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NVMEN
BRILL Numen 56 (2009) 141-160 www.brill.nl/nu
Walter Burkert
Wildsbergstrasse 8, 8610 Uster, Switzerland
waiter__burkert@bluewin. ch
Abstract
If the ideal of justice includes effective punishment of offenders, an extension into
afterlife must be postulated. This still involves all the questionable aspects and para
doxes of punishment that make rational and enlightened argumentation difficult.
A historical survey of ancient tentatives at hell lore shows diverse starting points and
interests. There is just a germ of such speculations in Sumerian. When hell fire first
appears in Egypt, it goes together with the fear of magic from the dead; in Zoroastrian
ism and Judaism it is partisan interest which makes the adherents of the wrong religion
destined for hell. In Greece we find various ethical and poetical motifs interfering,
from the powerful yet enigmatic images in the Odyssey to a general proclamation of
punishments in the Hymn to Demeter. The most graphic and horrible descriptions of
something like hell are finally found in Plato, whose sources ? besides Homer ? can
be postulated but not identified.
Keywords
problem of punishment, Sumerian hell, Plato's myths, Nekyia, Sisyphos
1} Seneca protested against the pleasure of viewing punishment in the arena {Epist. 7.5):
? KoninUijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2009 DOI: 10.1163/156852709X404955
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142 W Burkert I Numen 56 (2009) 141-160
well-known German saying is, or was, Strafe mu? sein, punishment must
be. Punishment seems to be the very embodiment of justice. Greek
diken didonai, "to give justice," just means "to be punished." And since
there are spectacular crimes which do not meet with punishment in our
world, the quest for satisfaction results in postulating post-mortem pun
ishment. Punishment must be, that is, hell must be, hell as a place of
punishment: kolasterion is the Greek term;2 in modern Greek, hell is
just kolasis. This comes right from the Gospel: Jesus, in Matthew 25:46
proclaims that sinners "will go away into eternal punishment."3
Still, whatever brain research may suggest, rational reflection brings
out the problems, the senselessness, even the "crime" of punishment
(Menninger 1968).4 The idea and practice of punishment seems to be
neither "natural" nor ubiquitous in human societies. Europeans stated
with surprise how certain "primitive" societies seemed not to know
about personal responsibility and punishment. Eskimo children are
never punished, not even scolded by their parents. Apes do practice
certain forms of casual revenge, but they do not react to crimes such as
cannibalism within the own group (see Burkert 1994:10-12). The cur
rent situation in our Western world is somewhat schizophrenic: in con
trast to the Middle Ages, punishment has nearly become a taboo word,
and the acts are hidden from the public. The death penalty is absent
from Europe, as are corporal punishments. Corporal punishment of
children, an unquestioned reality of earlier centuries with Biblical rein
forcement (Prov 23:13-14), has practically been abolished. But on the
other side, there is general consent that crimes against humanity, Nazi
crimes, cases of genocide cannot be forgiven nor forgotten. There are
new international courts for prosecution and condemnation of those
even if the culprit "deserved to suffer this: what did you deserve that you view it?"
Virgil (Aen. 6.608-14) does not admit curiosity about Tartarus: "Don't ask!"
2) E.g. Lucian, Ver. hist. 2.30, etc.
3) This is the main Christian text about hell (25:31-46): "the eternal fire prepared
for the devil and his angels" (25:41); "weeping and gnashing of teeth" 25:30, etc.; cf.
Matt 13:42; Mark 9:43.48.; Rev 19:20: "a sea of fire, burning with sulphur." A differ
ent concept appears in the parable of poor Lazarus and the rich man, who after death
finds himself "in Hades, amidst the tortures" (Luke 16:23?24); it has a parallel in a
demotic text (Lichtheim 1980:139-41).
4) A first discussion of the problems of punishment is attributed to Protagoras by
Plato, Prot. 324a-c.
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W Burken I Numen 56 (2009) 141-160 143
5) The general term kolazein is basically, notwithstanding its relations to hell, an opti
mistic metaphor: It means something like "to trim," "to prune," "to cut away" excessive
growth, putting the image of the gardener before the executioner. See also Plato,
Prot. 325d. For the word zemia, which I take to be a dialect form of demia used at
Olympia, see Burkert 1994:16-17.
6) Poine clearly comes from Indo-European stock and goes together with the verb tinein,
teisasthai; this means something like "to pay" and "to make pay," in a pre-monetary
system. You may compensate even for killing by poine {Iliad9.632-34; 18.497; this is
forbidden in the Hebrew Bible: Num 35:31-34). Apoina linguistically is an intensifi
cation of poine {Iliad 1.13 ff.; 24.137). Latin poena, punire ? hence French la peine,
English to punish ? are loanwords which have changed their meanings to downright
"punishment."
7) Tima-woros, the one who "guards honour." This need not be "just" in a moral sense.
It can be done by a demonstration of violence.
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144 W Burkert / Numen 56(2009) 141-160
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W Burkert I Numen 56 (2009) 141-160 145
for what cause they were dragged along, to be thrown into the Tarta
ros." Virgil makes the criminals in Tartarus cry out: "Learn justice, by
this warning, and not to despise the gods" (Aen. 6.629). But who will
hear this? To notice such proclamations, we have to trust poetry, or
sacred scripture.
Ideas about the afterlife are anything but uniform, and they are sub
ject to ongoing modifications. One of the oldest documents about
afterlife is the Sumerian text Bilgames and the Netherworld, which was
later, in Akkadian translation, added to the Gilgamesh epic as tablet XII.
The Sumerian original is now available in the edition of A. R. George,12
who mentions some 62 manuscripts. The text was perpetuated in Mes
opotamian school tradition. Enkidu, coming up from the Netherworld,
is questioned by his friend about the conditions in the other place. The
message is desperate: "you will sit down and weep." The dominant
mood is sheer realism: the dead are "lying in the mud," as the corpse is
"turning into clay." Still, according to Enkidu, the situation becomes
more and more comfortable with the number of children left behind by
a dead person. But what is especially interesting is that in the further
enumeration of special cases within the Netherworld the various manu
scripts have different additions.13 Writers have been elaborating on
these themes. The standard Gilgamesh epic has discarded these addi
tions. There is speculative curiosity: "Did you see the man who was
burnt to death? ? His ghost is not there, his smoke went up to the
heavens."14 One small group of manuscripts mentions faults commit
ted by the living which have their consequences in the Beyond.15 "Did
you see the man who did not respect the word of his mother and father?"
He "drinks water measured in a scale, and he never gets enough." This
in a way seems to foreshadow Tantalus. Second, "the man afflicted by
the curse of his mother and father": he "is deprived of an heir, his ghost
still roams" ? evidently because he lacks a funeral cult. Third, "the
man who made light of the name of his god," or, "the one who cheated
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146 W Burkert I Numen 56(2009) 141-160
a god and swore an oath":16 he "eats bitter bread, drinks bitter water/'
These seem to be comparatively mild consequences; one might still speak
of incipient hell. Breaking oaths and doing violence to parents ? in
Greek epiorkoi and patraloiai ? are still the standard sins of those lying
in the mire in Aristophanes' Frogs}7
For the Egyptians the concern about afterlife and the care of the dead
are central. Characteristic is the idea of a judgment of the dead, Anubis
weighing the heart of the deceased against the feather of truth on a
big scale.18 The formulas in these texts do their best to guarantee a pros
perous outcome, a successful journey through the Beyond in the wake
of the sun god. But Egyptian texts and pictures also present various
tortures of the dead, H?llenvorstellungen, as Erich Hornung (1968)
has called them. What is especially impressive: sinners are being cooked
in huge pots on a fire ? this use of hell-fire has somehow entered Euro
pean folklore, down to Grimms' Kinder- und Hausm?rchenP Still
Egyptians seem to be motivated less from that pleasure of witnessing
punishment than from the fear of magic that could be wrought by the
mischievous dead: these should be invalidated, nay utterly destroyed in
the Beyond ? which is the very opposite of "eternal punishment."
A third voice in the dialogue of ancient civilizations is Zoroastrianism.
We cannot give certain dates to the Avestan texts, but it is usually
assumed that they mainly go back to Achaemenid times (see, in gen
eral, Stausberg 2002). For this religion the distinction between correct
and wrong worship is all-important: it is the one great decision between
ash a and drug that matters. A prominent Avestan text is the so-called
Hadoxt Nask, which describes the destiny of the soul after death
(Piras 2000). Strict dualism prevails: the faithful soul will be escorted to
heaven, but the evil one, in the third night after death, is met with a
stinking wind from north, more stinking than anything in our world;
and as he or she starts to move, she plunges down into "infinite dark
ness." The late Pahlavi texts, of the 9th century ad, have more graphic
16) Manuscript 1 line 1, George 2003, 2:776, plus manuscript v line 1, ib. 777; there
the line that contains the answer is destroyed.
17) See at n. 27.
18) Suffice it to refer to Hornung 1972, 1979.
19) No. 100, "Des Teufels ru?iger Bruder"; see H.-J. Uther in Enzyklop?die des M?rch
ens VI [Berlin 1990], 1191-96 s.v. "H?llenheizer."
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W Burkert I Numen 56(2009) 141-160 147
details. The Bundahisn describes the narrow bridge which the soul has
to pass, and behold, the evil one falls down to hell, where she or he will
experience all kinds of evil. In the Pahlavi book of Ardai Viraz, the hero
is led both through heaven and through hell, to witness fantastic pun
ishments for special crimes (Widengren 1961:179, 231-42). This hell
is quite similar to that of Christians or Muslims.
Some hints at the Jewish contribution: a hell of fire makes its appear
ance not in the canonical Bible, but in Hellenistic Judaism, especially
in the Ethiopie Enoch.20 Also in the Qumran texts, the Rule of the Com
munity consigns the evil ones to "the darkness of eternal fire" (1 QS 2.8).21
This also means "everlasting destruction" (1 QS 2.15). From the name
of g?-Hinnom, a valley close to Jerusalem, geenna has been derived as
a name for hell; it occurs in the New Testament and has later passed
into Islam.22
In Greek literature, the Beyond as a place of punishment is fully
elaborated in the myths of Plato. It was the Platonic texts that were read
again and again in the centuries to come. Probably Christian hell would
be there without Plato, but Christian Platonism did its best to reinforce
such beliefs. Three of his texts have become classics, three variations, in
Gorgiasy Phaedo, and the Republic. Gorgias puts in focus the judgment
of the dead, naming Minos, Aiakos and Rhadamanthys (523e) ? they
appear in iconography too.23 It is Rhadamanthys (526b) who destines
the souls either for the Isles of the Blest or for Tartaros, that "jail of
punishment and justice" (523b), a "fortress" (phroura 525a), where the
soul will arrive to "to suffer the fitting sufferings" ? the uncanny, immea
surable chasm called Tartaros in Hesiod (Theog. 720-25) has acquired a
more concrete function. Punishment means either to "become better"
20) 90.26-27: "I saw... an opening in the midst of the earth, full of fire_Those
sheep, blinded by sin, were brought to court, and were found guilty, and thrown into
the abyss of fire, and they were burning." Cf. 10.6, 10.13, 18.11-16, 21, 22, 54;
similar is "the eternal fire prepared for the devil and his angels" Matt 25:41, see n.3.
21) esh olamim-y "dark fire" is an invention to combine two terrifying ideas; cf. 4.13,
5.134.
22) Jeremias 1933. The word is avoided by Hellenists such as Philo und Josephus,
although Josephus mentions "eternal punishment" Ant. 18.14; Bell. 2.163, 3.375; cf.
"the judgment of geenna" Matt 23:33; Quran S. 38:55-58.
23) See LIMCs.v. Aiakos 1-3, Minos, Rhadamanthys; in addition, Triptolemos comes
in, possibly from Eleusinian influence: Schwarz 1987:160?63; Plat. Apol. 4la.
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148 W. Burkert I Numen 56 (2009) 141-160
24) See also [Plato] Axiochus 371e-f: the guilty dead are licked by wild beasts, burnt
permanently with torches by avenging demons, "tortured by every kind of torment
and worn out by eternal punishments."
25) aidesasthai of all relatives in the Laws of Drakon, see Stroud 1968.
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W Burkert I Numen 56 (2009) 141-160 149
26) See Graf 1974. For the critical position against "Orphism" see Wilamowitz 1931?
32, 2:182-204; Thomas 1938; Linforth 1941; Dodds 1951:147-49. The Orphic the
ogony quoted in the Derveni papyrus has no indication of underworld punishments,
nor do the gold plates.
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150 W. Burkert I Numen 56(2009) 141-160
praising Iakchos; this does not mean that all the details which Aristo
phanes mentions must be "Eleusinian"; there may rather be some kind
of popular background. Heracles, who should know, describes the lake
to be crossed by Charon's boat (138-44), and then a great mass of mud
{borboros) and "ever-flowing excrement"; it is there that the evildoers
are lying, those who did wrong to a guest, who misused and cheated a
boy, who beat their own mother or father, or who committed perjury
(145-50; cf. 274-75). This is slightly more than what Enkidu, in those
additions to the Sumerian poem, had to report; hospitality is a basic
item of morality guarded by Zeus.27 The "mud" in which one lies has its
precedent in the Mesopotamian "clay," but becomes more repulsive than
in Enkidus report, having changed from a physical reality to an instru
ment of punishment. Borboros is mentioned as a threat to amyetoi also
in Plato (Phaed. 69c).
Pindar elaborates the theme of transmigration, with a short allusion
to the sufferings of evildoers in the Netherworld (Ol. 2.67). Plato too
includes transmigration in the great canvas of his Republic. Transmigra
tion could implement punishment without a kolasterion, without hell:
Plato, in his Laws (870d), describes as the teaching of specialists of teletai
that people, when they return to this life, necessarily have to pay the
"natural" retribution, which means "to suffer what one has done him
self, to end his life with such a fate," wrought by some other person.
Aristotle quotes "to suffer what one has done" as the justice (dikaion) of
Rhadamanthys (EN 1132b25), no doubt in his function as judge of the
dead. The gold plates have allusions to metempsychosis, and to "having
paid penalty (poine) for unrighteous deeds" (6 Graf-Johnston); "the
initiate is free from poine," another tablet claims (27 Graf-Johnston);
this could be understood along the lines of Rhadamanthys' principle. If
Pindar, Plato and others still have additional punishments in Hades
besides metempsychosis, this comes from a different strain of tradition
and imagination.
Some Pythagorean elements can be traced. According to the old col
lection of akousmata, thunder exists to threaten "those in Tartaros, to
make them afraid" (Arist. An. post. 94b33; see Burkert 1972:166-92).
27) Cf. the "Buzygian curses" Luc. Dea Syria 12-13. "Cheating boys" may well be an
Aristophanean pun ? it is not sex that is punished. The Netherworld itself has various
terrible monsters that may torture a body, Ran. 472-77.
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W Burkert I Numen 56 (2009) 141-160 151
This does not tell who exactly are those down in Tartaros, but it makes
a common and frequent event an ubiquitous admonition of what is
going on there. According to Hieronymus, Pythagoras reported, from
his own katabasis, about various punishments in the Netherworld
(Hieronymus fr. 42 Wehrli = Diog. Laert. 8.21); on the other hand the
gloomy gnome that men have come into life for the sake of punishment,
and hence they should be punished (Iambi. Vit. Pyth. 85), would fit a
metempsychosis system even without an otherworld kolasterion.
The earliest general statement of infernal punishments in Greek litera
ture occurs, surprisingly enough, in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter
(about 600?); this passage has often been overlooked.28 Hades is speak
ing to Persephone, queen of the Netherworld, about the honours that
will be her due (367-69): "for evildoers there will be punishment all
day long, those who do not appease your heart with sacrifices, perform
ing pure rituals, paying appropriate gifts." We are not informed by
other testimonies about "appropriate gifts" for Persephone, nor did
she have special sanctuaries.29 One might think of a reference to the
Eleusinian mysteries; the role of Triptolemos as one of the judges of the
dead (note 23) might go with this. Yet in the hymn the mysteries
are introduced only in a later passage (473-82); there the threat to non
initiates is expressed with utmost restraint: they have "not a similar
fate" as compared to the blessed initiates. Plato (Resp. 378a) criticizes
the Eleusinian initiation for being too cheap: just one pig. He would
have had reason to criticize more severely that bargaining of tisis which
is suggested in the hymn: Hades is giving advice how to evade justice
by paying "appropriate gifts" ? which calls to mind those "beggars and
soothsayers" whom Plato treats with scorn (Resp. 364b).
We finally arrive at "Homer," where we meet with two kinds of evi
dence: casual mentions of the Erinyes in the Iliad, and the great descrip
tion of the Netherworld, the Nekyia in the Odyssey. Erinys has a long
and dark prehistory.30 Since Homer, Erinyes are the embodiment of
curses; "we are called Ami? they bluntly state in Aeschylus [Eum. 417)
28) It is not mentioned in Rohde's Psyche; see the long and inconclusive discussion in
Richardson 1974:270-75.
29) There are no less enigmatic verses in Pindar (fr. 133) about Persephone "accepting
the poine for ancient grief."
30) It occurs, in the singular, in Linear B.
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152 W Burkert / Numen 56 (2009) 141-160
with the solemn declaration that their pursuit will not stop even in
Hades (Eum. 339-40). The Erinyes react to curses especially of father
and mother; this concerns Oedipus, Phoinix, Meleagros.31 The oath
ceremony of the third book of the Iliad includes an invocation to "you
who, beneath the earth, take revenge on men {tinyntai) who commit
perjury" (3.278-79); in a similar way Agamemnon, swearing his oath,
invokes Zeus, Earth, Helios "and Erinyes, [and] who beneath the earth
take revenge on men, whoever commits perjury" (19.259?60).32 In
other words, patraloiai and epiorkoi are the principal victims of Erinyes,
which connects with Enkidu as well as with Aristophanes' parody.
The Nekyia of the Odyssey has no Erinyes, but some famous "sinners"
who are suffering "grievous pain." Poetry though has created a problem
of its own: the dead are deprived of power and even of consciousness
(am?nena), they cannot even make conversation unless they have drunk
fresh blood from Odysseus' sacrifice. In consequence, any punishment
of the dead should be excluded, just as interventions of the dead in the
life of the living. Yet in the second part of the Nekyia, after the so-called
intermezzo, this principle appears to be given up: Odysseus speaks to
Agamemnon, Achilles, and Aias, and he sees other notable dwellers of
the Beyond.33 Wilamowitz proposed to delete the whole passage from
565 to 631 as an "Orphic interpolation," which he would assign to the
6th century.34 Others would defend the integrity of the book. The evi
dence for an Orphic underworld is meagre. And the relevant passage
may be more "Homeric" than normally perceived.
It belongs to the most famous pieces of Homer. Three are seen by
Odysseus who "have strong pains": Tityus, Tantalus, and Sisyphus.
Tityus, a giant, is lying on the earth while two vultures are devouring
his liver, "for he injured Leto, the glorious spouse of Zeus, when she
31) TZ. 9.454, 9.571; Od. 2.135, 11.280. Individual names for the Erinyes are not yet
given in Hesiod, but current since Virgil (Allekto Megaira Teisiphone).
32) Some interpreters hold that "beneath the earth" in this verse is just referring to the
home of the Erinyes, while punishment will strike living men; see the discussion in
Edwards 1991:265-66.
33) Porphyry, in his book Peri Stygos (ed. Castelletti), proposes a geographical solution:
Acheron, he claims, separates two provinces, the realm of consciousness, where Tanta
los, Sisyphos, Minos and Herakles dwell, and the realm of unconsciousness.
34) Wilamowitz 1884:199-226 (verses 565-631), following KirchhofF 1879:231-33
(verses 565-627); not athetized in Rohde 1898, 1:61-64; cf. Heubeck 1989:111.
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W Burkert / Numen 56 (2009) 141-160 153
The liver is commonly thought to be the organ of irrational desire and lust.
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154 W Burkert / Numen 56 (2009) 141-160
36) Foce del Sele: LIMC Sisyphos no. 26; Apulian underworld vases: LIMC Poine
nos. 1-3 = Sisyphos nos. 22-24.
37) Usually identified with the Nostoi: Ath. 281b = Nostoi X Allen, 4 Bernab?; not
mentioned in Heubeck 1989, but in Wilamowitz-Moellendorf 1884:156-57, 201.
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W Burkert / Numen 56 (2009) 141-160 155
"not controlling his tongue"; Pindar says it was stealing nectar and
ambrosia from the gods' table, which keeps to the theme of eating and
drinking. The really terrible and grotesque crime of Tantalus which
Pindar knows and discards (OL 1.26-53), the cannibalistic feast pre
sented to the Olympian gods, seems not to be used to motivate the
Odyssean "pain." We may conclude that the poet of our Odyssey has left
out the very instrument of punishment, the stone, and made the sheer
impossibility of drinking and eating an ever-lasting process.
Neither Sisyphus nor Tantalus are paradigms of justice in the sense
of crime and punishment, cause and consequence. It is the enchanting
force of the Homeric text that it does not really need the complements
adduced by sedulous interpreters. What catches the attention, what
remains unforgettable, is just the process in itself, futility in endless
repetition: the paradigm of senselessness. Note that Pyriphlegethon,
the river that together with Kokytos flows into Acheron (Od. 10.513),
has nothing to do with hellfire, even if later interpreters, and definitely
the Christians, did understand it in this way.38 No, Pyriphlegethon,
Kokytos and Acheron, fire together with "wailing" and "grief," charac
terize the funeral: the pyre burning, the laments, and the mourning. In
Hades even the trees lose their fruit (Od. 12.410): no growing, no hope.
Note also the abysmal resignation of Achilles (11.489-91) and the
silence of Ajax (11.564): nothing is to be expected or to be regained in
Hades. Seen in this way the verses about Tantalus and Sisyphus are not
just incomplete accounts drawn from some other source, but an origi
nal characterization of the Beyond: not the automatism of crime and
punishment, not the terror of justice, but senselessness. The Greek term
is mataioponia.
Indeed we find such a picture elaborated in another set of images
which seem to go back to the 6th century: carrying water in a leaky
vessel, plaiting a rope which is eaten up by a donkey. This, side by side
with Tantalus and Sisyphus, adds to the paradigm of mataioponia. The
evidence is somewhat fragmentary: a lost painting, some vase pictures,
and a complicated text of Plato's. The earlier group of evidence is icon
ographie: Pausanias describes the underworld painting by Polygnotos
38) Clem. Str. 5.91.2; see also Damascius, In Phaed. II ? 145 Westerink. Contra Rohde
1898, 1:54, with reference to Apollodorus FGrHistAll F 102 and SchoL Od. 12.514.
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156 W Burkert I Numen 56(2009) 141-160
at Delphi (Paus. 10.28-31).39 There are two females in the picture car
rying water in broken sherds, and the inscription says they are "not
initiated" (10.31.9) ? probably it read AMYHTOI; elsewhere in the
picture there is a big pithos, and various people, old and young, male
and female, carrying water; an old woman pours her water from a bro
ken hydria into the pithos. Sisyphus and Tantalus are on either side of
the scene (10.31.11). This is multiplied mataioponia in the Netherworld,
supplementing Sisyphus and Tantalus, with the catchword AMYHTOI.
Pausanias says he thinks these water-carriers are people who disregard
the Eleusinian mysteries. He further describes a man inscribed OKNOX,
"Hesitation," who is plaiting a rope of rush which is eaten away by
his donkey (10.29.1); the "rope of Oknos," Pausanias adds, is prover
bial in Ionia.40
In addition there are blackfigure vases, three so far, with correspond
ing pictures, one from Athens, one from Palermo, one in Munich,
dated 530 to 500 bc; thus they are one or two generations earlier than
any possible date for Polygnotus' painting.41 They show a big pithos
dominating the scene; the Munich vase has eidola, small persons with
wings, climbing up the pithos to pour out their jugs; Sisyphus has his
place, and his toil, besides. The Palermo vase has more personnel, males
and females, occupied with their water jugs, while a big donkey is
kneeling down besides the pithos. This should be Oknos' donkey, but
the action of the man in front of the donkey is not that clear; other
variants of the motif have been tried by interpreters. Diodorus (1.97)
asserts that there was a ritual at Akanthos near Memphis where both
water-pouring and rope-plaiting were ritually enacted. Perhaps that is
too nice to be true.42
Anyhow this is a message, going beyond Homer's Nekyia, about mys
teries and their importance for afterlife, a warning to AMYHTOI. The
main literary text referring to the same is Plato, Gorgias (493a-d).43
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W. Burkert I Numen 56 (2009) 141-160 157
44) Telet? occurs in the gold plates and in Plato, Resp. 365a.
45) Last verse of the Hipponion text, Graf-Johnston no. 1. Mystery priests used also
the menace of "lying in the mud," Plat. Phaed. 69c.
46) Heracles in Euripides, HF613: "I succeeded (in the exploits in the Netherworld)
because I had seen the orgies of the mystaC For pictures with the initiation of Heracles
see ThesCRA II nos. 25, 29, 34/5, 37.
47) Seeatn.28.
48) Cf. ThesCRA II 94.
49) Plato mentions "lying in the mud," but also the vague threat that "for those who do
not sacrifice terrible things are waiting," Resp. 365a.
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158 W Burkert I Numen 56 (2009) 141-160
50) Keuls 1974; Rohde 1898, 1:326-29; oldest text: [?ht.]Axiochus37lc. Rohde claimed
that the watercarrying motif originated with the Danaids: they are trying to arrange
their own nuptial bath which they have missed in life. The evidence we have speaks
against this sequence of the versions: In the standard myth the Danaids get married
after all to Argive partners (Pind. Py. 9.112-16), whereas the early vases as well as
Polygnotus have both males and females involved: AMYHTOI, not Danaids. Whether
already the Danaid trilogy of Aeschylus had the punishment in Hades we do not know.
51) Another graphic addition to afterlife punishments is Ixion (Hixion in a 5th century
painting, LIMCIxion no. 2; earliest vase-painting about 500, LIMCno. 1); Aeschylus
Ixion (fr. 89-93) and Eumenides 424-27; Pindar Py. 2.21-48 (475?). Ixion commits
the murder of a kinsman, achieves purification by Zeus himself, but then tries to make
love to Hera; he couples with a cloud which gives birth to Kentauros (a pun: kentein
auran stinging a cloud). For punishment Ixion is fettered to a big rotating wheel, flying
"everywhere" through the air. This is crime and punishment, amplakiai pherepoinoi
(Pind. Py. 2.30), even "eternal punishment" (Diod. 4.69.5), with Kratos and Bia doing
their job, and with a message (Pind. Py. 2.21), possibly on the background of rituals with
rolling wheels (Burkert, Homo necans 206 n.l 1) in combination with a realistic instru
ment of torture (Anakreon 388; Antiphon 1.20; Aristoph. Pax 432; Andoc. Myst. 43); in
the old evidence, this wheel is not bound to Hades, but rotates "everywhere."
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W Burkert I Numen 56 (2009) 141-160 159
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