Paleoethnobotony

Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 7, No.
1, 1999
Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany

Christine A. Hastorf1
This article discusses paleoethnobotanical research and results presented in the

recent literature. Although archaeobotany is a fairly recent addition to the study
of the past, it now encompasses a diverse range of techniques, analyses, and
new results. Issues that are prominent in this archaeological subdiscipline
include the origins of agriculture, resource use, environmental reconstruction,
anthropogenic environmental change, political-economic change, plant
cultivation and crop production, plant processing, consumption (diet), and site
deposition. Some of the plant identification methods for macrobotanical
remains include morphology using light microscopes, histology with the
scanning electron microscope, and statistics. The study of microbotanical
remains has expanded greatly and now includes pollen, phytolith, chemical,
and molecular analyses.
KEY WORDS: archaeology; plants; archaeobotany; paleoethnobotany.
INTRODUCTION
The archaeological subdiscipline of paleoethnobotany has expanded

greatly during the last 20 years. First practiced in Europe by botanists such
as Heer, who looked at plants from archaeological Swiss lake-dwelling sites
in the 1850s, it was truly launched as a modern research program in North
America by Volney Jones in 1941. In the New World the discipline is usually
termed "paleoethnobotany" and is defined as "the analysis and interpreta-
tion of archaeobotanical remains to provide information on the interactions
of human populations and plants" (Popper and Hastorf, 1988, p. 2). This
approach to plant-human interrelationships adds a dynamic aspect to the
study of ecological and anthropological questions. Many active scholars in
1
Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, California 94720.
55
1059-0161/99/0300-0055$16.00 C 1999 Plenum Publishing Corporation
56 Hastorf
Europe have the same perspective (Hillman and Davies, 1990; Miller, 1995;
van Zeist et al., 1991, p. vii), but they use the term "archaeobotany." This
difference in names causes some confusion, because in the New World ar-
chaeobotany refers the specific processing and identification of plant ma-
terials rather than the interpretation of the results.
Plants are essential to human existence. Until the last few hundred
years of human history, most things that humans dealt with came from
either plants or animals. Common daily tasks such as getting food, food
preparation, cooking, eating, ritual, shelter construction, and tool use pri-
marily were accomplished using plant matter. Plants were charged with
symbolic importance that colored every human interaction with them, add-
ing to their technical and biological importance. Thus plants also are im-
portant to archaeologists. But it is not easy to reconstruct and understand
the use and meaning of each plant in the past. Whether we focus on the
more commonly uncovered charred, waterlogged, and desiccated macrore-
mains or pollen, phytoliths, and other molecular microremains, we obtain
only a partial view of the vast universe of past human-plant interactions.
Radically diverse preservation conditions and the fact that most plant mat-
ter observed on sites is commonly a reflection of mistakes and residues
rather than initial acts of usage continue to challenge this subdiscipline.
A search of the archaeological journals of 20 years ago reveals that ar-
chaeobotanical studies were less common than analyses of animal and human
bones. But this pattern is changing as collecting and processing techniques,
analytical methods, and interpretations are increasingly implemented, codi-
fied, and published. With systematic recovery techniques used at most exca-
vations, we now are seeing a fuller picture of past lifeways and long-term
human impacts on the environment. In the last 10 years or so many fine
examples of paleoethnobotanical research and archaeobotanical studies that
report on food, foraging, crops, agriculture, and vegetation have been pub-
lished (Ford, 1985; Greig, 1989; Harris and Hillman, 1989; Hastorf and Pop-
per, 1988; Miller and Gleason, 1994; Neusius, 1986; Pearsall, 1989; Piperno,
1988; Renfrew, 1991; Scarry, 1993; Smith, 1992, 1995; Sobolik, 1994; van
Zeist and Casparie, 1984; van Zeist et al., 1991; Zohary and Hopf, 1993).
There also are some bibliographic articles such as Bonavia and Kaplan (1990)
and the annual section in Journal of Ethnobiology that reports on recent dis-
sertations of interest to paleoethnobotanists. The journal Vegetation History
and Archaeobotany has been in print since 1991. Equally influential in pa-
leoethnobotanical expansion is the regular inclusion of plant analysis in con-
tract archaeology worldwide. This research has contributed substantially to
data as well as methodology, although it has been harder to learn about these
results due to different strategies of dissemination.
Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany 57
Why was this subdiscipline peripheral in field archaeology for so long?

Part of the reason is the specialized training that archaeobotanists must
have in addition to archaeology, although such detailed training is increas-
ingly essential in all subfields of archaeology. In part, I believe that the
slowness of regular incorporation also is due to the less visible nature of
charred plant remains on sites compared to bones, ceramics, or lithics. Ex-
cavators normally cannot see most plant remains with the naked eye and
thus cannot use them in their on-site contextual interpretations. It is often
many months later that the botanical data enters the discussion, and usually
well after the cultural contexts are established and interpretations have
been made.
This position of archaeobotany in much of archaeology's history per-
haps also occurred because of the implicit view that plants were lowly items,
interacting with human society primarily in the household spheres of
hearth, food processing, fuel gathering, cooking, and eating. These tasks
are commonly women's domains. Such household aspects of life perhaps
were not thought to be important avenues of study when big questions
could be addressed, such as the origins of the state or the rise of complexity.
It is as if plants did not participate in or reflect these larger changes. Only
recently have state-level questions been addressed with botanical data. On
the other hand, the origins of agriculture and environmental reconstruction
are archaeological questions that draw regularly on botanical information.
Even in models about the onset of agriculture Watson and Kennedy (1991)
have pointed out how it is implied that men initiated the process.
Archaeobotany also is very labor intensive, so that plant analysis is
costly. As Gero (1985) has noted, female archaeologists have tended to be
the detailed, small item, laboratory/museum analysts, not valued as highly
as field workers in the greater discipline. These two effects have perhaps
created a sense of lesser impact in archaeology. Yet despite these images,
paleoethnobotany is definitely productive and providing substantive input
into broad archaeological issues.
This overview highlights some of the important directions in the sub-
discipline between 1988 and 1995. I have focused this literature search on
issues raised in major books and international journals. The most regularly
presented results are the macroremains of charred plants. Pollen is impor-
tant, of course, but it tends to be used in the examination of paleoecological
and off-site environmental questions (Bottema, 1995; Edwards, 1991b), al-
though on-site examples exist (Tipping, 1994). There is an increasing
number of exciting microbotanical techniques in the literature, including
the investigation of mineralized plants (Scott, 1989), phytoliths (Pearsall
and Piperno, 1993; Rapp and Mulholland, 1992), isozymes (Doebley, 1990;
Quiros et al., 1990), DNA (Brown et al., 1993; Rollo et al., 1991), chemical
58 Hastorf
analyses (Evershed, 1993; Hillman et al., 1993), plant isotopes (Hastorf and
DeNiro, 1985), and coprolites (Holden, 1991; Reinhard et al., 1991). These
diverse techniques are being applied more often and increasingly help con-
tribute to our knowledge of past human lifeways.
METHODS
One of the most important domains in a discipline's maturation is

the development and implementation of effective field and laboratory
methods. Macrobotanical remains are investigated primarily by morphol-
ogy and histology. Studying morphology with a light microscope is by far
the most common identification method. Microbotanical remains must al-
ways be analyzed using more high-powered microscopes, chemically, or
molecularly. New methods range from processing technologies such as Gu-
merman and Umemoto's (1987) siphoning for submerged plant parts in
the flotation machine, to Wagner's (1988) systematic testing of recovery
rates of various flotation machines. Pearsall's (1989) Paleoethnobotany has
become a very important text for methodology. The book reviews basic
excavation and soil collection methods all the way through processing of
pollen and phytolith extracts. It offers more detail than introductory ar-
chaeology textbooks and is in the process of being updated for a second
edition.
Systematic Sample Collection
The systematic collection of samples of sufficient size is an important

part of good analysis. Brady (1989) points out the need for diligence in
collection methods in his discussion of the importance of systematic flo-
tation for wood analysis. While paleoethnobotanists are committed to col-
lecting regular and systematic soil samples from every excavation unit for
flotation, there is still debate as to whether or not the collected soil sam-
ple size should vary. Some choose to vary the size based on the density
and/or amount of charred or desiccated material coming out of any one
unit (G. Jones, 1991). Others prefer a standard size of collected soil sam-
ple (Lennstrom and Hastorf, 1992). Some paleoethnobotanists collect
varying-sized samples, with at least 500 specimens retrieved per sample.
Others emphasize collecting a standard soil size that will have 500 speci-
mens on average. If one wants to complete statistical analysis (e.g., ubiq-
uity analysis or relative percentages), it is important to use standard-sized
collections.
Ubiquity analysis, also called presence or percentage presence analysis,

quantifies the botanical presence and absence of each taxon from within
a set of proveniences. It tallies the number of the samples (percentage)
within a soil-sample population that contains a particular taxon. More or
less equivalent sample sizes are required for this analysis.
Flexible-size collection procedures tend to require more on-site man-
agement to direct how much soil must be collected in each sample. Such
strategies work best if the excavation is small, the flotation setup is on-site,
and the flotation team keeps up with the excavation speed. Standard-size
flotation sampling allows for more flexibility in flotation location and time,
as well as comparability between samples. A standard soil-collection size
allows the soil samples to be floated after the excavations are completed
or at some distance away from the site or sites. Many choose a sampling
strategy with the understanding that the larger any one sample is, the
greater the chance is to collect rare taxa. The excavation team must decide
which of these procedures is most suitable and effective before the project
begins.
Further sampling decisions also occur in the laboratory. Van der Veen
(1984, 1991) has discussed what can be done in the laboratory to minimize
time in analysis while maintaining sufficient material for adequate results.
She suggests, as does Pearsall (1989), that one can speed identification by
subsampling the floated matrix while maintaining the minimum counts
needed for statistics. This procedure is feasible and necessary with some
samples, but it does mean that the samples within a population will not
always be comparable in every type of analysis, especially for rare species.
Further stress on standardization is discussed by Leonard (1989). He sta-
tistically reanalyzed a published botanical assemblage and discovered that
the shifts that had been attributed to economic resource specialization were
in fact an artifact of the different numbers of flotation samples collected
and analyzed in the excavated provenience clusters. Thus the number
of samples per analyzed unit also must be standardized for certain
computations.
Both replicability and comparability between contexts and sites are im-
portant goals. Comparability can be assured only if soil samples are regu-
larly collected. It is the case occasionally that archaeologists want to
compare specific locations on a site, especially those next to each other,
often well after the excavation is completed. Such comparisons can be ac-
complished only if blanket sampling has occurred during the excavation
(Lennstrom and Hastorf, 1995; Pearsall, 1989).
60 Hastorf
Taphonomy
The methodological gap between the excavated macroremains and in-

terpretation is bridged by the complex issue of differential preservation. As
one of the most difficult aspects of paleoethnobotany, taphonomy has re-
ceived some discussion in the literature, but much remains to be addressed.
The study of the affects of formation processes on plants unearthed in ar-
chaeological sites involves both the C and N transforms in Schiffer's (1987)
formation-process terminology. Stages of preservation, amount of charring,
erosion, decomposition, and postdepositional disturbance all are relevant
concerns. We need to study the actions and selective destruction that oc-
curred between what was deposited by humans and what we dig up: the
death assemblage.
The most frequently studied taphonomic impact is charring. Over the
years, we have learned that individual taxa must be investigated systemati-
cally to determine what affect the type and duration of heat has had on
morphology and preservation.
Increasing sophistication is seen in the studies of Boardman and Jones
(1990) and Hubbard and al Azm (1990) on distortions in Old World cereal
grains. The Hubbard and al Azm study presents a systematic, descriptive
scale based on time and temperature of heat exposure. This study was then
amplified by Boardman and Jones. Another example that details charring
effects was completed on grape seeds by Smith and Jones (1990). In this
taxon, small changes, perhaps due to charring, determine whether the seed
is classified as domestic or wild. Mclaren and Hubbard (1990) report on
part of their larger ongoing study of European crop-charring conditions.
Kislev and Rosenzweig (1991) have experimented with the charring condi-
tions of legumes, a taxon for which it is very difficult to reconstruct past
preservation situations. Goette et al. (1994) also completed a descriptive
study of charring conditions for maize. All of these studies are working
toward the determinination of the charring conditions most similar to what
is found in archaeological samples. Eventually the aim is to provide con-
crete links between processing and burning acts and the preservation con-
ditions we find in the archaeological record. In general, these studies have
found that the most likely archaeological conditions are low heating tem-
peratures applied for a long time, as if the crops were buried in the soil
near a hearth in a reducing atmosphere. Such determinations can provide
a behavioral link for the plant death assemblage at the time of use and
deposition.
A second taphonomic approach is to reconstruct depositional histories.
This is accomplished by investigating the assemblage contents and associ-
ating these with depositional activities, linking statics to dynamics. This type
of study is exemplified in Kreuz (1990), where she explicitly graphs a range

of pit deposition patterns, linking them to the likely activities that formed
the deposits. Derived from a theoretical model of depositional activities,
this paper associates plant distributions and densities to possible activities.
Lennstrom and Hastorf (1995) also explicitly deal with understanding the
history of assemblage contents by comparing specific contexts with those
that adjoin them. Additional taphonomic understanding undoubtedly will
be gained through micromorphological analysis.
Plant Identification
Plant identification continues as an important area of archaeobotanical

methodology. I cannot begin to mention all of the references on this topic;
I discuss a few that are illustrative.
Macroremains
Morphological identification continues to progress on a range of taxa.

Individual plant taxa, their identifications, and uses from around the world
are regularly presented in paleoethnobotanical journals, especially Eco-
nomic Botany, Journal of Ethnobiology, and Vegetation History and Ar-
chaeobotany. A particularly good example of ethnographic plant studies
helpful to archaeology is Wendy Beck's (1992) study of the collected plant,
Cycas, in aboriginal life in Australia. In her article she presents the ecology
of the plant, its recorded uses, as well as a listing of all archaeological finds
in Australia. This information provides a guide to each plant's potential
use in the past. Damp and Pearsall (1994) present a New World archae-
ological example of plant identification for early cotton in Ecuador.
One breakthrough in archaeobotany during the past 7 years has been
the work of Jon Hather (1991, 1994) and his systematic histological re-
search on soft plant tissues. Hather has the difficult task of identifying the
internal cellular structures of subsurface plant tissues, including tubers, rhi-
zomes, and conns. This cellular-level histology includes the study of micro-
scopic plant fiber anatomy (Korber-Grohne, 1988) of parenchymous tissue,
common within all storage tubers (Hather, 1992a, 1993, 1994; Moffett,
1991). Although such studies involve extremely painstaking SEM work,
Hather has identified a series of parenchymous charred samples from the
Near East, Europe, and Polynesia, expanding our interpretations of early
food use and agriculture in those areas. This type of detailed anatomical
study will become increasingly important over the coming years.
62 Hastorf
Wood identification provides valuable cultural and environmental infor-

mation. The procedural article on wood identification by Boyd (1988) is a
good example. A very helpful regional example is the Gymnosperm key to
American southwestern wood taxa by Minnis (1987). Wood identification can
address questions of vegetation use, fuel choice, and wood and woodland
management (February, 1992; Hastorf and Johannessen, 1991; Kreuz, 1991;
Miller, 1990; Noshiro et al., 1992; Shackelton and Pruess, 1992; Smart and
Hoffman, 1988). Ecological work in conjunction with wood identification can
identify past forest disturbance and use (e.g., Morrison, 1994). Historical
documents and drawings also can aid in our knowledge of the utility and
worth of plants and their useful substances (Munson, 1989).
Another type of report concerns rare taxa and/or early finds, such as
the works of Ugent et al. (1982, 1984) that identify tubers in early Peruvian
coastal sites. Although these dried tubers occur only under unique envi-
ronmental conditions, they begin to fill in the temporal and spatial picture
on plant evolution, trade, and human-plant interactions.
Statistics continue to be useful in identifying domesticates when the
wild specimens are closely related morphologically. Detailed attribute
measurements are made on plant parts, and these measurements, rather
than the plant counts, are investigated statistically. An important macrobo-
tanical example of this is Decker and Newsom (1988), who applied statistics
to the very early domesticate in Florida, Cucurbita pepo, to determine if
they had found a wild or a domesticated specimen. Powers-Jones and Pad-
more (1993) completed a similar statistical analysis of opal phytoliths.
Mircroremains
There is a wide array of chemical and molecular techniques that are

beginning to be applied to archaeobotanical data. A brief summary of many
of these techniques is provided in Thomas' (1993) introductory article to
the World Archaeology volume on scientific techniques in archaeology. In
addition to the microscopic work with phytoliths and pollen, some of these
techniques include chemistry, X-ray fluorescence, paleogenetics, isozyme
starch and protein electrophoresis, gas (and other) chromatography/mass
spectroscopy, and electron spin resonance. Starch grain analysis also is pro-
viding results and gaining more attention (Cortella and Pochetten, 1994).
In his succinct overview on the state of archaeological palynology and
phytolith research, Bryant (1993) notes that archaeological palynology be-
gan in the 1920s, whereas archaeological phytolith work began only in the
1980s. Over this time, pollen has blossomed into a sophisticated tool for
vegetation and climatic reconstruction as well as for providing information
Recent Research In Paleoethnobotany 63
about local plant use in archaeology (Bottema, 1995; Edwards, 1991b; Tip-
ping, 1994). Pollen becomes especially important in conjunction with mac-
robotanical remains; the two data sets together present a more complete
picture of past environments (Bush, 1988; Hall, 1988; Piperno et al., 1991;
Schoenwetter, 1987; Sergerstrom, 1991). For example, Sergerstrom's Swed-
ish example demonstrates that pollen extracted from soils trace agricultural
practices in arable lands over 1000 years. Suzanne Fish (1994) uses pa-
lynological methods to show how different data sets should be computed
and applied to reconstruct past field use. Warnock and Reinhard (1992)
present a new methodology for extracting pollen as well as parasite eggs
to gain a clearer picture of past soils and their use. There also are examples
of pollen and phytolith studies combined on the same project, such as Cum-
mings' work (1992). One very traditional and important application of pol-
len is reconstructing agricultural field composition and, thus, agricultural
production (Morrison, 1995).
Although a younger subdisipline within paleoethnobotany, phytolith
studies have become increasingly active and important, as seen in Piperno's
(1988), Pearsall and Piperno's (1993), and Rapp and Mulholland's (1992)
textbooks on this subject (see also Bozarth, 1987, 1990; Mulholland, 1988;
Piperno, 1991). There are papers and reports throughout the literature on
phytolith identification of grasses, beans, cucurbits, etc. (e.g., Russ and
Rovner, 1989), and on early evidence of maize in areas where macrore-
mains are not commonly recovered (Pearsall, 1990, 1994; Piperno, 1990,
1991; Piperno et al., 1991). We also have some intriguing new evidence for
dry-environment irrigation from phytolith evidence (Rosen, 1994).
Phytolith studies have begun to provide major insights into changing
ecological relationships (Donahue and Dinan, 1993), as well as identifying
anthropogenic indicators (Dinan and Rowlett, 1993). Such research is in-
itiated by identifying shifts in plant types (not necessarily specific species)
that reflect localized human disturbance. Through the creation of many
type collections, these scientists have made headway in identifying plants
in environments where this was not possible before. New methodologies
are being developed continually, as in Fujiwara's (1993) identifications of
phytolith taxa extracted from ceramic temper and or in the dating of phy-
toliths using thermoluminescence (Rowlett and Pearsall, 1993).
Piperno (1993) has a particularly cogent example of making visible the
invisible, by using pollen and phytoliths together to independently substan-
tiate human impact on past environments in the moist tropics. She notes
the importance of what she calls the silent taxa [that Hillman (1989) and
Hillman et al. (1993) also discuss as missing foods]taxa not represented
in most botanical data sets. This is a problem for whole categories of plants,
like tuberous plants that do not preserve because they are too soft, or tree
64 Hastorf
taxa that do not have a pollen rain and therefore do not exist in the ar-
chaeological record. Some of these invisible taxa have preserved phytoliths
and thus can be registered. Phytoliths add to the other data sets to create
a more complete picture of past plants in a region.
Although identifying diatoms has traditionally been a paleoclimatic
procedure, their use in the study of past environmental reconstruction and
human impact is valuable. Diatoms are single-celled algae that reside in
all bodies of water on earth. They have a siliceous skeleton that, like phy-
toliths, preserves in most soils. They are sensitive to water and soil condi-
tions within lakes and thus can aid research in any temperate region. The
review article by Battarbee (1988) will help the uninitiated discover their
potential. Pearsall (1994) includes the presence of diatoms in her discussion
of New World tropics phytoliths.
Genetic research also has joined the search for plant identification
and evolution. The first archaeological research on human DNA (Paabo,
1985, 1993) and on seed RNA (Rollo, 1985) was published in 1985. Once
the potential of such research was established, scientists began looking
at very old plant and animal DNA, from as far back as the Miocene
(Golenberg et al., 1990), including extinct plants (Poinar et al., 1993) and
animals from museum collections (e.g., Handt et al., 1994). Such genetic
research could only begin after the amplification process of polymerase
chain reaction (PCR) was developed. In essence, this procedure allows
for small, broken pieces of DNA to be duplicated, thus gaining more
visibility (Rollo et al., 1988). Yet there are still many complications to be
solved. A most important problem is controlling against contamination
of what is being duplicated and studied, especially from introduced fungi
and molds. A second problem is that many analyses are required to pro-
duce enough of a plant or animal genome to be able to complete both
genetic and cultural research. Despite these drawbacks, the potential for
archaeology is exciting.
Ultimately, this genetic procedure should be able to trace domestica-
tion sequences, plant dispersals, and speciation and relatedness of varieties
within taxa. These data will provide an increased ability to discuss archae-
ological trade. The first archaeological plant studies are focusing on major
crops: wheat, barley, and maize (Allaby et al., 1994; Brown and Brown,
1992; Brown et al., 1993; Goloubinoff et al., 1993, 1994; Rollo et al., 1988,
1991; Thuesen, 1995).
Electrophoresis (SDS/PAGE) and isoelectric focusing of proteins in
common beans and potatoes are allowing researchers to learn about the
varietal ancestry of these important crop plants, as well as to gain a greater
understanding of their domestication loci and the prehistoric movement
of early domesticates (Gepts et al., 1986; Quiros et al., 1990). Using related
approaches, exciting new and controversial evidence for the origins of

maize in the Rio Balsas area of Mexico has been put forward through
the use of isozyme analysis of maize (Benz, 1994; Benz and Iltis, 1990,
1992; Doebley, 1990, 1994). An archaeological example of this application
is seen in an article by Riley et al. (1990), who use morphology and
isozyme data to follow early maize evidence in eastern North America.
Using maize morphology they illustrate how difficult it is to trace archae-
ological movements of the crop. They build on Doebley's maize isozyme
work and discuss the continuing issue of entry into eastern North America
either through the American southwest or via the Caribbean and Florida.
Smith (1989) questions some of the earlier models of domesticate migra-
tion applying the allozyme research Decker-Walters et al. (1993; Decker
and Wilson, 1987). They suggest independent squash domestication in
eastern North America.
Encrustations, resins, glues, and amorphous substances have been un-
der investigation now for several decades using chemical analysis in addi-
tion to the extraction of pollen, phytoliths, and starch grains. Mclaren has
applied a range of chemical analyses to identify charred matter success-
fully (1995). Lipid analysis is the most common and important chemical
to be pursued, allowing us to learn about vessel contents and therefore
their uses (Evershed, 1993; Evershed et al., 1990; Hill and Evans, 1989;
Rottlander, 1990). Lipids are midsize molecules that are diagnostic and
preserve better than DNA. They can even survive some charring. Being
small, they seep into the pores of ceramics and other spaces, even into
lithic tool crevices. Diagnostic "signatures" of steroids and lipids now be-
coming available will allow many archaeologists a chance to identify ce-
ramic uses more specifically. The edited volume from a Society for
Scientific Archaeology symposium on material analysis of organic contents
by Biers and McGovern (1990) provides useful examples of chemical
analyses. These analyses include gas chromatography, isotopic analysis,
and pine-pitch analysis.
Infrared spectroscopy helps identify less well-preserved plant frag-
ments (Badler et al., 1990; Letts et al., 1994). Spectra signatures of taxa
are created on individual plant specimens or extracted chemicals, as in the
case of tartaric acid in grape wine. In theory, such a procedure works by
comparing the spectrum of the archaeological unknown substance to a
range of spectra from known species. Once a large type collection of spec-
tra is created, there will be possibilities to identify archaeological plant parts
and organic deposits with more accuracy. Research on grapes, rye, and
maize has launched this technique.
66 Hastorf
ORIGINS OF AGRICULTURE
One of the major topics that continues to dominate archaeology and

paleoethnobotany is the origins of agriculture, in terms of both primary
and secondary centers. Pursuit of this subject continues to lead to new dis-
coveries, dates, and plant identifications.
The most comprehensive book on this subject is Harris and Hillman's
Foraging and Farming, the Evolution of Plant Exploitation (1989). Comprising
45 chapters, it is based on a symposium at the 1986 World Archaeological
Congress, along with many added papers. Besides spanning a wide range
of regions, authors, and crops from across the world, it includes classic as
well as new views about the onset of agriculture, refreshingly including non-
Near Eastern examples. For example, a paper by Timothy Johns (1989) on
the chemical characteristics of root and tuber plants discusses the idea that
flavor selection played a part in the domestication of specific crop varieties.
The papers in Foraging and Farming that review crop and agricultural sys-
tems tend to be thorough, providing up to date syntheses. There is a long
section on nonagrarian plant exploitation with detailed ethnographic infor-
mation on collecting procedures. This section of the book focuses on Aus-
tralia and Asia and lets us begin to see foraging diversity and similarity in
different landscapes and cultures. A large ethnographic section on the im-
pact of the shift to farming helps us gain a better sense of how the tran-
sition to domestication differed throughout the world.
Another edited book on the origins of agriculture is Cowan and Wat-
son (1992), based on a 1985 AAAS conference. These 10 papers span the
world including East Asia (Crawford, 1992a), the Near East (Miller, 1992),
Africa (Harlan, 1992), Europe (Dennell, 1992), North America (Minnis,
1992; Smith, 1992), Mesoamerica (McClung de Tapia, 1992), and South
America (Pearsall, 1992). Introductory and summary chapters by the editors
describe the basic models for domestication as well as the problems inher-
ent in such models. The Soils and Early Agriculture volume in the World
Archaeology series, edited by Thomas (1990), provides further examples that
focus on the interrelationships of people's actions, soils, landscape, and
plants, with some helpful papers on phytosociology. Gebauer and Price
(1992; as well as Price and Gebauer, 1995) have edited two volumes on
the onset of agriculture that span the world as well, with some diverse and
innovative views. Bruce Smith (1995) also has written a clear, well-illus-
trated, synthetic book on the origins of agriculture worldwide.
Zohary and Hopf (1993) describe Old World domesticates from West
Asia to Egypt. This book systematically covers the major crop families, dis-
cussing the plants' anatomy, ancestry, and new archaeological evidence.
Early agricultural material also is presented in the 1992 festschrift for van
Zeist published in the journal Review of Paleoethnobotany and Palynology

(Pals, 1992) and by Renfrew (1991). In both volumes we see Old World-
based papers providing new evidence for early plant use.
Of specific note also on Near Eastern early agriculture are the pro-
vocative papers by Hillman and Davies (1990, 1993). Based on years of
field experiments reproducing the morphological change that is visible in
Neolithic cereals, they deduce that such a change could have occurred in
a very short time, even in as little as 30 years! The morphological change
of cereal grains and therefore domestication might have been due to a
change in harvesting techniques, from beating the seeds off to cutting the
stalks. Such a model further suggests that intensive harvesting could have
started earlier and gone on for longer than has previously been considered.
Intellectually along the same lines are the papers by Blumler and Byrne
(1991) and Blumler (1992, 1994), focusing on domestication from a more
geographical, human-plant behavioral orientation.
In the Near East, refinement of interpretation is based on new data
with a focus on individual plants and environmental change (e.g., Bar-Yosef
and Belfer-Cohen, 1992; Bar-Yosef and Valla, 1990; Kislev, 1989; Kislev
and Bar-Yosef, 1988; Liphschitz et al., 1991; McCorriston, 1992; McCorris-
ton and Hole, 1991; Moore and Hillman, 1992; van Zeist, 1988; Wright,
1993). What we are beginning to see from the botanical material is that
the plant assemblages that were the focus of intensive harvesting in the
Levant included different plantsemmer wheat and barleyfrom those
harvested to the north in the Euphrates-southeastern Turkish regionrye,
einkorn wheat, and barley. These are the two areas where the Mesolithic
and the earliest Neolithic plant material has been a focus of intense inves-
tigation (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen, 1989; Edwards, 1989; Henry, 1984;
Hillman 1989; Hillman et al., 1989; Kislev and Bar-Yosef, 1988; Moore and
Hillman, 1992).
There seems to be a debate over the role of these two regions in staple
plant domestication. McCorriston and Hole (1991; Smith 1995) have put
forward a Levant-centered model of domestication based on climate change
in the Jordan Valley, leading to increased seasonality that focused activities
towards single domestication events. However, to the north there also is
evidence for a contemporaneous climate change in the steppe and nearby
foothills of the Euphrates area. With this change, a wide variety of ulti-
mately domesticated species migrated into the region and thus also created
conditions for increased collection and domestication there as well (Moore
and Hillman, 1992). The climate did change quite quickly during the
Younger Dryas (increased seasonality), which would have shifted the loca-
tion of wild cereal steppe, in association with oak forests (Moore and Hill-
man, 1992; Wright, 1993). The reactions of plants to human cultivation and
68 Hastorf
impact are diverse. Some plants change morphologically and show evidence
of domestication; some do not respond well to human cultivation and re-
main "wild." The above named cereals, however, seem to have been re-
sponsive to increased human interaction. At this stage in the research, some
of the earliest domestic cereals are being found in the Levant, as are the
earliest olives, legumes, and acorns (oak). The Euphrates region had a dif-
ferent climatic and forest-steppe regime than it does today, making it the
home of different cereal domestication at about the same time. These re-
gions now offer us a view of two major cultural and economic trajectories
that can been studied in new ways.
Of interest, too, is the increasing evidence for secondary agricultural
dynamics and spread. In some places evidence of agriculture is being found
earlier than previously thought, in others it is later. One cogent example
from Japan illustrates the ongoing work, where the entry and spread of
millet and rice are found at Jomon sites that previously were labeled as
nonfarming, "forager" sites (Crawford, 1992b; Crawford and Takamiya,
1990; Crawford and Yoshizaki, 1987; D'Andrea, 1995a, b; D'Andrea et al.,
1995). Large storage areas and macrobotanical remains of crops not only
are present much earlier than previously thought, but are found at sites
that are part of a complex foraging culture.
In the New World, we begin with Keegan's important volume on hor-
ticulture and early agriculture in eastern North America (1987). This vol-
ume presents a new and substantial range of information that allows us to
see long, gradual indigenous agricultural developments in that region. In
part, this has been advanced by systematic work, but also by applying new
technologies to previously collected plants. Bruce Smith, Gayle Fritz, and
others have published a series of articles on Chenopodium and Amaranthus
in the eastern United States (Fritz, 1984; Fritz and Smith, 1988; Gremillion,
1993a; Smith, 1987; Smith and Cowan, 1987) in which they have found
early and indigenous domestication of those crops by measuring the thick-
ness of the seed's testa, making eastern North America another inde-
pendent center for Chenopodium domestication. As mentioned above, there
also is new evidence for squash domestication in that region as well. The
1990 Corn and Culture conference produced an edited volume that has
many new insights into the evolution and migration of corn out of Mexico
into both North and South America (Johannessen and Hastorf, 1994).
Adams' (1994), Wills' (1988), and Minnis' (1992) new syntheses on the
onset and role of agricultural crops in the American Southwest depict less
sedentism, accompanied by a slower shift from gathering to production than
was previously thought. Perhaps more radical, this view of a stepped agri-
cultural adoption appears to fit the American Midwest as well. A series of
papers and books on the midwestern Mississippian region demonstrate how
an Eastern Agricultural Complex of locally domesticated starchy seeds was

cultivated at least 500 years before maize entered the region (Johannessen,
1988; Keegan, 1987; Pulliam, 1987; Scarry, 1993; Smith, 1989; Wymer,
1987). This evidence provides a picture of local agricultural development,
with the addition of maize found only rarely between A.D. 250 and 800,
well after the process of sedentism and food production had begun. These
new results change the timing and therefore our interpretations of political
development for those regions. Now we see not only that maize became
an important crop after agriculture was well established in many areas, but
also that it was a political crop, always involved in the escalation of social
difference.
A later scenario for the onset of agriculture is discussed in Fritz's
(1994) commentary, triggered by the new AMS accelerator dates for the
early maize at Tehuacan of 3640-3360 B.C. (Long et al., 1989). Such a radi-
cal rethinking also is generated from the new AMS bean dates from central
Mexico and Andean South America (Kaplan, 1994). These two direct dates
from common beans now place the earliest ones around 335-480 B.C.,
vastly curtailing their early placement in foraging contexts (Kaplan, 1994,
p. 131). One South American lima bean from Guiterrero Cave now directly
dates to 1545-1375 B.C. These re-assessments have opened up the debate
about when and how people took up agriculture.
Fritz's late-adoption view is based on the direct dating of macrobo-
tanical samples and is in sharp contrast to the recent microbotanical results,
primarily from pollen and phytoliths from the moist central and northern
South American tropics, most notably published by Pearsall and Piperno
(Bush et al., 1989; Pearsall, 1992; Pearsall and Piperno, 1990; Piperno, 1990,
1993, 1994). Based on a range of independent data, these researchers sug-
gest that land clearing linked to maize and manioc agriculture began per-
haps as early as 5000-4000 B.C. in these moist, forested areas. There are
now a series of locations where early agricultural phytolith remains have
been found, ranging from Panama to Ecuador. Independent evidence of
land clearing, such as soil strata and pollen cores, supports Piperno and
Pearsall's phytolith evidence.
Both data sets provide evidence of agriculture; the challenge now is to
weave them together, as well as to decide if all of the new material is accept-
able. Some of the discrepancies probably will be resolved as more dates are
run (as has just been experienced with the very early squash dates of 5000
B.C. from Guila Naquitz [Smith, 1997]) and as maize is dated from a series
of Mesoamerican locations. We now have an increased number of New World
locations of crop domestication accompanying a wide range of dates associ-
ated with morphological change or plant distribution.
70 Hastorf
One reason for the heating up of this debate is that some scholars do
not accept the identifications of maize phytoliths, whereas others accept these
phytolith shapes, sizes, and ratios as valid for maize identification. A second
problem with phytoliths is that, unlike macroremains, they cannot be dated
directly. This poses a problem for validating the dates of maize entry, even
if the identifications are accepted. It does seem that one can date a mass of
in situ phytoliths, and this would be the surest dating strategy. This macro-
micro debate will continue for some years in paleoethnobotany.
The application of microbotanical remains, pollen, and phytoliths to
questions of early agriculture is increasing rapidly, as techniques develop
and more detailed analysis is undertaken. Pollen studies in Mesoamerica
(Hansen, 1990; Jacobs, 1992; J. Jones, 1991, 1994; Jones and Bryant, 1992;
Rust and Leyden, 1994) in association with macrobotanical studies (Lentz
1991) have proven useful. Evidence of early maize pollen is now known
from the Tabasco and Maya wetlands (Rust and Leyden, 1994). Phytolith
research, in association with other information from areas outside the moist
tropics, provide new data on regional vegetation histories as well as on
early agricultural practices (Dinan and Rowlett, 1993; Fujiwara, 1993; Pear-
sail, 1990, 1994; Rosen, 1993, 1994; Umlauf, 1993). More use of combined
micro- and macrobotanicals, in association with soils and other paleocli-
matic data, hopefully will continue to refine our picture of agricultural de-
velopments in different regions.
ENVIRONMENTAL USE, RECONSTRUCTION, AND

CHANGE
Ecologically oriented research, focusing on environmental reconstruc-

tion and land use, continues to gain from archaeobotanical studies. One
of the prominent subjects within paleoethnobotany is the identification of
the level of agricultural impact on the landscape. Of particular note are
recent articles discussing the subsistence of past peoples from the cool tem-
perate northeastern (Watson, 1989) and the southeastern United States
(Gremillion, 1993b), the moister regions of Mesoamerica (Blake et al.,
1992; Jones, 1994; Rust and Leyden, 1994), the moist tropics of South
America (Pearsall, 1992, 1994, 1995a), and the very dry regions of north
Africa (Haland 1992, 1995; Krzyzaniak, 1991). Increasing subsistence evi-
dence also is seen from the wet Pacific and Asia (Hather 1992b, 1994; Keal-
hofer and Piperno, 1994; Thompson, 1992), a particularly challenging
region to study due to the difficulty of recovering identifiable plant remains.
Environmental reconstruction is a common subject for paleoethnobo-
tanists. We share this subdiscipline with paleoecologists in geography and
geology. Fortunately, some of the recent discussions in all three disciplines
have been more anthropogenically oriented. There is a great concern for
the extent of human impact on the landscape, in both the past and the
present, as well as a concern with local and long-range studies. Pollen data
are still the most commonly used, although phytoliths, soils, and macrore-
mains also participate in addressing questions of human impact (Behre and
Jacomet, 1991; Bottema, 1995; Bradshaw, 1991; Edwards, 1991a; Kirch and
Ellison, 1994; Piperno et al., 1991).
Two books that discuss anthropogenically oriented reconstructions are
Harris and Thomas (1991), focusing on northern Europe, and Bottema et
al. (1992) for the eastern Mediterranean. Kevin Edwards (1991b) even calls
his geographical subdiscipline "cultural palynology" and compares the pros
and cons of off-site and on-site pollen studies in the interpretation of hu-
man use of the landscape. Pollen core studies have been successful in de-
scribing off-site, local environments through time, such as as those by
Richard (1993), Moore et al. (1991), and Delcourt et al.'s (1986) North
American work on human impact on Holocene vegetation of the Tennessee
River Valley. These studies demonstrate how, with closer scrutiny and well-
controlled collections, we can see specific human impacts on local environ-
ments. Such projects track how the environment changed over the short
and the long term. Our modern interest in 20th-century human impact on
natural resources and their sustainability can gain much from these inves-
tigations of past human interactions.
Knowledge about plant communities is a requirement for investigating
past habitat use as well as environmental change. One vegetation recon-
struction approach, phytosociology, has been most commonly applied in
European archaeobotanical work. Phytosociology began within ecology
some years ago in Germany and became popular with the work of Ellen-
berg in central Europe (1978, 1988). He created detailed sets of plant com-
munities and organized these hierarchically, based on plants' co-occurrence
within habitats. This work is helpful to archaeologists, who can use the
plants that coassociate in specific environmental zones to look for past zo-
nal reconstruction, use, and foraging activities. This often is seen in ar-
chaeobotanical reports where plants are categorized as being from
disturbed habitats, crop weeds, grassland species, forest plants, marsh
plants, and so on. But habitats clearly have changed through time from
the preagrarian plant communities, so it is awkward to use modern plant
groupings uncritically to reconstruct and understand the past. The ecologi-
cal phytosociological models have operating assumptions like constant mi-
croenvironmental habitat relationships and regular successional
developments. When the models are applied to prehistoric crops and their
associated weed seeds, there has been critical discussion (Henry 1991; Hill-
72 Hastorf
man, 1991; Kuster, 1991; G. Jones, 1992; van der Veen, 1992). It is never
clear that a specific plant lived only in one plant community. More useful
have been the less structured plant groupings, such as wet-land plants, salt-
tolerant plants, or lists of the major environments in which a taxon might
be found. In this way it is possible to indicate a clustering of what zones
the archaeological plants are from, keeping in mind that archaeological as-
semblages will have filtered what was in the environment due to human
choice. Wild archaeological plant remains and their likely past habitats can
help us understand weed complexes as well as environmental use and al-
teration. Because of this procurement information, archaeobotanists con-
tinue to remain intrigued with the concept of phytosociology.
Less common are the studies that use pollen from sealed, protected,
on-site contexts. These situations demonstrate pollen's potential in specific
settings, including information on past plant use in ritual events (Leroi-
Gourhan, 1975; Tipping, 1994).
Environmental (climate) change and its impact on agriculture also are
prominent in the recent literature. Chambers' (1993) edited volume on this
topic includes examples from around the world, covering both moist and
arid regions. Maloney (1992) discusses Southeast Asia, while February
(1992) presents evidence from South Africa. Seltzer and Hastorf (1990)
compare episodes of changing climate with agricultural shifts in the central
Andes. In fact, as mentioned above, some recent explanations for Near
Eastern origins of agriculture have returned to Younger Dryas climate
change and its impact on the small- and large-scale events (Wright, 1993).
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL ISSUES
Paleoethnobotanical research addresses economic, sociopolitical, and

political economy questions as well. The three main economic subjects that
paleoethnobotanists address are production-procurement, processing, and
consumption. Political issues are more wide ranging.
Production and Procurement
Production and procurement include the acts of propagating and har-

vesting plants and the collection of wild plant products. Paleoethnobotani-
cal reports commonly discuss the plants available for human use. While
some studies fall short of discussing how the past economies and crop pro-
duction actually worked, others use evidence for changing plant use to re-
construct past economies (e.g., Millisauskas and Kruk, 1989).
Building on an earlier published approach to Old World cereal crop

production by Martin Jones (1985), van der Veen (1991) presents a Cam-
bridgeshire fen paleoethnobotanical study of production. By charting the
ratios of grass seeds to weed seeds to cereal chaff, she proposes to identify
subsistence production versus surplus, as well as to separate production-
derived samples from samples that reflect consumption. Her interpretations
are based on theoretical models. For example, she rightly assumes that win-
nowing will separate chaff from seeds, so that postwinnowed samples will
have less chaff than pre-winnowed samples. Van der Veen's study using a
theoretical model illustrates one of the two main interpretive trajectories
in paleoethnobotany. This approach began with Dennell's 1976 publication
on processing and production in the Bulgarian Neolithic
The second major approach to production has been put forward by
Gordon Hillman (1984) and Glynis Jones (1984). Their entry is different
from the previously defined approach in that they construct their produc-
tion and processing models from ethnographic observation and analysis of
botanical samples collected from traditional cereal processing. These two
paleoethnobotanists did their ethnographic work in Greece and Turkey,
where archaic forms of domesticated wheats were produced and non-
mechanical processing techniques were in use. Based on actual plant part
frequencies and combinations gathered from the discrete processing stages,
they created detailed models, noting each step in the sequence and the
associated plant parts that are present in that processing stage. These eth-
nographic models provide a specific comparison between plant frequencies
and associated activities.
An ethnographic example of agricultural cropping systems is seen in
the Jones and Halstead paper about Greek cropping through time (1995).
They use modern ethnographic observation and collections of crop seed
mixes associated with specific planting strategies to propose a range of iden-
tifiable archaeological strategies that not only aided in risk minimization
while providing sufficient food for the year, but also diversified diet and
crop genetics.
Although theoretical models are effective, ethnographic models are
probably more useful when interpreting flotation sample assemblages from
individual locations. Regardless of which approach is used, it is important
to be very explicit about model construction. Because most agricultural pro-
duction occurs away from the excavated site, in the fields and farmyards,
normally we approach production through the less direct method of iden-
tifying and tracking on-site processing and seeing how the processing strate-
gies reflect different production techniques (see also Reddy, 1994). There
is some recent work that tries to identify old fields through plant remains
and chemical differences (Miller and Gleason, 1994).
74 Hastorf
Because the production processes of many New World plants are dif-
ferent from cereals in the Old World and there is not as much ethnographic
use of associated wild seeds and plant parts, like cereal chaff, that can
reflect types of production and processing, New World specialists tend not
to apply the same types of theoretical and ethnographic models. Plant resi-
due production models could be constructed for some crops, however.
Maize produces both the inedible cobs and cupules as well as edible ker-
nels. One problem with such model applications for maize production is
that their seed heads are huge compared to the cereal seed heads and thus
the plant parts do not get dispersed in a sequence of winnowing and beating
activities like wheat, nor are they harvested with companion weeds. Beans
have tough pods and seeds, but these are notoriously invisible (unidentifi-
able) in archaeological assemblages (Butler, 1989; Kaplan, 1994). Sunflower
or acorns have preserved husks and seeds, and these should be more ap-
propriate for such analyses. There are some New World cereals (and
pseudo-cereals: Chenopodium) that were domesticated (Cowan, 1978; Fritz,
1986; Hunter, 1992; Shipek, 1989). Their domestic status is based on mor-
phological change, plant distribution and abundance, and ethnographic evi-
dence. These seed crops could be amenable to chaff-seed studies, but the
inedible plant parts are not normally identified and quantified (Johannes-
sen, 1988).
In temperate New World studies, plant part analyses are completed
for collected nut resources, mainly because the husks tend to be preserved
rather than the nutmeat. Domesticate data are presented by single species
as standardized counts, frequencies, or densities or as ratios of one plant
type to another, such as wood to seeds. There is little comparison of edible
seeds to the weed seeds or seeds to their chaff. Chaff-to-seed and weed
seed-to-crop seed ratios could be investigated more in New World exam-
ples. Such analyses benefit from specific ethnographic evidence on proc-
essing-stage residues but also from ecological field weed-crop-soil studies,
in order to construct fairly specific models of plant taxa frequencies. Pro-
duction and processing stages often are not broken down in the sample
assemblages.
It is difficult to clarify past foraging strategies and activities. Models
of plant foraging are suggested regularly for many of the world's environ-
ments (cf. D'Andrea, 1995b; Edwards, 1989; Harlin, 1989; Harris and Hill-
man, 1989; Hillman, 1989; Hillman et al., 1989; Keeley, 1992; Layton et al.,
1991; Simms, 1987). Some are specifically applied to archaeological plant
remains. Tool artifacts and on-site attributes as well as site distributions
are helpful in determining the types and scale of plant foraging, but the
plant remains are critical (Allen et al., 1989; Loy et al., 1992). For example,
Pearsall (1988) constructed a theoretical model for wild plants entering a
foraging site. She identified the potential activities (contexts) that could
have occurred on the site and lists the associated plant taxa. These com-
binations were then compared to the botanical taxa from flotation samples.
Processing
Plant processing is the most common activity reflected by the plant

remains found on archaeological habitation sites, yet it can be difficult to
identify specific activities. This difficulty is due, in part, to the potential
complexities of the many activities included in processing as well as to the
fact that a series of activities could have occurred in the same location.
Most often, paleoethnobotanists simply assume that processing occurred
on the site and use plants to indirectly reflect production or even less di-
rectly, consumption. However, Susan Mulholland (1993) looked for evi-
dence of maize processing on a North Dakota site, aware that maize was
grown at the village. To her surprise, she found very few maize phytoliths
in the houses. Thus she concludes that maize processing probably occurred
off site.
Glynis Jones (1984, 1987) has presented the most sophisticated exam-
ple of identifying archaeological crop processing from archaeological plant
assemblages. She bases her interpretations on statistical comparisons of the
archaeological plant flotation samples with her ethnographic plant-process-
ing results. She terms this an external analysis because she creates a model
generated solely from her ethnographic processing information. This is
done by defining processing stages based on weed characteristics and weed
seed frequencies (Jones, 1984). She describes the different processing ac-
tivities by their seed and weed frequencies (course or fine sieving, stored
cleaned products, untouched harvested plants, etc.). For her archaeological
analysis, she presents ratios of grain seed-weed seed-crop rachis (chaff)
frequencies for each of the different processing activities, creating signa-
tures, such as fine-sieved by-products that have more than 50% weed seeds
and very few rachis internodes, or cleaned products that have more than
80% grain and few rachis internodes (Jones, 1987). These processing stage
signatures are then compared to her archaeological material to find the
best fit for each flotation sample. Taking the archaeological samples and
grouping them by their degree of similarity to the external signature ratios,
she concludes that the early stages of processing did not generally occur
on the site, but probably occurred in the fields. She further identifies a
series of later-stage processing and storing in her samples. This model,
based on discriminate analysis, is time consuming but provides a tremen-
dous amount of information about the site, its contexts, and the activities
76 Hastorf
that occurred there. Such a protocol is proving productive in other regions

(Colledge, 1994). This type of research plan will give archaeologists the
closest view of on-site activities.
Stahl (1989) provides a theoretical overview of several issues relating
to archaeological food processing. She also considers consumption and pre-
servability in the archaeological record.
Consumption
Traditionally it has been very difficult to reconstruct actual archaeologi-

cal diets, except through coprolites (Bryant and Williams-Dean, 1975), sta-
ble isotopes, and trace element analyses. Coprolite studies are rare due to
very unique preservation requirements: very dry or permanently moist and
anaerobic. Recent work has been completed in dry areas of the world, like
Chile (Holden, 1990, 1991), Texas (Sobolik and Gerick, 1992), and the
American Southwest (Minnis, 1989). More recently, moist areas also have
received dietary studies, as seen in the analysis of the gut contents of bog
bodies (Hillman, 1986) and latrines (Warnock and Reinhard, 1992).
Sobolik's diet conference and 1994 publication cover a range of important
new data and methodologies for the study of diet.
Research on soft tissue plant morphology in coprolites and especially
gut contents by Hather and Holden has begun to identify some of the "van-
ishing" food remains that are virtually never seen in macrobotanical analysis
(Hillman et al., 1989). This approach requires specialized histological train-
ing as mentioned above.
Macrobotanical remains from paleofaeces have long been studied from
desiccated cave sites, providing an important view into past human diet.
Recent methodological work has focused on pollen (Reinhard et al., 1991)
and the chemistry of both gut contents and paleofaeces (Aufderheide et
al., 1994; Wales et al., 1992). Coprolite food analysis is expanded by linking
the results to other botanical data and evidence for disease (Faulkner, 1991;
Holden, 1991).
A little studied aspect of plant consumption has been the use of plants
for medicinal purposes. Although this will always be a difficult subject to
study, people are beginning to look for and identify medicines within ar-
chaeobotanical collections. Source identification has begun with pollen
(Lietava, 1992; Reinhard et al., 1991).
More common is the use of human bones to view a person's life-long
average diet through stable isotopes (e.g., Ambrose, 1987; Hastorf, 1991;
Spielmann et al., 1990.) This analysis is based on the assumption that one's
bones take up small amounts of stable isotopes from consumed food
throughout life. These selected isotopes are retained in the bone collagen
and can be extracted from the bone and identified with a mass spectrome-
ter. Carbon and nitrogen isotopes are the most commonly extracted and
studied for diet reconstruction. As early as 1989, Sillen et al. detailed some
of the pressing analytical problems involved in applying isotopic and trace
element results to the study of past human diet. Trace element strontium
and calcium have been even more controversial, yet they are still being
selectively presented in the literature (e.g., Runia, 1987).
Still very experimental, but with potential, is the less direct evidence
of diet found by the study of tooth wear and the associated phytoliths pre-
sent on teeth (Lalueza Fox and Perez-Perez, 1994). With proper systematic
techniques and experimental work, this approach should be able to inform
us about the amount of fiber in the diet, the amount of nuts chewed, and
the types of processing food stuffs received before being eaten.
There is potential for more studies of diet from the perspective of
food and cuisine: how and what people consumed as combinations and
mixtures of foods, not just calories, or lists of food stuffs. Food ingredients
are culturally meaningful, people do not simply eat the cheapest calories
available. How plants and animal parts are combined in dishes is also an
exciting research direction. Such an approach should be most effective
through the use of multiple data sets as well as longitudinal studies. This
new direction is seen in some of the studies mentioned in the next section.
Political and Economic Questions
Politically oriented research in paleoethnobotany has become more

common in the last 10 years. Plants can be used, like ceramics, spindle
whorls, grinding stones, or lithics, to address questions of hierarchy, differ-
ence, social relations, exchange, and conquest. The reinterpretation of the
American midwestern agricultural origins, as illustrated in the papers by
Johannessen (1988, 1993), is an excellent example of applying botanical
data to issues of cultural and political change. In these papers she dem-
onstrates how plant material adds detailed, new information to the inves-
tigation of the rise of political systems. Her specific case comes from the
American Bottom of the Mississippi River Valley. There, we see how es-
calating political centralization of Cahokia affected agricultural production,
crop storage, crop choice, and dishes prepared for meals, as well as influ-
encing other aspects of material culture. Welch and Scarry (1995) also have
completed a study of Moundville chiefdom social relations using botanical,
animal bone, and ceramic data. In their research they look at food distri-
bution and food preparation to see evidence of tribute payment, differential
78 Hastorf
status between classes, and diverse social settings present on the site. Such
studies are exciting and productive avenues that allow us to view closely
the evidence for chiefly power negotiation in the past.
Political questions are visible in papers by Blake and his colleagues
(Blake et al., 1992; Clark and Blake, 1994). Their research on Formative-
period Mesoamerica includes evidence for early maize use along the south-
west coast of Mexico. They show how the archaeobotanical data, analyzed
by Feddema, alter our previous views of political development of the pre-
Olmec Makaya. They note that maize was present quite early but not in
large quantities. Maize became a dominant crop only hundreds of years
later, as part of a larger-scale political shift in both regions. Taube (1989)
also studies the role of maize in Mesoamerican cultural change. Through
documentary evidence, he finds neighboring cultural groups using different
food-processing techniques along with different maize symbolism regarding
consumption. He demonstrates how the preparation of tamales in the Maya
region and tortillas in the Valley of Mexico reflected different cultural
groups. With the eventual cultural conquest by Valley of Mexico peoples
of the southern tropical region, there was an influx of tortilla-processing
evidence in the Maya area. In that same region we see even more detailed
politically influenced food differences in Lentz's (1991) study of the rich
and poor at a Maya center. Diversity of taxa in diet became the most im-
portant status marker.
Another example of botanical data applied to political issues is Has-
torf's (1990, 1991) study of how an Andean group's agricultural production
and consumption changed with the conquest of the Inka. She finds that
the Inka state entered and influenced local household agricultural practices
in the central Andes. While local inhabitants still produced the same crops
as before, the frequency of maize production changed significantly. Stable
isotope results from human bone suggest that after the Inka conquest, the
male consumption of maize increased relative to females. These combined
data show how the conquering state influenced crop production but also
local dietary consumption.
Also illustrating how maize played a political role in a coastal South
American state, Gumerman (1994) demonstrates that specific varieties of
corn were used in different settings and different statuses in the hierarchical
Mochica culture. He found certain maize types only in rich burials, with
other varieties in the food rubbish dumps.
Turning to the more economically oriented subjects in the literature,
one very exciting approach is the use of multiple data sets to address eco-
nomic questions of agricultural intensification and sedentism (e.g., Moore
et al., 1995; Morrison, 1994; Zeder, 1994). By using both botanical and
faunal material to unravel economic changes, a clearer view of past eco-
nomic dynamics is illustrated.
There continues to be a series of ecologically based models to explain
economic agricultural change. One example of these is the application by
Crites (1987) of a coevolutionary model, similar to Rindos (1984), to Mid-
dle Woodland agricultural intensification. Here he presents a hypothetical
scenario for an increasing focus on fewer plants, with human concern for
intensification as the central driving force, rather than the traditional causes
of population pressure or environmental stress.
As Fritz (1994) points out, more scholars must begin to increase the
archaeobotanical material extracted from sites through collection and
analysis and, also, to broaden research vistas and ask cultural questions of
the data. We cannot remain at the descriptive level or simply reuse old
models. Of course some of the old models have served us well, and we
have now some substantial and basic understandings of past plant use. But
we will not be able to move our inquiries forward without new starting
points and directions. There are subjects that are only just being brought
into the paleoethnobotanical discussion that deserve more concerted effort
in the future. Subjects such as fuel use, feasting, the cultural value and
symbolics of specific plant taxa, the spatial distributions of plants, and their
ritual meanings all await more work. Helping us towards these new ways
of viewing plant material is the focused use of ethnography, more sophis-
ticated computer models and simulations, systematic sampling, detailed
analytical methodologies, and regular statistical procedures.
SUMMARY
Although this paper does not include all recent publications that are
related to archaeological plant material by any means, I have tried to high-
light some major themes in recent paleoethnobotanical research and to
show the general directions this subdiscipline is heading. Due to my own
interests and research emphasis on macroremains, I have discussed this do-
main more than microremains. My emphasis here does not mean, however,
that pollen, phytoliths, coprolites, DNA, or other chemical analyses are not
critical and integral to the future of paleoethnobotany and archaeology.
One point I hope to have made in this overview of current research trends
is that plant materials can substantively address any and all archaeological
questions. However, there needs to be a continual and concerted effort on
collection, methods, and technological training. Equally important is the
need for crisp thinking on theories and model building that paleoethnobo-
tanists can apply to archaeological questions.
80 Hastorf
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This project was supported in part by NSF-SBR 94-96251 and the Un-
dergraduate Research Apprenticeship Program at the University of Cali-
fornia, Berkeley. I want to thank James Barnes for work on the recent
paleoethnobotanical literature bibliography, with help from Suzanne
Calpestri of the Anthropology Library at the University of California,
Berkeley. Deborah Pearsall, Gary Crawford, lan Hodder, and two anony-
mous reviewers provided thoughtful comments on the text, as well as some
references. Paul Minnis, John Jones, Bill Whitehead, Francis Mclaren, and
Vaughn Bryant also provided help with references. Some sections benefited
from conversations with Gordon Hillman and Sissel Johannessen, although
all opinions expressed are my own.
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Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 7, No.

Recent Research in Paleoethnobotany

This article discusses paleoethnobotanical research and results presented in the

The archaeological subdiscipline of paleoethnobotany has expanded

Why was this subdiscipline peripheral in field archaeology for so long?

One of the most important domains in a discipline's maturation is

Systematic Sample Collection

The systematic collection of samples of sufficient size is an important

Ubiquity analysis, also called presence or percentage presence analysis,

The methodological gap between the excavated macroremains and in-

of study is exemplified in Kreuz (1990), where she explicitly graphs a range

Plant identification continues as an important area of archaeobotanical

Morphological identification continues to progress on a range of taxa.

Wood identification provides valuable cultural and environmental infor-

There is a wide array of chemical and molecular techniques that are

approaches, exciting new and controversial evidence for the origins of

One of the major topics that continues to dominate archaeology and

Zeist published in the journal Review of Paleoethnobotany and Palynology

an Eastern Agricultural Complex of locally domesticated starchy seeds was

ENVIRONMENTAL USE, RECONSTRUCTION, AND

Ecologically oriented research, focusing on environmental reconstruc-

ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL ISSUES

Paleoethnobotanical research addresses economic, sociopolitical, and

Production and Procurement

Production and procurement include the acts of propagating and har-

Building on an earlier published approach to Old World cereal crop

Plant processing is the most common activity reflected by the plant

that occurred there. Such a protocol is proving productive in other regions

Traditionally it has been very difficult to reconstruct actual archaeologi-

Political and Economic Questions

Politically oriented research in paleoethnobotany has become more

in Archaeology and Paleoecology, MASCA Research Papers in Science and Archaeology,

Piperno, D. R. (1988). Phytotith Analysis, An Archaeological and Geological Perspective,

in Archaeology and Paleoecology, MASCA Research Papers in Science and Archaeology,

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF RECENT LITERATURE2

Abakumova, M., and Sillasoo, 0. (1991). Taimejaanused arheoloogilistes proovides. In

Armit, I., and Finlayson, B. (1992). Hunter-gatherers transformed: The transition to

Mason, S. L. R. (1995). Acorn-eating and ethnographic analogies: A reply to McCorriston.

Scarry, M. C. (1991). Plant production and procurement in a Palachee Prornee. Florida

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