Religious Research Association, Inc.

Review: Part II: "Accounting for Jewish Fundamentalisms"

Author(s): Kenneth D. Wald
Source: Review of Religious Research, Vol. 37, No. 4 (Jun., 1996), pp. 362-365
Published by: Religious Research Association, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3512016
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362

being quiteeasily interpretedfromthe standpointof indigenousIndianreligion.Similarly,

Zadramakesclear thatthe impetusbehindComunionee Liberazioneis the accommoda-
tion whichthe modemchurchhas madeto the conceptof a secularnation-state.
Third,fundamentalistmovementsinvolve the use of resources.Despite the sense of
grievanceand defensivenesswhich characterizesmany fundamentalistmovements,such
activities would not be possible without access to genuinely powerless people. Some
resourcesmightbe personal,or attributable to specificgroups.Stoll's accountof evangel-
icalism in Guatemalasuggeststhatthis form of LatinAmericanProtestantismcontainsa
highproportionof relativelyprosperous,middle-classadherents,who find the "healthand
wealth"aspects of the doctrinemost congenial. Otherresourcesare more culturalin
nature.Both AmmermanandWilliamssuggest thatfundamentalistmovementsare most
likely in settingsin which religion(generally)has a high level of legitimacy.If a funda-
mentalistmovementis to succeedin a given society, religiousthemesmust seem plausi-
ble to a high percentageof the population(althougha high level of religiousconsensus
mightwell robprospectivefundamentalist movementsof theirunderlyinggrievances).
Takentogether,these threethemes(whatWuthnowandLawsonterm"culturalarticula-
tion")providethe ingredientsfromwhichfundamentalist movementsarise.The collectionof
essayson specificallyChristian themesis an impressiveachievement. Theauthorsavoidover-
simplification anddeterminism, as well as thepejorative explanationswhichhavecharacterized
muchof the literature on fundamentalism. The specificcase studiescontribute to the thematic
unityof thevolume,andyet standup well on theirown.Analysesof presumably fundamental-
ist movementsin a varietyof settingsillustratethegeneralthemesdevelopedin thetheoretical
chaptersquitewell, andalso serveto illustratetherangeof socialresponsesavailableto funda-
mentalistmovements.Variousworksin earliervolumesof the Fundamentalism Projecthave
characterized fundamentalism as primarily politicalin character.
Zadra'saccountof CLin Italy
illustratesthis aspectof fundamentalism most clearly,while SusanHardingshows thatthe
politicalinvolvementof premillenialists leadsto severalfascinatingparadoxesandcontradic-
tions. By contrast,both Swanson and Stoll suggest that Latin Americanevangelical
Protestantism is ultimatelya sourceof empowerment, whichpermitsalterativesto directpolit-
ical participationor acquiescenceto oppression.Protestantism (evangelicalor otherwise)may
be a sourceof individualist valuesin very communalcultures.This supportsearlierworkby
Ammerman, in whichshehassuggestedthatthepoliticalcharacter of fundamentalism is a vari-
able,whichis manifesteddifferently in diverseenvironments.

Review of Religious Research,Vol. 37, No. 4 (June, 1996)

Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby (eds.). Accountingfor Fundamentalism:

The Dynamic Character of Movements. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1994.

PART II: "ACCOUNTING FOR JEWISH FUNDAMENTALISMS"

Kenneth D. Wald
University of Florida

DYNAMIC MOVEMENTS, STATIC FRAMEWORKS?

WhenI first set eyes on the worldof Jewishultraorthodoxy in Israel,it felt like I had
been given a ticketon a time machinetravelingback to the villages andurbanghettosof
 363

eighteenthcenturyEurope.Despite such modem accoutermentsas cellularphones and

computers,the enclaves of the black-coatedharedimseemed timeless and essentially
unchangedfromthe worldof my ancestors.It is not farfetchedto assumethata community
definingitself by adherenceto traditionmust of necessitychangeslowly, if at all, and it
was thereforeeasy enoughto fall for the illusionof continuity.Thanksto the fine chapters
on Judaismin Accountingfor Fundamentalisms, I now realize it was an illusion. These
communitieshave not been exemptfromchangeandevolutionbut ratherhave undergone
massivesocialtransformations - the rise of yeshivot(Talmudacademies)anda scholastic
culture,the displacementof traditionalcommunalleadership,majorchanges in gender
roles, a growingdemandfor radicalseparationfrom secularsociety, outburstsof intense
religiousnationalismand other forms of messianicenthusiasm.These trendsbespeaka
dynamismthatseems altogetheraliento the very notionof traditionalist religion.Fromthis
perspective,the gap betweenmy ancestorsand me now seems smallerthanthe distance
thatseparatesbothof us fromcontemporary expressionsof Jewishfundamentalism.
This realizationstruckme only because the authorsof the six Judaismchaptersin
Fundamentalisms Observedtook seriouslythe editorialmandateto focus on the dynamic
qualityof the movementsunderstudy. For that coherencealone, this volume is excep-
tional.The chaptersare also noteworthyfor the high standingof the authors,theirerudi-
tion, fine writing, and obvious commandof the subject matter.The Judaismsection
wouldhave been even moreimpressivehad the authorsdevelopeda commonframework
for their inquiriesor even utilized the same definitionof "religiousfundamentalism."
Despite the heterogeneityof approachesand the fairly single-mindedfocus on Israeli
Judaism,the essays constitutea significantbody of work on a topic of considerable
importance.
In his overview, SamuelHeilmandeals with the centralpuzzle of Jewish fundamen-
talism:Among a populationdefinedby the convictionthattheirreligiouspractice"is part
of an unbrokentraditionbeginning with the earliest prophetsand practitionersof the
faith,"why do some preferto draw a high wall betweenthemselvesand the corrupting
influenceof modernsociety while othersadoptan activistmission to confront,colonize
andultimatelyconvertthe secularsociety?The following chaptersdeal with movements
thathave optedfor disengagement(SoloveitchikandSelenguton ultra-orthodoxy andthe
yeshiva world), a "counter-acculturationist" trendthat has embracedthe political realm
(Don-Yehiyaon ultra-nationalismamong the modernorthodox),and anotherreligious
community that has oscillated between the extremes of quiescence and activism
(RavitzkyandFriedmanon the LubavitchHasidim).
The superbchapterby HaymSoloveitchikexploresthe growthof religiousextremism
among the ultraorthodox.Ever since the 1960s, when the phenomenonwas given the
name of "B'naiB'rakism"afterthe ultraorthodoxstrongholdin Tel Aviv, commentators
have pointed to the growing stringencyof religious observanceamong haredi Jews in
Israel,the United States and westernEurope.In Soloveitchik'sview, this movementis
associatedwith the displacementof traditionby text. A Judaismonce definedby custom
andhabit,the productof an integratedsociety,has given way to a subculturethatutilizes
law and regulationto enforcea code of behavior.To give one example,Jews who once
operationalizedthe concept of "a kosher kitchen"by pointingto the practicesof their
mothersnow find guidanceaboutthe observanceof dietarylaws in the rulingsof Torah
sages who, it is safe to say, have never cooked a meal in theirlives. The loss of confi-
dence in traditionand custom was largely a productof modernity.After the shocks of
emancipation,secularism,Zionism and the Holocaust,traditionalistJews found them-
selves in a universe far removed from the self-containedvillages and ghettos where
orthodoxyonce held sway. Farremovedin time and space fromthose strongholds,tradi-
tionalistsfelt the need to respondto the alluresof the secularculturesthatnow surround-
ed them and to combatsecularpracticesthat seepedinto theirdaily lives. To asserttheir
uniqueness,the counter-assimilationists called for a returnto traditionas manifestedin
364

the sacredtexts of the Jewishpeople. These texts, "unblightedby the contagionof their
surroundings," are said to hold the key to Jewishcontinuityandto providedetailedguid-
ance abouthow to live an authenticJewishlife.
This brief summarycannot begin to convey the richnessand wisdom containedin
Soloveitchik's fascinatingessay. The chapteris a sharplook at the consequencesof
refoundingtraditionon the writtenword,notingin particularthata cultureof the book is
in manyways less warmor powerfulthana culturerootedin the folk experiencesof the
people. It is also a culturethat must be transmittedby explicit educationin the written
word. That observationsets the stage for CharlesSelengut'sfascinatingaccountof the
rise of "Yeshivafundamentalism."Yeshivot,academiesfor transmittingknowledge of
Torah,have a long historyin Judaismas institutionswith responsibilityfor identifying
and preparinggifted young men for religiousleadership.In the contemporaryworld of
harediJudaism,they have takenon a much largerrole - becomingthe centralinstitu-
tions in Jewishlife, not merelyschools for the youngbut centersof lifetimelearningthat
define whatis normativein Judaism.In the process,the headsof the academieshave dis-
placedthe traditionalcommunalleadershipandextendedtheirsway frommattersof reli-
gious observanceto virtuallyevery issue in the ultraorthodoxworld - political,fiscal,
philosophical.This development,which infringedthe autonomyof the communityrabbis
and local notables,was demonstratedanew when the fad of collectingmilk bottle caps
spreadto Israeltwo yearsago. Thepogim circulatingamongultraorthodox childrenbore
the picturesof the yeshiva heads, the superstarsof haredi Judaism,and not the Power
Rangerswho adornedthe secularbottlecaps.As Selengutrelates,the virtualcanonization
of the top yeshivaheads has enabledthem to convert"anessentiallypluralisticrabbinic
tradition"into a fundamentalismthat admits "but a singular religious truth."The
Soloveitchikessay explainsthe social backgroundand Selengutthe organizationalinno-
vationsthatpromptedthis stunningtransformation.
Exceptfor sporadicforaysinto Israelipolitics,which usuallyarisein responseto the
blandishmentsof secularpoliticiansor the felt need for state resourcesto supporttheir
alternativeculture,most ultraorthodoxgroupshave not consistentlysought to impose
theirvision on the largersociety. The one exception,the Lubavitchset thathas joyfully
confrontedthe secularworld,is the subjectof two informativeessays. The missionof the
Habadmovement,to use its popularacronym,is to bringall of Israelisociety,all the peo-
ple Israel,underthe sway of "traditional Judaism."As missionariesto the Jewishworld,
Lubavitchersprowlthe sidewalksand,drive aboutthe streetsin "mitzvahtanks,"search-
ing for estrangedJews andgiving themopportunitiesto worship,eat and studyaccording
to Jewishtradition.Despite theircharacteristiccoolness to the stateof Israelas a secular
invention,the Lubavitchhave not hesitatedto use theirelectoralmuscle to carve out a
politicalniche.In exchangefor votes, they ask bothfor tangiblebenefitslike yeshivasub-
sidies and for laws that requirethe Israeli state to respectJewish law - banningthe
importationof nonkoshermeat,groundingthe Israelinationalairlineon the Sabbath,and
enforcingsevererestrictionson abortionsandautopsies.Feeling a collectiveresponsibili-
ty for the Jewish people, Habad will not consign them to acculturation,as do most of
theirfellow ultraorthodox, buttryinsteadto lead the lost sheepbackto theirtradition.
To explain why Habad divergesfrom the path of ultraorthodoxy, Aviezer Ravitzky
cites the theological origins of the movement,particularlyits rejectionof the duality
between sacredand profane.By contrast,MenachemFriedmanregardsthe activismof
the Habad as the consequenceof the group's origin in pre-Revolutionary Russia. To
maintainitself in the face of vigorousassaultsfromnon-HasidicJudaismandto counter
the dangers of defections by young Jews to socialism, secularismand Zionism, the
Lubavitchmovementwas virtuallyforced to develop a combativemission orientation.
Underthe leadershipof the post-Holocaustera, particularlythe seven rebbe,Menachem
Schneerson,the movementredoubledits effortsto capturethe whole of worldJewry.In
recentyears,as bothessayistsnote, the Lubavitchmovementbecamecaughtup in a mes-
 365

sianic cult built aroundthe personof the rebbe,and it is unclearhow the movementwill
operateafterSchnnerson'sdeathin 1994.
For the ultraorthodox, the stateof Israelis an afterthoughtandthe questionsof nation-
al securitythatdominatethe Israelagendaaretransientmatters.Thatis most certainlynot
the case for the radicalreligiousnationalistswho are the subjectof EliezerDon-Yehiya's
essay. Drawnfromthe ranksof the "modemOrthodox,"observantJews who have adapt-
ed outwardlyto the way of life in modernculture,religiousnationalistsregardthe estab-
lishmentof the State as the heraldof messianicredemptionand have become the most
ardentdefendersof its territorialintegrity.The majorinstitutionresponsiblefor the radi-
calizationof religiousnationalism,the MercazHarav,is a circle of yeshivotpropounding
a worldview that"combinesuncompromisingfidelityto Jewishlaw andtraditionwith a
basicallypositive attitudetowardthe existing nationalstate and society."Activistsfrom
this circleled the resistanceto Israel'sinitialwithdrawalfromthe Sinaiin 1982 andwere
deeply implicatedin subsequentviolent plots against Arab Israelis and Palestinians.
While a fringegroupendorsedthe use of violence on behalfof maintainingIsraelicontrol
over all the "Landof Israel,"the core of nationalistyeshiva leadershiphas drawnback
from the precipiceand devotedits energiesprimarilyto Torahstudy and otherforms of
Jewisheducation.Don-Yehiyasees this turningaway frompoliticalactivismas a serious
blow to the organizationalcapacityof radicalnationalism.
When all is said and done, does the concept of "fundamentalism" offer a useful
umbrellathatenhancesour understanding of these religiousmovements?Even accepting
the editors'adviceto regardthe conceptas a broadcoverfor movementswith loose fami-
ly resemblances,I count myself among those who doubt the usefulnessof applyingto
Judaisma conceptrootedin the historyof AmericanevangelicalProtestantism.The man-
tle of fundamentalismis useful, I submit,when it covers movementswith two essential
traits:(1) a wholeheartedvenerationof traditionthatpromotesa profoundlyantimoder
orientationand, equallyimportant,(2) a determinationto spreadthatperspectiveamong
society at large.If traditionalismis the necessaryconditionof fundamentalism, as most of
these authorswould seem to agree, the second elementis the qualitythatbringsfunda-
mentalismout from the purviewof religious studies and onto the agendaof social sci-
ence. By this definition,thereare severeproblemsapplyingthe "fundamentalist" label to
Jewish orthodoxy.The groups that satisfy the first component,the ultraorthodoxor
haredim,have generallyavoidedmissionarywork to concentrateon buildingboundaries
thatkeep themimmunefromthe blandishmentsof modernity.The religiousultranational-
ists who have takenthe stepinto politicalactivismmeetthe secondcriteriabut do not sat-
isfy the initialcondition.Whatevertheirunhappinesswith modemculture,they have had
little troublemeetingmodernityon its own terms.
This is more than a dispute aboutlabeling. YitzhakRabin's assassin was a Jewish
zealot who heardGod's voice to pull the trigger.Couldtherebe anythingmore "funda-
mentalist"thanthat?But the movementwith whichhe was associatedwas givenjust one
chapterout of the five devotedto Jewishfundamentalisms in this book, no doubtbecause
it fit rather uncomfortablyinto a model of fundamentalismthat stresses collective
estrangementfrom modem culture.If the dependentvariableof social science is social
action,a conceptualframeworkthatdivertsour attentionfromgroupsthatembracesocial
engagementwill not take us very far. This does not detractfrom the high qualityand
splendidanalysis of the essays in Accountingfor Fundamentalisms.It does suggest a
need to considerthat "fundamentalism" may actuallyimpede our understandingof the
social relevanceof contemporary religioustraditionalism.

Review of Religious Research,Vol. 37, No. 4 (June, 1996)