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Culture & Society

'I want to hold it in my hands': readers' experiences of the phenomenological

differences between women's magazines online and in print
Brita Ytre-Arne
Media Culture Society 2011 33: 467
DOI: 10.1177/0163443711398766

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Commentary

Media, Culture & Society

I want to hold it in my hands:

33(3) 467477
The Author(s) 2011
Reprints and permission:
readers experiences of the sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0163443711398766
phenomenological differences mcs.sagepub.com

between womens magazines

online and in print

Brita Ytre-Arne
University of Bergen, Norway

Introduction
Most audience and reception research tends to focus on how audiences use and interpret
media texts, while perceptual or aesthetic dimensions of media experiences generally
receive less attention. Yet, we experience media through our senses, and perceptions of
form and aesthetics could be an integral and important part of the general media experi-
ence. These dimensions could be particularly relevant in order to understand the contin-
ued appeal of an old medium such as womens magazines in competition with websites
featuring similar journalistic content. In spite of some decline in circulation and reader-
ship numbers, womens magazines in print still constitute a substantial cultural and eco-
nomic industry worldwide. Websites with similar content are generally free of charge
and offer superior possibilities for interactivity and choice. Yet, these apparent advan-
tages are of little significance if the websites cannot offer the experiences readers seek
when they purchase and read womens magazines.
In this study I explore the phenomenological differences between reading womens
magazines in print and reading similar material on traditional websites. Analysis of inter-
views with a group of Norwegian womens magazine readers will demonstrate that these
readers strongly prefer magazines in print, and that their reasons for this preference relate
to the ways in which magazines are experienced as physical and aesthetic objects. These
readers are capable and often eager internet users, but the experience of surfing the web and
the experience of reading print magazines hold strikingly different meanings for them.
Furthermore, the study will apply and discuss the concept media experiences
(Gentikow, 2005a, 2005b) as a potential substitute for the more well-known concepts

Corresponding author:
Brita Ytre-Arne, Department of Information Science and Media Studies, University of Bergen, P.B. 7802,
5020 Bergen, Norway.
Email: Brita.Ytre-Arne@infomedia.uib.no

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468 Media, Culture & Society 33(3)

media use or media consumption. The central argument is that thinking about the
relationship between audiences and media as a form of experience might highlight differ-
ent dimensions regarding the place of media in peoples lives. Examples of such dimen-
sions are precisely the perceptual and aesthetic aspects which are so central to understanding
the continued appeal of womens magazines. This argument is discussed in the final sec-
tion, drawing on phenomenological theory and the empirical findings of the study.

Methods
The findings presented here are based on qualitative research on womens magazine
reading in Norway. The ambition of my study was not to map tendencies or changes in
magazine reading, but rather to analyse the phenomenon of magazine reading itself, as a
form of media experience. A qualitative approach was chosen in order to generate rich
material for in-depth analysis. The informants were recruited among regular magazine
readers: they are current or recent subscribers to the glossy weekly magazine KK, a
popular Norwegian womens magazine with a broad appeal. However, they also read a
variety of other print magazines, and the research has focused on womens magazine
reading, not on specific publications. The informants were asked questions about various
online womens magazines as well, but in this case, the only one most of them knew was
the website operating under KKs brand name (http://www.kk.no/).
The study was conducted in several stages. A questionnaire intended for qualitative
analysis was sent to 410 KK-subscribers in and around the city of Bergen, Norway.1 125
people (all women) replied, and 14 of those were later interviewed in depth, face to face.
The informants who were interviewed were selected because they had given rich but
otherwise varied replies to the questionnaire. These women were aged between 24 and
72, and rather different when it came to education levels, occupations and social back-
grounds. The analysis presented here will first and foremost be based on the interviews,
but the findings were supported by the larger sample of questionnaire replies.
As the selection of informants indicates, this is not a study of the general readers of
online womens magazines, but rather a study of how established print magazine readers
approach these websites. Consequently, the study deals directly with the question of
when and how new media might challenge and change the uses of old media, taking
into account that media habits are not created from scratch, but formed within frame-
works of cultural and social change and the everyday lives of individuals.

How readers experience magazines online and in print

How do people who regularly read print womens magazines experience websites featur-
ing similar content? Can these websites be a replacement, a supplement, or something
else? My findings suggest that magazine readers who like these websites and who use the
internet daily still feel that websites cannot possibly replace print magazines.
In the questionnaire the KK-subscribers were asked if they had ever visited http://www.
kk.no/ prior to receiving the questionnaire. Approximately 50 percent said yes. They were
also asked to give their impressions of the site, regardless of whether they had used it
before or just became curious when filling out the questionnaire. These descriptions were
generally positive. There were some critical exceptions, particularly about the layout

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Ytre-Arne 469

being messy, but only a few informants expressed strong opinions about the website.
Most wrote that the site was fine, and some added but I prefer the magazine. The
interviews strengthened this tendency. Some informants expressed positive feelings about
http://www.kk.no/, but all flatly denied that websites could be a substitute for magazines
in print. The two media experiences are evidently very different, but why? In the follow-
ing I will briefly consider and dismiss two likely explanations (technological challenges
and differences in content) which turned out to be of little relevance, before elaborating on
two more important explanations (context and interface).
First of all, it might seem likely that established print magazine readers could feel
technologically estranged from internet and computer use, but that was not the case with
the informants in this study. Almost everyone used the internet daily for work, leisure or
both. While Norwegian media use statistics indicate substantial age differences in inter-
net use,2 this was not evident among the informants who were interviewed. For instance,
the oldest informant (aged 72) was a rather advanced internet user who emailed with her
grandchildren, talked to her daughter on Skype and searched for medical research reports
on the internet (she was a retired nurse who liked to keep up with her field). She also used
various online news services daily, as did most other informants. There was, in short,
nothing to suggest that these informants would feel technologically estranged from mag-
azine websites. They were just not that interested in them.
Second, differences in content between print magazines and magazine websites could
be an obvious reason to prefer one over the other. However, most informants who had
visited http://www.kk.no/ claimed to like it, and most saw no substantial journalistic dif-
ferences between this site and KK. This does not imply that such differences do not exist,
only that they were generally not emphasized by informants.3 Only a few critical voices
argued that there were differences in content and style:

The magazine is about other things. The website is so Be sexy, Get ready to party, and all
those hairstyles It is a little worn out, I think, to me. I look at it. Fashion and stuff I have
always been into fashion and makeup. [] It depends what it is. I could look at some nice
dresses. [] But the other stuff that is in KK, interviews, portraits, I read that if its interesting.
Recipes. New products. Health I am really interested in that. (Birgit, 61, auxiliary nurse)

While this informant expressed some interest in the website, she still described it in a rather
detached manner (I could look at it). She looks at the website but reads the magazine,
a distinction which suggests rather different approaches to the media in question. While
this is an example of someone who saw differences in content as a reason to prefer the print
magazine, the majority of informants made no such comments. The general tendency was
clear: neither technological estrangement nor differences in content provided sufficient
explanations for the strong preference for print magazines. Two other explanations stood
out: magazines were read in certain contexts in which computers had no place, and the
interface of the print magazine was preferred over the interface of the web.

Context: work and relaxation

Several scholars have emphasized that media use contributes to the structure of everyday
life (see for instance Bausinger, 1984; Bird, 2003; Hermes, 1995; Silverstone, 1994).

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470 Media, Culture & Society 33(3)

My informants described their media habits as rather fixed in the structure of daily living:
they would typically read newspapers at breakfast, listen to the radio while driving and
watch television in the evening. Likewise, womens magazines were read in specific situa-
tions: at the end of the day, in a comfortable chair, in peace and quiet, with a glass of wine
or a cup of tea. For these magazine readers, computers simply had no place in this context:

I have a desktop computer, and I cant bring that to bed with me, you know! So its really not
an option. But even with laptops, I feel that those are too hot to keep on ones lap Its just not
comfortable to sit with the computer on you. Its the same with newspapers at breakfast. You
cant sit with your breakfast on the computer, I think. The paper edition is so much better.
(Ingvild, 24, teacher)

This informant describes her physical interaction with the computer as uncomfortable
and impractical, but computers were also considered foreign to relaxation in a more
symbolic sense. Most informants associated computers with work, even though they also
used them at home daily or weekly. Yet, in order to maintain clear distinctions between
work and relaxation, computers were considered unsuitable for truly enjoying oneself
outside of work. One informant declared that she really liked KKs website, and gave a
lengthy description of how and why she used it. Then she added, But obviously I would
never use it to enjoy myself, as though this was self-evident. Paradoxically, she found
the website to be enjoyable but still useless for the specific purpose of enjoyment. Several
others made similar comments:

No, KK is not something I would want to check out on the internet. As I said, I use KK mostly
to enjoy myself, and I dont enjoy myself when I am sitting in front of a computer screen. I
dont, really. (Marie, 42, lawyer)

I like to leaf through the magazine. I use it when I eat or when I just want to relax. I work with
the computer all day, and I think its better to stare into a magazine than to continue to stare at
the screen and do that clicking. Its easier to leaf through magazines. You get a different
overview and a different feeling. (Vigdis, 37, manager)

Well, I use computers so much at work, so I really dont like to stare at a screen when Im
reading to enjoy myself. I prefer to hold and to sit more comfortably. I have a laptop at home,
but I usually dont sit with it on my lap Its not the same, not like piling yourself up in a sofa
or chair or bed I dont think so. I guess theres something about holding a magazine. When
people talk about the paper-free society thats not necessarily something I look forward to.
(Astrid, 47, administrative consultant)

These quotes provide several clues as to why the media experiences in question are dif-
ferent. There is something about the way the body is positioned: these informants use
computers sitting upright at a table, staring at the screen, and would be uncomfortable
having computers too close to their bodies. Magazines, on the other hand, are read in a
more laid-back manner: piling yourself up in a sofa. Magazine reading appears to have
a lot in common with what we might think of as a classic mode of television viewing, in
which the laid-back position is associated with relaxation, leisure and entertainment.

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Ytre-Arne 471

The informants made a clear distinction between work and practicalities (in which
computers were important) and relaxation and entertainment (in which computers had no
place). Nevertheless, it is likely that the potential magazine readers of the future could
feel very differently about this. Research on what people do online establishes that young
people are far more likely to participate in online communities, play games and watch
videos, while older age groups primarily use e-mail, news sources and bank and shop-
ping services.4 Young peoples use of the internet for various entertainment purposes
could be an indicator that the strong connection my informants made between computers
and work is rapidly dissolving. The future of magazine reading is thus intimately con-
nected with overall changes in how various media are experienced.

Interface: non-moving surfaces and materiality

One of the informants quoted above expressed that she did not want to do that clicking
(indicating that clicking was annoying and tiresome) when she was reading to relax. Just
like computers have no place in the situations in which these informants read magazines,
traditional website interfaces seem ill adjusted to the way they prefer to take in impres-
sions and information when reading. One informant said that she had been surprised at
how much she enjoyed http://www.kk.no/, but she still insisted that the website was no
substitute for print magazines. Her reason was:

I experience it as being a little messy and jumpy. Things pop up, and thats something that you
young people probably are so used to you hardly notice I see my kids chatting and its so
quick and but I like that the picture in front of me is quiet. (Eline, 52, educational advisor)

The moving elements she dislikes are obviously not present in print magazines, which
allow the reader to look at a still surface. Several informants mentioned that they got
tired from staring at computer screens at work, and reading on screens might be more
straining on the eyes compared to reading texts on paper. As most informants prefer to
read magazines in peaceful, quiet situations, it might seem as though reading online
clicking, scrolling, negotiating pop-ups, navigating back and forth is too stressful for
the comfort and peace of mind they seek in magazine reading.
As the quotes above suggest, informants also emphasize the importance of the print
magazines materiality; it is something you can hold in your hands. This phrase recurred
in several interviews and some questionnaire replies. Informants also spoke and wrote
about the joy of finding a new magazine in the mailbox, about saving stacks of maga-
zines for weekends or holidays, or about scrapbooking particularly interesting articles.
One informant said that the reason she started subscribing to KK was that she liked the
idea of walking to the mailbox at her summer house and finding a magazine there. These
dimensions of magazine use depend on magazines as physical objects, existing in read-
ers everyday lives as material entities.
While most informants wanted a magazine to hold in their hands, they did find it dif-
ficult to explain why this was important. It is no surprise that these dimensions of maga-
zine reading are difficult to put into words. Reading is generally thought of as a cognitive
process, and most people would probably find it easier to discuss interpretations of texts

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472 Media, Culture & Society 33(3)

than to explain physical dimensions of media experiences. Most informants used general
phrases like it feels different or its more special. Nevertheless, the quotes cited previ-
ously provide some clues. Magazines are considered more comfortable to touch and
hold, and tactile perceptions of physical properties such as shape, temperature and weight
all contribute to how computers and print media are experienced. Interestingly, several
informants made implicit connections between physical properties and quality:

I would be happy to pay more for Elle than for KK. It has a spine that qualifies for keeping.
Thats a proper magazine, not a weekly that you throw out when you are done with it. Well, I
shouldnt really save more magazines, I have way too many. But it is obvious that the spine
guarantees more content and quality. This is a good magazine. I would be sitting with my nose
down in it like this (Mona, 43, manager)

In this quote, connections are established between price, physical shape, quality and
finally an immersive mode of reading: I would be sitting with my nose down in it. These
elements are connected as a matter of fact: A spine obviously guarantees quality. Several
factors come together to constitute particular magazines as valuable objects. Other inform-
ants also distinguished between disposable magazines and magazines worth keeping, by
referencing physical shape, price and content, assuming that these elements must be con-
nected. For instance, they talked about what kind of magazines one could read on holiday:
cheap weekly magazines without spines can be read on the beach, because it does not
matter if you tear or stain them. A more expensive magazine with a spine might be worth
saving, so you need to handle it with care. Magazines seem to occupy a middle ground
between newspapers and books: Newspapers are definitely disposable while books are
aesthetic objects you want to display in the bookshelf in your home.
Given that perceptual dimensions of the magazine medium seem so important for the
overall reading experience, one might imagine that the visual elements of magazine texts
are important as well: high quality photos on high quality paper might offer an aesthetic
experience which most computer screens cannot compete with. The interviews supported
this hypothesis to a certain extent. It was evident that fashion and interior design were
among the most popular magazine topics, and visual elements are the backbone of these
kinds of magazine journalism. Everyone who was interviewed used phrases like its nice
to see or I like to look at when talking about popular topics such as interior design.
They also used phrases like its more appealing when describing differences between
magazines. Magazine aesthetics appeared to be invisible, but still somehow important:
they were only noticed when they changed, for instance when a magazine changed its
layout. On the other hand, most informants also insisted that the written texts not pic-
tures or layouts make magazines worth reading. Some expressed a slight suspicion
about the visual elements in magazines, seeing them as something which might cloud
your judgement:

It matters. What appeals to you. It is a way of catching your eye. I think that when you stand
there, in the store you dont want to be affected by those things, but I think you will be
subconsciously. If there is a gorgeous front page and gorgeous pictures. I remember Henne had
Princess Mrtha Louise Those pictures were so amazing. I just had to buy that. (Hilde, 47,
preschool teacher)

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Ytre-Arne 473

I would say KK is my favourite, but I really look forward to Elle. Its thicker and lasts longer
It looks a little bit more exciting, in a way, but it isnt necessarily so. (Synnve, 42, manager)

Most informants insisted that they did not think about what covers looked like when buy-
ing magazines; they cared about the headlines informing them about magazine content.
The informant who had bought a specific magazine because of amazing pictures of a
princess was an exception. It is possible that informants felt the need to justify maga-
zine reading by emphasizing written texts over visual elements. On the other hand, it is
also possible that these magazine readers primarily read womens magazines because of
the written texts but still prefer to access these texts through the interface of the maga-
zine medium and not the interface of computers. The properties and capacities of the
different media seem to be the most important reason why these readers prefer print to
web, and these dimensions become clearly visible with a phenomenological approach to
audience studies.

Media experiences: a phenomenological approach to audience

research
Key concepts within audience and reception research are more or less continuously
debated. In simply naming the field (as for instance audience research) one makes a
statement about the field itself and its object of study. Likewise, replacing the singular
audience with the plural audiences reflects theoretical and empirical changes in the
history of media research, from concern with effects on the mass audience to increased
attention to how specifically situated groups of people relate to specific media in specific
contexts. In addition to the challenge of finding suitable terms describing people as
audiences, viewers, listeners, readers, gamers, users, consumers etc there is the chal-
lenge of describing the phenomenon at the core of the field: the relationship (also a term
with specific connotations) between people and media. Media-specific terms like read-
ing or viewing are precise in some cases, but often more general concepts are needed.
Concepts such as media use or media reception are therefore essential. However,
Barbara Gentikow (2005b: 11) has argued that these key concepts are anaemic, a meta-
phor which suggests that they are insufficient in grasping the flesh and blood of the
phenomenon at hand. She argues in favour of considering media use in terms of
experiences:

The term experience articulates our physical presence in the world. Experience encompasses
practical encounters with facts and events of the world, physical and perceptual contact with
people and things. Experiences are made primarily by our bodies and senses, are processed
cognitively, are learned of, and result in skills, knowledge and values. (Gentikow, 2005b: 2)

The concept experience encompasses important variations which are relevant for grasp-
ing the multifaceted nature of the phenomena in question here. Media experiences are
made personally, but within and in interaction with society and culture. Media experi-
ences can be products of active decisions, but media can also be experienced more or less
voluntarily, more or less consciously, as a backdrop in everyday life. Last but not least,

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474 Media, Culture & Society 33(3)

Gentikow emphasizes that while experiences are made through the body, they are
processed cognitively and might leave lasting impressions. This implies that even though
media experiences might be difficult to put into words, it should be possible to talk about
them in this processed form for instance in a research interview. My impression was
that most informants had little to say about aesthetic experiences with particular maga-
zine texts, but they talked easily about perceptual experiences with the magazine medium,
and even emphasized perceptual aspects when asked broader questions.
As Gentikow notes, the term experience articulates our physical presence in the
world (2005b: 2). Experience is theorized by phenomenological philosophers such as
Edmund Husserl, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Don Ihde. Rather than focusing on the
intellect as the sole arena for the production of knowledge, a phenomenologist position
will emphasize the importance of the body in how we experience the world, through
senses and perceptions. Merleau-Ponty argues that all the knowledge a subject has of the
world even scientific knowledge aiming for objectivity is gained from some particu-
lar point of view, through some form of experience (2002 [1945]: ix). A position closely
related to Merleau-Pontys can be found in Simone de Beauvoirs philosophy of lived
and embodied experience. Beauvoir is generally known as a feminist philosopher, but
her understanding of what it means to be a woman is intimately connected with a general
phenomenological theory of how human beings experience the world. De Beauvoir
emphasizes that every human being is always in a particular situation (2000 [1949]: 34),
but she also describes the body as a situation: The body is not a thing, it is a situation: it
is our grasp on the world and a sketch of our projects (De Beauvoir, 1949, quote trans-
lated by Moi, 1999: 59). De Beauvoirs position implies that bodies will matter in our
experiences, but also that there are enormous possibilities for variation. For De Beauvoir
and Merleau-Ponty, the body is the medium through which we experience the world, a
medium which might influence but not determine our experiences. Consequently, in an
analysis of media experiences (a form of lived experience) bodily and perceptual dimen-
sions might be important.
Gentikow (2005b: 2) is not the only scholar who has argued that phenomenology is
relevant to media studies. Another example is Paddy Scannells (1996) analysis of
broadcasting, in which he aims to set aside the standard analytical vocabulary of media
studies in order to see broadcasting in a different light, emphasizing radio and television
as part of both background and foreground in everyday life (1996: 45). Other examples
can be found in studies of visual culture. In using phenomenology to examine visual
media, we focus on the specific capacities of each medium that distinguish its proper-
ties, and the effect of these properties on our experience of the images produced in
each. (Sturken and Cartwright, 2001: 135) This position is related to what Joshua
Meyrowitz (1994) has called medium theory. What are the relatively fixed features of
each means of communicating and how do these features make the medium physically,
psychologically, and socially different from other media and from face-to-face interac-
tion? (1994: 50) Meyrowitz describes two generations of medium theory, placing
Marshall McLuhan and Harold Innis in the first, and himself among others in the second
generation. Drawing on Meyrowitz, Nyre (2004) proposes a third generation with
increased attention to the perception of technologies. However, rather than focusing on
the properties of different media and the experiences they might encourage, analysis of

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Ytre-Arne 475

media experiences will focus on how these properties are experienced by actual audiences.
Hausken (2009) argues that concern with (mass) audiences might be one reason why
aspects such as materiality have received little attention in media research even though
this implies that audiences perceptions of materiality are also ignored (2009: 13). While
Hauskens analysis is otherwise focused on texts, Wilson (2009) brings phenomenology
into audience studies as he develops a stage by stage model for understanding processes
of media perception. Gentikows (2005a, 2005b) alternative starting point is to formu-
late various dimensions of the overarching concept media experiences: consumer expe-
riences; experiences with media as technology; perceptual experiences; aesthetic
experiences of both media technologies and media texts; cognitive and emotional expe-
riences and communicative experiences (2005b). In a different publication (2005a) she
adds social experiences, while experiences with media as technology are not singled out
as a separate dimension.
Gentikow notes that the dimensions cannot strictly be separated and might overlap
(2005b: 4). A more fundamental problem is whether this kind of categorization is actu-
ally helpful for understanding the phenomenon in question. Drawing on De Beauvoir
and Merleau-Ponty, Toril Moi has argued that in analysis of lived experience of what
it actually means to be an embodied human being a distinction between a natural and
a cultural part will not be relevant, as this is not how individual subjectivities work (Moi
1999: 70). Moi is writing specifically about one such distinction (the sex/gender distinc-
tion in feminist theory), but it is possible to transfer this argument to other forms of
lived experience. For instance, Mois argument could be used to claim that it is difficult
to analyse media experiences through sets of dimensions which are not experienced
subjectively. The argument in favour of the concept media experiences is that we are
supposed to gain a richer understanding of a complex phenomenon, and if everything is
connected it might be unfortunate to categorize and divide. On the other hand, that
might be precisely what we need to do in order to analyse experiences. I would argue
that a flexible set of dimensions might be a helpful analytical tool, but also that distinc-
tions between various dimensions will often be inadequate as descriptions of how media
are experienced subjectively.
Nevertheless, one obvious merit of this approach is that it clarifies how media research
has focused heavily on some dimensions while largely ignoring others. For instance,
Gentikow (2005b: 6) argues that perceptual dimensions of media experiences have been
dramatically neglected, while interpretations of and emotional reactions to media texts
have been rather thoroughly investigated. Thinking in terms of media experiences does not
imply that there is something wrong with researching interpretations of media texts but it
does imply that there are other dimensions which have not yet been thoroughly explored.
Research on womens magazines might be an interesting case in this respect. The his-
tory of the field can be characterized by a shift from emphasis on ideology and construc-
tions of femininity (see for instance Ferguson, 1983; Friedan, 2001 [1963]; McRobbie,
1982; Winship, 1987), to increased attention to reading as a social practice situated in
everyday life (Currie, 1999; Frazer, 1987; Hermes, 1995). Even with this shift, the field
has been heavily influenced by the methods (such as analysis of magazine texts) and
concerns (with ideology, femininity and feminism) which characterized the early research
(see for instance Ballaster et al., 1991). While the existing research is important and

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476 Media, Culture & Society 33(3)

valuable, it does not sufficiently illuminate readers experiences with magazines.

Important studies such as Winships analysis of herself as a reader (1987) and Hermess
extensive ethnography of magazine reading (1995) touch upon several dimensions of
media experiences, but still, the field might benefit from more systematic analysis of the
magazine medium, as experienced by readers.

Conclusion
The analysis presented here has focused on readers perceptual experiences with wom-
ens magazines. As various dimensions of media experiences are intimately connected,
I have also touched upon technological and aesthetic experiences. Attention to these
dimensions is necessary in order to understand the continued appeal of an old medium
such as print magazines, but these dimensions are also crucial in analysis of new media
technologies such as the iPad. If my analysis had been limited to the informants or my
own interpretations of selected texts from print and online magazines, the differences
between these forms of media as experienced by readers would have been a lot less
clear. A phenomenological approach to audience studies might highlight different
dimensions of experiences, and contribute to new insight both with regard to womens
magazine reading and other topics.

Notes
1 The informants were recruited with assistance from the magazine publisher Aller Norge, who
supplied me with contact information to 410 KK subscribers in the city of Bergen and the
surrounding area.
2 According to Statistics Norway and MediaNorway, 8090 percent of people aged between
15 and 45 use the internet on an ordinary day, while the corresponding figure for people aged
6779 is only 29 percent. See http://www.medienorge.uib.no/?cat=statistikk&medium=it&as
pekt=&queryID=315
3 KK and http://www.kk.no/ have different editors and partly different journalistic ambitions,
according to the publishers website (in Norwegian): http://www.aller.no/KK.no.9UFRfW1y.ips
4 Statistics Norway and MediaNorway: http://medienorge.uib.no/?cat=statistikk&medium=it&
aspekt=&queryID=329

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