T P H T: D, R R ICT A F: HE Alestinian Idden Ranscript Omination Esistance and The Ole of SIN Chieving Reedoms

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22
THE PALESTINIAN HIDDEN TRANSCRIPT:

DOMINATION, RESISTANCE AND THE ROLE OF ICTS IN ACHIEVING FREEDOMS
Ziyaad Lunat
Government Department
London School of Economics and Political Science
z.lunat@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
Palestinian students live in a turbulent socio-political environment, often subjected to violent
repression. Our paper seeks to understand the dialectic relationship between domination and
resistance in the redefinition and reinforcement of students use of ICTs to achieve desirable
freedoms. We will adopt a freedom view of development and use structuration theory to
analyse macro social structures and its relation with the knowledgeable and reflexive agent.
Our research took place in two Al-Quds University campuses located on opposite sides of the
Israeli separation wall. We found that Al-Quds university students use ICTs as part of
collective resistance to Israeli military occupation, emphasizing agencys active role in
monitoring wider social structures. Students use ICTs to work around unplanned obstacles
to their daily routines, sometimes in inadvertent ways and often for short-term gains.
Nevertheless, the effects of Israeli policies have shown signs of disintegrating Palestinian
collectiveness, provoking uncoordinated efforts amongst students. The concept of freedom
has become relative and conflicting on both sides of the wall, even though both campuses are
within what once was the greater Jerusalem area. Students have consequently used ICTs in
different ways to pursue what they interpret as freedoms. In addition, ICTs may be
facilitating a Palestinian exodus abroad and enabling the dissemination of new ideas that
create tensions with the existing value system.
1. INTRODUCTION
Israels illegal occupation of Palestinian territories is inherently violent. Much of the research
in this field has focused on the visible aspects of the occupation. This paper will instead step
closer into the lives of the Palestinians, examining their daily routines. Palestinian response to
the colonization of their land has been a bottom-up grassroots process (Said, 1980). The
Palestinians have consequently built a society that revolves around resistance to restore basic
rights. This resistance has been largely non-violent and expressed in a myriad of subtle ways.
The insistence of Palestinian students to go to school for example is an act of resistance due
to the repressive Israeli policies that insist otherwise.
Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) could have immense potential
in supporting non-violent means in Palestine. The Zapatista Movement, for example,
successfully harnessed ICTs to mobilize support within Mexico and across the world by
openly defying state domination and exposing the world to their plight (Cleaver, 1998).
Dubbed the information-age social war, the global network has become the worlds first
postmodern movement led by information-age activists(Ronfeldt and Arquilla, 2001). In
Indonesia, the fall of Suhartos authoritarian regime was aided by the use of ICTs both as a
medium for discussion and dissemination of information and for group mobilization and
resistance (Lim, 2002). Blogs have become a type of networked expression producing
knowledge for democratic listening (Coleman, 2005), while the introduction of e-censorship
laws in Singapore is widely seen as recognition for the potential of ICTs in resisting
repressive regimes (Rodan, 1998).
This paper seeks to answer the following question: In light of the peculiar Palestinian
socio-political context, how is the dialectic relationship between domination and resistance
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EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 2
contributing to redefine and reinforce students use of ICTs to achieve desirable freedoms?
With dialectic we mean, tension or opposition between two interacting forces or elements
(Merriam-Webster, 2006). We will use aspects of structuration theory to understand agency-
structure dynamics in the attainment of freedoms and to enable a deeper and more critical
analysis.
The following literature review explores the concepts of freedom, domination & the
politics of resistance, drawing a conceptual framework and a methodology for this research.
Section three describes the research findings. Section four analyses the research findings in
the light of the chosen conceptual framework, and finally, section five reflects on the value of
this research, its limitations and future research.
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 ICTs and Freedoms
State action is often overlooked as a structural obstacle to the attainment of freedoms
(Nussbaum, 2000). Amartya Sens Development as Freedom (1999) provides a suitable
platform for our understanding of ICT adoption paying attention to broader societal structures
of oppression. Sen provides us a philosophical approach to development, one that is oriented
towards enhancing the lives we lead and the freedom we enjoy (p.14). Expansion of
freedoms, what one has reason to value(p.18), should be seen as both the primary ends
(constitutive role) and primary means (instrumental role) of development. The constitutive
role of development refers to the importance of freedoms in enhancing human life such as
freedom of political participation. Development here is seen as highly dependent on the free
agency of people. The instrumental role refers to the effectiveness of freedoms in
contributing to economic development and as a means of assessing the progress of
developmental efforts. Development requires the removal of major sources of unfreedom
such as poverty and oppression.
The freedom view of development has several benefits (Sen, 2001). First, it allows us
to have a deeper understanding of human development and to concentrate on the objective of
individual freedom rather than on commonly cited means for development such as economic
growth, industrialization, or technological development. Second, some freedoms lead to other
types of freedoms, so this perspective allows us to analyse freedom with its interconnections
rather than viewing each freedom in isolation. Third, it allows us to distinguish different state
interventions, the ones that aim at stifling liberties such as repression and the ones that have a
supportive role such as provisions for education and other social policies. Finally, it is an
agent-oriented view of development and does not view agency as a passive beneficiary of
development programmes.
Sens capability approach could be a valuable application of the freedom-centred
view of development in the IS field (Madon, 2005). Capabilities are the opportunity to
achieve valuable combinations of human functionings, i.e. what a person is able to do or be
(Sen, 2005). Capability is effective freedom (Orsaretti, 2005). Effective (vs. formal) because
for someone to have the capability to achieve a particular function is not enough, he needs to
have the means to pursue those functionings as well. Different people have different sets of
capabilities. Even though they may have similar means available to them, they may have
different levels of opportunity. For example, people who choose to fast have a different
capability set than those starving in the streets. Sens capability approach has several
shortcomings that will be discussed on our conceptual framework section, enabling us to
identify a gap on the literature that we will pursue.
Political freedoms have particular relevance in the development debate (Sen, 1999):
first, the intrinsic importance to human living of these freedoms; second, the instrumental
role of enriching public listening; and, third, the constructive role in the conceptualization of

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values and priorities. Despite the capability approach making a significant contribution in
assessing opportunities for freedom, it cannot adequately deal with the process aspect of
freedom, namely the equity and fairness of the implementation of these freedoms (Osmani,
2005). For us to understand this process, it is essential to analyse agencys rebellious reaction
to the withdrawal of freedoms (Coleman, 1990) and briefly review social theory on
domination and the politics of resistance.
2.2 Domination and the Politics of Resistance

In the field of IS, issues of domination and the politics of resistance are addressed by the
critical theory research stream. Authors such as Feenberg (1991) and Marcuse (1964) argue
that ICTs are not neutral but used as instruments to achieve wider social goals. The majority
of authors tend to adapt the work of critical theorists from the Frankfurt school to the field of
IS. Willcocks (2004), for instance, contends that Foucaults contribution to the
conceptualisation of power has been essential in framing the automate/informate debate.
Nonetheless, there has been a greater call for interpretive research to adopt a more critical
stance to the role of ICTs in maintaining and changing the existing social order (Doolin,
1998).
Freedom and domination have a dialectic relationship (Adam, 1978). Whereas
freedom is seen as the absence of interference in choice and coercion of the body, Sens
approach suggests that if choice is without interference, the mere possibility that an entity is
able to interfere makes people unfree. It is not enough that one person be treated well, rather
it is essential that all people enjoy good treatment, irrespective of the goodwill of the
powerful. For freedom to be possible domination must be absent (Pettit, 2001). Marx (1975)
is against the negative definition of freedom as the absence of domination and he sees
freedom as a positive activity of overcoming obstacles, i.e. resistance. Criticizing both
approaches, Sharp et al. (2000) argue that domination and resistance cannot exist
independently of each other, but neither can they be reducible to one other: they are
thoroughly hybrid phenomena, the one always containing the seeds of the other, the one
always bearing at least a trace of the other that contaminates or subverts it. Domination and
resistance in this perspective is seen in a continuum.
Domination is a top-down process. State domination, in particular, could be direct or
hegemonic. Both forms are often challenged. The real political task in a society such as ours
is to criticize the working of institutions which appear to be both neutral and independent; to
criticize them in such a manner that the political violence which has always exercised itself
obscurely through them will be unmasked, so that one can fight them (Foucault, 1986). The
state has, therefore, shifted the right to punish from vengeance of the sovereign to invoking
the defence of society (Foucault, 1979). This, however, has given the state the power to
implement penalties without bounds, so there is a need to establish a principle of moderation
for the power of punishment (p.90). There are two forms of discipline enforced by the state:
exceptional (negative) discipline and generalized surveillance (Foucault, 1979). Whereas,
negative discipline is within closed spaces such as prisons, panopticon surveillance does not
need to be physically present but must simply exist in the minds of people. This signals the
transference of power from localised control to institutions and the state. Foucault (1985)
argues that discipline is a way to neutralise resistance (p.219), and resistance is integral to
power. Critics, however, point out that Foucault did not clearly address agency reaction to
domination (Zureik, 2003).
For Weber (1947) domination is a special type of power. Power here can be
interpreted as power over someone or subdivided into types such as threat power or
economic power. In these cases, power is seen as zero-sum, where the increase in power
of one person decreases the power of another. However, this is a neutral analysis, which does

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not consider the dynamics of power and how power is actually distributed in society,
specifically in respect to race, class, and oppression. In this latter sense, power can be seen as
an instrument for domination where people who are systematically denied power internalise
messages on how they should behave, starting to believe them as the truth. This is called
internalised oppression (Rowlands, 1995).
Resistance is a bottom-up process. Scott (1990) makes an interesting analogy between
the art of acting and power relations of domination and resistance. The public transcript, the
open interaction between subordinates and those who dominate, is unlikely to fully show the
true nature of power relations. It represents a carefully performed interaction that relies on
highly institutionalized practices. The hidden transcript, the actions of oppressed groups
that take place offstage, is characterized by resentment and contradictions to what was
performed in the public script. Although power relations are not so simple that we could say
that everything that is said in the public script is false and everything that is said in the hidden
transcript is true, the latter is built for a different audience and with different power
constraints than the public script. The distinction between the public transcript and the hidden
transcript allows us to distinguish between four types of political discourse (ibid., p.18):
First, the most public of the discourses has its basis on the self-image of the elites. For
example, slave owners in the US South showed themselves as paternalistic, claiming to
provide welfare, housing, and clothing to slaves even though the reality was different. Slaves,
in turn, made political use of these claims to appeal for those services. The second is the
political discourse of the hidden transcript, which is characterized by anger, revenge, and
dissent towards power holders, but takes place away from power holders. The third type of
political discourse is complete rupture between the public and the hidden transcript,
characterized by moments of open defiance on the part of subordinates towards those who
dominate. The fourth type of political discourse lies in between the first two and is
characterized by disguise and anonymity with the intent of having a double meaning or
disguising the identity of the actors. These are termed infrapolitics, as they are normally low
profile day-to-day gestures such as gossip, jokes, songs, rituals, codes, and euphemisms.
Each of the forms of disguised resistance, of infrapolitics, is the silent partner of a loud form
of public resistance. (p. 199) Infrapolitics challenges Gramscian structuralist conception of
hegemony (Gramsci, 1971) that classifies ideology as involuntary and impenetrable,
legitimising power and control in a self-perpetuating equilibrium only capable of being
disturbed by an external shock. Infrapolitics, on the other hand, is manifested through the
knowledgeability and reflexivity of the agency.
The study of domination and resistance stem from the Western experience of
modernization so the preoccupations expressed by authors like Marx, Freud or Weber cannot
be universalized. Any attempt to search for and provide absolute and unchanging definitions
of these concepts that will be applicable to all societies is never likely to be successful
(Miller et al., 1989). Therefore, contemporary research is ethnographic in its approach
privileging a detailed analysis of the context as a response to the positivistic approach of
earlier writers e.g. (Gunawardana, 1989). Sharp et al. (2000) say that geography should not
be ignored as a space for encounters of domination and resistance. The field of IS adds to the
call for conducting research that is contextually relevant (Pettigrew, 1985), interpretivist in its
approach (Walsham, 1995a) and more critical in its nature (Doolin and McLeod, 2005). We
will incorporate these concerns on our conceptual framework.
2.3 A Conceptual Framework

Researchers must have a theory of reality and of how reality might surrender itself to their
knowledge seeking efforts (Zuboff, 1988). We will adopt the freedom-centred view of
development as the ontology for this work, but we will dispense with the capability approach

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 5
as its practical application. This is because it has lacked legitimacy as a methodology in

academic circles due to its vagueness. In addition, it emphasises choice; key concepts are not
clearly defined, and it is based on a dialogue between philosophy and economics only,
ignoring key subjects such as psychology, sociology, and anthropology (Gasper, 2002). There
is therefore an important gap in the freedom view of development literature that needs to be
explored through other alternatives.
Hill (2003) considers Sens capability approach inadequate for analysing
institutionalized power in creating and perpetuating inequalities in individual opportunities to
achieve. She suggests that the freedom centred view of development includes the analysis of
basic social institutions and processes. So in order to solve the deficiency in Sens approach,
Jackson (2005) proposes the use of aspects of the theory of structuration to account for the
influences social structures and institutions exert on freedoms. In addition, Zureik (2003)
considers structuration theory more appropriate to account for power and resistance specific
to the Palestinian context as Foucaults concept of power is non-coercive; whereas, the
Palestinian population in the West Bank and Gaza is subjected to routine coercive practices
which evidence violence as a spectacle.
Structuration theory (Giddens, 1984) is a meta theory introduced as an attempt to
reconcile the tension existent in the social sciences between interpretations of social
phenomenon as structuralist or subjectivist. It essentially says that structure and agency are
not independent or conflicting, but mutually constituting. Social actors are reflexive and
knowledgeable, and their actions are enabled and constrained by social structures. Through
recurrent action, social practices tend to become part of the institutionalised properties of
structures. Social structures, in turn, mediate agencys actions but are also reinforced or
changed by them.
Ontological perspective Freedom centred view of

development
Epistemological tool Aspects of structuration theory

of enquiry
Orlikowski (2000) makes an important contribution to the application of the theory of

structuration to the field of IS. She criticises earlier applications of structuration (Orlikowski,
1992; DeSanctis and Poole, 1994) that look at technology as embodying structures that are
subsequently appropriated by the agency. We concur with Orlikowski that organisational
structures are not embodied in technology. Local improvisations, seemingly irrational
behaviour (Ciborra, 1996), and agencys choice between conflicting structures are better
explained in this way. However, there has been a greater call to take into account the broader
socio-political context (Montealegre, 1997) when applying the theory of structuration.
Having this and criticisms of Giddens conceptualization of structures as excessively
subjectivist (Porpora, 1989) in mind, it is useful to think of the broader social structures using
a philosophy of critical realism (Jones et al., 2004) in particular within a military context
where power relations are intense. Critical realism perceives structures in a systemic way as
actual forms of social organisation unlike Giddens view of structures with no existence
outside the agency (Dobson, 2001). Methodological realism, therefore, says that structures
cannot be identified except through the examination of their effects and their reproduction or
transformation rarely happens in the way knowledgeable agents intend (Mingers, 2004).
Our application of structuration will be limited to the extent that it is necessary to
enable us to make an adequate judgement of agencys interaction with ICTs in the light of the

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 6
freedom view of development. Rather than an attempt to conceptualize the ICT artefact and
its usage (Orlikowski and Iacono, 2001), we will black-box the ICT artefact and follow Sahay
and Walsham (1997) in focusing our analysis on a macro societal context.
2.4 Methodology
The field research took place in Al-Quds (meaning Jerusalem in Arabic) University in
Palestine during a period of forty days. The chosen methodology is based on a blend of three
strategies for structuration research as suggested by Pozzebon and Pinsonneault (2005).
Grounded strategy refers to research done in two different campuses of Al-Quds University,
Beit Hanina and Abu Dis, which enabled us to collect detailed data of similar events and
compare them in order to establish patterns of interaction. This will be expanded with more
detail in the next section. The other two strategies used are narrative, describing the context
with detail as to give an impression of being there; and fine-grain temporal bracketing,
breaking down events into the effects of action on structures and the effects of institutional
constraints on action, over a thin continuum of time.
A qualitative approach facilitates the analysis of different interpretations of social
actors on the technology as well as their action around it (Orlikowski and Gash, 1994).
Therefore, ten unstructured interviews with students were conducted each lasting
approximately forty minutes and four informal conversations with lecturers, both equally split
between the two campuses. Interviews are a focal method of data collection in interpretive
case studies (Walsham, 1995b). Our interviews were very open and took the form of
conversations. Towards the end of our research, two focus groups were assembled to discuss
the findings consisting of five students from each campus. Yin (2003) considers multiple
sources of evidence a key strength of case study research and Nordstrom and Martin (1992)
argue that field research in a conflict area should challenge traditional macro level views of
the conflict and document its relation to everyday social realities. As a result, the Director of
the Palestinian National Institute of Information Technology in Ramallah was interviewed to
aid a further understanding of macro social structures and national policy direction. In
addition, observation performed in cyber cafes and participation in technology training, in a
grassroots, non-violent resistance NGO Middle East Nonviolence and Democracy aided a
further understanding of local attitudes towards ICTs. Finally, the researcher spent extensive
time in the university attending lectures, socializing and discussing politics, religion, and
current affairs with lecturers, students, and local inhabitants as well as engaging in
conversations with Israeli troops.
3. RESEARCH FINDINGS
The following section presents the findings of the research carried out in occupied Palestine
(West Bank) between the 23rd of May and the 1st of July 2006.
3.1 Relevant Points of the Palestinian Society

In 1948, over five hundred Palestinian villages were destroyed and two thirds of the
Palestinian population were ethnically cleansed from their land to make space for an
exclusivist Jewish state (Blecher, 2005). This is collectively known as the Palestinian Nakba
catastrophe. The Zionist movement claimed to bring civilization to Palestine, mirroring
other colonialist endeavours, ignoring the rights of the indigenous population. Palestinians
have naturally resisted this colonial project (Rodgers, 2005). Israel has throughout the years
refined its system of apartheid against the Palestinians as a form of collective domination and
control of the land (Tutu, 2002; Davis, 2003). The current Palestinian context is characterized
by deterioration of the Palestinian economy, a humanitarian crisis characterized in large part
by levels of impoverishment and social decline that have no parallel [] (Roy, 2004).

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Aspirations for self-determination and Israeli repression have led to an increase in the level
and importance of resistance within the Palestinian society; for the Palestinians it is a matter
of survival.
Palestinians are divided into three groups: the 1.1 million remaining in historical
Palestine (now Israel); the 4.2 million Palestinians living in exile; and the 3.8 million
Palestinians living within 1967 borders (PCBS, 2006a). Our focus is on the latter. Despite the
Diaspora, Palestinians have maintained their collective identity through several mechanisms
such as collective memory, culture, and symbols (Khalidi, 1997; Sa'di, 2002) each type of
identity-building process leading to a different outcome in constituting the Palestinian society
(Castells, 1997). Identity distinguishes those that are merely defending interest from those
that are defending identities (Eder, 2003) as is the case of the Palestinians.
Over 60 percent of Palestinians are under 24 years of age, and fertility rates are higher
than average (PCBS, 2001). Israeli military particularly target youths, who accounted for 53.8
percent of the total martyrs during the Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000 (ibid). These facts flag the
central role of youths in Palestinian resistance, especially university students (18-24 years).
Since the election of Hamas (Maqdsi, 1993) in January 2006, the social conditions in
Palestine have degraded due to an international boycott of the democratically elected
government.
3.2 Educational Context at Al-Quds University

The information contained in this part is mainly derived from observation and numerous
conversations with people in Al-Quds University and adjacent neighbourhoods.
In the article Education is Freedom (Right for Education Campaign, 2005) a
Palestinian student details life at university: Educational institutions are frequently closed
down, shelled, shot at, or raided with students being arrested and killed (Guardian, 2002).
Despite these difficulties, the demand for higher education is growing at an alarming rate in
the past decades (World Bank, 2005). Enrolment has tripled between 1995 and 2003 and is
23 percent above Arab states (ibid).
Having lived the frustrations of the Israeli occupation from a very young age (Thabed
et al., 2002), for many students university enrolment signifies a renewed sense of hope and
the possibility for organised resistance. Most students join the many resistance groups that
operate within Al-Quds University, some of them branches of popular political parties and
resistance groups such as Fatah and Hamas. The intense politicisation of Al-Quds University
(in particular the Abu Dis campus) was evidenced during the data collection period where
elections were taking place for the Student Union Council. The whole university mobilized
for elections hustings. Thousands of dollars, contributed by the main political parties, were
spent to produce graphically advanced banners depicting popular symbols of resistance such
as Yasser Arafat and Abdel Aziz Al-Rantissi, as well as other martyrs for the cause. At the
time, there was factional violence taking place between Fatah and Hamas resulting in
fatalities in the West Bank and Gaza. (BBC News, 2006a). The conflict was reflected in the
attitudes of students belonging to rival factions and in the defiant nature of the chanting and
election speeches. As one student remarked, elections at the university are taken as seriously
as if they were of national importance.
Al-Quds University was severely affected by the international boycott to the election
of Hamas, and no lecturer had been paid for several months. This resulted in a series of
strikes that lasted for several days, and at the time of research the dispute had not yet been
settled, even though lecturers had returned to teaching (Al-Quds University, 2006). As one
lecturer said, the goodwill in continuing to teach shows the Palestinian spirit of resilience and
dedication to serve the country.

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The Israeli separation wall had devastating effects and a deja-vu feeling amongst
students, as it once again separated Palestinians from each other. They see the wall as another
attempt by Israel to grab more Palestinian land and disintegrate their collective power.
Empirical evidence makes that opinion hard to deny as the wall is strategically located in
Jerusalem to separate the most densely populated Palestinian areas from the Old City of
Jerusalem, Holy Sites, and Israeli settlements (PENGON, 2003). In Jerusalem, Palestinians,
who were accidentally left on the Israeli side of the wall, hold a Jerusalemite blue ID card,
whereas, Palestinians, who reside on the Palestinian side of the wall, hold a West Bank
green ID card. The blue ID card gives Jerusalemites more rights than Palestinians holding
green IDs, the latter being subject to severe movement restrictions (Brown, 2004). For
example, whereas the blue ID card allows Jerusalemites to move around Israel and most parts
of the West Bank (subject to checkpoints), holders of green IDs are confined to the West
Bank, needing lengthy and often impossible to get permits to enter Israel or the Holy Sites
in Jerusalem. Israel has annexed East Jerusalem in 1980 against international law and
Palestinian will. Blue ID holders are within the annexed area, and they receive Israeli
welfare such as health insurance and the right to work for Israeli businesses. Palestinians
fear that the Israeli welfare system targeting Jerusalemites within the annexed zone are
aimed at making them feel comfortable, neutralising resistance and formalising Jerusalems
illegal annexation at a practical level.
Al-Quds University campuses are also separated by the wall. The Beit Hanina campus
is located on the Israeli side of the wall and is surrounded by four Israeli settlements;
whereas, the Abu Dis campus is now technically located on the Palestinian West Bank and
is surrounded by the wall. See figure below. All of the students in the Beit Hanina campus
hold blue IDs and live in Jerusalem, and the majority of students in Abu Dis hold green IDs
and come to study there from all parts of the West Bank.
Map: Different Israeli Policies:

Beit Hanina surrounded by Israeli
settlements of Ramot, Ramat
Shlomo, Neve Yaacov, Pisgat
Zeev and the Kalandia
checkpoint. Abu Dis surrounded
by the wall and separated from
the rest of Jerusalem (map from:
Lagerquist (2004).
1 - Students in Abu Dis are consequently more disadvantaged in terms of basic freedoms.
They have greater exposure to the occupation due to the several incursions and checkpoints

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 9
that appear randomly on any given day. They are also more impoverished; some have to work
to sustain their studies; most live far from home and visits to their families are subject to
travel restrictions at the mercy of checkpoints and Israeli soldiers. It's like they [family] are
living in another country (BBC News, 2006b). They also have difficulties in finding jobs
within their area of study once they graduate, and some see unemployment as certain. Some
students in Abu Dis had been in prison for several years due to resistance. Politics is a central
topic in student conversations, and there is a lot of resentment against the Israelis. Education
was mainly seen as resisting the occupation by gaining knowledge to help build an
independent Palestine. The students are aware of the difficulties they face but are also fierce
and passionate when asked about resistance and the struggle for their plight. Resistance is
part of our personality, one student commented.
2 - Students in the Beit Hanina campus experience a different reality despite suffering many
of the daily harassments. They live within Jerusalem where there are few checkpoints, and
the occupation is less disruptive. Once they graduate, Beit Hanina students can be assimilated
into the larger Israeli job market, despite often being discriminated against and ending up
performing menial jobs. Jerusalems primary and secondary schools are Israeli controlled as
opposed to the recently updated pre-1967 Jordanian curriculum in the West Bank. (Abu-Saad
et al., 2006). Therefore, students in Beit Hanina have a better quality education, and their
consumption habits are closer to the Israeli/Western reality. Beit Hanina students study
mainly to build a career for themselves, to improve their quality of life, to continue their
parents business, or to travel abroad. Even though students felt frustrated by the occupation,
they did not like to speak about politics apart from the daily newspaper group discussions in
the morning. Some students saw this apathy as the result of tighter Israeli control on
Palestinian political activity in annexed Jerusalem.
The apparent difference of behaviour between Abu Dis and Beit Hanina students (and
residents) is also emphasized by the Israelis. The Israeli Mayor of Jerusalem says that there is
greater commonality and peaceful coexistence between Palestinian Jerusalemites and Israeli
Jerusalemites, and according to him 98 % of terror attacks that have occurred in Jerusalem
have been perpetrated by people from outside the city (Jerusalem Municipality, 2006)
Palestinians see this separation of Palestinians from Palestinians as an Israeli strategy of
divide and rule and as an attempt to disintegrate their common identity. Regardless of this,
these policies brought about different behaviour from students. For instance, students in Beit
Hanina did not admit they were advantaged, but students in Abu Dis felt Jerusalemites have
it easy.
Nevertheless, students on both campuses had much more in common despite Israeli
policy to break a collective identity centred around resistance (Castells, 1997). This was
markedly evident, as one student recalled, during the Al-Aqsa Intifada (uprising) in 2000
where public disobedience was generalized to all Palestinians as a sole identity group
(Nassar, 2002). All interviewees saw themselves as Palestinians, valued Palestinian culture,
and, to different degrees, shared scepticism towards the West and Israel. Islam, as a cultural
heritage, is considered a central aspect in peoples lives, as also confirmed by other studies
(Abdul-Gader and Al-Bureay, 1993).

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3.3 Al-Quds University Students and ICTs Attitudes and Behaviours

Dr. Basim Raad, a Professor of English and World Civilizations at Al-Quds University (Abu
Dis campus), wrote an article on the university website about the Geography of
Occupation(2006) that provided the inspiration for our research. He writes:
Students and faculty try to reach the campuses by risking their lives, using
rough side roads and other ways to pass without being stopped by Israeli
soldiers. They try to continue their educational activities by whatever means.
It demands dedication and a kind of humiliating ingenuity; it takes a long
time, is costly and dangerous. Alternative communication means are
developed. For example, many students and faculty have cell phones and
access to the Internet. Rumour and word-of-mouth communication are also
very important. Students form small community networks to exchange news
about work, dates of examinations, checkpoint status, and so on. But all these
means of communication are informal and unreliable. This is why I have
considered using electronic methods in times when classes cannot be held. I
started the process last term, though it was not implemented fully because
classes were stopped suddenly and some students were already unable to
attend. To the extent that I collected information, the experiment allowed
some solutions for students who needed to complete assignments or to take
tests. We were able to agree by e-mail on assignments and readings, or to
confirm arrangements by phones for tests or meetings. Next semester, I plan
to start the process on the first day of classes. (Of course, it is not at all certain
when we will have the first day of classes or when teaching will stop.) I will
try to make firm electronic arrangements and record students e-mail and
phone numbers. Those who do not have Internet access will be advised to go
to Internet cafes or communicate with others close by who have access. ()
One possible strategy is to set up chat groups.
Raads intentions did not materialize at the time of research, showing the degree of
unpredictability in Palestinian education and to some extent students attitudes towards ICTs.
Students relationship with ICTs is based around immediate needs, unlike the already
established position of ICTs in western societies (Castells, 1996). For example, the university
has a course management system (http://eclass.alquds.edu/) however most lecturers do not
use it; some students have never heard of it and the ones who do use it, belong to the
computer science department. Students did not like to use computers while at university
preferring to socialize in their free time. One reason was that university computers are not
too good. One student mentioned that he only accessed the labs in case of an emergency
with university assignments, while another student blamed the little interest in ICTs on the
socio-political context, people do have the taste for computers, but the situation does not
allow it. This attitude towards ICTs, however, is only apparent, as evidenced by deeper
conversations with students.
Most Abu Dis students acquired their computers specifically to support university
education, often making personal sacrifices, and most have no broadband Internet access at
home. Beit Hanina students, on the other hand, had exposure to ICTs through secondary
education and have cheap access to broadband at home. Perhaps it is with no surprise that
the latter took ICTs for granted, while the former valued spending time on voluntary learning
activities with ICTs. The discrepancy in ICT access is confirmed by government statistics. In
Jerusalem, 46 percent of households have computers, compared to the national average of
26.4 percent. Jerusalem also has the highest national Internet access: 20.1 percent of the

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 11
households, and 44.8 percent of Jerusalemites use computers and Internet at several locations
(work, cyber cafes, university, etc) (PCBS, 2004a).
Al-Quds University has a policy to teach in English. Notwithstanding, this policy was
not always observed, as lecturers and students struggle to speak English during the whole
class. As one student remarked, some people pass their exams by memorizing the English
text, and this is detrimental for their education. Even though teaching in English could be
seen as negatively affecting the educational experience of most students who struggle to
understand the language, they insist this is a good policy: English is the language of
invention. This behaviour is comparable to their attitude towards ICTs. The benefits of ICTs
were not quite understood, but it was generally seen as good: IT helps transfer people from
down to up. Regarding perceptions on ability to use ICTs, some students felt as if they were
stereotyped: People think Arabs are not capable of using technology. The ability to harness
technology was thus seen as a priority because Palestinians are weak in IT, and we need to
show to the world that we are educated; we have scientists; we have poets, and we are not
only suicide bombers. Like most things for the average Palestinian, ICTs were also seen as a
working against the tide mission, as if part of a struggle. One student remarked that this is
a war of technology and its you or me, not you and me. Pictures of martyrs and symbols
of resistance are common in Palestinian streets, homes, and businesses. Some students have
impressive self-taught computer skills in designing Photoshop images of resistance, and
these were sometimes printed and distributed as leaflets. Notwithstanding, ICTs are not seen
as an economic tool, and students, for instance, would not purchase online due to lack of
trust.
ICTs are greatly used as a tool for entertainment outside the educational context. This
is also confirmed by official government statistics on the use of the Internet (PCBS, 2004b).
Most students do not use e-mail, but they spend hours on chat rooms and instant messaging.
Some students prefer to use webcams so their chats become personalized. Conversations are
mainly with family members in the Diaspora, other Palestinians living in the West Bank and
Gaza, and citizens of neighbouring Arab countries. This addiction towards chat rooms was
also observed in cyber cafes around the West Bank confirming a wider societal trend. Topics
of online conversations are intrinsically linked to the context. One student in Beit Hanina
mentioned that he tries to transmit the Palestinian plight and break with stereotypes on his
conversations with Westerners. Online communication forms part of an informal
information flow that monitors and disseminates the local situation on the ground. As
someone mentioned, students trust information from other Palestinians, but its hard to trust
anyone else, referring to Western double-standards in reporting the conflict. Nicknames on
instant messaging are resistance related, for example Give me my Freedom or Death! and
the display image is often about symbols of resistance such as the Al-Aqsa mosque or
pictures of resistance fighters. Freedom of speech in online chatting was valued above all,
and students do not restrain themselves when chatting online in fear of Israeli control. They
[Israelis] may have a list of transgressors, but everyone is on that list anyway. Stories
circulate on how during the Al-Aqsa Intifada a student in the Abu Dis campus pretending to
be a female Israeli flirted with a West Bank settler in a chat room to set him up on a trap date.
This type of militant behaviour was more predominant on the Abu Dis Campus.
Some students like to listen to online songs while using ICTs, and all of them
frequently listen to religious audio. Beit Hanina students were more open to reading and
listening to material in Hebrew. One student used ICTs to put him in the right mood in
times of conflict, It gives me a push and energy. That would involve, for example, listening
to patriotic songs and searching for resistance material. Even though there is no official
Islamic law (Shariah) in Palestine, some observe an informal segregation between males and
females, as Islamic law restricts free mixing between people of the opposite sex. At lectures

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 12
for instance, males and females voluntarily sat on opposite sides of the room. Nevertheless,
ICTs were being used by some to get around this restriction, and some students confessed to
using ICTs to chat with people from the opposite sex while admitting it to be a sin. One
student said that people see a new freedom on the Internet while others were very sceptical
about it saying that freedoms are not always good and that some websites are difficult for
my culture. A female interviewee felt that women are being advantaged by this: I believe
that technology can build the power within me. The amount of knowledge freely available
on the Internet is very important in her view, as society does not widely value education for
women.
Reading the newspaper in groups is a daily morning routine amongst students. Groups
of two to three share a single newspaper and discuss the latest events in Palestine and the
Arab world. In addition, students read news from popular websites such as Al-Jazeera and
Al-Arabiya as they are culturally more appealing (Sajjad et al., 2002). Beit Hanina students
also tend to routinely read other online news websites such as CNN and BBC as well as the
Israeli Haaretz. Students, however, prefer Arabic websites as they are sceptical about the
reliability of information coming from Western sources due to perceived double standards
towards the Palestinians. Despite this scepticism, some students felt the situation so
unbearable that they wanted to leave the country. ICTs were used to look for opportunities
abroad such as Masters courses or job opportunities.
In summary, we found that Al-Quds University students have a dual relationship with
ICTs:
First, the use of ICTs at the university is apparently very low, and there is a general
lack of interest in ICTs within the educational setting
Second, a closer look at students behaviours showed that ICTs were part of a wider
struggle, and the university works as an arena for socialisation into that struggle
beyond its educational role
In addition, a difference in behaviour regarding ICTs was verified between Abu Dis
and Beit Hanina students:
Both sets of students had a strong Palestinian cultural belonging, but the contextual
difference meant that they had different experiences of the occupation and consequent
attitudes to ICTs
4. INTERPRETATIONS OF FINDINGS
This chapter interprets the findings in terms of the reviewed literature and relevant aspects of
the theory of structuration in order to answer our research question: In light of the peculiar
Palestinian socio-political context, how is the dialectic relationship between domination and
resistance contributing to redefine and reinforce students use of ICTs to achieve desirable
freedoms?
To break down our analysis, we will begin to answer the question: How is agency
developed? (Sahayand Walsham, 1997) We then analyse the dialectic relationship between
domination and resistance and the importance agency attaches to it. Finally, we use Scotts
(1990) metaphor on the performing arts of resistance to understand the nature of agencys
interaction with ICTs in light of the freedom view of development.
While there are many structures that influence or are influenced by agency use of
ICTs, we will foreground some structures and background others (Orlikowski, 2000) to focus
on those structures that we deem relevant for our analysis of freedoms. Whilst our findings

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 13
emphasize domination and resistance, we could not ignore the dynamics of culture, identity
and religion in reinforcing or conflicting with agencys desirable freedoms.
4.1 Development of Knowledgeable and Reflexive Agents: Al-Quds University

Students
This section analyses the nature and origin of agencys knowledgeability and reflexivity and
its relation to domination and resistance within the educational setting.
An individual relies on society for knowledge, values and abilities essential to self-
development, and society relies on the collective activities of individuals for its existence
(Jackson, 2005) Agency belongs to many social systems (Appadurai, 2004) but the absence
of a Palestinian state has caused educational systems to occupy a distinct place within the
Palestinian society and in the minds of Palestinian students. Educational institutions are
arenas for reproduction of social practices and of social change (Pareliusand Parelius, 1978).
Israel has for several decades repressed academic freedom and the expression of Palestinian
culture and identity in universities (Abu-Saad and Champagne, 2006); students resistance is,
thus, both the medium and the outcome of the context where, according to Scott (1990),
relations of domination are, at the same time, relations of resistance.
Bruhn (2006) says that Palestinian universities became vehicles for agency
empowerment for the achievement of social and political change, while existing in opposition
to the Israeli state. However, Palestinian universities are also constrained within the structures
of military occupation and have, therefore, performed three distinct roles (ibid): a) space for
agency expression of Palestinian identity, consciousness, politics, and cultural symbolisms;
b) space for agency resistance to the occupation and group mobilization; c) space for agency
establishment of a country without a state. These roles are intrinsically linked to agency
reflexivity about the value of education in Palestine. Alzaroo and Hunt (2003) found that
Palestinian students use education as a coping strategy for three reasons: a) as a remedy to
make up for the loss of land and property; b) as a motive for political, economic, and social
mobilization; and c) as a means for identity-building.
Palestinian students attribute multiple meanings to the concept of resistance
(Rosenfeld, 2004). Banal forms of disobedience, like banal forms of oppression, are felt and
often do matter (Bale, 2000). Continuing education in adverse circumstances is, in this light,
seen as an act of resistance flagging the active role of the knowledgeable agent in monitoring
wider social structures during daily actions.
Furthermore, the narratives of our interviewees, in particular of Abu Dis students,
have a striking resemblance to Palestinian freedom fighters narratives described in Gordon
et al. (2003). Similarly to the freedom fighters, interviewees are quite aware of their
situation; are informed about their plight from a young age; and all desire change and have
mobilized to achieve that aim. Our findings suggest that student involvement in social and
political movements is motivated by the common interpretation of Islamic Jihad (holy
struggle) as active participation in social improvement and economic development(Ali et
al., 2003).
The knowledgeability and reflexivity developed within the university is an integral
part of agencys interaction with ICTs; the agents are aware of the importance of learning
ICTs for the advancement of the country and are also aware of the lack of opportunity to
learn those skills due to constraining structures. ICTs are seen as part of a wider struggle and
at the same time as vehicles of empowerment emphasizing the importance of the dialectic
between domination and resistance in its use.

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 14
4.2 Domination-Resistance Dialectic

This section analyses the dialectic between domination and resistance and its recursive
interaction with the knowledgeable and reflexive agent. It uses the philosophy of critical
realism to identify the effects of these structures on agency and the dynamics of their
reproduction or transformation.
For Al-Quds University students, domination is felt on their inability to lead a life free
of harassment, with the Israeli military occupation often denying freedom of movement and
education through facilities of collective punishment (Lein, 2001). In contrast, resistance is
sustained through collective action and it is felt on students attitudes against the dominator
(Amos, 1980). Collectivism, an important aspect of the Palestinian-Arab culture (Hofstede,
2006), punctuates the tensions between the dominator and the subordinates. Domination is
directed towards the Palestinian collective and resistance is done by the Palestinian
collective. Individualism is therefore de-emphasized from the domination-resistance dialectic.
As explained in the findings, Israeli policies have been directed at breaking
Palestinian collectivism. Therefore, while at university, students prefer to engage in
interpersonal contact, taking advantage of the rare opportunity for Palestinians to gather en
masse. All other major Palestinian gatherings are heavily militarized such as during Friday
prayers, in particular at the Holy complex where the 2000 Intifada started. When faced by
obstacles to freely interact with other Palestinians and to continue with education, Al-Quds
University students feel the need to continue with their collective routines at home through
ICTs. The nature of ICT interaction is hence characterized by two aspects of resistance:
improvisation and interpersonal contact.
Closures through checkpoints, walls, curfews, and expulsions cut Palestinians from
Palestinians, and ICTs, through necessity, become improvisational mechanisms of tinkering
(Ciborra, 1991). Tinkering is an appropriate term for this context as it refers to work in an
amateurish or desultory way(Verjans, 2005) whilst improvisations are particularly important
when routines do not work (Ciborra, 2001). Collective repression and uncertainty have led to
agency development of steady and reliable electronic channels of communications for tense
periods such as during university closures.
It is at home that structures of the occupation are temporarily put in secondary plan
and other structures show more effect. Students ignore the possibility that many of their
communications may be controlled and focus unreservedly on electronic exchanges with
other Palestinians. It is through these exchanges, in chat rooms or instant messaging services,
that students reinforce identity, culture, and resistance. These are of paramount importance
for the Palestinians and intrinsically linked with each other as the basis of the Palestinian
survival as a people. ICTs become an important means for the Diasporas link to the
homeland (Hanafi, 2005) and for students to share their experiences of the occupation.
Furthermore, Al-Quds University students dedicate a substantial amount of their time in
developing self-learnt skills that could assist them in the promotion of the Palestinian cause.
These skills, such as graphic design skills, are nonetheless self-restricted to immediate
activities of resistance, characterized by an impatience for immediate results. This behaviour
is associated with a cultural short-term orientation (Hofstede and Bond, 1988) as a result of
the extreme volatility of the Palestinian socio-political context.
4.3 The Palestinian Hidden Transcript in the Attainment of Freedoms

This section views our structurational analysis in the light of Al-Quds university students
desire for freedoms.
Revisiting Scotts (1990) theatrical metaphor of the arts of resistance, the public
transcript, i.e. acts performed in the presence of the occupier, portrays a sort of consent of the
weak to the powerful. The powerful may even suspect that it is only a performance but are

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 15
willing to discount the suspicion. The daily travels of thousands of Al-Quds University
students through imposed checkpoints, is part of this public transcript, and is based on a
carefully performed script. Even though the occupation forces are aware that universities
could be centres of undesirable resistance (IMFA, 2003), on most days they reluctantly
allow travel to and from the university. The functions of the public transcript are the
concealment of truths, euphemisms, and stigmas, and the appearance of unanimity.
The hidden transcript is part of a reflexive state during the offstage performance away
from power holders. It is least inhibited when it is performed in a social milieu where the
structures of the dominants are least able to reach and when the social milieu is composed of
people with similar experiences of domination. The initial condition is what allows
subordinates to talk freely at all, while the second ensures that they have, in their common
subordination, something to talk about (Scott, 1990). The hidden transcript is a space of
resistance, resentment for the structures of the occupation, a space of reorganisation, and a
place to strengthen of the dominated. The purpose of the hidden transcript is for the
dominated to acquire powers that it did not hold before and which allow for desirable
freedoms. Each participant in the powerful-subordinate relationship is aware of each others
public transcripts but not of the hidden transcript. The frontier of the public and hidden
transcript is a zone of struggle between the powerful and the subordinate. The eruption
between the public and hidden transcript has given rise to open claims for freedom and
conflict such as the two Intifadas.
As Scott (1990) argues, culture brings about hidden transcripts, such as symbols,
religious beliefs, and rituals. Nicknames, display images, anecdotes, are central parts of
agencys use of ICTs. On the other hand, the occupation is monitored through flows of
information, e.g. news websites; is challenged through continued education, e.g. online
classes; and is resisted through non-conformist activities, e.g. distribution of resistance
propaganda. Palestinian students use ICTs as part of their hidden transcript, but how effective
is the use in achieving desirable freedoms?
The definition of freedom, what one has reason to value, is incomplete without our
structurational analysis that considers macro structures in order to account for the glass
ceilings that those seeking to achieve may hit (Jackson, 2005). Our analysis to this point has
been largely positive, suggesting that Al-Quds University students improvise their
interactions with ICTs to resist daily obstacles to continue with their education and, maintain
contact with other Palestinians through electronic communication. However, the freedom
view suggests that students assessments of freedoms is influenced by macro structures. We
postulate below, three such cases, that influence agencys attitudes towards ICTs.
First, Al-Quds University students value their culture and identity, both of which are
on the basis for Palestinian nationalistic claims (Quandt, 1971). Faced by difficulties of
transferring all Palestinians from historic Palestine, the Israelis have implemented
sophisticated strategies of internal transfer such as the annexation of Jerusalem and
confiscation of land for its consequent Judaization (Honig-Parnass, 2003). Our findings
suggest that the domination-resistance dialectic is not uniform within Al-Quds University
influencing students perceptions towards freedoms. We identified different degrees of
internalised oppression (Rowlands, 1995) on both campuses due to different Israeli policies
on both sides of the wall. Beit Hanina students use ICTs as part of an inadvertent assimilation
into Israeli daily life. Their interpretation of freedoms is different than of Abu Dis students as
they are cut off from other Palestinians and lack collectivism, being surrounded by Israeli
settlements. Beit Hanina students avoid speaking about the occupation and perceive the
Palestinian suffering as homogenous across the Palestinian territories. Freedom of movement,
for instance is not seen as a right but it is accepted as a luxury for a few. Their interaction
with ICTs is, thus, constrained by the occupation in that it is bound by the norms it imposes,

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 16
even though students did not categorically accept the occupation. On the other hand, Abu Dis
students are aware of the discriminatory policies of the occupation and that they were the
hardest hit by them. The occupation is openly defied as its high visibility and coercion does
not allow for it to be fully internalised. While students in Beit Hanina define resistance acts
as for example transmitting the Palestinian plight to westerners via chat rooms, Abu Dis
students engage in active defiance of the occupation, approaching what could be considered
illegal if we were to interpret these behaviours in terms of rules imposed by the occupation,
e.g. alluring the settler for a date. In addition, these events, even though not common, become
part of the stories of resistance and assume a sort of glorified position among students. The
circulation of these events through informal means of communication, such as word of
mouth, contributes to reinforcing perceptions of ICTs as part of the resistance effort.
Second, and more generally, Al-Quds University students use ICTs to look for
opportunities abroad; many students, with almost certain prospects of unemployment, felt
that ICTs were contributing positively to provide information about possibilities of a better
life abroad. However, closer analysis of the social conditions influencing this view flags two
concerns. First, transfer of Palestinians has been a Zionist concern since the early 20th century
(Masalha, 1997). Feelings of desperation signalled the impact of these policies on the agency
and the internalisation of unfreedoms. Second, agencys interpretation of freedoms is focused
on quick fixes and a short-term orientation. Leaving the country was seen as more realistic
freedom than that of self-determination. Sen (1999) emphasises the information basis of the
freedom-centred view of development where agency makes a comparative analysis of
freedoms and unfreedoms that is subjected to those of other countries. The definition of
freedoms should however not only be based on agency perception but also on the contextual
reality, as the Palestinian case demonstrates. In this particular instance, ICTs could be seen as
assisting the weakening of desirable resistance rather than assisting in developing agency
long-term freedoms that arise from self-determination, as Palestinians leaving the country
would be a major drawback to the resistance within Palestine and a quick fix to their
frustrations.
Third, the findings indicate a challenge to the existing value system, ICTs providing a
channel to these new ideas. It is salient here that Al-Quds University students have a
consciously selective view of these conflicting values. Whereas students see liberal websites
as harming their culture, they nonetheless use ICTs to break cultural norms of male-female
segregation and female education. Al-Quds University students have shown conflicting
attitudes of resistance and assimilation towards these values. Effect of agents actions to
redefine structures are only visible in a long continuum of time, so it is not clear if temporary
rule-bending will have lasting effects.
In summary, the Palestinian hidden transcript has shown mixed effectiveness in
bringing about desirable freedoms. These freedoms are subject to agency interpretation and
the analysis of contextual structures that influence ICT usage.
5. CONCLUSIONS
The Palestinians had an unjust past, have a turbulent present, and an uncertain future. The
world is disproportionably familiar with the frequent eruptions of the Palestinian public
transcript epitomised by suicide bombings and the two Intifadas. Use of Israeli dominating
power over civilians is, nonetheless, a routine fact of Palestinian life. This has led Palestinian
students to develop an improvised hidden transcript as a space for reorganisation away from
the oppressor, and as demonstrated, ICTs are part of this hidden transcripts larger quest for
freedoms.
The findings of this research suggest that, students use ICTs to work around
unplanned obstacles to their daily routines, sometimes in inadvertent ways and often for

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 17
short-term gains. Furthermore, the effects of Israeli policies have shown signs of
disintegrating Palestinian collectiveness, provoking uncoordinated efforts amongst students.
The concept of freedom has become relative and conflicting on both sides of the wall, even
though both campuses are within what once was the Greater Jerusalem District. Students
have consequently used ICTs in different ways to pursue what they interpret as freedoms. In
addition, ICTs may be facilitating a Palestinian exodus abroad and enabling the dissemination
of outside values, creating tensions with the existing value system.
5.1 Significance of the Research

The significance of this research rests on three points. First, most studies about Palestinian
resistance focus on the public transcript; there are many books about the Intifada and other
acts of open militant behaviour. This study has moved a step closer towards examining a
hidden transcript, acts not clearly visible to the public, focusing on the ICT premise for non-
violent resistance.
Second, comparative research on two campuses within the same university enabled
the identification of the effects of Israeli policies on students and on their perceptions towards
ICTs. Further research should not ignore the complex net of effects Israeli policies have on
different geographical areas within Palestine itself, avoiding generalising and blanketing of
all Palestinians.
Third, Shoib and Jones (2003) argue that IS literature for Middle Eastern, Arab or
Islamic countries are predominantly positivistic in epistemology, quantitative in
methodology and focused on economic development and national culture. Our research
contributed to invert this tendency.
5.2 Reflections on Methodology and Limitations of Research

First, the researchers sympathy for the Palestinian cause has proved to be a double-edged
sword. On the one hand, the interviewees felt comfortable in speaking about potentially
sensitive issues, but, on the other, the researcher had difficulties in maintaining a distance
from the object of study. A browse through academic literature documenting the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict has proved that this has been a common problem for researchers in the
field and that neutral stances are almost impossible, considering the sensitivity of the issue.
Therefore, a conscious decision was taken to document a Palestinian vision of the world,
albeit with an academic frame of study.
Second, the small and diverse sample of interviews was appropriate given the time
constraint, but to ensure validity of results, future research should include a wider set of
respondents. In addition, we had an active role in the interpretation of the interviews because
when resistance is confined to the level of cultural expressions the task of specifying the
nature and form of opposition is often left to the anthropologist who, inspired with a critical
spirit discerns the hidden meaning behind the informants statements and practices
(Nordstrom and Martin, 1992).
Third, critical realist philosophy is not yet widely applied within the field of IS, and
we may have had shortcomings in the analysis of the effects of structures on students. In
addition, our focus was not on a faithful application of Structuration Theory due to the
difficulties in identifying agencys effects in redefining macro structures. These effects are
only clear over a long period of time. Rose and Scheepers (2001) argue for the
impracticalities of Giddens theory in the IS field: 1) inaccessibility of Structuration Theory to
IS researchers and practitioners; 2) Giddens reluctance to a practical use of his theory; and 3)
a lack of specific theories of technology.
Finally, there is a difficulty in conducting contextualist research; the researcher picks
a particular view of the world, but this view is often biased. There could be so many other

EJISDC (2009) 37, 1, 1-22 18
aspects of the Palestinian context, which could have been provided more relevance, but this is
one of many attempts to understand a messy world.
5.3 Future Research

Future research could focus on culture and identity within Palestinian universities and its
relation to resistance. ICTs have a marked role in helping to shape, reinforce, and modify
these structures. This research has focused on routine use of ICTs, but future research should
investigate more deeply the different uses of ICTs among students and their impact on social
structures over a longer period of time. It would be interesting to conduct a comparative study
with other Palestinian universities and investigate the improvised electronic network amongst
students to counter barriers to free movement. Finally, we have black-boxed ICTs on our
study. ANT could be a useful theory to describe the agency aspect of technology.
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THE PALESTINIAN HIDDEN TRANSCRIPT:

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

2.2 Domination and the Politics of Resistance

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

2.3 A Conceptual Framework

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

as its practical application. This is because it has lacked legitimacy as a methodology in

Ontological perspective Freedom centred view of

Epistemological tool Aspects of structuration theory

Orlikowski (2000) makes an important contribution to the application of the theory of

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

3.1 Relevant Points of the Palestinian Society

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

3.2 Educational Context at Al-Quds University

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

Map: Different Israeli Policies:

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

3.3 Al-Quds University Students and ICTs Attitudes and Behaviours

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

4.1 Development of Knowledgeable and Reflexive Agents: Al-Quds University

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

4.2 Domination-Resistance Dialectic

4.3 The Palestinian Hidden Transcript in the Attainment of Freedoms

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

5.1 Significance of the Research

5.2 Reflections on Methodology and Limitations of Research

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

5.3 Future Research

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

Honig-Parnass, T. (2003) Israel's Colonial Strategies to Destroy Palestinian Nationalism.

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

Rowlands, J. (1995) Empowerment Examined. Development in Practice 5, 2, 101-107.

The Electronic Journal on Information Systems in Developing Countries

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