Professional Documents
Culture Documents
neglected sexual partners in large harems, Muslims of Sri Lanka and parts of India
while the bondmaiden who attended to established a rather generous customary
their needs faced both celibacy and upper limit of forty concubines per man
drudgery (Peirce 1993: 138, 141-2). (Bevan Jones 1941: 209). A general and
Concubines at times resisted their fate. reasoned rejection of concubinage on
Islamic law strictly prohibited the molest- religious grounds only emerged from the
ation of dependants, but subordination in 1870s, beginning in South Asia and
the protected sphere of the household spreading to Egypt (Ali 1883, Hourani
made it hard to police transgressions 1970: 164-70). Such revisionism was
(Hodgson 1974: I, 344). resisted by literalist thinkers, however,
such as Mawlana Sayyid Abul A'la
The ulama displayed persistent unease Mawdudi (1903-79) in South Asia. Still
about concubinage, discouraging excesses, influential today, Mawdudi proclaimed the
protesting at abuses, and forbidding the harem to be 'the last place of refuge where
holding of free concubines. The huge Islam guards its civilisation and culture'
harems of rulers and nobles flouted (Khan 1972: 38). He also taught that the
repeated recommendations in the Qur'an to Prophet had owned at least one concubine
treat slaves and wives well, and not to be (Sarwar Qureshi 1983: 28-32).
prodigal (Hodgson 1974: II, 143-4, Crone
and Cook 1977: 148, Khan 1972: 35-9). Concubinage in Islamic Southeast
Canonical stories of Hagar, Ibrahim's ill- Asia
treated concubine, introduced a note of
uncertainty. These were reinforced by folk A particular advantage of holding
traditions that elaborated on Hagar's concubines under custom was that it could
tribulations in the desert with her young extend to free women, to the horror of
son Isma'il, believed to be the ancestor of pious ulama (Winstedt 1981: 54, Linehan
the Arabs (Crone and Cook 1977, Awde 1973: 129). This flagrant breach of the
2000: 143, Ruthven 2000: 13-18). sharia was still reported in North Sumatra
as late as the 1890s (Jacobs 1894: I, 78).
The ulama thus attempted to mitigate the The nobles of central and eastern Java
evils of the institution from an early date. were most infamous for obliging free
They insisted that children of concubines women to cohabit with them, without
were free, and of equal social status to reducing them to slavery. In contrast, the
children of free wives, as long as the more sharia-minded grandees of Banten,
father recognised paternity. The mother of in West Java, took concubines only from
such children was also to be freed at the 'those villages which during the period of
death of her master (Brunschvig 1960). Islamisation had refused to embrace the
new religion, and had thereupon been
More radical measures against declared to be slaves' (Kumar 1997: 62).
concubinage were rare, came late, and However, the collective and hereditary
remained contested. The Druzes of slavery of whole villages was itself
Greater Syria formed an unusual except- contrary to the spirit of the sharia.
ion, banning slavery, concubinage, and
polygyny from the eleventh century, but Adding insult to injury, the children of
they were marginalised by their sectarian free concubines were considered to be
beliefs (Abu-Izzedin 1984: 122, 230). inferior to those of free wives (Snouck
9
MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities, Special Issue No.14, 2007
10
Eunuchs and Concubines in the History of Islamic Southeast Asia
sex drive was weakening just as he had Even the rank sexual exploitation of
acquired a pretty young gundik (Putten servile women through prostitution was
2
and Al-Azhar 1995: 41, 115). In the fairly common in Islamic Southeast Asia,
neighbouring Lampung Districts of South although it flouted the strictures of sharia
Sumatra, concubinage was still reported adat, and qanun alike. Thus, servile
during the First World War (Broersma prostitution, “not sanctioned by law or
1916: 76). custom,” flourished in the Malay
Peninsula (Sullivan 1982: 56; see also
Many concubines were imported. Non- Gullick 1958: 103). The same problem
Muslim Chinese girls, mui tsai or anak arose across the straits in Sumatra
beli, were common in Aceh around 1900 (Andaya 1993: 96). Fatwa 127 of the 1892
(Snouck Hurgronje 1906: I, 21). Chinese Meccan collection stressed that female
girls were still being obtained as slaves were not to be sold for fornication
concubines in the interwar years, and were (Kaptein 1997: 204). This was probably to
even re-exported to Arabia (Ingrams 1970: block the common ruse of short-term
26-7; Miers 2003: 268-70). ‘Adoption’ sales, followed by repurchase, which
was frequently used to evade colonial allowed both pimp and customer to remain
legislation restricting this “modern slave within the letter of the holy law (Erdem
trade” (Lasker 1950: 53-5). Indeed 1996: 34-5).
Chinese anak beli continued to be
“adopted” by Muslims in Singapore in the The reform of concubinage in
1950s. They were almost always girls, Islamic Southeast Asia
even if concubinage was no longer
specifically mentioned (Djamour 1965: Authors may have begun to denounce
93, 99-100). concubinage from the early to the mid-
nineteenth century. However, it is not easy
Not all female slaves enjoyed the to interpret tales of immoral concubines
relatively elevated status of concubines, or dating from this period. Such exemplary
even that of household servants. Datu stories had a long pedigree in Islamic
Mandi, of the southwestern Philippines, literature, dating back at least to 'Amr b.
explained to his new American colonial Bahr al-Jahiz of Basra (776-869), and did
masters in 1901 that it was women's not necessarily entail objections to the
agricultural skills that accounted for their institution as such. Over time, though,
high price, not their sexual role (Salman poets and novelists writing in Malay did
2001: 90-1). In seventeenth century South come to reject not only concubinage, but
Sumatra, strong young men for the pepper also polygyny itself, even if the timing of
gardens were most in demand, and female 3
this remains to be established.
slaves were purchased for both sexual and
productive tasks (Andaya 1993: 95-7). In More specifically Islamic strands of
1916, things had not changed much in the reform became evident from the late
Lampung Districts (Broersma 1916: 73-5). nineteenth century, reflecting
developments in the Middle East. A
Batavia fatwa of the 1880s answered a
2
My thanks are due to Mulaika Hijjas for
drawing my attention to this text.
3
Mulaika Hijjas, personal communication.
11
MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities, Special Issue No.14, 2007
query about the legality of purchasing Tjokroaminoto, who read English but not
under-age Chinese girls as concubines Arabic, was probably more influenced by
from Chinese dealers in Singapore. The South Asian reformers than by those of the
mufti stressed that concubinage was only Middle East. He was close to Lahori
valid with a pubescent woman, who was a Ahmadi missionaries, who entered Java
Muslim, or a “person of the book.” No from South Asia in 1924, preaching a
under-age child could legally convert to sectarian form of Islam. They had
Islam by making the profession of the resolutely opposed servile concubinage
faith. As for marriage to a pre-pubescent since 1914, although it is not certain how
girl, it was only valid if the child was much of their material was published in
already a Muslim, and the father or legal Indonesia, as they were strenuously
guardian authorised it. A slave trader opposed by the local ulama (Noer 1973:
could not stand in as such (Snouck 103 (n. 3), 150-1).
Hurgronje 1923-24: II, 276-9). The author
of this fatwa was almost certainly Sayyid When and why opinion finally turned
'Uthman b. 'Abdallah b. 'Aqil b. Yahya against concubinage in Islamic Southeast
(1822-1931). Of mixed Hadhrami and Asia is far from certain, but the break may
Egyptian parentage, he had been have been caused more by secular than by
appointed chief mufti of Indonesia by the religious developments. Europeans often
Dutch (Stauth 1992: 74-5). blamed polygyny and concubinage as
major reasons for the moral decline and
The Middle Eastern connection seems to political failure of Islamic societies across
have been important in a growing Islamic the world. Christian missionaries and their
condemnation of concubinage. A letter allies bracketed these 'social ills' with
from Singapore in 1922, addressed to the female seclusion and ease of divorce
Egyptian reformist journal al-Manar, (Hardy 1972: 99). The drift into
inquired whether it was legitimate to buy monogamy seems to have been most
Chinese girls as concubines from their precocious among Southeast Asia's secular
families. Rashid Rida, the editor, elites.
answered in the negative (Ghazal 2003).
Sexual mutilation in Islam
Haji Umar Said Tjokroaminoto (1882-
1934), a Javanese aristocrat who headed Islam displayed a strong and persistent
Indonesia's Sarekat Islam from the early bias against mutilating human beings,
1910s, also contributed to the debate as to including slaves. This was sometimes
the legitimacy of slavery and concubinage. justified by referring to 4:118 in the
He was unusual among Indonesia's Qur’an, condemning those who “cut off
political leaders in taking a modernist the cattle's ears ... and ... alter God's
stance against slavery, denounced in a creation.” However, some scholars
pamphlet first published in 1924, and restricted their interpretation of this verse
frequently republished thereafter to animals.
(Tjokroaminoto 1950: 32-3). In newspaper
articles of 1921 and 1929, he further Circumcision was the main exception to
reprimanded Javanese nobles for their not mutilating humans, but female
traditional practice of kidnapping “good- circumcision, or clitoridectomy, was
looking women of common stock.” patchily practised across Islamdom, and
12
Eunuchs and Concubines in the History of Islamic Southeast Asia
had little scriptural backing. It was not Nevertheless, Caliph Mu'awiya (r. 661-
mentioned in the Qur'an, and the traditions 680) was said to have allowed the keeping
cited in its favour were weak and suspect of eunuchs (Ayalon 1999: 66). This
(Awde 2000: 126, 192, 199, Netton 1992: apparent contradiction resulted from a
147). It was custom that underpinned loophole in the holy law. No canonical
female circumcision, including in the text clearly forbade the purchase of infidel
Arabian Peninsula, so that “the more slaves emasculated by infidels, especially
careful legists could not regard it as fully those who dwelled beyond the limits of
binding” (Hodgson 1974: I, 324). the abode of Islam. Whereas a Muslim
Infibulation was even less common. emasculating a believer remained strictly
Moreover, there was no particular mention prohibited, obtaining infidel servile
of slaves in regard to either of these eunuchs by purchase and tribute was
customs. generally held to be licit (Brunschvig
1960: 26, 33).
Removing the foreskin of the penis was
clearly much more securely established in Like concubines, eunuchs could rise high
Islamic tradition. Although it found no in the social order. They were trusted as
mention in the Qur’an, male circumcision officials, because they could have no heirs
became a major marker of Muslim status, (Juynboll 1912, Meinardus 1969, Hambly
and reliable traditions took it back to 1974, Marmon 1995). Originally
Ibrahim or Abraham (Netton 1992: 147). employed to watch over harems, they
From the Jewish Torah came not only the became involved in palace administration,
divine command to circumcise free males, and in turn came to run many Muslim
but also the order to extend the practice to states (Toledano 1984). Caliph al-Amin
the slaves of the household, both believing also created three corps of military
and unbelieving. eunuchs, on Chinese lines, in the early
ninth century, but his successors did not
In contrast, the much more serious follow his example (Pipes 1981: 142,
operation of cutting off the male scrotum, 145).
with or without the penis, was clearly
prohibited, at least when free believers One particularly exalted group of eunuchs
were the victims of such an operation. The guarded the holiest locations of Islam
dire consequences of the process told from the eighth century, the Prophet's
against it. For every successfully castrated tomb in Medina and the great mosque of
male, up to nine others died, and survivors Mecca. This was because they could deal
endured complex physical and mental with both male and female pilgrims,
consequences for the rest of their lives without fear of the consequences of sexual
(Hogendorn 2000; Meinardus 1969; mixing (Marmon 1995). However, Jalal
Millant 1908). Traditions told of the al-Din al-Suyuti (d.1505), a great Egyptian
Prophet teaching that, “he is not of my scholar, inveighed against employing
people who makes another a eunuch or eunuchs in the sacred places of Islam,
becomes so himself,” and that, “whoever considering that this was an unauthorised
castrates a slave, him also shall we innovation (Tounsy 1845: 269-70).
castrate” (Hunwick 1992: 21; Hughes
1885: 110; Juynboll 1912: 584). Sharia-minded distaste for emasculation
was heightened by the homosexual abuse
13
MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities, Special Issue No.14, 2007
of slaves, for castration served to preserve with hardly any knowledge of the faith
a “boyish and beardless appearance” in could claim to be Muslims on these
youths (Sourdel at al. 1965: 1082; grounds. Female circumcision was less
Hodgson 1974: II, 145-6). Despite a common, but Dayak slave girls from the
flagrant breach of holy law, sexual interior of Borneo were routinely
relations with slave boys, whether eunuchs circumcised, as part of their conversion to
or not, were often tolerated in Islamdom. Islam (Low 1968:119).
Indeed, some Barbary corsairs in North
Africa kept veritable harems of 'male Europeans reported eunuchs as numerous
concubines' (Clissold 1977: 42-3). Even in Southeast Asia, using the Portuguese
the prostitution of eunuchs was denounced term capados. However, they did not
in Lucknow in 1855 (Millant 1908: 205). make it clear where these eunuchs came
from, or who did the emasculation. In
As with concubines, outright opposition particular, early sixteenth century Java
was slow to emerge, even if pious ulama contained many of these gelded men
and reforming monarchs tried to restrict (Hambly 1974: 125-6).
the phenomenon within a strict
interpretation of the law (Winter 1992: 43- The most notorious example of the use of
4, Hambly 1974, Hodgson 1974: II, 144). eunuchs came from Aceh's court in the
Around 1900, Arabs keen to shake off sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which
Ottoman rule blamed their Turkish was heavily influenced by Persian and
masters: 'The eunuch is contrary to Islam, Mughal models. The palace alone was
its principles, and its ethics. Did our thought to contain 150 in 1607 (Siegel
blessed Prophet need eunuchs? ... But who 1978: 38). Beaulieu, in Aceh in 1619-22,
ignores that the Turks have long since estimated the total number at around 500,
wandered from the straight path of Islam though he noted that Aceh was not typical
to follow a tortuous trail which will of Malay courts in this respect. In 1637,
eventually make them, if they are not Aceh even boasted a corps of horsed
careful, blind schismatics, unworthy of the eunuch guards (Lombard 1967: 81, 97,
religious and political preponderance that 138, 148, 230). The power of eunuchs
they have desired to exercise over the sons came from their ability to penetrate the
of Islam?' (Millant 1908: 203). A congress harem, and their employment by sultans as
of Islamic scholars, held in Egypt in 1908, trusted officials and traders. Under the
pronounced that the sharia prohibited not famous four queens of Aceh, reigning up
only the making but also the owning of to 1699, the administrative role of eunuchs
eunuchs, although this ruling was continued to be noted by European visitors
contested (Zambaco 1911: 36-8). (Hadi 2004: 99-101; Andaya 2001: 55-9).
14
Eunuchs and Concubines in the History of Islamic Southeast Asia
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16
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