13. Mhatre Nilesh S.

in inclusion of migrants: some innovative practices in India, 2014

discussed the following challenges of internal migration and some innovative practices.

IDENTITY:

A person without an identity or address proof is viewed with suspicion not only by law
enforcement agencies but also by other members of society, particularly those from the higher
echelons. According to rough estimates in a study by Priya Deshingkar, circular migrants
contribute 10 per cent of India's GDP. Therefore, it is time that India came up with an inclusive
policy in place for migrants. A large number of NGOs working in the grassroots such as Gramin
Vikas Trust in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, and Aajeevika Bureau in Rajasthan had issued
informal identity cards to migrant labourers. Such proofs of identity were recognized as valid
by local authorities and had started much before the advent of Aadhaar. The Bangalore based
Labour Net programme has also issued migrants with identity cards. LabourNet undertakes the
registration of unorganized sector workers, including migrants. Workers are charged an annual
fee of ` 150 (USD 3) & they get accident insurance coverage, a laminated LabourNet identity
card and a bank account opened in their name. LabourNet has registered approximately 44,000
workers since 2006. Disha Foundation in Nasik has issued identity cards to 15,000 migrants
enrolled in the trade unions of various sectors. Migrants are provided with official membership
and a photo identity card for the union.

INCLUSION OF WOMEN:

According to 2001 Census, of 309 million migrants based on place of last residence, female
migrants constitute 218 million while it is 91 million for male. Thus migrants constitute around
30 percent of the total population; whereas male and female migrants constitute 18 percent and
45 percent of their population respectively. Not only in terms of magnitude but also from the
perspective of development, internal migration of females is an important factor influencing
socio-economic development of the country as it has greater potential for reducing poverty.
Contrary to the popular notion, 70% of all internal migrants in Indian are women in search of
better opportunities who are abandoning their villages for metropolitan cities. In India, 60 per
cent of women do not have access to toilets so in Mumbai 35 different organizations came
together to initiate the Right to Pee campaign because In the absence of toilets, women are
forced to defecate in the open, with the constant fear of being seen by bystanders, or being
physically assaulted. Other campaigns such as the Occupy Mens Restrooms movement on
Womens Day on 8 March 2012 (by the Nagpur-based NGO Sahyog) and the No Toilet No
Bride campaign by the Haryana Government have similarly pushed for ensuring womens
right to basic sanitation and health. With the support of UN Women and the NGO, Child Rights
and You (CRY) the NGO Sanlaap has began a project through which the girls are connected
to vocational trainings to ensure they are able to make a living, look after themselves and
educate others about trafficking. Government of Delhi and the NGO Jagori is running the Safe
Cities Programme to give the protection to the female workers against sexual harassment, and
to provide solutions and strategies to make Delhi safer for women.

EDUCATIONAL INCLUSION:
Seasonal migrants often take their children along when they migrate, which negatively impacts
their regular schooling. This is one of the reasons for high dropout rates in schools in many
states. In the case that migrant children take up education at the destination, they face learning
difficulties based on differences in academic curricula and language, especially in the case of
inter-state migration. Jamnagar, Rajkot, Junagadh, Surat and Dangs these five districts of
Gujarat has started a Centre for Social Knowledge and Actions intervention to provide
elementary education to children in the 11-14 years age group in seasonal hostels called
SETU.By 2010, a total of 5,478 children had been covered by SETU. Through a multiple
interventions, Aide et Action plan has directly reached out to 9,000 interstate migrant children
between 2009 and 2012, making education accessible to children in their ative schools. In West
Bengal the mantra of the Mobile Education Programme of Butterflies is: If the children cannot
come to the school, let us take the school to them. Under the Mobile Education Programme,
the Chalta Firta School (Mobile Learning Centre) has brought the school to the childrens
doorstep.

HEALTH INCLUSION:

The health of migrants is affected by a host of factors, such as the health environment in the
place of origin, transit and destination, the conditions of the journey, access to drinking water
and basic amenities, and food and nutritional intake. At the destination, migrants are exposed
to health risks including communicable diseases like malaria and tuberculosis, and
occupational health hazards such as respiratory problems, lung diseases, allergies, kidney and
bladder infections, back problems and malnutrition. Migrants often suffer injuries and
accidents at worksites, yet do not enjoy any medical care or compensation. As a priority,
National Aids Control Organization (NACO) has scaled up migrant interventions, targeting
migrants at destination as well as at origin and transit locations. These interventions provide
information about risks, and counseling and treatment for sexually transmitted infections,
including information on HIV testing and antiretroviral treatment. Besides targeted
interventions led by NACO and State AIDS Control Societies (SACS), there exist other non-
targeted migrant HIV programmes implemented by NGOs, such as: Avert Society in
Maharashtra; REVAMP: Reducing Vulnerability of AIDS in Migrant Populations, a CARE
India initiative, in Uttar Pradesh and Delhi; and HAMARA HIV/AIDS initiative in Rajasthan,
Gujarat and Maharashtra. Disha Foundation piloted a project designed to improve the sexual
and reproductive health (SRH) of migrants in Nasik, Maharashtra.

LABOUR MARKET INCLUSION:

Migrants are mostly employed in the informal economy, often working as construction
workers, agricultural labourers, hawkers and vendors, domestic servants, rickshaw pullers,
electricians, plumbers, masons and security personnel. Devoid of social security and legal
protection, they work in poor conditions and face labour market discrimination. Minimum
wages are often flouted and employers bear no responsibility for health, shelter and other basic
requirements of migrants. In order to improve the employability of migrants in remunerative
sectors, Disha Foundation, an NGO, has organized skill up gradation and capacity building
programmes to develop the skill sets of migrants, as well as they organize some skill
development and training and certificate programmes for migrants. Operating within the
framework of the National Rural Livelihoods Mission, Jeevika, Bihar promotes market-linked
skills enhancement and placement of Bihari migrant workers. In addition to Jeevika, the
Government of Bihar has also instituted the Bihar State Migrant Labour Accident Grant
Scheme, which provides compensation to a deceased migrant family up to 1 lakh in event of
death (USD 1,786); ` 75,000 for permanent disability (USD 1,340) and ` 37,500 for partial
disability (USD 670). The Tribal Development Department, Government of Maharashtra and
Disha Foundation, Nasik have joined efforts to establish a Migration Resource Centre with
support from the Revenue, Urban Land Ceiling, Municipal Corporation, and Public Works
Departments.

16. Report of the working group on Migration, 2017 by Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty
Alleviation discusses about Supreme Court on the right to work across the country. In 2014,
the Supreme Court in Charu Khurana v. Union of India (Civil Writ Petition No. 73/2013) held
that the concept of domicile/residence had no rationale and was in violation of Articles 14 and
15. This reasoning was based on extending an earlier decision on higher education to the
present case involving access to employment. In the earlier case, in 1984, a Bench of three
judges of the Supreme Court held in Pradeep Jain v. Union of India (Civil Appeal 6392 of
1983) that in case of admission to higher educational institutions, classifying candidates based
on their place of residence would be in violation of equality guaranteed by Article 14. The court
concluded that residence requirement within the State shall not be a ground for reservation
in admissions to post graduate courses. This was affirmed by a Constitution Bench of the
Supreme Court in 2004 in Saurabh Chaudhri v. Union of India (Civil Writ Petition No.
29/2003). In the present case in 2014, the petitioner, who was a make-up artist, was denied
membership of a trade union (Cine Costume Make-up Artists and Hair Dressers Association)
on the ground that she was a woman and had not resided in the state (of Maharashtra) for five
years. This affected her ability to work as the union had a monopoly over accreditation of
make-up artists in the state. She challenged the membership rules of the union as being in
violation of Articles 14, 15 and 21 of the Constitution. The Court held that the provisions of
the rules relating to gender and domicile/residence requirement were in violation of Articles
14, 15 and 21. It quashed the impugned rules and directed the Registrar of Trade Unions to
ensure that the petitioners were allowed to register as members of the said trade union.

Female Migration and Female Labour Force Participation Nexus A casual reading of the data
seems to indicate that women predominantly move for marriage. About 154 million out of
total 221 million female migrants of all durations (69.6%) reported marriage as the reason
(Census of India 2001). This differed by destination, i.e., 77.9% of female migrants in rural
areas and 44.2% of female migrants in urban areas reported marriage as the reason. The NSS
2007-08 numbers are higher, with 91.2 % of female migrants in rural areas and 60.8 % of
female migrants in urban areas citing marriage. But, a closer look reveals a more nuanced
story. The NSS 2007-08 also reveals that in rural areas, 31% of the female migrants who moved
for marriage are working, while it is 13.3% in urban areas similar to general levels of female
workforce participation. As a result, women who moved for marriage constitute a large share
of the female workforce, an overwhelming 62.5% in rural areas and 31.2%, even in urban areas.
Thus, the bottom line: women who move for marriage are a majority (57.4%) of the female
workforce in India. Source: NSS 2007-08.

Migration as a Part-year Occupation and Insurance Choice In Ghatkopar, a suburb of Mumbai,

migrants from drought-prone districts in Marathwada arrive every year. They work in the
construction industry and live in makeshift shacks. Based on the sugarcane cycle, they usually
migrate in November to harvest cane and earn a lump-sum (of about ` 50,000) in the four to
five months following the monsoon. In summers, they come to bigger cities for another four
months for temporary but relatively high-wage jobs in construction. This time, drought
shortened the cane harvest season, so many of them earned half the income of past years and
arrived in Mumbai 45 days early. A survey of sixty of these families found that workers in the
study did find work in the villages under schemes such as MGNREGS, but many were never
paid because of poor administrative oversight and local corruption. This was often cited as the
primary reason for their migration and given the choice, many of them would go back and work
on farms back home. However, the migration is per se financially beneficial since they obtain
more work at higher wages, though their access to housing and services is poor. Ghatkopars
ability to accommodate these migrants and allow them to search for employment suggests that
Mumbai is still a space of economic opportunity for people like Babban Chavan (25), who
wants to move up from a mistry to a supervisor at a construction site. He says: Amchi
paristhiti poranvar nay yeu denar (I dont want my boys to go through what I am going
through). Instead, he wants his children to be graduates and to find a city job. It remains to be
seen whether or not the city can also provide its migrants with decent living conditions, and
not just economic opportunities in informal employment sectors. Source:
http://www.indiaspend.com/cover-story/in-mumbai-marathwada-migrants-rise-above-
poverty-line-79514

Brick Kiln Workers India is estimated to produce about 250 billion bricks annually
(Lalchandani and Maithel 2013), i.e., about a tenth of global production, second only to China
(Punjab State Council for Science and Technology website, undated). The industry is
characterised by low capital-intensity and seasonal employment, and is located in rural areas
and urban peripheries, i.e., it will not be captured as usual rural urban migration, but as rural to
rural migration. Employment estimates vary widely, from 10 million by ILO (cited in PCLRA
2012: 10), to 1.5 mn. by NSSO (2007-08), with 0.4 mn. mostly rural migrant workers. Based
on the NSS, some of the highest proportions of migrant brick-kiln workers are concentrated in
a belt from inland Maharashtra to coastal Andhra Pradesh, and in parts of Karnataka, West
Bengal, Northern Odisha, Central Gujarat, Rajasthan and the National Capital Region (NCR).
Some of these destinations are common with migration flows identified in field studies, which
include Bilaspur in Chhattisgarh to Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and Odisha; from western Odisha to
Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu (PCLRA 2012); from Udaipur district in
Rajasthan to North Gujarat (Joshi and Khandelwal 2009); and from Jharkhand to West Bengal,
Uttar Pradesh and Bihar (Shah 2009). Employment is for about seven months, beginning in
early winter till the onset of monsoon (Majumder 2015; Joshi and Khandelwal 2009). Many
workers migrate in male-female pairs (jodis) (Mazumdar, Neetha and Agnihotri 2013) and as
families (Joshi and Khandelwal 2009). Most (72.92% in rural and 51.53% in urban) female
workers are migrants. Tasks on site are segregated by gender, with women cooking (Joshi and
Khandelwal 2009) and breaking coal fuel. Men prepare and arrange the bricks and set up the
kilns. Both men and women transport bricks. Accompanying children can also help out on site.
Injuries are commonly reported, more so for piece-rate workers who may take greater risks, in
an attempt to increase earnings. Medical expenses are reportedly met initially by the contractor,
but later deducted from wages (Joshi and Khandelwal 2009). Accommodation on work sites is
provided by the contractor, but it usually comprises structures of bricks and plastic sheets (Joshi
and Khandelwal 2009), lacking basic facilities like water and sanitation (Menon 2014). Often,
workers are also forced to buy grain from contractor-affiliated grocery shops at the work site,
at higher than market prices (Joshi and Khandelwal 2009).

Collaboration of Civil Society and the State to benefit migrant workers In December 2015,
Department of Labour, Government of Rajasthan (GoR) extended support to the Labour
Helpline service being run by Ajeevika Bureau, a civil society organization that works with
migrant workers at the source and destination. The centralised helpline operated from Jaipur
seeks to provide information and counselling services regarding access to government
schemes, non-payment of full wages, experiences of exploitation and distress among migrants.
GoR promoted the helpline number aggressively in three ways: (a) by including the number in
all communication and advertising related to BOCW Welfare Board; (b) by educating all labour
department officials and encouraging them to spread awareness about the helpline; and (c)
through an aggressive press campaign. Based on data collected during a visit to Ajeevikas
helpline centre in June 2016, following this, the helpline saw a surge in the number of calls,
with the average going up from 200 to 1000 per month. The resolution percentage also has
gone up from around 45% to about 55%. Between March and May 2016, ` 55 lakh has been
paid in compensation after mediating in complaints related to wage non-payment. This
compares to a total of ` 2.6 crore of compensation since Aajeevika Bureau started the helpline
service in August 2011. Encouragingly, the number of women callers has also increased from
13% to 43% of complaint calls. The success can be attributed to the increased outreach and
enhanced trust that came with the government support to an already functional civil society
initiative. Source: Interview with staff of Ajeevika Bureaus labour helpline in Udaipur on 3rd
June 2016

Construction workers in the National Capital Region (NCR) The need for more awareness and
facilitation of access is seen from a recent survey finding that construction workers were
unaware of their rights even in the NCR. The study surveyed 150 construction workers in
Delhi, Gurgaon and Noida across three types of worksites, viz. a) construction of large
residential complexes and b) construction of office and commercial spaces by firms in the
organised sector, and c) construction of individual residential premises, seen as an unorganised
sector activity. Workers at all three sites were either not aware of the Construction Workers
Welfare Board or had not registered with it. The migrants were largely young and male, mostly
from the states of West Bengal and Bihar. In the organised sector, they were recruited through
labour contractors (known as jamaadars or munshis), often known to and from the same area
as the workers. In the unorganised segment, workers relied more on kin networks and smaller
contractors, but in some cases, workers migrated through kin networks but were recruited by
contractors. Workers recruited by contractors are paid advances, to ensure availability for the
duration of the season, as adjustment of advance against wage payments did not take place until
the final settlement. Workers who left had to give prior notice and settle advances received.
The study found that employment in both sectors is casual, and there are no written contracts.
Wages are below the minimum wage(s) as stipulated by the respective state governments and
working hours often extend as long as 10-12 hours. Overtime wages, when paid, are not at legal
rates. Accidents are frequently reported and safety norms are not in place. Even in the
organised sectors, the study found a lack of social security provisions and provisions for paid
leave and medical leave. For work-related grievances, workers approached labour contractors.
Workers typically lived in makeshift arrangements (kaccha and/or jhuggi) on sites
provided by the employer and/or contractor, or bore their own travel costs. In the organised
sector, they had relatively better access to drinking water and crche facilities for children.
Source: Srivastava and Sutradhar (2016)

In December 2015, Department of Labour, Government of Rajasthan (GoR) extended support

to the Labour Helpline service being run by Ajeevika Bureau, a civil society organization that
works with migrant workers at the source and destination. The centralised helpline operated
from Jaipur seeks to provide information and counselling services regarding access to
government schemes, non-payment of full wages, experiences of exploitation and distress
among migrants. GoR promoted the helpline number aggressively in three ways: (a) by
including the number in all communication and advertising related to BOCW Welfare Board;
(b) by educating all labour department officials and encouraging them to spread awareness
about the helpline; and (c) through an aggressive press campaign. Based on data collected
during a visit to Ajeevikas helpline centre in June 2016, following this, the helpline saw a
surge in the number of calls, with the average going up from 200 to 1000 per month. The
resolution percentage also has gone up from around 45% to about 55%. Between March and
May 2016, ` 55 lakh has been paid in compensation after mediating in complaints related to
wage non-payment. This compares to a total of ` 2.6 crore of compensation since Aajeevika
Bureau started the helpline service in August 2011. Encouragingly, the number of women
callers has also increased from 13% to 43% of complaint calls. The success can be attributed
to the increased outreach and enhanced trust that came with the government support to an
already functional civil society initiative.

Legal and Administrative Frameworks that Affect Migrants Differently. In addition to general
protections under Part III of the Constitution, migrants are subject to certain special protections
under Articles 15, 16, and 19. The foundational principles of free migration are enshrined in
clauses (d) and (e) of Article 19(1) of the Constitution, which guarantee to all citizens the right
to move freely throughout the territory of India, and reside and settle in any part of the territory
of India. Article 15 prohibits discrimination on the basis of place of birth, among other grounds,
while Article 16 guarantees equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters of public
employment, and in particular prohibits the denial of access to public employment on the
grounds of place of birth or residence. Despite these protections, local administrative
requirements of a minimum duration of local residence (informally termed domicile) or
knowledge of local languages may sometimes place migrants at a disadvantage in terms of
employment, education or access to benefits in the destination States. In addition, the absence
of a comprehensive antidiscrimination law means that migrants who are subject to xenophobia
or hostile discrimination in terms of access to housing, private employment, education or other
semipublic spaces may not have any effective remedy.

Experience of inter-State cooperation for portability of benefits to interState migrants: Odisha-

Andhra Pradesh MoU . In June 2012, the Government of India signed a Memorandum of
Understanding (MoU) with the states of Odisha and erstwhile Andhra Pradesh. This MoU was
in relation to an International Labour Organisation (ILO) project to improve the living and
working conditions of migrant workers from Odisha at brick kilns in Andhra Pradesh. Its
objective was to facilitate the strengthening of the inter-state coordination mechanism. Eleven
districts of Odisha, namely Bolangir, Nuapada, Kalahandi, Sonepur, Bargarh, Koraput,
Gajapati, Malkangiri, Ganjam, Rayagada and Nowrangpur, were identified as source districts
for outmigration, particularly distress migration. The flow of migrants to Andhra Pradesh was
primarily to Medak and Rangareddy (now in Telangana). Various aspects of the MoU were
taken up for implementation in 201213 by the Governments of Andhra Pradesh and Odisha,
and facilitated by various civil society groups in both states. At the source, the Department of
Labour and ESI, Government of Odisha, constituted a State Coordination Cell for Migrant
Workers at the office of Labour Commissioner, as well as District Level Facilitation Cells to
track distressed seasonal migrant workers. To track the movement of migrant workers, formats
for data collection with information on their employers / contractors / agents, were circulated
to the District Labour Officers to collect data at the Gram Panchayat level. This data was then
shared with the Department of Labour, Andhra Pradesh for necessary action as per the MoU.
At the destination, the effort was concentrated on education, housing and PDS benefits.
Schooling for migrant children was ensured by enrolling them under Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
in local schools near their parents place of work, and provision of volunteers trained in Odiya
to bridge the language gap. On housing, a prototype designed by civil society organisations
was used to construct temporary houses for brick kiln workers. Finally, enrollment of migrant
workers was initiated at local PDS shops with the support of the district administration so that
they could claim foodgrains and other basic entitlements. The entire effort was coordinated by
the Labour Commissioner of Andhra Pradesh. Source: Interview with Umi Daniel, Head,
Migration Thematic Unit, Aide-et-Action, Bhubaneswar, December 2015.

Panchayatlevel documentation of internal migrants . There are initiatives to map internal

migration by involving panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) to document migrants moving out of
rural areas. For example, the Labour Department in Rajasthan has authorised NGO Ajeevika
Bureau to register migrant workers, issue photo Ids and maintain a database of migrant
workers, with panchayats as the signing authority. The database is shared with the labour
department ion a quarterly basis. Similarly, the Tata Trusts migration initiative has been
successful in setting up 63 migrant resource centres across the country and registration is being
done at most of these. The experience suggests that at least the source-side registration is
possible. However, more co-ordination is needed with state governments to enable this data to
be effectively used. Registration can be a first step towards portability of benefits. Source:
SHRAMIC Progress Narrative, February 2015.

Initiatives on Education of Migrant Children. The Migration Card initiative by the Department
of Education, Government of Gujarat was started in 2009 to address the educational challenges
children of seasonal migrants who move with their families. To enable them to continue
schooling and bring down dropout rates, under the Migration Card Initiative, children who are
intra-State migrants can avail of hostel facilities at source and children who are inter-State
migrants are offered Tent Special Training Programmes in temporary schools set up at
worksites where their parents are employed. The cards are distributed by the State government
through the schools and contain updated information on the education level of the student and
his/her grades for easy continuance of education. Schools were encouraged to participate and
permit students to take their exams at one location while being educated in another. While
initially the information was entered manually on cards, in 2010 a computerised online
platform was set up to maintain records. Each child has a unique number to identify them and
the schools are coordinated through the cluster, block, district and state levels through SSA
officials. In Maharashtra, a project was carried out by UNICEF in Jalna and Solapur districts,
which see large-scale seasonal migration for sugarcane harvesting. It aimed to make migration
safer for children by ensuring access to services like protection, healthcare and education. The
strategy involved the convergence of village-level institutions like the Gram Panchayat, Village
Child Protection Committee (VCPC), School Management Committee (SMC) and
functionaries like School teachers, Anganwadi workers (AWWs) and ASHAs. At source, a
migration desk is established at the gram panchayat, where migrant families were registered
and records of migrating children maintained, while alternative care arrangements and service
linkages for children staying behind were developed and coordinated. Connectivity with
parents, access to services and after-school study support was offered through SMC and
VCPCs and involvement of AWWs and ASHAs. At destination, migrant families were again
registered, help offered for school enrolment, educational support and recreation classes, and
health facilities for primary healthcare by AWWs and ASHAs. The School Education and
Sports Department. Government of Maharashtra, issued a circular (Circular/SCA/Temporary
Shelter Homes/2015-2016/2643, dated 01.10.2015) extending the scheme to the entire state,
with the objective of ensuring that not a single migrant child was left out of the educational
system. The two-fold strategy includes: first, reducing migration of children; and second,
providing temporary schooling to migrant children at destination. At source, the aim is to
restrict migration of children by providing residential arrangements (either with non-migrating
members of the family or in hostels), meals, and other daily necessities to non-migrating
children. For migrating children, their access to education is ensured through an Education
Guarantee Cards (EGC). When a child migrates along with parents, an EGC with the childs
details is issued by the school authorities at source, and forms the basis for admission to school
at destination. The process is repeated for subsequent migration and return to source. Through
this system, the education progress of the child is tracked throughout so that there is no
interruption in schooling upon migration. The scheme is implemented through the SMCs, with
support from Block/City Resource Centres and the district administration. Source: NITI Aayog
and UNDP 2015; submissions by UNICEF.

Left Behind Children in China and India . The extensive nature of rural urban migration in
China by both men and women and the lack of educational opportunities for migrant children
in the destination city, due to hukou restrictions has meant that a number of children are left
behind to stay with their grandparents or a single parent. In the table below we see that about
30% of the Chinese children in rural children in rural China do not stay with both their parents,
but with either a single parent or with grandparents or siblings. India does not collect
comparable statistics, but one can analyse the composition of rural households with at least one
out-migrant. We check if the household has working age (20 to 60 years of age) adults, along
with children (of 18 years of less) the assumption being that if both parents were there, there
would be adults of both gender. We find that for households with out-migrants and children,
34.3% (comprising 37% of the children) have no male working age adults in the household. Of
this, 37%, for most, i.e., 27.8% the parent is the head of the household, and for 8.6%, its the
grandparent. Thus, at least 16 million children in rural India are in households without both
their parents. This number is lower, since the incidence of migration is lower, but if there is an
out-migrant in the household, then the nature of childrens living arrangements vis--vis
parents is not dissimilar. CHINA: Structure of childrens living arrangements (%), by gender,
2010.

Chinas evolving response to housing migrants . The hukou in China is a household registration
record that officially identifies a person as a resident of an area. It was used as a residence
permit before the 1980s and is now primarily used to determine eligibility for services, such as
access to schools and healthcare, and public housing. Consequently, rural migrants to cities
have been excluded from the formal urban housing market because they are not eligible for
public housing and they cannot afford the private housing market. Migrants thus live either in
employer-provided housing like factory dormitories or in rental rooms in urban villages (Zheng
et al 2009). However, the Chinese government is now changing track and this may result in
the ability of migrants to access housing in cities. The government has set a target to increase
urban residents' share of the population to 60% by 2020 (up from 55% in 2015), and the share
of the population with an urban hukou to 45% (up from 36.9% in 2014) (UBS 2016). It plans
to grant urban hukou to an additional 100 million people in the next five years by relaxing
urban hukou qualification requirements, especially in smaller cities. The main focus is to
expand the coverage of public goods and services such as education and health care services to
migrant workers already living and working in urban areas. Concomitantly, it plans to build
new infrastructure facilities to help improve urban planning and reduce pollution. In addition,
the government plans to continue renovations of informal settlements, but with an increased
share provided via monetary support for the purchase of existing housing rather than new
construction, to facilitate property destocking. The governments tax and credit policies will
also support "reasonable" housing demand, and certain qualified migrant households can also
be covered under public rental schemes. Source: Zheng et al 2009, UBS 2016.

Worker Hostel scheme by Ministry of Textiles, Government of India As part of the 12th five-
year plan, the Ministry of Textiles, Government of India, had notified a scheme to support up
to 50 per cent of the cost of construction of hostels for workers in the textile industry. The
scheme funds dormitories for a minimum if 250 workers, common facilities for dining, leisure
and recreation as well as infrastructure and furnishings. Special Purpose Vehicles set up under
Scheme for Industrial Textile Parks (SITP), state textile park schemes, Special Economic
Zones (SEZs), and state industrial development corporations are eligible to submit proposals
under the scheme. The implementation agencies are responsible not only for design, planning
and construction but also for allotment and maintenance of rooms. As per news reports, the
Palladam Hi-tech Weaving Park located in the Tiruppur cluster in Tamil Nadu and inaugurated
in January 2016 has utilised a ` 3 crore grant under this scheme to build workers hostel in the
park. Overall, uptake for the scheme appears to be low, the reasons for which require further
investigation. However, interministerial coordination that creates linkages between this and
other schemes such as the BOCW that permits utilisation of cess funds for creation of hostel
facilities may encourage uptake in areas where migrant workers are concentrated. Source:
Workers Hostel Guidelines, Ministry of Textiles; Websites of Apparel Resources, Indian
Textile Journal.

Problem of Migrant Work force and protection of Human rights in Jammu & Kashmir State ,
2012 by Hussain Mohd Migration is a significant feature of human civilization. Migration in
India has existed historically, but, in the context of globalization and opening up of the world
economy it has assumed special significance for the country and its regions. Social mobility or
circumstantial shift from one place to another in search of livelihood and survival is not new,
this has been happening since the advent of human civilization. Migrant work force in India is
mostly influenced by social structures and developmental patterns. The developmental policies
of all most all the regional governments have accelerated the process of migration since
Independence. Uneven development is the main cause of migration. This study examines the
root cause and severity of migrants in Indian population and the factors associated with the
same.

20. Migration and Workforce Participation in the Himalayan State, 2014 by R.Lusome and
R.B.Bhaga states whether migration is a cause or a consequence of development has been
widely debated in academic circles. On the other hand, workforce participation has been widely
accepted as an important indicator of the development of a state or a region.

The present paper uses data from the Census of India 2001 and tries to study the association
between migration and workforce participation in the four Himalayan states, namely, Jammu
and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim and Uttarakhand.

Initial analysis focuses on the characteristics of migrants in these states; age, sex, reason for
migration and duration of stay in the place of enumeration has been studied. Further, a
comparison of work force participation between the states as well as between migrants and
non-migrants has been done.

Results indicate that in-migrating states of Sikkim and Himachal Pradesh have higher work
participation than out-migrating states of Uttarakhand and Sikkim. Though much of the
nonworking females are not seeking work, it is found that among the recent migrants, more of
female seek work as compared to recent male migrants.

24. An overview of migration in India, its impacts and key issue, 2003 by S.K. Sasikumar
Srivastava Ravi and Sasikumar S.K. find that in some parts of India, three out of four
households include a migrant. However despite the large scale of migration in absolute
numbers of people involved and Indias long history of population and labour mobility, labour
migration has rarely been reliably studied. Labour migration is complex. Streams differ in
duration, origin, destination and migrant characteristics. Economic and social impacts on
migrants and their families are variable. Migration often involves longer working hours, poor
living and working conditions, social isolation and poor access to basic amenities. At
destination, migrant labour affects markets, lowering the cost of labour. Migration also affects
the labour market at the place of origin. Migrant earnings affect income, expenditure patterns
and investment and changes relations at household and community levels. While there seems
to be some positive impact on incomes and investment, the major function of migration is to
act as a safety valve in poor areas. The impact on asset and income inequality is more mixed.
Internal mobility is critical to the livelihoods of many people, especially tribal people, socially
deprived groups and people from resource-poor areas. However, because of lack of data,
migration is largely invisible and ignored by policy makers. There is a large gap between the
insights from macro data and those from field studies. What data are available attest to the
substantial and growing scale of internal seasonal migration. In one district of the rice-
producing belt of West Bengal, the flow of seasonal migrants, drawn from tribals, Muslims and
low castes, exceeds 500,000 people. Migrants are disadvantaged as labourers and labour laws
dealing with them are weakly implemented. Poor migrants have very little bargaining power.
Most migrant labourers are also employed in the unorganised sector, where the lack of
regulation compounds their vulnerability. They are largely ignored by government and NGO
programmes (AIDS related work is a recent exception). Laws and regulations concerning
working conditions of migrants are largely ineffective: legislation fails because regulatory
authorities are over-stretched, the state sees migrants as a low priority and because migrant
workers are vulnerable with little support from civil society. But there are instances in which
both governmental and non-governmental organisations have intervened to reduce the costs of
migration and to increase its benefits to migrants

25. Risks and Rights: The Causes, Consequences, and Challenges of Development-Induced
Displacement, 2003 by Robinson states that becoming a refugee, being forcibly ousted from
ones land and habitat by a dam, reservoir or highway is not only immediately disruptive and
painful, it is also fraught with serious long-term risks of becoming poorer than before
displacement, more vulnerable economically, and disintegrated socially. Most large forced
dislocations of people do not occur in conditions of armed conflict or genocide but in routine,
everyday evictions to make way for development projects. This development cleansing may
well constitute ethnic cleansing in disguise, as the people dislocated so often turn out to be
from minority ethnic and racial communities. While it may have as many meanings as people
who invoke its name, development generally has positive, though perhaps ambiguous,
connotations.3 Uneven development is a bad thing and sustainable development is a good thing
but, for the most part, underdeveloped countries and communities seek to become more
developed, whether that is through improving health and livelihoods, expanding educational
opportunities, or building infrastructure. But, as the citations above suggest, development does
not benefit everyone equally and for someindeed, for millions of people around the world
development has cost them their homes, their livelihoods, their health, and even their very lives.
The suffering of those displaced by development projects can be as severe, and the numbers as
large, as those displaced either internally or internationally by conflict and violence. What
follows is an examination of the often-overlooked phenomenon of development-induced
displacement, its causes, consequences and challenges for the international community.

27. Health equity for internal migrant labourers in India: an ethical perspective, 2014 by
Akinola fins that historically and culturally, internal migration as a coping strategy for earning
a livelihood has been a pronounced trend in the entire world. There is ample evidence of both
voluntary and forced migration, which may result from cultural and religious persecution,
natural disasters, developmental projects such as dams, a failed monsoon and the consequent
famine, and the search for better livelihood options. Poverty and indebtedness are the most
important factors that lead to migration. Workers migrating within a country usually move from
less developed regions to more developed ones. In India, there are significant inequities in the
development of the various states, with states such as Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat and
Maharashtra having attained a higher level of development than Uttar Pradesh, Bihar,
Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. Thus people move from the underdeveloped to the developed
states. The total number of migrants as per the census of 1971 was 167 million. This rose to
213 million in 1981, 232 million in 1991 and 315 million in 2001. The figure was revised to
about 400 million in 2004-5.
Some scholars argue that the actual number has been grossly underestimated. They claim that
the census and National Sample Surveys do not capture short-term migration, ruralrural
migration, and women's migration for non-marital reasons and trafficking, all of which
contribute significantly to migration. The insufficiency of data on internal migration is typical
of most developing countries and does not allow one to appreciate the true magnitude of the
issue. Migrant labourers, who account for roughly one-third of India's population, form a
special group as far as the delivery of healthcare is concerned. Internal migrants the world over
remain on the fringes of society. They work long hours, are paid low wages and work in unsafe
environments, besides the other ills of social isolation and poor access to basic services, such
as education, water, sanitation and health. This paper focuses mainly on unskilled and semi-
skilled migrant labourers who migrate from low-income states to higher-income states in India.

28. Immigrants and Immigration in India, 2015 by Kumar Perveen and Khadria Binod, argues
about a Fresh Approach, An important dimension of intra-regional migration is the parity in
terms of skill composition of the migrant population with the natives. It is largely found that a
majority of the migrants moving from a developing country to another developing country
belong to the low- or semi-skilled category whereas a majority of those moving from a
developed country to another developed country are professionals (Kumar 2011b). Much of
the South-South migration, therefore, is chiey characterised by the presence of low- or
semiskilled people and the North-North migration by the dominance of professionals and
knowledge workers. For example, a majority of the service workers comprising low- or semi-
skilled Indians go to the Gulf countries whereas the knowledge workers comprising the
highly-skilled migrants and tertiary students from India prefer going to the developed countries
such as the US, Canada, UK or Australia (Khadria 1999). Similarly, a majority of the poor,
low- or semi-skilled migrants from Bangladesh go to the countries of west Asia and India
whereas the professionals and knowledge workers tend to migrate to the developed countries
of the global North (DFID 2007; Ray et al 2007; Khadria 2009a). Since a vast majority of
immigrants in India comes from the neighbouring countries, which also belong to the global
South, it is pertinent to ask what attracts these migrants to come to India. The present section
therefore attempts to provide a brief overview of the expectations and experiences of migrants,
especially the cross-border migrant population, coming into India.

29. Inter-state migration and regional disparities in India, 2006 by C.Das Kailash and Saha
Subhasis with the main objective of this paper is to study the spatial pattern and levels of inter-
state migration and to understand how regional disparities in development influences inter-
state migration pattern in India. This study is based on 1991 and 2001 census migration data.
In this analysis, two rates namely in-migration and outmigration rates have been computed
separately for both males and females. Statistical method of correlation and regression has been
used to find the linkage between regional disparities in development and migration. It shows
that people mainly moved to the states which have witnessed higher growth rates of
urbanization and achieved higher economic development compared to the states where
employment opportunities are less. However, there are also some states which are showing
significant in-migration as well as out-migration. The decadal growth rate of migration has
increased during the period 1991 to 2001. Another important finding is that the overall sex ratio
of migrants has reversed favouring males during the last decade. While there is a negative
relationship between rate of in-migration and poverty, the volume of in migration is positively
correlated with development.

30. Labor Migration in India, 2007 by Lusome R. examine the extent of employment oriented
migration in India. It is found that the percentage is very small for employment oriented
migration. However, an analysis of work force participation using NSSO 55th Round data on
migration reveals that irrespective of the reasons for migration, work participation of the
migrants increased steeply in the past migration period. The paper also explains these
differences by taking into account duration and educational level of the migrants. Results show
that educational level play a greater role in explaining the difference in employment oriented
migration while duration since migrated explains better the differential in labor force
participation of the migrants.

31. Social Inclusion of Internal Migrants in India , 2013 by Faetanini Marina and Tankha
Rukmini find internal migration patterns and dynamics intersect with two developments in
Indias current human development context. First, rapid urbanisation and the growth of second
tier cities and towns: increased levels of migration cause cities to face many socio-economic
and environmental challenges that exacerbate urban poverty and intensify inequalities in access
to income and services, and thereby deepen social exclusion. Second, the expansion of rights
based approaches - increasingly enshrined in law - to ensure that basic services are accessible
to all citizens is a process in the making, transforming Indias social policy landscape from
welfarism to rights-based development.

Due to the lack of analytical refinement in the way that internal migration is defined, design
and delivery of services for migrants is hampered. Migrants continually face difficulties in
becoming a full part of the economic, cultural, social and political lives of society. Regulations
and administrative procedures exclude migrants from access to legal rights, public services and
social protection programmes accorded to residents, on account of which they are often treated
as second-class citizens. Internal migrants face numerous constraints, including: a lack of
political representation; inadequate housing and a lack of formal residency rights; lowpaid,
insecure or hazardous work; limited access to state-provided services such as health and
education; discrimination based on ethnicity, religion, class or gender; extreme vulnerability
of women and children migrants to trafficking and sex exploitation (UNESCO/ UN-
HABITAT, 2012).

Internal migrants, especially seasonal and circular migrants, constitute a floating population,
as they alternate between living at their source and destination locations, and in turn lose access
to social protection benefits linked to the place of residence. There remains no concerted
strategy to ensure portability of entitlements for migrants (Deshingkar and Farrington, 2009).
Planning for migrant families who are not settled but on the move warrants a fundamental
rethinking of development approaches and models (Smita, 2007).

32. Rights of Migrant Labourers in Kerala and Role of Local Government - Experiences and
Advice , 2014 by John Jacob Steps to avoid exploitation of migrant workers. Discussants were
of the opinion that the state government should enact a viable law to benefit the migrants and
to instruct the Local bodies to collect their details and intervene in their problems and to refer
the matter for action, if any human right is violated. Apart from this, some of the other
suggestions are as follows: Grievance redressal mechanism where the workers can come and
register their complaints should be established at the Support Unit as mentioned above; A toll
free helpline number for the labourers should be introduced at the PRI levels, just like the child
line; The migrant labourers should be given an identity card for their safety; Massive awareness
and sensitization programme through folk media, songs, puppet shows on labour laws and
safety for the migrants workers should be organized at the village level on a regular basis;
Ration cards given to permanent migrants and Roaming Ration Cards for other migrant
families, schools opened with different medium of instruction for the children of the migrants
etc.; The local administration to develop linkages with GP and sensitize them on labour laws
and related legal issues. Better enactment of bonded labour act and its provisions; Find out the
indebted villages in every block and focus these villages with relevant interventions;
Formation and linkages with SHGs to provide financial support to the families and save them
from the money lenders; Holding the main contractor responsible for paying workers wages
appropriately and stringent action should be taken against the exploiters; Interventions such as
Installation of solar systems for electrification comes at very affordable prices reduces the
struggle of the migrants with poor lighting during late evening resulting into making heavy
expenses for kerosene or unsafe electricity theft and compromising on safety of women,
children, household items; State should take the responsibility of improving on Transportation
facility accessibility, frequency and affordability for the migration workers especially during
festival season; A partnership approach among the different disciplinary organizations
working with the migrant labour can together build a holistic support system; Usage of
Information Communication Technology: Now-a-days, each of the migrant workers is well
connected with mobiles. Efforts should be made to share Government Resolutions and schemes
related to migrant workers in local dialects with them. The Construction Workers Welfare
Boards of the states to register the migrant workers under them and extend the facilities under
relevant welfare schemes; Difference in wage rate provided to migrants vis-a-vis local labour
in agriculture sector to be eliminated; State governments to entrust the Local bodies to enforce
the laws under their Act and rules and address the basic issues and problems of the migrants
and to take action against those who violates the rules.

33. Internal migration in India: distress and opportunities, 2010 by Mander Harsh and Sahgal
Gayatri states that millions of footloose and impoverished men, women and children in India,
migrate from the countryside each year to cities in crowded trains, buses, trucks and
sometimes on foot their modest belongings bundled over their heads, in search of the
opportunities and means to survive. Some arrive alone; some are accompanied by family or
friends. Some stay for a season, some several years, some permanently. Many tend to drift
quickly to low-end, low paid, vulnerable occupations picking waste, pulling rickshaws,
constructing buildings and roads, or working in peoples homes. They service a city which
does not welcome them. Forever treated as intruders and somehow illegitimate citizens, they
live in under-served makeshift shanties, under plastic sheets, or on streets and in night shelters.
Police and municipal authorities notoriously harass and drive them away. Laws protect them
in theory, but rarely in practice. Their wage rates tend to be exploitative, illegal and uncertain,
works hours long, and conditions of employment unhealthy and unsafe. They are often unable
to easily access even elementary citizenship rights in the city, like the right to vote, a ration
card, supplementary feeding for their children, and school admissions. Their numbers are
substantial; their economic contributions enormous; yet internal migrants tend to remain in the
periphery of public policy.

34. Migrant workers- present position and future strategy towards social security, 2010 by Sahu
B.K. argues migration in India is mostly influenced by social structures and patterns of
development. The development policies by all the governments since Independence have
accelerated the process of migration. Uneven development is the main cause of migration.
Added to it, are the disparities, inter regional and amongst different socio-economic classes.
The landless poor who mostly belong to lower castes, indigenous communities and
economically backward regions constitute the major portion of migrants. In the very large tribal
regions of India intrusion of outsiders, settlements by the outsiders displacing the local tribal
people and deforestation also played a major role in migration. According to a study 77% of
the population i.e. nearly 840 million Indians live on less than Rs.20 (40 cents) a day. Indian
agriculture became non remunerative, taking the lives of 100,000 peasants during the period
from 1996 to 2003, i.e. a suicide of an Indian peasant every 45 minutes. Hence, the rural people
from the downtrodden and backward communities and backward regions such as Bihar, Orissa,
Uttar Pradesh travel far afield seeking employment at the lowest rungs in construction of roads,
irrigation projects, commercial and residential complexes, in short, building the shining
India. The pull factors of higher wages caused external migration to the Middle-East countries
by skilled and semiskilled workers. Migration of professionals such as engineers, medical
practitioners, teachers, managers etc. to developed countries constitutes another dimension of
migration which we call brain-drain.
35. Migration Card and Migration Monitoring Software: Tracking and educating migrant
children in Gujarat, 2015 by SSA states that Gujarat Governments Migration Card initiative
helps track inter-state and intra-state migration of school-going children, and the Migration
Monitoring Software, introduced in 2009, has enabled tracking and streamlining of
implementation in real time. The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) in Gujarat has used this
programme successfully to accommodate and educate migrant children in seasonal hostels and
in Tent Special Training Programmes. The programme has helped increase retention under
elementary education of children who migrate with parents looking for seasonal employment
and reduce the drop-out rates of girls in primary education.

36. Migration to cities has been slowing down, 2015 by Kundu Amitabh states that there is a
systematic effort to create some sort of anxiety about the rate of urbanisation and migration
into Indian cities. It isnt just the media, administrators and policymakers who talk about this.
It is also part of the global perspective of urbanisation in developing countries. The Asian
Development Bank (ADB) talks about the epicentre of urbanisation shifting from Latin
America to Asia to India. Is this statistically correct? The rate of growth of our urban population
has declined significantly in the last two decades from 3.8 per cent in the 1970s to 3.1 per cent
in the 1980s to 2.7 per cent in the 1990s. It continues to be 2.7 per cent for the period 2001-11.
So there has been no increase in the growth rate of the urban population. One of the reasons
for this decline is decline in the fertility rate, which has taken place in the entire country.
Therefore, if the urban populations natural fertility rate is declining the urban growth rate will
also come down. But if you make adjustments for that, the decline in the growth rate of the
urban population is much sharper than the decline in fertility. So there is a decline in migration
also. If you calculate from the National Sample Survey (NSS) data Census 2011 has not yet
reported migration you do find that the percentage of adult male migration to urban areas has
declined. This is something that should worry us because the urbanrural differential in
productivity is very high. The rural economy has been going up but at a very slow pace. In the
last decade if our overall growth rate has been 7-8 per cent, the rural economy has not grown
over 2-3 per cent. The gaps have widened. So how come rural to urban migration has not
picked up?.

37. Estimation of Internal Migration in India, 2011 Census based on Life Table Survival Ratio
(LTSR) Method, 2015 by Mistri Avijit estimates the internal migration in India in the Census
2011 with help of Life Table Survival Ratio (LTSR) method, when the direct information
related to the migrants is not available. Abridge Life Tables of Indian States and age specific
population in two successive Census 2001 and 2011 are taken help for the estimation. Indian
interstate migration is highly associated with economic growth trajectory of the States. The
study reveals that the conventional pattern of migration from high-income states to low-income
states during 1980s and 1990s is widely disturbed during 2000s with the emergence of new
pool centres as well as destinations. The share of interstate migration in 2011 has declined to
the level of the 1981 Census, which is an indication of increasing nativity of the population.
During 2000s, India has produced more emigrants than immigrants, which are just opposite of
the 1990s.

38. A report on migration particulars, 2008 by Government of Maharashtra finds that the
percentage of migrants is highest for education level primary or middle for both the rural and
urban areas. Also, 74.5 per cent migrants have education level below primary or middle, which
indicates higher migration of manual worker/labour class. Agriculture provides maximum
(32.4 per cent) employment for the migrants in rural area while non-agriculture industry
provides highest employment to migrants (27 per cent) in urban area. Marriage is reported
to be the major cause for migration of females though, the percentage has decreased from 83.4
percent in 1999-2000 to 76.9 percent in 2007-08 in rural and from 41.9 percent in 1999-2000
to 36.5 percent in 2007-08 in urban areas. The percentage of migrants reporting studies as the
reason for migration as also those reporting other reasons has increased during this period.
The migration of females in the rural areas within the same districts is more than their urban
counterparts, indicating preference of rural households to marry their daughters to families
located near-by. The migration to another district within the same state is more in rural males
than their urban counterparts. Outside the state migration is observed to be more for urban
areas (14.3 percent) compared to rural (6.2 percent), so also migration to another countries is
much higher in urban areas (5.0 per cent) than the rural area (0.2 percent). Only 25.7 per cent
persons from rural areas were reported to be employed before migration which substantially
increased to 87.4 per cent after migration. It may be noted that the rural female employment
increased the most on migration as compared to their counterpart in urban area and also to the
male population in both the areas. There is a significant increase in the labour force from 26.5
percent to 88.4 percent in rural and from 32.1 per cent to 71.4 per cent in urban area. The
information clearly indicates that migration enables people to find employment. In rural areas,
the percentage of temporarily migrated persons for the industry division agriculture is
highest for males as well as females (50.9 and 71.2 percent respectively)indicating seasonal
migration of workers (for activities like sowing and harvesting); while for urban areas it is
highest (30.7 percent) for industry division other services. The Scheduled Tribes have
highest percentage (72 percent) of non-migrants. In the remaining social groups no remarkable
pattern of difference is observed. The proportion (75.5 percent) of migrant households
belonging to the two top-most quintile group of Monthly Per Capita Expenditure (MPCE) is
much higher than the proportion (48.2 per cent) of non-migrant households belonging to the
same MPCE classes in both rural and urban areas, indicating that migration leads to economic
up-liftment. In rural area 99.4 per cent of migrants were previously residing in the same state
and 70.5 per cent previously lived in the rural area of the same state. In urban areas 68.3 per
cent migrants previously lived in the same state and 33.9 per cent had migrated from the urban
area of the same state. The interstate migration was more prominent in the urban areas (30.6
per cent) indicating migration for job opportunities from outside the state. The percentage of
households reporting out-migrants to another country is highest for the highest MPCE class in
urban areas which is obvious in view of affordability and availability of opportunities in urban
areas. Also an increasing trend is observed for no. of households receiving remittances and the
amount of remittance received for higher MPCE classes.

39. A Study on Illegal Immigration into North-East India: The Case of Nagaland, 2009 by
Singh Amarjeet M Estimates of the total population of illegal immigrants either in Nagaland
or elsewhere in India is problematic due to the clandestine nature of the immigrants. This will
continue to do so in the future too. However, despite the lack of precise figures, several
estimates underscore its magnitude. Illegal immigration is getting recognised as one of the
growing concerns in tribal-dominated Nagaland. However, there is a sense of helplessness and
anxiety among the Nagas, fearing that their tribal identity is under threat. Better economic
prospects and aversion of Nagas towards manual labour are the key factors which attract
immigrants to the state. These factors, coupled with ineffective laws and regulations; and the
presence of illegal immigrants in neighbouring Assam, aid immigration to the state.

Once in Nagaland, the immigrants could easily find jobs, as domestic help, in the agricultural
fields, rickshaw pulling, manual labourer and helpers. And, within a few months of getting
gainful employment, they usually bring their family members and relatives.

40. Studies, Stories and a Canvas Seasonal Labor Migration and Migrant Workers from Odisha,
2014 by Sharma Amrita et al. finds that majority of the migrant workers are employed in the
lowest niches of the unorganized economy at the destination. These are sectors requiring a
large number of manual labour, with low and sometimes no entry barriers, for instance,
construction, head-loading, mining, agriculture and similar. The employment trends differ
significantly for Coastal and Western Odisha as seen in Figure 1.9 which gives a visual
representation of the major occupational sectors. Together these sectors cover more than 98
per cent of the workers from the two regions. For both the coastal and western regions,
construction sector employs the largest number of migrants, i.e. 42 and 52 per cent respectively.
In the construction sector, a large majority of the migrants, about 80 per cent, find employment
as unskilled construction workers. This is more prominent, 12 per cent point more, among the
Western Odisha workers as compared to Coastal Odisha. Another 16 per cent of the migrants
get employed as masons, while the remaining find work as painters, supervisors, and centering
workers. The average monthly income of unskilled workers in construction is Rs. 5,272 while
the skilled workers earn Rs. 6,980 per month. Other prominent work sectors for the coastal
region are transportation, factories, and the textile sector. Retail and hospitality receive 4 per
cent of the migrants from the region. The hospitality industry and factories have a roughly
equal distribution of workers at varied skill levels. The share of unskilled workers in textile
sector is higher at 68 percent. Most of the workers, 72 per cent, in transportation sector from
the coastal region are employed as drivers. There is a smaller stream of migrants engaged in
services. This comprises of plumbers, electricians, peons, and gardeners from the region.
41. Quarterly Report on Changes in Employment in Selected Sectors, 2016 by Mathisekaran
M. finds that at industry level, highest increase in employment is observed in the IT/BPO sector
by 58 thousand, followed by 48 thousand in metal, 28 thousand in Textiles including Apparels,
3 thousand in Automobile and 1 thousand in Transport sector. Whereas minor decrease in
employment was observed by 2 thousand in Gems & Jewellery and by 1 thousand each in
Leather and Handloom/Powerloom sector during the quarter ended September, 2015 over June,
2015. In the direct category of workers, employment has increased by 131 thousand while for
contract category of workers, it has increased by 3 thousand only during the quarter ended
September, 2015 over June, 2015. Employment in the exporting units has increased by 31
thousand at overall level whereas in the non-exporting units, the same has increased by 103
thousand during the period ending September, 2015 over June, 2015.

42. MGNREGA an alternative to migration, 2014 by sharma Arpita argues that one of the
significant objectives of the MGNREGA is to arrest out-migration of unskilled landless labour
force from the rural areas to urban areas by ensuring up to 100 days of wage employment within
their native jurisdiction so that these guaranteed wage employment can be judiciously and
rationally utilized by the landless peasants during lean and distress seasons. As far as possible
the work site is to be within a five Km radius of the applicants village. In case it is not it must
be provided within the Block and the labourers must be paid 10 percent of their wages as extra
wages to meet the additional travel and living expenses MGNREGA too could become a
predictable source of local employment and therefore reduces distress migration. In this respect
MGNREGA contrasts with previous employment programmes such as Jawahar Rozgar Yojana
or Sampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojana. MGNREGA will have significant positive impact on
seasonal rural-urban migration by providing rural workers with employment during the lean
season. The lack of exact official data on migration is a matter that should be corrected as soon
as possible as it is quite important to quantify this as accurately as possible as rural-urban
migration can become quite a problem for both the source and destination areas. Research
seems to indicate that the agriculture labour shortage is not caused entirely by MGNREGA;
trends of reduced labour force in agriculture precede MGNREGA. Data from FY 201011
suggests that 70 per cent of the works in the Scheme have been generated during the agriculture
lean season. On the other hand, data from some studies demonstrates that there has been a
change in the composition of the MGNREGA labour force where more agriculture labour is
participating in the Scheme. An analysis of the quantum of MGNREGA works provided across
the year also indicates a powerful seasonal fluctuation, with a disproportionately higher share
of works being done during the agricultural off-season.

43. Analysis of social aspects of migrant labourers living with HIV/ AIDS using fuzzy theory
and neutrosophic cognitive maps 2004 by Kandasamy Vasantha W. B. with Specific Reference
To Rural Tamilnadu In India, establishes that when studied the sample of 60 HIV/AIDS male
patients found that of the 60, 59 of them accepted their constant visit to CSW not only once or
twice but regularly. Of these 55 of the men said they have visited CSWs innumerable number
of times. Here few things are worth mentioning: Most of them had not acquired the disease
from Tamil Nadu though the HIV/AIDS patients are currently taking treatment in Tamil Nadu.
One of the most fascinating spot for them was Mumbai and they paid Rs.50 to Rs.100 per visit
to the CSWs there. Some of them had frequently visited Andhra Pradesh also. In Andhra
Pradesh the CSWs were very cheap, ranging only from Rs.20 to Rs.50 and most of them were
only aged between 18-23. Another shocking information derived from them was that most of
the Andhra Pradesh based CSWs had STD/VD even at such early ages, several of these migrant
patients have also taken medicine for the same after contracting it from them. Another notable
point is only when they are in other states they do not have any fear or tension of being noted
or observed by friends or relatives: their risk-behaviour heightens during outstation travel. Yet
information given by them is that the CSWs from the Chennai city are a bit costly ranging from
Rs.200 to Rs.1000 or sometimes even more, so they cannot afford for the same. They also said
that commercial sex workers in Chennai was delocalized and that there were a lot of brokers,
middlemen etc. to fix them at a cheap rate. They (CSWs) in Chennai city carried out their trade
with the help of police and brokers very successfully in all places which is well known to the
interested.

44. Urban migration trends, challenges and opportunities in India, 2015 by Bhagat Ram B.
finds that there is an urgent need to ensure that internal migrants are issued with a universally
recognized and portable proof of identity that can enable them to access social security
programmes anywhere in India. Political and Civic Inclusion - Special provisions are needed
to ensure the voting rights of internal migrants, and their inclusion in decision-making
processes and urban planning. Labour Market Inclusion - Negotiate opportunities with
employers including training, placement and skill upgrade with the help of NGOs. In case of
uneducated and poor migrants, create awareness about their rights and support them. Legal Aid
and Dispute Resolution - Internal migrants should be able to access legal aid and counselling
to protect themselves against work- and wage-related malpractices and provide grievance- and
dispute-handling mechanisms to negotiate with employers/contractors. Inclusion of Women
Migrant - Fill knowledge and research gaps in the gender dimension of migration. Prevent
discrimination, exploitation and trafficking of women. Inclusion through Access to Food - The
public distribution system (PDS) should be made portable to include multi-locational migrant
populations. Inclusion through Housing - Provide dormitory accommodation, rental housing
and also enable private housing. In situ upgrade of slums and provide basic services.
Educational Inclusion - Provide seasonal hostels at the source region to retain left behind
children in schools and also worksite schools at destination for children moving with parents.
Public Health Inclusion - Avoid stigmatization of migrants as carriers of diseases and infections
and recognize women and children migrants as vulnerable to health risks. Strengthen
intervention and out-reach health services to them. Financial Inclusion - Extend banking
facilities to promote savings and secure transfer of remittances in the source and destination
areas.
45. Migration in Slums of Kolkata: Examining Migrants Labour Market Outcomes, 2016 by
Banerjee Arpita fins migration is an integral part of human existence where people move from
one politically well-defined area to another. The movement may vary from
temporary/circulatory to relatively permanent nature and involves change in residence between
two places. Although several propositions have put forward to explain why people move, the
push-pull paradigm remains to be dominant. That is migration is primarily from peasant
based/economically depressed areas to industrialized zones or from peripheral to core areas.
Citing several reasons regarding peoples spatial mobility, studies have shown that job
opportunities, higher wages, better infrastructural conditions prevalent in the destination,
especially cities motivate migration. Upon migrating into cities, the rural/urban poor migrants
find a niche in city slums which offers low cost living and working arrangements.

Based on primary survey in the slums of Kolkata, the present study reveals that poor migrants
are mainly drawn from economically depressed areas of West Bengal and Bihar. The migrants
primarily belong to lower strata of the society and are dominantly illiterate or informally
educated. Although, these people find work for major part of the year, a large number of them
are self-employed. Wherever, they are into regular salaried jobs, the migrants are engaged in
petty manufacturing, factory workers, retail trade, hotels and restaurants, transport sector and
as domestic maids, all of which promise scant upward mobility. Additionally, working hours
are too long ranging from 8 to 16-17 hours in a day. The workers suffer from various labour
market issues like insecurity of jobs, late and non-payment of wages, intermittent availability
of work, absence of job contract and social securities. Additionally, payment in piece-rate basis
adds greater flexibility to the employers. Equally miserable is their housing conditions where
the migrants reside and work. Besides, being engaged into urban labour market, the poor male
migrants maintain circulatory movement to their native places for agricultural and MGNREGA
work. Such evidences points towards migrants anchorage to land as well as diversifying
income to mitigate financial crisis. It suggests that the poor migrants mostly find employment
in the informal sector of the citys economy. Yet, they dispense important functions to the city
dwellers in terms of security guards, domestic servants, drivers, barring which a city life is
difficult to imagine.