Bagong Bayani-OFW v Comelec

The party-list system is a social justice tool designed not only to give more law to the great masses of our people who
have less in life, but also to enable them to become veritable lawmakers themselves, empowered to participate
directly in the enactment of laws designed to benefit them. It intends to make the marginalized and the
underrepresented not merely passive recipients of the State's benevolence, but active participants in the mainstream
of representative democracy. Thus, allowing all individuals and groups, including those which now dominate district
elections, to have the same opportunity to participate in partylist elections would desecrate this lofty objective and
mongrelize the social justice mechanism into an atrocious veneer for traditional politics.

Facts: Petitioners Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party and Bayan Muna filed the present petitions under Rule 65 of
the Rules of Court, challenging Omnibus
Resolution No. 37851 issued by the Commission on Elections (Comelec) on
March 26, 2001. This Resolution approved the participation of 154 organizations and parties, including those herein
impleaded, in the 2001 party-list elections.
Petitioners seek the disqualification of private respondents, arguing mainly that the party-list system was intended to
benefit the marginalized and underrepresented; not the mainstream political parties, the non-marginalized or
overrepresented.

ISSUE #1: Participation of Political Parties

In its Petition, Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party contends that "the inclusion of political parties in the party-list
system is the most objectionable portion of the questioned Resolution." 27 For its part, Petitioner Bayan Muna objects
to the participation of "major political parties." 28 On the other hand, the Office of the Solicitor General, like the
impleaded political parties, submits that the Constitution and RA No. 7941 allow political parties to participate in the
party-list elections. It argues that the party-list system is, in fact, open to all "registered national, regional and sectoral
parties or organizations."

Under the Constitution and RA 7941, private respondents cannot be disqualified from the party-list elections, merely
on the ground that they are political parties. Section 5, Article VI of the Constitution provides that members of the
House of Representatives may "be elected through a party-list system of registered national, regional, and sectoral
parties or organizations."

Furthermore, under Sections 7 and 8, Article IX (C) of the Constitution, political parties may be registered under the
party-list system.
"Sec. 7. No votes cast in favor of a political party, organization, or coalition shall be valid, except for those
registered under the party-list system as provided in this Constitution.

"Sec. 8. Political parties, or organizations or coalitions registered under the party-list system, shall not be
represented in the voters' registration boards, boards of election inspectors, boards of canvassers, or other
similar bodies. However, they shall be entitled to appoint poll watchers in accordance with law."

The purpose of the party-list provision was to open up the system, in order to give a chance to parties that
consistently place third or fourth in congressional district elections to win a seat in Congress.

ISSUE #2: Marginalized and Underrepresented

That political parties may participate in the party-list elections does not mean, however, that any political party or
any organization or group for that matter
may do so. The requisite character of these parties or organizations must be consistent with the purpose of the
party-list system, as laid down in the
Constitution and RA 7941. The purpose of the party-list provision was to give "genuine power to our people" in
Congress.

The Marginalized and Underrepresented

to Become Lawmakers Themselves

The foregoing provision mandates a state policy of promoting proportional representation by means of the Filipino-
style party-list system, which will enable the election to the House of Representatives of Filipino citizens,
1. Who belong to marginalized and underrepresented sectors, organizations and parties; and
2. Who lack well-defined constituencies; but
3. Who could contribute to the formulation and enactment of appropriate legislation that will benefit the nation
as a whole.

It is not enough for the candidate to claim representation of the marginalized and underrepresented, because
representation is easy to claim and to feign. The party-list organization or party must factually and truly represent the
marginalized and underrepresented constituencies mentioned in Section 5.

The intent of the Constitution is clear: to give genuine power to the people, not only by giving more law to those who
have less in life, but more so by enabling them to become veritable lawmakers themselves. Consistent with this
intent, the policy of the implementing law, we repeat, is likewise clear: "to enable
Filipino citizens belonging to marginalized and underrepresented sectors, organizations and parties, . . . , to become
members of the House of
Representatives." Where the language of the law is clear, it must be applied according to its express terms.

While the enumeration of marginalized and underrepresented sectors is not exclusive, it demonstrates the clear intent
of the law that not all sectors can be represented under the party-list system.

BANAT v Comelec

Facts: The House of Representatives filed a motion for clarification in intervention and enumerated the issues for
clarification as follows:
A. There are only 219 legislative districts and not 220. Accordingly, the alloted seats for party-list
representation should only be 54 and not 55. The House of Representatives seeks clarification on which of
the party-list representatives shall be admitted to the Roll of Members considering that the Court declared as
winners 55 party-list representatives.
B. The House of Representatives wishes to be guided on whether it should enroll in its Roll of Members the
32 named party-list representatives enumerated in Table 3 or only such number of representatives that
would complete the 250 member maximum prescribed by Article VI, Sec. 5(1) of the Constitution. In the
event that it is ordered to admit all 32, will this act not violate the above-cited Constitutional provision
considering that the total members would now rise to 270.
C. The Court declared as unconstitutional the 2% threshold only in relation to the distribution of additional
seats as found in the second clause of Section 11(b) of R.A. No. 7941. Yet, it distributed first seats to party-
 list groups which did not attain the minimum number of votes that will entitle them to one seat. Clarification
is, therefore, sought whether the term "additional seats" refer to 2nd and 3rd seats only or all remaining
available seats. Corollary thereto, the House of Representatives wishes to be clarified whether there is no
more minimum vote requirement to qualify as a party-list representative.
D. For the guidance of the House of Representatives, clarification is sought as to whether the principle laid
down in Veterans that "the filling up of the allowable seats for party-list representatives is not mandatory,"
has been abandoned.
To summarize, there are four parameters in a Philippine-style party-list election system:
1. Twenty percent of the total number of the membership of the House of Representatives is the maximum
number of seats available to party-list organizations, such that there is automatically one party-list seat for
every four existing legislative districts.
2. Garnering two percent of the total votes cast in the party-list elections guarantees a party-list organization
one seat. The guaranteed seats shall be distributed in a first round of seat allocation to parties receiving at
least two percent of the total party-list votes.
3. The additional seats, that is, the remaining seats after allocation of the guaranteed seats, shall be
distributed to the party-list organizations including those that received less than two percent of the total
votes. The continued operation of the two percent threshold as it applies to the allocation of the additional
seats is now unconstitutional because this threshold mathematically and physically prevents the filling up of
the available party-list seats. The additional seats shall be distributed to the parties in a second round of
seat allocation according to the two-step procedure laid down in the Decision of 21 April 2009 as clarified in
this Resolution.
4. The three-seat cap is constitutional. The three-seat cap is intended by the Legislature to prevent any party
from dominating the party-list system. There is no violation of the Constitution because the 1987 Constitution
does not require absolute proportionality for the party-list system. The well-settled rule is that courts will not
question the wisdom of the Legislature as long as it is not violative of the Constitution.
These four parameters allow the mathematical and practical fulfillment of the Constitutional provision that party-list
representatives shall comprise twenty percent of the members of the House of Representatives. At the same time,
these four parameters uphold as much as possible the Party-List Act, striking down only that provision of the Party-
List Act that could not be reconciled anymore with the 1987 Constitution.
Atong Paglaum v. Comelec
Facts:
This is a consolidated case from 54 Petitions for certiorari filed by 52 party-list groups assailing the Resolutions
issued by COMELEC for disqualifying them from participating in the May 2013 elections, either by denial of their
petitions for registration or cancellation of their registration and accreditation.
Pursuant to the provisions of Republic Act No. 7941 (R.A. No. 7941) and COMELEC Resolution Nos. 9366 and 9531,
approximately 280 groups and organizations registered and manifested their desire to participate in the 13 May 2013
party-list elections.
The COMELEC excluded from participating in the 13 May 2013 party-list elections those that did not satisfy these two
criteria: (1) all national, regional, and sectoral groups or organizations must represent the "marginalized and
underrepresented" sectors, and (2) all nominees must belong to the "marginalized and underrepresented" sector they
represent. Petitioners may have been disqualified by the COMELEC because as political or regional parties they are
not organized along sectoral lines and do not represent the "marginalized and underrepresented." Also, petitioners'
nominees who do not belong to the sectors they represent may have been disqualified, although they may have a
track record of advocacy for their sectors. Likewise, nominees of non-sectoral parties may have been disqualified
because they do not belong to any sector. Moreover, a party may have been disqualified because one or more of its
nominees failed to qualify, even if the party has at least one remaining qualified nominee.
ISSUES:

1. Whether the COMELEC committed grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction in
disqualifying petitioners from participating in the 13 May 2013 party-list elections, either by denial of their
new petitions for registration under the party-list system, or by cancellation of their existing registration and
accreditation as party-list organizations
 2. Whether the criteria for participating in the party-list system laid down in Ang Bagong Bayani and Barangay
Association for National Advancement and Transparency v. Commission on Elections49 (BANAT) should be
applied by the COMELEC in the coming 13 May 2013 party-list elections.
RULING:
COMELEC did not commit grave abuse of discretion in following prevailing decisions of this Court in disqualifying
petitioners from participating in the coming 13 May 2013 party-list elections. However, since the Court adopts in this
Decision new parameters in the qualification of national, regional, and sectoral parties under the party-list system, the
case is remanded to the COMELEC to determine who are qualified to register under the party-list system, and to
participate in the coming 13 May 2013 party-list elections, under the new parameters prescribed in this Decision.
The Party-List System
The 1987 Constitution provides the basis for the party-list system of representation. Simply put, the party-list system
is intended to democratize political power by giving political parties that cannot win in legislative district elections a
chance to win seats in the House of Representatives.50 The voter elects two representatives in the House of
Representatives: one for his or her legislative district, and another for his or her party-list group or organization of
choice. The 1987 Constitution provides:
Section 5, Article VI
(1) The House of Representatives shall be composed of not more than two hundred and fifty members,
unless otherwise fixed by law, who shall be elected from legislative districts apportioned among the
provinces, cities, and the Metropolitan Manila area in accordance with the number of their respective
inhabitants, and on the basis of a uniform and progressive ratio, and those who, as provided by law, shall be
elected through a party-list system of registered national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations.
(2) The party-list representatives shall constitute twenty per centum of the total number of representatives
including those under the party list. For three consecutive terms after the ratification of this Constitution, one-
half of the seats allocated to party-list representatives shall be filled, as provided by law, by selection or
election from the labor, peasant, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, women, youth, and such
other sectors as may be provided by law, except the religious sector.
Sections 7 and 8, Article IX-C
Sec. 7. No votes cast in favor of a political party, organization, or coalition shall be valid, except for those registered
under the party-list system as provided in this Constitution.
Sec. 8. Political parties, or organizations or coalitions registered under the party-list system, shall not be represented
in the voters registration boards, boards of election inspectors, boards of canvassers, or other similar bodies.
However, they shall be entitled to appoint poll watchers in accordance with law.
Commissioner Christian S. Monsod, the main sponsor of the party-list system, stressed that "the party-list system is
not synonymous with that of the sectoral representation."
The proposal to give permanent reserved seats to certain sectors was outvoted. Instead, the reservation of seats to
sectoral representatives was only allowed for the first three consecutive terms. 55 There can be no doubt whatsoever
that the framers of the 1987 Constitution expressly rejected the proposal to make the party-list system exclusively for
sectoral parties only, and that they clearly intended the party-list system to include both sectoral and non-sectoral
parties.
The common denominator between sectoral and non-sectoral parties is that they cannot expect to win in legislative
district elections but they can garner, in nationwide elections, at least the same number of votes that winning
candidates can garner in legislative district elections. The party-list system will be the entry point to membership in
the House of Representatives for both these non-traditional parties that could not compete in legislative district
elections.
The party-list system is composed of three different groups: (1) national parties or organizations; (2) regional
parties or organizations; and (3) sectoral parties or organizations. National and regional parties or organizations
are different from sectoral parties or organizations. National and regional parties or organizations need not be
organized along sectoral lines and need not represent any particular sector.
Section 3(a) of R.A. No. 7941 defines a "party" as "either a political party or a sectoral party or a coalition of
parties." Clearly, a political party is different from a sectoral party. Section 3(c) of R.A. No. 7941 further provides that
a "political party refers to an organized group of citizens advocating an ideology or platform, principles and
policies for the general conduct of government." On the other hand, Section 3(d) of R.A. No. 7941 provides that a
"sectoral party refers to an organized group of citizens belonging to any of the sectors enumerated in Section 5
hereof whose principal advocacy pertains to the special interest and concerns of their sector." R.A. No. 7941
provides different definitions for a political and a sectoral party. Obviously, they are separate and distinct from each
other.
R.A. No. 7941 does not require national and regional parties or organizations to represent the "marginalized
and underrepresented" sectors. To require all national and regional parties under the party-list system to represent
the "marginalized and underrepresented" is to deprive and exclude, by judicial fiat, ideology-based and cause-
oriented parties from the party-list system. How will these ideology-based and cause-oriented parties, who cannot win
in legislative district elections, participate in the electoral process if they are excluded from the party-list system? To
exclude them from the party-list system is to prevent them from joining the parliamentary struggle, leaving as their
only option the armed struggle. To exclude them from the party-list system is, apart from being obviously senseless,
patently contrary to the clear intent and express wording of the 1987 Constitution and R.A. No. 7941.
The phrase "marginalized and underrepresented" should refer only to the sectors in Section 5 that are, by
their nature, economically "marginalized and underrepresented." These sectors are: labor, peasant, fisherfolk,
urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, handicapped, veterans, overseas workers, and other similar
sectors. For these sectors, a majority of the members of the sectoral party must belong to the "marginalized
and underrepresented." The nominees of the sectoral party either must belong to the sector, or must have a
track record of advocacy for the sector represented. Belonging to the "marginalized and underrepresented"
sector does not mean one must "wallow in poverty, destitution or infirmity." It is sufficient that one, or his or her
sector, is below the middle class. More specifically, the economically "marginalized and underrepresented" are those
who fall in the low income group as classified by the National Statistical Coordination Board.
The recognition that national and regional parties, as well as sectoral parties of professionals, the elderly, women and
the youth, need not be "marginalized and underrepresented" will allow small ideology-based and cause-oriented
parties who lack "well-defined political constituencies" a chance to win seats in the House of Representatives. On the
other hand, limiting to the "marginalized and underrepresented" the sectoral parties for labor, peasant, fisherfolk,
urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, handicapped, veterans, overseas workers, and other sectors that by
their nature are economically at the margins of society, will give the "marginalized and underrepresented" an
opportunity to likewise win seats in the House of Representatives.
This interpretation will harmonize the 1987 Constitution and R.A. No. 7941 and will give rise to a multi-party system
where those "marginalized and underrepresented," both in economic and ideological status, will have the
opportunity to send their own members to the House of Representatives. This interpretation will also make the party-
list system honest and transparent, eliminating the need for relatively well-off party-list representatives to masquerade
as "wallowing in poverty, destitution and infirmity," even as they attend sessions in Congress riding in SUVs.
The major political parties are those that field candidates in the legislative district elections. Major political parties
cannot participate in the party-list elections since they neither lack "well-defined political constituencies" nor represent
"marginalized and underrepresented" sectors. Thus, the national or regional parties under the party-list system
are necessarily those that do not belong to major political parties. This automatically reserves the national and
regional parties under the party-list system to those who "lack well-defined political constituencies," giving them the
opportunity to have members in the House of Representatives. However, major political parties should participate in
party-list elections only through their sectoral wings. The participation of major political parties through their sectoral
wings, a majority of whose members are "marginalized and underrepresented" or lacking in "well-defined political
constituencies," will facilitate the entry of the "marginalized and underrepresented" and those who "lack well-defined
political constituencies" as members of the House of Representatives.
Section 9 of R.A. No. 7941 prescribes the qualifications of party-list nominees. This provision prescribes a special
qualification only for the nominee from the youth sector.
Section 9. Qualifications of Party-List Nominees. No person shall be nominated as party-list representative unless he
is a natural-born citizen of the Philippines, a registered voter, a resident of the Philippines for a period of not less than
one (1) year immediately preceding the day of the election, able to read and write, a bona fide member of the party or
organization which he seeks to represent for at least ninety (90) days preceding the day of the election, and is at least
twenty-five (25) years of age on the day of the election.
In case of a nominee of the youth sector, he must at least be twenty-five (25) but not more than thirty (30) years of
age on the day of the election.
Any youth sectoral representative who attains the age of thirty (30) during his term shall be allowed to continue in
office until the expiration of his term.1wphi1
A party-list nominee must be a bona fide member of the party or organization which he or she seeks to represent. In
the case of sectoral parties, to be a bona fide party-list nominee one must either belong to the sector
represented, or have a track record of advocacy for such sector.
COMELEC followed the Rule prescribed in BANAT v Comelec in disqualifying party-list groups. However, the Court
set out new parameters to determine who may participate in the May 2013 elections:
1. Three different groups may participate in the party-list system: (1) national parties or organizations, (2)
regional parties or organizations, and (3) sectoral parties or organizations.
2. National parties or organizations and regional parties or organizations do not need to organize along
sectoral lines and do not need to represent any "marginalized and underrepresented" sector.
3. Political parties can participate in party-list elections provided they register under the party-list system and
do not field candidates in legislative district elections. A political party, whether major or not, that fields
candidates in legislative district elections can participate in party-list elections only through its sectoral wing
that can separately register under the party-list system. The sectoral wing is by itself an independent
sectoral party, and is linked to a political party through a coalition.
4. Sectoral parties or organizations may either be "marginalized and underrepresented" or lacking in "well-
defined political constituencies." It is enough that their principal advocacy pertains to the special interest and
concerns of their sector. The sectors that are "marginalized and underrepresented" include labor, peasant,
fisherfolk, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, handicapped, veterans, and overseas workers. The
sectors that lack "well-defined political constituencies" include professionals, the elderly, women, and the
youth.
5. A majority of the members of sectoral parties or organizations that represent the "marginalized and
underrepresented" must belong to the "marginalized and underrepresented" sector they represent. Similarly,
a majority of the members of sectoral parties or organizations that lack "well-defined political constituencies"
must belong to the sector they represent. The nominees of sectoral parties or organizations that represent
the "marginalized and underrepresented," or that represent those who lack "well-defined political
constituencies," either must belong to their respective sectors, or must have a track record of advocacy for
their respective sectors. The nominees of national and regional parties or organizations must be bona-fide
members of such parties or organizations.
6. National, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations shall not be disqualified if some of their nominees
are disqualified, provided that they have at least one nominee who remains qualified.
Ang Ladlad v. Comelec
Facts:

The case has its roots in the COMELECs refusal to accredit Ang Ladlad as a party-list organization
under Republic Act (RA) No. 7941, otherwise known as the Party-List System Act.

Ang Ladlad is an organization composed of members of the LGBTs. ncorporated in 2003, Ang
Ladlad first applied for registration with the COMELEC in 2006. The application for accreditation was
denied on the ground that the organization had no substantial membership base. On August 17,
2009, Ang Ladlad again filed a Petition5 for registration with the COMELEC.

Before the COMELEC, petitioner argued that the LGBT community is a marginalized and under-
represented sector that is particularly disadvantaged because of their sexual orientation and gender
identity; that LGBTs are victims of exclusion, discrimination, and violence; that because of negative
societal attitudes, LGBTs are constrained to hide their sexual orientation; and that Ang
Ladlad complied with the 8-point guidelines enunciated by this Court in Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW
Labor Party v. Commission on Elections.6 Ang Ladlad laid out its national membership base
consisting of individual members and organizational supporters, and outlined its platform of
governance.

COMELEC dismissed their Petition based on moral grounds that the definition of the LGBT sector
meant that it tolerated immorality which offends religious beliefs.
The Parties Arguments

Ang Ladlad argued that the denial of accreditation, insofar as it justified the exclusion by using
religious dogma, violated the constitutional guarantees against the establishment of religion.
Petitioner also claimed that the Assailed Resolutions contravened its constitutional rights to privacy,
freedom of speech and assembly, and equal protection of laws, as well as constituted violations of
the Philippines international obligations against discrimination based on sexual orientation.

In its Comment, the COMELEC reiterated that petitioner does not have a concrete and genuine
national political agenda to benefit the nation and that the petition was validly dismissed on moral
grounds. It also argued for the first time that the LGBT sector is not among the sectors enumerated
by the Constitution and RA 7941, and that petitioner made untruthful statements in its petition when
it alleged its national existence contrary to actual verification reports by COMELECs field personnel.

Issues: Whether or not the LGBT sectors can be included as a marginalized and underrepresented sector when they
are not part of the enumeration of the Constitution or in RA 7941
Ruling:

Compliance with the Requirements of the Constitution and Republic Act No. 7941

As we explicitly ruled in Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party v. Commission on Elections,20 "the
enumeration of marginalized and under-represented sectors is not exclusive". The crucial element is
not whether a sector is specifically enumerated, but whether a particular organization complies with
the requirements of the Constitution and RA 7941.
No misrepresentation was made by Ang Ladlad. A cursory perusal of their initial petition shows that
it never claimed to exist in each province of the Philippines. Rather, petitioner alleged that the LGBT
community in the Philippines was estimated to constitute at least 670,000 persons; that it had 16,100
affiliates and members around the country, and 4,044 members in its electronic discussion group.
Against this backdrop, we find that Ang Ladlad has sufficiently demonstrated its compliance with the
legal requirements for accreditation. Indeed, aside from COMELECs moral objection and the
belated allegation of non-existence, nowhere in the records has the respondent ever found/ruled
that Ang Ladlad is not qualified to register as a party-list organization under any of the requisites
under RA 7941 or the guidelines in Ang Bagong Bayani. The difference, COMELEC claims, lies
in Ang Ladlads morality, or lack thereof.