ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ sgdx trt`kkx d`s
a@ E^ E^ sgdx vhkk d`s
a@ E@ sgdx rgntkc d`s
a@ ka@ge$ E@ sgdx lhfgs d`s
a@ E@ sgdx `sd
a@ E@ mE@ sgdx g`ud d`sdm

kE@le@ v`ms
ma&N kE$le@ sn v`ms
a$ kE$le$ ge$ gd hr v`mshmf
a$ kE$le$ ge$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ gd trt`kkx v`msr
a$ kE$le$ ge$ E^ gd vhkk v`ms
a@ kE@le@ gd rgntkc v`ms
a$ ka$ge$ kE@le$ gd lhfgs v`ms
a$ kE$le@ gd v`msdc
a$ kE$le@ mE@ gd g`r v`msdc

79
a@ kE@le$ ge$ sgdx `qd v`mshmf
a@ kE@le$ ge$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ sgdx trt`kkx v`ms
a@ kE@le$ ge$ E^ sgdx vhkk v`ms
a@ kE@le@ sgdx rgntkc v`ms
a@ ka@ge$ kE@le$ Sgdx lhfgs v`ms
a@ kE$le@ sgdx v`msdc
a@ kE$le@ mE@ sgdx g`ud v`msdc

a@ gyi@ ge$ sgdx `qd `rjhmf

a@ gyi@ ge$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ sgdx trt`kkx `rj
a@ gyi@ ge$ E^ sgdx vhkk `rj
a@ gyi@ sgdx rgntkc `rj
a@ ka@ge$ gyi^ sgdx lhfgs `rj
a@ gyi@ sgdx `rjdc
a@ gyi$ mE@ sgdx g`ud `rjdc

fE$ knbj
ma&m fE$ sn knbj
a$ fE$ ne$ gd hr knbjhmf
a$ fE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ gd trt`kkx knbjr
a$ fE$ ne$ E^ gd vhkk knbj
a@ fe^ gd rgntkc knbj
a$ ka$ge$ fE^ gd lhfgs knbj
a$ fE$ gd knbjdc
a$ fE$ mE@ gd g`r knbjdc

80
a@ fE$ ne$ sgdx `qd knbjhmf
a@ fE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ sgdx trt`kkx knbj
a@ fE@ ne$ E^ sgdx vhkk knbj
a@ fE^ sgdx rgntkc knbj
a@ ka@ge$ fE^ sgdx lhfgs knbj
a@ fE$ sgdx knbjdc
a@ fE$ mE@ sgdx g`ud knbjdc

ku@ b`kk
ma&N ku@ sn b`kk
a$ ku$ gd hr b`kkhmf
a$ ku$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ gd trt`kkx b`kkr
a$ ku$ E^ gd vhkk b`kk
a@ ku@ gd rgntkc b`kk
a$ ka$ge$ ku@ gd lhfgs b`kk
a$ ku$ mE@ gd g`r b`kkdc

a@ ku^ sgdx `qd b`kkhmf

a@ ku^ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ sgdx trt`kkx b`kk
a@ ku^ E^ sgdx vhkk b`kk
a@ ku@ sgdx rgntkc b`kk
a@ ka@ge$ ku@ sgdx lhfgs b`kk
a@ ku@ mE@ sgdx g`ud b`kkdc

5.6.1 NEGATION

Negation in Denya is marked by the morpheme f@ w@ which occurs at

the end of the verb phrase. Here below, the various

81
tenses and auxilliary mood are displayed with the various

tones. Tone is an aspect of the morphology of the

language.

Perfective Aspect

a& fE& f@ w@ gd g`r mns knbjdc

a& kE& f@ w@ gd g`r mns v`kjdc
a& E& f@ w@ gdg`r mns d`sdm
a& ku& f@ w@ gd g`r mns b`kkdc
a& gyi& f@ w@ gd g`r mns `rjdc
a& tyE& f@ w@ gd g`r mns bnnjdc
a& kE$le@ f@ w@ gd g`r mns v`msdc
a& ku$le@ f@ w@ gd g`r mns qhrdm

a@ fE& f@ w@ sgdx g`ud mns knbjdc

a@ kE& f@ w@ sgdx g`ud mns v`kjdc
a@ E& f@ w@ sgdx g`ud mns d`sdm
a@ ku& f@ w@ sgdx g`ud mns b`kkdc
a@ gyi& f@ w@ sgdx g`ud mns `rjdc
a@ tyE& f@ w@ sgdx g`ud mns bnnjdc
a@ kE$le@ f@ w@ sgdx g`ud mns v`msdc
a@ ku$le@ f@ w@ sgdx g`ud mns qhrdm

Imperfective Aspect

a& fE@ ne^ f@ gd hr mns knbjhmf

a& kE@ ne^ f@ gd hr mns v`kjhmf
a& E^ f@ gd hr mns d`shmf
a& ku^ f@ gd hr mns b`kkhmf
a& gyi@ ge^ f@ gd hr mns `rjhmf

82
a& tyE@ ge^ f@ gd hr mns bnnjhmf
a& kE@le@ ge^ f@ gd hr mns v`mshmf
a& ku@le@ ge& f@ gd hr mns qhrhmf

a@ fE@ ne^ f@ sgdx `qd mns knbjhmf

a@ kE@ ne^ f@ sgdx `qd mns v`kjhmf
a@ E^ f@ sgdx `qd mns d`shmf
a@ ku^ f@ sgdx `qd mns b`kkhmf
a@ gyi@ ge^ f@ sgdx `qd mns `rjhmf
a@ tyE@ ge^ f@ sgdx `qd mns bnnjhmf
a@ kE@le@ ge^ f@ sgdx `qd mns v`mshmf
a@ ku@le@ ge^ f@ sgdx `qd mns qhrhmf

Perfect Tense

a& fE$ mE^ f@ w@ gd g`c mns knbjdc

a& kE$ mE^ f@ gd g`c mns v`kjdc
a& E$ mE^ f@ w@ gd g`c mns d`sdm
a& ku$ mE^ f@ w@ gd g`c mns b`kkdc
a& gyi$ mE^ f@ w@ gd g`c mns `rjdc
a& tyE$ mE^ f@ w@ gd g`c mns bnnjdc
a& kE$le@ mE^ f@ w@ gd g`c mns v`msdc
a& ku$le@ mE^ f@ w@ gd g`c mns qhrdm

a@ fE$ mE^ f@ w@ sgdx g`c mns knbjdc

a@ kE$ mE^ f@ w@ sgdx g`c mns v`kjdc
a@ E$ mE^ f@ w@ sgdx g`c mns d`sdm

83
a@ ku$ mE^ f@ w@
a@ gyi$ mE^ f@ w@
a@ tyE$ mE^ f@ w@
a@ kE$le@ mE^ f@ w@
a@ ku$le@ mE^ f@ w@
Future Tense
a& fE@ ne@ f@ E^ f@
a& kE@ ne@ E^ f@
a& E@ E^ f@
a& ku@ E^ f@
a& gyi@ ge@ E^ f@
a& tyE@ ge@ E^ f@
a& kE@le@ ge@ E^ f@
a& ku@le@ ge@ E^ f@
a@ fE@ ne@ E^ f@
a@ kE@ ne@ E^ f@
a@ E^ E^^ f@
a@ ku^ E^ f@
a@ gyi@ ge@ E^ f@
a@ tyE@ ge@ E^ f@
a@ kE@le@ ge@ E^ f@
a@ ku@le@ ge@ E^ f@
Habitual
a& fE@ ne^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
sgdx g`c mns b`kkdc
sgdx g`c mns `rjdc
sgdx g`c mns bnnjdc
sgdx g`c mns v`msdc
sgdx g`c mns qhrdm
gd vhkk mns knbj
gd vhkk mns v`kj
gd vhkk mns d`s
gd vhkk mns b`kk
gd vhkk mns `rj
gd vhkk mns bnnj
gd vhkk mns v`ms
gd vhkk mns qhrd
sgdx vhkk mns knbj
sgdx vhkk mns v`kj
sgdx vhkk mns d`s
sgdx vhkk mns b`kk
sgdx vhkk mns `rj
sgdx vhkk mns bnnj
sgdx vhkk mns v`ms
sgdx vhkk mns qhrd
gd cndr mns trt`kkx knbj
84
a& kE@ ne^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a& E^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a& ku^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a& gyi@ ge^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a& tyE@ ge^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a& kE@le@ ge@ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a& ku@le@ ge@ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a@ fE@ ne^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a@ kE@ ne^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a@ E^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a@ ku^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a@ gyi@ ge^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a@ tyE@ ge^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a@ kE@le@ ge^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
a@ ku@le@ ge^ f@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@
Uncertainty
n$d$f$ a& fE@ ne^ f@
n$d$f@ a& kE@ ne^ f@
n$d$f$ a& E^ f@
n$d$f$ a& ku^ f@
n$d$f$ a& gyi@ ge^ f@
n$d$f$ a& tyE@ ge^ f@
n$d$f$ a& kE@le@ ge^ f@
n$d$f$ a& ku@le@ ge^ f@
n$d$f$ a@ fE@ ne^ f@
gd cndr mns trt`kkx v`kj
gd cndr mns trt`kkx d`s
gd cndr mns trt`kkx b`kk
gd cndr mns trt`kkx `rj
gd cndr mns trt`kkx bnnj
gd cndr mns trt`kkx v`ms
gd cndr mns trt`kkx qhrd
sgdx cn mns trt`kkx knbj
sgdx cn mns trt`kkx v`kj
sgdx cn mns trt`kkx d`s
sgdx cn mns trt`kkx b`kk
sgdx cn mns trt`kkx `rj
sgdx cn mns trt`kkx bnnj
sgdx cn mns trt`kkx v`ms
sgdx cn mns trt`kkx qhrd
gd lhfgs mns knbj
gd lhfgs mns v`kj
gd lhfgs mns d`s
gd lhfgs mns b`kk
gd lhfgs mns `rj
gd lhfgs mns bnnj
gd lhfgs mns v`ms
gd lhfgs mns qhrd
sgdx lhfgs mns knbj
85
n$d$f$ a@ kE@ ne^ f@ sgdx lhfgs mns v`kj
n$d$f$ a@ E^ f$ sgdx lhfgs mns d`s
n$d$f$ a@ ku^ f@ sgdx lhfgs mns b`kk
n$d$f$ a@ gyi@ ge^ f@ sgdx lhfgs mns `rj
n$d$f$ a@ tyE@ ge^ f@ sgdx lhfgs mns bnnj
n$d$f$ a@ kE@le@ ge^ f@ sgdx lhfgs mns v`ms
n$d$f$ a@ ku@le@ ge^ f@ sgdx lhfgs mns qhrd

Concessive Mood

E@bE$ge@ a& fE@ ne^ f@ he gd hr mns knbjhmf

E@bE$ge@ a& kE@ ne^ f@ he gd hr mns v`kjhmf
E@bE$ge@ a& E^ f@ he gd hr mns d`shmf
E@bE$ge@ a& ku^ f@ he gd hr mns b`kkhmf
E@bE$ge@ a& gyi@ ge^ f@ he gd hr mns `rjhmf
E@bE$ge@ a& tyE@ ge^ f@ he gd hr mns bnnjhmf
E@bE$ge@ a& kE@le@ ge^ f@ he gd hr mns v`mshmf
E@bE$ge@ a& ku@le@ ge^^ f@ he gd hr mns qhrhmf

E@bE$ge@ a@ fE@ ne^ f@ he sgdx `qd mns knbjhmf

E@bE$ge@ a@ kE@ ne^ f@ he sgdx `qd mns v`kjhmf
E@bE$ge@ a@ E^ f@ he sgdx `qd mns d`shmf
E@bE$ge@ a@ ku^ f@ he sgdx `qd mns b`kkhmf
E@bE$ge@ a@ gyi@ ge^ f@ he sgdx `qd mns `rjhmf
E@bE$ge@ a@ tyE@ ge^ f@ he sgdx `qd mns bnnjhmf
E@bE$ge@ a@ kE@le@ ge^ f@ he sgdx `qd mns v`mshmf
E@bE$ge@ a@ ku@le@ ge^ f@ he sgdx `qd mns qhrhmf

Below the verb system is represented with the nouns.

The various examples are represented in the present, past

and future tenses.A cursory study shows that they derive

86
their tone from the morphology. All words in bracket are
optional. Here are the examples below:
NmE@re@
present tense
a$ NmE$re$ ge$ me$kwa$
a& NmE@re@ ge^ f@ me$kwa$
n@no@ a$ NmE$re$ ge$ me$kwa&a@
n@no@ a& NmE@re@ ge^ f@ me$kwa$a@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a NmE$re$ ge$ me$kwa$
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a& NmE@re@ ge^ f@ me$kwa$
past tense
a$ NmE$re@ me$kwa$
a& NmE$re@ f@ me$kwa$ w@
n@no@ a$ NmE$re@ me$kwa&a@
n@no@ a& NmE$re@ f@ me$kwa$ w@@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a$ NmE$re@ me$kwa$
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a& NmE$re@ f@ me$kwa$
future
a$ NmE$re$ ge$ E^ me$kwa$
a& NmE@re@ ge@ E^ f@ me$kwa$
n@no@ a$ NmE$re$ ge$ E^ me$kwa&a@
n@no@ a& NmE@re@ ge@ E^ f@ me$kwa&a@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a$ NmE$re$ ge$ E^ me$kwa$
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a& NmE@re@ ge@ E^ f@ me$k
wa$
to press
gd hr oqdrrhmf ` anw
gd hr mns oqdrrhmf ` anw
hr gd oqdrrhmf ` anw>
hr gd mns oqdrrhmf ` anw
he gd hr oqdrrhmf ` anw
he gd mns oqdrrhmf ` anw
gd g`r oqdrrdc ` anw
gd g`r mns oqdrrdc ` anw
g`r gd oqdrrdc ` anw>
g`r gd mns oqdrrdc ` anw>
he gd g`r oqdrrdc ` anw
he gd g`r mns oqdrrdc ` anw
gd vhkk oqdrr ` anw
gd vhkk mns oqdrr ` anw
vhkk gd oqdrr ` anw>
vhkk gd mns oqdrr ` anw>
he gd vhkk oqdrr ` anw
he gd vhkk mns oqdrr ` anw
87
kw@ _sn `rbdmc&

present tense

a$ kw$ me$ me$kwE^ gd hr `rbdmchmf ` ghkk

a& kw@ me^ f@ me@kwE^
n@no@ a$ kw$ me$ me@kwE@e@
n@no@ a& kw@ me^ f@ me@kwE^
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a$ kw$ me$ me@kwE^
E@bE$ge@ nno@ a& kw@ me^ f@ me@kwE^
gd hr mns `rbdmchmf ` ghkk
hr gd `rbdmchmf ` ghkk>
he gd hr mns `rbdmchmf ` ghkk
he gd hr `rbdmf ` ghkk
he gd hr mns `rbdmchmf ` ghkk

past tense

a$ kw@ mE@ me@kwE^ gd g`r `rbdmcdc ` ghkk

a& kw& f@ me@kwE@ w@
n@no@ a$ kw@ mE@ me@kwE@E@
n@no@ a& kw& f@ me@kwE@ w@@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a$ kw@ mE@ me@kwE^
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a& kw& f@ me@kwE@ w@
gd g`r mns `rbdmcdc ` ghkk
g`r gd `rbdmcdc ` ghkk>
g`r gd mns `rbdmcdc ` ghkk>
he gd g`r `rbdmcdc ` ghkk-
he gd g`r mns `rbdmcdc ` ghkk-

future

a$ kw$ me$ E^ me@kwE^ gd vhkk `rbdmc ` ghkk-

a& kw@ me@ E^ f@ me@kwE^ gd vhkk mns `rbdmc ` ghkk-
n@no@ a$ kw$ me$ E^ me@kwE@E@ vhkk gd `rbdmc ` ghkk>
n@no@ a& kw@ me@ E^ f@ me@kwE@E@ _vhkk gd mns `rbdmc ` ghkk>
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a$ kw$ me$ E^ me@kwE^ he gd vhkk `rbdmc ` ghkk-
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a& kw@ me@ E^ f@ me@kwE^ he gd vhkk mns `rbdmc ` ghkk

tSyE& sn fhud

Present Tense

88
a$ tSyE$ ge$ ge$n&
a& tSyE@ ge@ f@ ge$n&
a$ tSyE$ ge gEn@@
E@bE$ge@ a$ tSyE$ ge$ ge$n&
E@bE$ge@ a& tSyE@ ge@ f@ ge$n&
a$ tSyE$ mE@ ge$n&
a& tSyE& f@ ge$n$ w@
a$ tSyE& ge$n&@
a& tSyE& f@ ge$n$ w@@
E@bE$ge@ a$ tSyE& gE$n$
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ A& tSyE@ f@ ge$n$ w@
a$ tSyE$ ge$ E^ ge$n&
a& tSyE@ ge@ E^ f@ ge$n$
a$ tSyE$ ge$ E^ ge$n&@
n@no@ a& tSyE@ ge@ E^ f@ ge$n&@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a$ tSyE$ ge$ E^ ge$n&
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a& tSyE@ ge@ E^ f@ ge$n$
kpE$
a$ kpE$ ne$ m$mu$ ge$pu@
a& kpE@ ne^ f@ m$mu$ ge$pu@
n@no@ a$ kpE$ ne$ m$mu$ ge$pu@u@
n@no@ a& kpE@ ne^ f@ m$mu$ ge$pu@u@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a$ kpE$ ne$ m$mu$ ge$pu@
gd hr fhuhmf ` rshbj
gd hr mns fhuhmf ` rshbj-
hr gd fhuhmf ` rshbj
he gd hr fhuhmf ` rshbj-
he gd hr mns fhuhmf ` rshbj-
Past Tense
gd g`r fhudm ` rshbj-
gd g`r mns fhudm ` rshbj-
g`r gd fhudm ` rshbj-
g`r gd mns fhudm ` rshbj-
he gd g`r fhudm ` rshbj-
he gd g`r mns fhudm ` rshbj-
Future Tense
gd vhkk fhud ` rshbj-
gd vhkk mns fhud ` rshbj-
vhkk gd fhud ` rshbj>
vhkk gd mns fhud ` rshbj>
he gd vhkk fhud ` rshbj-
he gd mns fhud ` rshbj-
sn dmsdq
Present Tense
gd hr dmsdqhmf ` gntrd
gd hr mns dmsdqhmf ` gntrd-
hr gd dmsdqhmf ` gntrd-
_hr gd mns dmsdqhmf ` gntrd>
he gd hr dmsdqhmf ` gntrd-
89
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a& kpE@ ne^ f@ m$mu$ ge$p he gd hr mns dmsdqhmf ` gntrd-
u@u@

Past Tense

a$ kpE$ mE@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ gd g`r dmsdqdc ` gntrd

a& kpE@ f@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ w@ gd g`r mns dmsdqdc `

n@no@ a$ kpE$ mE@ m$mu$ ge$pu@u@
n@no@ a& kpE& f@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ w@@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a$ kpE$ mE@ m$mu$ ge$pu@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a& kpE@ f@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ w@
gntrd-
g`r gd dmsdqdc sgd gntrd>
g`r gd mns dmsdqdc ` gntrd
he gd g`r dmsdqdc ` gntrd-
he gd g`r mns dmsdqdc `

gntrd-

Future

a$ kpE$ ne$ E^ m$mu$ ge$pu@ gd vhkk dmsdq ` gntrd

a& kpE@ ne@ E^ f@ m$mu$ ge$pu@
n@no@ a$ kpE$ ne$ E^ m$mu$ ge$pu@u@
n@no@ a& kpE@ ne@ E^ f@ m$mu$ ge$pu@u@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a$ kpE$ ne$ E^ m$mu$ ge$pu@
E@bE$ge@ n@no@ a& kpE@ ne@ E^ f@ m$mu$ ge$pu@
gd vhkk mns dmsdq `gntrd-
vhkk gd dmsdq ` gntrd>
vhkk gd mns dmsdq ` gntrd-
he gd vhkk dmsdq ` gntrd-
he gd vhkk mns dmsdq `

gntrd-

5.7 Tonal Processes

5.7.1 Downdrift and Downstep

Downdrift is the automatic lowering of pitch in a phonological phrase whenever a

H-tone is preceded by a L-tone. Downdrift creates a falling intonation contour in a
phonological phrase.

90
 Downstep occurs in situations which are not automatically triggered off by the
presence of a L-tone immediately before a H-tone at the surface level. The absence of
a surface L-tone in a downstep can often be attributed to a L-tone that has become
dissociated from its tone bearing segment(s) due usually to the application of a rule
such as high tone spread (HTS), the presence of a floating L tone or to the historical
deletion of the crucial tone bearing segment(s).
Downdrift and downstep should be given the same formal representations.
However, it is clear that the distinction between the two needs to be maintained in
order to show their different derivations. Downdrift is clearly demonstrated with the
sequence H-L-H-L-H-L. Consider the examples below:

1)
-
-
-
- -
-
ge@to$ ge@ ge$nto@me@ various kinds of huts

2)
-
-
- -
-
-
ge@to$ ge@ ma$Nku^ a kind of hut

In the above examples, we have four H-tones in the

first example and three H-tones in the second. In both of

the examples, a H-tone is lowered each time it follows a

L. Adjecent H-tones are pronounced at the same pitch

level.

Denya exhibits downstep (DS) in which the second of

the sequence of two H-tones is slightly lower than the

first. In the examples below, a raised exclamation point

indicates a phonetic lowering of following H-tones. These

91
DS occur as a result of a floating L-tone which triggers

the lowering of a following H. In the example below, the

floating Ls are part of the underlying structures and

they are circled.

da@kE@ni@ dog fish

H L H L H

ge@mfwi@ni@ foam

H L H L H

n@d@N jigger

HLH

5.8 Contour Tones

The distribution of contour tones are as follows:

Rising Tones

They occur on the noun class prefixes and never on verb roots:

ma&-myE$ cnf
ba&-mi$a$ hmrdbsr

They also occur on the stem of nouns:

qhudq E$-bE&

q`s me$-a$tu&

odnokd b&

v`sdq ma$-na&

92
rpthqqdk e$-gi&

itit9 ` sxod E@-dZa&tE$m

Rising tones also occur on the final syllable of the

first stem in compound words.

mi$a&-ma$g$ fqta
E$bE&-me$ga$ rd`
m$ma&-u$tu@ `ooqdmshbd

Falling Tones

Falling tones occur only on the stem of words. They

never occur on prefixes.

ge$-pi^ btbjnn
u^Nku$ b`rshmf ne knsr
a$-tSo^to$ ghqd 'm(
a$ Nwa^ b`s
ge$-la^ o`k`sd
ge@-be^ rv`lo

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abangma, S. N .1981. The use of modes in Denya Discourse. Doctorat de 3e
cycle dissertation. Unversity of Yaounde.

Anderson, Stephen C. 1977. The Phonology of Ngyembn- Bamileke. S.I.L.

Yaounde.

Booij, Geert. 1995. The Phonology of Dutch. Clarendon Press, Oxford.

Chumbo, Beban Sammy. 1982. Contraction and tone Polarisation in Ogori.

JWAL 12. 1: 89-103.

93
Clements, george. N. 1991. Vowel Height Assimilation in Bantu languages.
Working papers of the Cornell Phonetics Laboratory. 5, 37-76.
Ithaca N. Y. Cornell University.

Crabb, D.W. 1965. Ekoid Bantu languages of Ogoja. West African

Languages Monograph 4. Cambridge Unversity Press. London.

Donwa-Ifode, Shirley. 1985. Formation, Elision, Assimilation and Contraction. A

Reassessment - Evidence from Isoko. JWAL. 15. 2: 41-55.

Goldsmith, John A. 1976 Autosegmental Phonology. Bloomington:

Indiana University linguistic club.

------------1990. Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology. Basil Blackwell

inc.

Guthrie, Malcolm. 1953. The Bantu Languages of Western Equatorial

Africa. London Oxford University Press.

--------- 1967. The Classification of Bantu Languages. Dawson of Pall Mall

London.

Heath, Daniel. 1991. Tone in Makaa Associative Construction. In

Anderson, Stephen C. Tone in Five Languages in Cameroon.
Summer Institute of Linguistics and the Uinversity of Texas at
Arlington.

Hyman, M. Larry. 1985. Word Domains and Downstep in Bamileke-

Dshang. In Phonology Year Book. (ed.) Collin Ewen and John
Anderson. Cambridge University Press.

Jacquot, A and Richardson. I 1956. Report of the Western Team in

Darylforde, (ed.). Linguistic Survery of the Northern Bantu
Borderland. Vol. 1 London. Oxford University Press for the
International African Institute.

Johnston, H 1919. A comparative Study of the Bantu and the Semi-Bantu

Languages. Vol. 1. The Clareton Press, Oxford.

Katamba, Francis. 1989. An Introduction to Phonology. Longman. London and

New York.

Kenstowicz, Micheal. 1994. Phonology in generative grammar. Blackwell

Cambride MA and Oxford U.K

Mansfield, A. 1908. Urwald-Dokumente Dietrich Riemer (Ernest Vohsen), .

Berlin

94
Mbuagbaw Tanyi Eyong. 1994. Kenyang Phonology. 50pp. Cameroon Bible
Translation Association. (CABTA).

------------- 1994. Denya Orthography. 8pp. Cameroon Bible Translation

Association. (CABTA).

------------- 1995. Denya Tone Orthography. Cameroon Bible Transltion

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