Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Contradictions of European
Integration
by Bruno Carchedi and Guglielmo Carchedi
1. Introduction
Moreover, one has to ask the question of who bears the costs
of food aid. These are financed through appropriation of value
from the EUs citizens, for example through taxation. Thus, to
come to the rescue of millions of starving people would require
active pursuance of the principle of equitable distribution and
solidarity among the worlds peoples: the EU would support its
farmers in order for them to produce for the dominated countries,
the costs of this operation being borne by the EU taxpayers. But
this would be contrary both to the way the capitalist system
works, which is based on competition rather than cooperation, and
to the nature of the relations between the imperialist centre and the
dominated bloc. Within these relations, the centre appropriates
value (including food) from the dominated countries obviously
not in order to give it back to them. If value flows the other way,
it is because it is either invested or loaned, not given away. Within
these relations, the centre can give back only a minimal part of
what it takes away from the dominated bloc (e.g. development aid).
Only a major change in the European labouring classes conscious-
ness would make a massive program of food aid possible.
The CAP is a true child of capitalist rationality. On the one
hand it rationalises European agriculture, thus leading to higher
productivity, greater concentration and centralisation (i.e., larger
farm holdings), and higher profits for the larger production
units. On the other hand, it creates abundance amidst poverty and
opulence amidst starvation both within itself and, much more so,
vis--vis the dominated countries. But, more importantly for the
present discussion, the CAP is a instrument of EU imperialism in
that it forces the food producing countries not only to lose a
part of the value of those products in the process of exchange but
also to adapt their agricultural production to the EU internal
market rather than to their own internal needs.
i.e., from the first post W.W.II defence treaty. In 1948, the
Brussels Treaty was signed establishing the West European Union
(WEU). Its members were Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. Its purpose was
collaboration in economic, social and cultural matters and
collective self-defence: in the case of a member state being the
object of a military attack, the other members would have to
afford the Party so attacked all the military and other aid and
assistance in their power (art.5). Also, in recognizing the
undesirability of duplicating the military staffs of NATO the
WEU pledged to rely on the appropriate military authorities
of NATO for information and advice on military matters (art.4).
The WEU, thus, was born as the European pillar of NATO.
This was not sufficient for France, which has traditionally
been the supporter of a European Defence project (relatively)
independent from US hegemony. In the 1950-54 period, attention
in France focused on a new project, the European Defence
Community (EDC) which was advocated by the Pleven Plan
(whose author was Jean Monnet). The proposal provided for a
European Army under NATO run by a European Minister of
defence and the Council of Ministers, with a joint commander,
common budget and common arms procurement. All participant
member states, except Germany, could keep their national forces
apart from the European Army for colonial and other purposes.
It was a proposal to rearm Germany (a need dictated by the
Cold War) without re-establishing a German army.
This scheme was contrasted by De Gaulles vision of an
integrated European army retaining a multiplicity of national
commands (Howorth, 1997: 13). In spite of these differences,
both plans shared a common feature, the belief that Europe
could not be Europe without its own army (op.cit: 12). In the
event, the attempt to set up the EDC was shipwrecked on the 31st
of August 1954 as a result of rejection by the French Parliament.
Consequently, Germany joined the WEU in 1954 and NATO in
1955.17 As for de Gaulles superpower ambitions, they were
aborted given that they were not shared by other NATO
European states.
Due to the failure to set up the EDC, the WEU got a new
impulse on the basis of a modified treaty which was signed in
Brussels in 1954. In spite of minor modifications, the 1954 Treaty
called again for collaboration in self-defence (art.5) which had to
rely on NATO for information and advice (art.4). Like its
Contradictions of European Integration 135
predecessor, then, the 1954 Treaty was only a pale version of the
EDC and sanctioned de facto NATO, and thus US, hegemony. The
WEU led a dormant existence until the early 1980s when interest
in it re-awoke partly as a response to the Euromissiles crisis
sparked by NATOs December 1979 decision to deploy
intermediate nuclear force (INF) weapons in Europe. However,
as long as the Soviet threat was present, the short term fear of
weakening NATO by strengthening the WEU weighed more than
the long term advantage of having a more independent European
military arm. With the fall of the Berlin wall, one should have
expected a smaller role for NATO and a greater role for the WEU.
Yet, as we shall see shortly, this has not been the case.
The declaration of the WEU Member States at the Maastrich
Summit of 1991 reads as follows: The objective is to build up
WEU in stages as the defence component of the European Union.
To this end, WEU is prepared, at the request of the European
Union, to elaborate and implement decisions and actions of the
Union which have defence implications. The Petersberg
declaration of 1992 extends the scope of the operations to
humanitarian and rescue tasks; peacemaking tasks; tasks of
combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking.
This indicates a considerably wider scope for the WEU than
simply defence. However, as the Maastricht declaration adds, The
objective is to develop WEU as a means to strengthen the
European pillar of the Atlantic AllianceWEU will act in
conformity with the positions adopted in the Atlantic Alliance.
The WEU is developing its act, but within the limits of a persisting
de facto subordination to NATO and thus to the US.18
Two factors help explain this persisting weakness. The first is
the division within the WEU itself, i.e., among its member states,
concerning the role of the WEU and its relation to NATO. The
key aspect of this divergence of opinion is British reticence to
develop an autonomous European military power. The UK has
always been for military co-operation but against military
integration.19 There are historical and ideological reasons for this,
as for example Britains fear of losing its national sovereignty or
Britains choice, made at the end of the Second World War, to
try to retain a status as close as possible to that of a great power
by finding a genuine great power to influence (Chuter, 1997: 114).
These and other similar factors should be explained in terms of
conscious economic policies and interests. Thus, attachment to
the notion of national sovereignty, and thus fear of losing it, is a
136 Capital & Class #67
into the struggle for jobs and higher wages within a socialist
perspective, then not only will the socialist project be furthered
in each member state, not only will labour be free from capitals
blackmail, but also this policy will have contributed to
international solidarity, thus reinforcing the socialist project in
the host country. Labour should foster a policy of open doors
aimed at integrating immigrants in its project of socialist
development. This policy implies a wider one, stressing the need
to eliminate the causes of forced migration from non-EU
countries, such as massive aid programs fostering socialist
economic growth in those countries. The concrete shape that a
policy of open doors might take will depend on the concrete
conditions under which it will be fought for. All that can be said
now is that it might have to be regulated in order to allow the host
country to create the necessary facilities for this policy to be run
according to socialist organisational principles.
A third specific problem concerns the criminalisation of
immigration in the EU. Article 7 of the Schengen Agreement
mentions in one breath the need to protect the Member States
against illegal immigration and against activities which might
endanger security (Tractatenblad der Koninkrijk der Neder-
landen, 1985). Following the same approach, the TEU deals with
asylum, internal migration, and immigration from third countries,
in article K.1, the same article which deals with combating drug
addiction and trafficking, fraud on an international scale,
terrorism, and other serious forms of international crime.
Moreover, the TEU, while forbidding discrimination on grounds
of nationality (for Member States nationals) in article 6 and on
grounds of sex in article 119, does not forbid discrimination on
ethnic or racial grounds. Even the Social Charter declares in its
preamble that it is important to combat every form of
discrimination but mentions explicitly only discrimination on
grounds of sex, colour, race, opinions and beliefs thus forgetting
ethnic discrimination (Commission of the European Com-
munities, 1990). The results of this approach are disastrous.
First, extensive policy measures and instruments have been
and are being developed in order to deal with immigration (both
legal and illegal) and asylum seekers from non-EU countries. The
most noticeable is the Schengen system. 28 The Schengen
Agreement was signed on 14 June 1985. Belgium, France,
Germany, Luxembourg and the Netherlands agreed to remove
gradually their common frontier controls and introduce freedom
146 Capital & Class #67
Notes 1. For an assessment of these two approaches, see Bieling and Steinhilber, 1997.
2. The USA had an interest of its own in, and contributed to, the economic
reconstruction of Europe, which it saw as a precondition for Europe to
play the role of anti-Communist bastion.
3. This has been a constant of French policy, starting in 1951, when the ECSC
was thought of as a means towards Franco-German reconciliation, up to 1992,
when an important motivation in negotiating the TEU (the Maastricht
Treaty) was to contain Germanys economic predominance after the 1990
reunification.
4. The European Economic Community (EEC), founded in 1958, has become
the European Community (EC) in 1965, when it was merged with the ECSC
and the Euratom, and this has become the European Union (EU) in 1992.
5. Even nowadays Europes role in forming the dependent countries elites is far
smaller than that of the US. European universities host 50,000 Asian students
as opposed to the 215,000 Asian students admitted at US universities.
Contradictions of European Integration 149
6. Beyen, the Dutch foreign minister who first proposed the Common Market
was not an elected politician but a former executive for Philips and director
of Unilever parachuted straight from the IMF straight into the Dutch
cabinet (Anderson, 1997: 63) and Monnet, the father of European
integration was an international banker by profession.
7. This latter option would not be in the interest of the centre. The role of the
IMF is that of forcing the dependent countries to compete through lower
labour costs (wages) while fostering at the same time a dependent form of
industrialization.
8. This does not imply that those countries fortunes would automatically
improve if foreign capital aids and investments were to stop. The alternative
to capitalist (under)development is a different type, a socialist type, of
development.
9. The share of outward processing in the total exports of eastern Europe [the
CEEC 6, G.C.] to the EU reached 18.5% in 1994, with textile and clothing
accounting for more than 75 per cent of total OPT exports to the Union
(Economic Commission for Europe, 1995: 109).
10. The other two are Cyprus and Estonia.
11. Moreover, an analysis of green rates (which cannot be carried out here for
reasons of space) would reveal that this system favoured Germany rather than
France.
12. In 1992 it was 52%, but this decrease has been due to the set aside system
to be described immediately below.
13. This condition does not apply to small producers, defined as farmers who
produce up to 92 tons of cereals, who receive compensatory payments on all
areas sown to arable crops.
14. The percentage of food expenditure on family budgets falls as family
income rises.
15. Basically, the CAP has had, and continues to have, negative repercussions
in at least two major areas: the environment and hunger in the world. For
reasons of space, only the latter point will be dealt with briefly.
16. This explains why economic integration has taken place under, and thus has
taken up a form functional for, the leadership of Germany, i.e., of the
dominant sector of European capital. This point is illustrated by the EMS and
the EMU. This has been the topic of a previous article in this journal
(Carchedi, 1997), to which the reader is referred.
17. Within the French Parliament, the arguments against EDC were varied. Some
claimed that the EDC would stimulate the arms race, since the Soviet Block
would perceive the EDC as a new military threat, others were fearful that the
EDC would provide fewer checks than NATO to a new German military
power, still others did not want to be put on the same level of importance as
two defeated nations and three small countries. But, outside France,
sentiment toward EDC was favourable. Not only had the agreement for
the EDC been signed by the governments of the Six and ratified by the
other five parliaments, also the US president Eisenhower was in favour of the
EDC. The reasons for this stance are probably those made clear by the
opinion (widely shared in reactionary circles) of an adviser of the US Navy
150 Capital & Class #67
to the effect that a first-class European tactical and strategic nuclear power
would have cost a united Europe 7% of its GNP but would have forced the
Soviet Union to spend 30% of its GNP. This would have destroyed the
Soviet economy thus making it impossible to raise its standard of living
(Galtung, 1971: 214). This opinion, voiced in 1971, has been a constant of
the Cold War period up to the collapse of the USSR.
18. At present, the WEU has ten full European Members, five Observers, three
Associate Members, and ten associate partners.
19. An indication of the weakness of the WEU is given by the British readiness
to join the WEU but hostility to the EDC.
20. Carchedi (1997) argues that it is in the interest of the advanced capital
sector (the oligopolistic one, under the leadership of German oligopolies) to
make of the Ecu, and then the Euro, a strong currency.
21. There are of course differences between the major political players. In the
1970s and 1980s, the Conservative Party leaned towards policies in tune with
the Communitys restrictive monetary and fiscal policies as the way to
stimulate the European economies. The Labour Party, on the other hand,
leaned more towards import controls, state intervention, and subsidies
for declining industries (Newman, 1989).
22. The CSCE, or Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, was
started at the 1974 Helsinki Conference and has subsequently been
transformed into the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE). In 1992 it was decided to develop the role of the OSCE in
peacekeeping, early warning and crisis management. NATO has offered to
make its resources and experience available to support OSCE tasks. While
OSCE comprises all the countries of Europe, together with the USA and
Canada, in the WEU the CEEC and the Baltic states have only a status of
associate partners.
23. As Howorth points out, the delightfully equivocal notion of identity is a
semantic attempt not to tread on any institutional toes (1997: 10).
24. NATOs greater influence has been strengthened by Frances realisation that
progress towards a stronger WEU has been lacking and by her decision,
announced on December 5 1995, to re-enter (at least partially) NATO.
France had left NATO in 1966, knowing that an hegemonic project like
that behind a united Europe necessitated a strong, independent military
organisation.
25. These remarks presuppose an analysis of the economic cycle which cannot
be submitted here for reasons of space. See Carchedi, 1991.
26. Subject, however, to the limitations and conditions laid down in this Treaty
and by the measures adopted to give it effect.
27. The higher rate of exploitation for non-EU workers can be either a conscious
or an unconscious result of this state policy. In Canada, for example, foreign
workers admitted through the Non-Immigrant Employment Authorisation
Program (NIEAP) are bonded to a specific job with a specific employer and
for a specific period of time. This reduces their ability to negotiate their wages
and working condition, thus increasing their coercion and exploitation
since they have to accept whatever conditions they are offered or face
Contradictions of European Integration 151
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