Professional Documents
Culture Documents
DISSERTATION
By
Robin M. Giampapa
*****
2005
Robin M. Giampapa
2005
ABSTRACT
theoretical and empirical inquiry into Greek students’ attitudes about history, the project
northern Greece. The data is analyzed using the constant comparative method and the
results are considered in relation to the Greek national and International Baccalaureate
teaching programs. This comparison is used to describe the ways students negotiate
official and critical knowledge and how these forms of negotiation influence young
Generally, the study explores the relationship between education and identity. It
former as a major participant in the process. Specifically, the study has been concerned
with two distinct history education programs offered at the school, one constructed
ii
around a national curriculum and the other around a non-national curriculum, and how
doing so, the goal has been to provide a conceptualization of cultural identity among
these young Greeks in the context of Greek, European and European Union processes.
burden of the past, autochthonous Hellenism, the mobiles and occidentalism, combine in
complex, syncretic ways to form a collective identity among Anatolia youth that is
comfortable with coexisting tensions and mixture. This analysis suggests that its not so
much the curricular content that shapes cultural identity, rather, it is the ways in which
students choose to negotiate the types of knowledge presented to them that they choose to
engage in specific discourses. This implies that identities are not passive constructions of
the educational process, but rather they are active choices and actively changing to suit
certain conditions. Additionally, it suggests that Greek students’ cultural identity is one
by which national identities are cast not as alternatives to a European identity, but as
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To my family and friends
iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Robert Lawson, for his unvarying support and scholarly guidance throughout my doctoral
process. His initial encouragement and subsequent enthusiasm and advocacy made my
idea of this dissertation a reality. I am equally grateful to Professor Peter Demerath for
inspiring me by example of his own scholarly work and contagious passion for research
in the field. His conscientious direction was an invaluable component in this process. In
the same respect, I owe much gratitude to Professor Gregory Jusdanis for introducing me
to the field of Modern Greek studies and welcoming my desire to approach the field from
development and his well-rounded support is wholly appreciated. I would also like to
thank Professors Antoinette Errante and Patti Lather for their encouragement,
A special thanks to Anatolia College and all those students, faculty and
them and intrude on their lives, yet made me feel like a welcome member of their
community from the moment I arrived in Greece by embracing my study with particular
interest. Without their cooperation, this dissertation would not have been possible.
v
Finally, I am grateful to my family and close friends for their understanding and
support. Particularly, to my mother and brother, who stand by me no matter what the
situation and provide me with unconditional love. To Denny, Charlie and Alex, whom I
kindheartedness and generosity that I hope to emulate. And to Panayiotis, whose love I
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VITA
1991 B.S.
The Ohio State University
1998 M.A.
The Ohio State University.
FIELDS OF STUDY
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT …………………………………………………………………… ii
DEDICATION ………………………………………………………………… iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS …………………………………………………… v
CHAPTERS PAGE
viii
Rendering “the West” …………………………………….………. 41
The New Identity Project ……………………………….………… 43
ix
Photographic Representations ……………………..……………… 104
x
CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS ……………………….……………………….. 199
BIBLIOGRAPHY ………………………………………………………….……….244
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
6.7 Student photograph of the Statue of Aristotle in Thessaloniki, Greece ….... 164
xii
Figure Page
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
In May 2004, ten nation-states from Central and Eastern Europe joined a then
Western dominated European Union, thus expanding the institution’s membership from
fifteen to twenty-five states. Together, these members share common institutions and
joint interest may be made at a transnational European level. This expansion, the latest
step in the European unification process, is one of various reasons for the emergence of
two significant aspirations: (1) an awareness of a collective European culture and (2) a
theme among these aspirations is history. In other words, if one understands participation
in the European Union as an attempt by European states to close the chapter of historical
antagonism and open that of cooperation and integration (Ioakimidis, 1999), it appears
question the traditionally ethnocentric role of teaching history in European states. Here,
the relationship between culture and history emerges. Specifically, one’s understanding
1
of history is considered to be a contributor to individual and collective senses of
the same time, history has been charged with developing exclusive and assumed superior
identities, creating animosity between nations, ethnic, social, political and religious
approach to teaching and learning history among all members of the continent,
encapsulates the issue when he states that “[t]he ideological divisions which were present
in Europe in the 20th century are disappearing. This requires a new awareness of history
1995). As a whole, the survey explored history education from the perspective of 32,000
participating teenagers. Some questions explored how students have been socialized to
think of history by probing their understandings of the essence and methods of history,
their motivations for learning history, their trust in and fun with historical media, and
their perceptions of how they have been taught history. Other questions examined the
students’ chronological knowledge, the ways they interpret selected events in the past,
and how these interpretations affect their understanding of such concepts as the nation,
Europe, and democracy. Still others look at the ways historical learning has influenced
the political attitudes and decisions of students, including their use of history in
2
argumentation, their ability to empathize with others, and their attitudes on current
political issues. The last set of questions investigated how students perceive the
relationship of past, present and future as well as what they deem to be the major
determinants of historical change (Angvik & von Borries, 1997, pp. A37-41).
These combined interests of the last decade, but certainly not limited to the
period, provide a productive opportunity for studying the relationship between European
the influence and responsibility of history education programs in this relationship. With
data gathered, a central issue facing Europe and European history education may be
examined. Namely, how are school history programs responding to the processes taking
place in Europe and likewise, is there evidence for them having any relevance to these
objective of this research project to investigate this relationship not from the viewpoint of
politicians, policy makers or textbooks, but from the oft-neglected perspective of today’s
European youth (Dragonas & Frangoudakis, 2000) in their history classes as they are
experiencing and learning about the processes of unification taking place around them.
Thus, observing how teachers teach and students learn history in today’s classrooms and
talking to students about their own perceptions are intended to illuminate these questions
As the developers of the Youth and History survey have found, we know very
little about young people’s attitude and feelings about history in Europe (Angvik, 1997,
p. A19). Research concerning history education in Europe has been limited and most
researchers interested in this area have focused on textbook revision (Pingel et al., 2001),
3
reform issues (Kazamias et al 2001) and curricular content (Stradling, 2001; Gundara,
1996; Mitter, 1996). Furthermore, aside from the Youth and History survey, empirical
(Dragonas & Frangoudaki, 2000; 2001). Magne Angvik claims that “at least in some
countries of Europe one might in a rough estimate say that for every hundred researchers
engaged in obtaining new empirical knowledge about history only one or two are
engaged in educational research within history” (Angvik, 1997, p. A19). This means
that one of the least systematically studied aspects of history education in the European
(Kazamias 2001; 2003). As a result, relatively few researchers have actually spent
extended periods of time observing the school setting. Consequently, little is known
about what goes on in history classrooms and students’ attitudes about historical
knowledge. Thus, it comes as no surprise that so little is known about the consequences
of historical knowledge on cultural processes among those who are exposed to it, in spite
of the assertion that this is bound to provide constructive understandings of teaching and
historical knowledge in the Greek educational system. Both a theoretical and empirical
inquiry into school history and cultural identity, the project is situated within the political
national and a non-national ways of teaching and learning history in the lyceum at
4
Anatolia College, located in northern Greece, and assess the influence and responsibility
knowledge gained from the study, grounded in the voices of students and the experience
of the classroom, aims to add fresh empirical perspectives to the existing pool of
educational research based on textbook, reform and curriculum analyses in the European
classrooms today, firsthand accounts of how students react to and negotiate historical
knowledge and grounded analyses of their relevance to the current context of neo-
prolonged exposure and repeated observations and interviews have been paramount. To
Greece, a member of the European Union since 1981, may be described from
various perspectives in Europe. For example, it was the least financially stable and only
Eastern State in the European Union prior to the recent expansion, it is still the only
bridge to Asia and Africa in the southeastern part of Europe, it occupies an important
which to address the relationship between European culture and school history for several
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reasons. First, in Greece, as in other marginal States1, the teaching of history and other
subjects are believed to remain, to a large extent, an ideological mechanism for the
Second, the currently expanding European Union, especially the joining of ten non-
historical event that is relevant to today’s Greek high school students. Third, while
Greece’s ancient past is firmly situated in the context of Western ideology, its
contemporary history, in school and in the wider field of historical studies, is often
(Herzfeld, 1987; Kazamias, 2001). Finally, the site of the study, a well-known northern
Greek high school, offers a unique comparative context of two history education
programs, one following a highly centralized national curriculum and the other a non-
national curriculum emphasizing historical methods, from which students may choose
The study was carried out primarily during the 2002-2003 academic year. A
second data collection phase took place in the latter half of the following academic year.
The research site, Anatolia College, is a private, college-preparatory high school located
in Thessaloniki, a major city in northern Greece. Although a private school that receives
much different from state schools. The school also offers the International Baccalaureate
1
I use the term “marginal” as a position, not an essence, and use it to define States in the European Union
that are less economically stable, politically insecure, less technologically complex, or geographically
peripheral vis-à-vis dominant European states such as Great Britain, France and Germany.
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Diploma program, a comprehensive two-year course of study based on a non-national
curriculum. While the College has an elite reputation in Greece, my data reveal that the
the majority of the student population is from economically middle-class and upper
case study and is not meant to be a representation of general population of Greek youth.
In the years the study was conducted, the school served approximately 1,245 students,
including the Greek gymnasium and lyceum and an International Baccalaureate division.
the Greek lyceum and International Baccalaureate division. Data collection methods
student questionnaire.
Conducting a case study at Anatolia College offers the potential of exploring local
history classrooms and how they engage in particular discourses as a way of situating,
describing and making meaning of their own cultural identities. While case studies have
settings, especially those outside the northern and western industrialized zones of Europe,
and at various historical periods, has further potential for describing and generating local
place in Europe today. In turn, such research may be used to build upon existing
7
collections of case studies and generate new understandings and relationships in different
types of historical and social configurations (Arnove, 1999, p. 14). While these
2. There are two distinct history programs, the Greek lyceum and the
International Baccalaureate, available to students at Anatolia College. How
do these two history programs compare with regard to knowledge production
and negotiation?
3. How can the particular discourses that Anatolia students employ in order to
culturally situate themselves be described? How do these discourses
contribute to a current narrative of Greekness and Europeanness?
2
Aporia is a Greek word meaning “question, query, doubt, surprise, wonder, wonderment, puzzlement.”
In ancient Greek, it means “non-passage.” It is different from the Greek word erotisi (question, query,
interrogation), which is something that is possible to answer (e.g. What time is it?). An aporia, however, is
a question that cannot be answered according to the epistemological conventions in which it is posed (e.g.
Is there a god?). An aporia, then, specifies an impasse, a stuck place.
8
Theoretical Assumptions
transnationalism are useful concepts for exploring processes taking place in Europe
cultural identity as a set of binary oppositions are undesirable in the current European
context.
encounters, events, and understandings into a fuller, more meaningful context” (Tedlock,
paradigm whereby ways of constructing knowledge are achieved as “the knower and the
known interact and shape one another” (Denzin, 2000, p. 21). This implies that research
is reciprocal and recursive and forms of knowledge are partial, positioned, and
presenting a greater diversity of divergent views. This integration of mixed methods “is
seen as being better able to reflect social realities” (Rocco et al., 2003, p.597). What this
means for my project is a commitment to using a case study approach for engaging with
replace master narratives. It does not, however, mean that modernist ways of knowing
are rejected entirely. Rather, they are blended with new ways of knowing to form new
education, “case studies are likely to continue to be the most commonly used approach to
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studying education-society relations,” and the most valuable will be those that are
examples of promising studies wherein the interplay of the global and the local are
brought out. One danger with the case study approach rests in attempts to generalize
from one case to other instances that may not be appropriate. Another is to view the
world from a myopic lens. Both of these snares are potentially dangerous in doing case
studies in Europe. Because Europe is consciously working to unify its space, the
seduction of making generalizations may be strong. At the same time, examining a local
setting without framing it in the context of European projects that are permeating regional
spheres neglects the force of globalization taking place in the world today.
In this ethnographic case study, I explore a local school setting that is situated in
the larger framework of European Union educational and cultural initiatives and
he describes it: denotation may be global, but connotation is always local. Although
globalization was originally used to describe economic developments at the world level,
it has been quite useful in exploring other recent processes and developments. “Scholars
have studied world cultural and political integration, for instance, as dimensions of
10
Correspondingly, in Issues in Educational Research: Problems and Possibilities
(1999), Kathleen Hall presents two major foci of studies in globalization as “first,
research into the production of global cultures, institutions, and cultural forms; and
second, the local articulation of global processes” (p. 143). Hence, research into theories
of local-global connections suggest potential for generating new ways of thinking about
global contexts as in the European Union (p. 145). As a concept, globalization may
distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring
many miles away and vice-versa” (Kearney, 1995, p. 548). Major themes in the
globalization theory that I identify can be summarized as (1) a questioning of the role of
the nation-states, (2) tensions and/or dialectics between local and global forces, (3) the re-
Importantly, these themes overlap and work as integral, but not necessarily equal or
that of space. According to Kearney “global processes are largely decentered from
specific national territories and take place in a global space” whereas “transnational
processes are anchored in and transcend one or more nation-states” (ibid.). Thus,
11
Transnationalism, on the other hand, makes reference to the cultural and political projects
The study’s focus on the relationship between the processes of history education
in a local Greek setting and students’ cultural identity vis-à-vis the European unification
relation to its role in creating a historical and national narrative for students at Anatolia
College.
The third theoretical assumption of this study is that history is not an objective
record of past events nor is it identical with the past. Rather, “history as knowledge is
has happened” (EUSTORY Charter, 2005). As such, history education holds agency as a
potentially productive process in the European context. History and history education in
attitudes towards others (Bergedorf Round Table et al., 2003). However, as European
unification processes advocate greater cooperation and comradeship among its members,
the ways in which histories of Europe and beyond the continent are presented become
increasingly important.
This does not mean to present national histories as necessarily ethnocentric nor
does it imply a negation or total abandonment of national histories in the context of the
European space. On the contrary, it is the richness of national histories that have the
12
potential of contributing to a Europe of inclusion and cooperation. This “richness,”
however, points to a paradox for history education in the European context. Namely,
how will the teaching of European history escape its own history? In other words, is
history education in Europe able to set aside past antagonisms in order to foster
believe that history education has important implications for understanding the more
abiding problem regarding young people’s attitudes toward social inclusion and exclusion
in the European context and likewise, for illuminating ideas about the responsibility of
ethnocentrism, intolerance and marginalization that have long plagued the European
Thus, I set forth the final theoretical assumption. Specifically, this project endeavors to
imagine cultural identity as a rich syncretic model of mixture and coexisting tensions; a
model which deviates from identity as essentializing and exclusive, and having the
and seemingly incompatible sites present within the same domain. The relation of culture
and identity is determined less by physical position than by the discourses, institutions,
and procedures present in a place (Leontis, 1995). Thus, identity is presented in this
ideas may exist in the same space, thus addressing the problematic assumptions of
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identity without trying to reduce the problem to simple dichotomies. In understanding
the multiple sources of these identities, there is a potential for changing the negative ways
in which people think, talk and write about it, i.e., as essentializing, exclusionary or
inferiorizing. Thus, the focus becomes the expression of discourses of identity rather
The significance of this dissertation project and its contributions to the general
field of education and the specific area of European education are manifold. First, the
project is a timely theme for educational research. This study challenges the orthodoxy
history courses, but simultaneously searches for productive outcomes of these processes.
We live in a changing world that requires a new awareness of increasing diversity within
recognize the positive power of diversity as a rich variety of countries, some large, some
very small, strive in their distinctive ways to achieve a balance between their history and
the demands of the changing political structure as they accept and are influenced by
increasing interaction with the rest of Europe. This demands that educational researchers
attitudes and the multiple layers of classroom interactions, and utilize the potentially
valuable data therein. In other words, educational research must address the confluence
and disparity between what is idealistically promoted and what is actually practiced.
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Second, knowledge gained from the study, grounded in the voices of Greek
students and classroom interaction, contributes fresh perspectives to the existing pool of
educational research based on textbook and curriculum analyses in the European context.
With the deficiency in research about the experience of schooling itself, a crucial
begin to contribute to the development of new goals for teaching history in Europe, goals
that reject history education as a place for the cultivation of ethnocentric ideas and accept
practiced, and new perspectives are taught (Avdela, 2000; Koulouri, 2002).
Europe today. In particular, it explores history education and cultural identity in Greece
this way, cultural identity is seen as capable of housing multiple and diverse ideas and
discourses, thus setting the stage for inclusion perspectives that welcome diversity rather
leading to conflict. As the only Balkan state currently in the European Union, history
education and perspectives on cultural identity carry potential for promoting interregional
cooperation as a means of fostering stability and prosperity in the wider area of southeast
Europe and of promoting the gradual integration of Balkan states, as desired, into a new
15
Fourth, the project endeavors to encourage academically rigorous methods among
and the support of productive and critically engaged outcomes significant to present
educational situations.
potential benefits of the research to its participants. With knowledge about how the
students perceive their history education and construct discourses of cultural identity, I
may reveal to Anatolia College how the Greek national history curriculum and
and the European Union. Throughout my research, however, the goal is to maintain
Chapter 2 presents a review of the literature relevant to this study. The first part
of the chapter provides an overview of nationalism and modern Greece. This begins with
discussion in a historical and cultural setting, albeit a selected one, and to trace Greece’s
path through the nationalist project. Next, I describe different types and processes of
nationalism based on the work of John Camaroff and Clifford Geertz respectively, as
frameworks for emphasizing the cultural capacity for nationalism. After setting this
and introduce the current debate regarding the question of nationalism as a meaningful
16
object of cultural analysis, i.e., the crisis of the nation-state. The next section of the
literature review examines some of the processes of Europe, European integration and the
European Union as an imagined community and the discourses that construct this
transnational space. Next, I present an overview of how depictions of the West work to
particular attention is paid to the ways in which educational systems have cultivated a
sense of national identity in Greece and elsewhere in Europe and the complex
relationship between Greekness and Europeaness. In the final section of the chapter, the
discussion moves to topics related to history and history education. Here, I present
historical studies, and give examples from Greece of different types of school history.
dimension in education and specific reasons to legitimate support for and resistance to the
important pan-European organizations, the European Union and the Council of Europe,
the Europeanization of education and warns that the rhetoric of inclusiveness is not
always clear in defining Europe and likewise, gives the warning that positive outcomes of
the benevolent project of inclusiveness appear to be assumed rather than established. The
second half of the chapter provides an historical outline of three decades of education
reform in Greece. Beginning with the 1980s and the socialist PASOK government, it
17
then moves through the 1990s and the introduction of a new reform proposal but the
same persistence of chronic system pathologies. Finally, the reform history ends with a
discussion of education in the new millennium with a new government, New Democracy.
Despite the changes in governments and educational ideas through the last thirty years,
that have continually plagued the Greek educational system since the early formation of
the nation-state. Particularly, the two most significant forces, history and culture, are
discussed as the forces that have limited the possibility for system change.
chapter, the study utilizes the tools of educational ethnography and a mixed methods
research design to explore the relationship between school history and cultural identity in
Greece. In some depth, I identify the research design, including the detailed parameters
of the study, explicit purposes, and data collection methods. Advantages and challenges
identifies and examines themes that define the school’s educational philosophy as
comparison, the two history programs offered by the school. In the Greek lyceum, it is
suggested that official forms of knowledge production are dominant and explicitly
opportunities for critical knowledge production, leaving official knowledge on the margin
of pedagogical practices here. These two forms of knowledge, official and critical, are
18
further explored as important factors in the development of historical consciousness
study as interpretations of the past, understandings of the present and expectations for the
future, and the relationship among these three components, helps identify and describe
In Chapter 6, I identify, describe and support from data five discourses used
frequently and employed in diverse ways by Anatolia students in various situations. Each
students’ perceptions and attitudes about Greece vis-à-vis Europe and the European
Union. The burden of the past discourse is constructed around the tenuous relationship
interpretations of Greek and European pasts that are fixed and an understanding of the
present condition of Greece as belated with respect to its past. The third discourse,
unique form of authentic Greekness while at the same time defining itself vis-à-vis
Western Europe. As with the first discourse, this one originates with discussions of
Greece vis-à-vis Europe and the European Union and is defined by a particularly
denotes a shift in the way young Greeks in both divisions at Anatolia understand the
European space. Unlike the others, this discourse is situated within a non-territorial,
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spatial understanding of the European place. In discussions of European integration, it is
of the present as positive and as leading to the expectation for a more transnational future.
engaged and want to learn about and form opinions from historical issues that are not a
part of the national myth-making narrative. Their orientation to the past, present and
future of Greece is critical and multi-perspectival and they apply this discourse to
discussions of defining Europe, European integration and Greece vis-à-vis Europe and
the European Union. The chapter ends with a discussion of the discourses. Specifically,
I present a syncretic model for understanding cultural identity that highlights the
complexities and richness of Greek culture; a new approach to Greek cultural identity
In the concluding chapter, I review the main analytic and interpretive points of the
study and suggest constructive questions that are difficult to answer as implications of the
study. I start by reviewing the research questions in a succinct, abridging manner. Then
I argue that there are some generalizations about education and identity that can be made
from the research findings. I propose that this educational study can challenge general
move productively beyond them by thinking differently about them. These two
contributions of the study to the field of comparative and international education. These
final sections emphasize the complexity of studying cultural identity, the productiveness
in gaining further research, and make suggestions for appealing research directions.
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CHAPTER 2
Educational systems in Europe were not created spontaneously with the rise of
universities, academies for the sons and daughters of the nobility, endowed grammar
universal mass schooling, both of which mark decisive transitions toward education as a
congruent political, territorial, cultural and linguistic structures defined in ethnic terms
(Avdela, 2000; Gellner, 1983 in Schriewer, 2000). This was achieved and guaranteed, in
part, by national systems of education wherein schools ensured the formation and
courses on history, language and literature as well as other traditional ways within the
educational system (Avdela, 2000; Dragonas & Frangoudaki, 2000). Other traditional
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and excursions to national symbols. Such activities are generally performed year after
year and become somewhat ritualistic. Thus, I believe that establishing rituals is a
increasing European integration as symbolized by the European Union and the Council of
Europe (Schriewer, 2000, p. 16). These challenges are at the forefront of today’s Europe
as it attempts to achieve a new form of cultural identity defined at the supranational level,
introduction of a European dimension into the curricula of their schools, the question as
in European schools.
perspectives from the literature that articulate various positions in general and as they
relate to modern Greece. However, with the proliferation of meanings associated with
theories today, the task of defining, or choosing how to discuss a term is a difficult one.
Nevertheless, throughout this literature review I attempt to define those terms or ideas
related to them, that are central to my project: nationalism, modern Greece, the European
space, culture, identity, history and history education. As Clifford Geertz (1973) states,
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“Eclecticism is self-defeating not because there is only one direction in which it is useful
to move, but because there are so many: it is necessary to choose” (p. 5).
For Ernest Gellner, nationalism occurs in the modern period because industrial
societies, unlike agrarian ones, need homogenous languages and cultures in order to work
highlighted. I begin with a brief historical, and mostly political, narrative of Greece
before 1821. This extraction weighs selected conditions in classical antiquity, the
Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman Empire or Turkokratia,3 and the Greek War of
setting, albeit a selected one, and to illustrate Greece’s path through the nationalist
project. Next, I describe different types and processes of nationalism, based on the work
of John Camaroff and Clifford Geertz respectively, as frameworks for emphasizing the
cultural capacity of nationalism. After setting this foundation, I move into the specific
cultural domains of language, literature and history, with an emphasis on the latter. The
section ends with a discussion of the current debate regarding the appropriateness of
3
Turkokratia, a term that I use throughout the paper, refers to Turkish authority during the Ottoman
empire. Specifically, it comes from the Greek “Turko” meaning “Turk” and “kratia” meaning “rule.”
23
An Historical Narrative of Modern Greece
Greece has long been a part of the European gaze. Generations of travelers,
myself included, have arrived with romantic expectations about the Greeks, only to
discover that their preconceptions are simply anachronistic, often unfair, images.
“Indeed, for the Greeks, the persistence of the Classical image in the West poses a painful
dilemma: how far should they consciously try to live up to it?” (Herzfeld, 1986, p. vii)
On one hand, there are those outside Greece who support the Greek cause in the name of
Classical scholarship. On the other, there is an autochthonous view, one in which Greeks
reflect from within their cultural borders on what it means to be Greek. Both images, the
external and the internal, are constructions of history and culture. Thus, there is not so
much a distinction between “ideal” and “real” Greece as there is between two different
“realities,” two notions of what it means to be Greek (Herzfeld, 1986). Identifying the
criteria shaping these images may begin with a selected narration of Greece from
Hellenism typically refers to the period of the pre-Christian Greeks. This includes
the era up to the arrival of Christianity by the Roman emperor Constantine I. However,
the Classical Greek past, narrowly the fifth century BC, is associated, most notably, with
the exalted legacies of democracy, philosophy, arts and architecture.4 It is from this
cultural era that European intellectuals appropriated Greek history and elevated it to the
4
Here, I am compelled to acknowledge the existence of various origin disputes regarding some of these
legacies. However, for the purposes of this particular work, the idea that Europeans of the Renaissance
appropriated an ideal Greece and claimed it as the birthplace of Europe overrides these current disputes. In
other words, I am not interested in disproving evidence such claims. Rather, I am focusing on the idea of
how European intellectuals constructed Greece as the fountainhead of a European space.
24
status of “high culture” within Europe. As a result, the idea of Hellenism became the
Byzantium was the medieval past of modern Greece. Paradoxically, during this
time, ancient Hellenic culture, associated with paganism, survived simultaneously with
the rise of Christianity as a dominant collective ideology. By the end of the twelfth
Romioi (Magdalino, 1992, p. 7). “By calling themselves ‘Romans’ rather than Hellenes,
the Byzantines were perhaps symbolically severing themselves from the outgoing
Romioi or Hellene endures and is revived, albeit in a different form from that of
Byzantine signification, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The relationship
between Hellenism and Christianity posed problems, but the tradition of Hellenism
persisted as Greek literature continued to be studied and attempts were even made to
In 1453, the Byzantine Empire abruptly ended with the Ottoman conquest. With
the Turkokratia, Hellenic culture was in danger of being extinguished. However, these
traditions were already being transferred to Italy. Chronologically, the last century of
Byzantium coincides more or less with the first century of the Western Renaissance.
This is important since a major feature of the Renaissance was the study of Greek and
Latin. And it was from the places that experienced the European Renaissance—Italy,
(ibid.). But in Greece itself, Hellenism was on pause as the Greeks were cut off from
25
their medieval past by four hundred years of Turkish occupation. Interestingly, it was
only after independence, when Greek intellectuals discovered the need to create
continuity between ancient and modern Greece and use it as support for their irredentist
The symbolic quality of official dates in history, such as March 25th in Greece,5
remind us that they are embedded with significance and meaning rather that the
designation of a single event. Thus, it comes as no surprise that freedom from Ottoman
independence, the Greeks found themselves in a position familiar to all groups who have
homogeneous, a state is a legal and political organization with the power to require
obedience and loyalty from its members. It is a major political sub-division of the globe
today (Danforth, 1995). However, to understate the direct, and erstwhile, role that culture
plays in nation building is precisely to focus on the political events, those which capture
the attention of the world, and to abate those cultural processes which are perhaps less
spectacular for a people seeking changes. Indeed, the dramas of public events, such as
5
March 25 is Independence Day in Greece.
6
According to Woodhouse, “The Greeks began to lose territory to foreign enemies as early as the eleventh
century and the process of subjugation to foreign rule was not completed until the conquest of Crete in the
seventeenth century by the Turks…[Additionally], almost every part of Greece had a quite different
experience of foreign rule.”
26
the declaration of independence, have the power of obscuring the cultural foundations on
in that acts of collective remembering and forgetting are necessary for the existence of
the nation (Giddens, 1981). Thus, much of the literature describes the nationalism
imagination as constructed around the first person plural “we” to create a nation and a
population with a national identity. Furthermore, this population must be taught who
they are, where they come from, and where they are going (Dragonas & Bar-On, 2000).
Camaroff presents Hans Kohn’s position that “[n]ationalism is first and foremost a state
of mind…an act of consciousness” (Wilmsen & McAllister, 1994, p. 166). With this
of the troubling questions about collective attachments. He describes the first type as
special bond and grants membership by ascription that works to ensure a deep emotional
correspond to geographical borders and it accords itself a historical origin with a master
sovereign territory is not necessary in this type of nationalism, it tends to demand the
allegiance of its subjects wherever they are, thus taking on a transnational character with
strong and active diasporas. It accords itself primordial roots and essentialist traits and
locates its origins in narratives of the heroic. It is a historical construction and it seems
27
most persuasively illuminated by one or more forms of constructionism.7 Camaroff
community. Thus, it is somewhat of a blurring of the first two types. Couched in the
society composed of autonomous citizens who are equal and undifferentiated before the
law. However, he is careful to warn against the seduction of this type of nationalism by
1996, p. 175-180).
useful way of understanding the process of nationalism. While keeping the limitations of
periodization in mind, he attempt to divide the process of nationalism into four phases,
and cultural phenomena. In this way, both theorists are working with political and
According to Geertz, the first phase in the process of nationalism is that wherein the
nationalist movement forms and crystallizes; second, that in which a people triumph;
third, that in which they organize themselves into states; and finally, that in which,
7
The three types of constructionism to which Camaroff is referring are (1) cultural constructionism which
sees the formation of groups as a function of their shared symbols and signifying practices, but tends to
treat culture as a closed system, and so does not begin to grasp the complexities of power and
representation in a multicultural world, (2) political constructionism which focuses on the ways elites
fashion ideologies, images, and social knowledge and then impose them, hegemonically, on the nation-
state, and (3) radical historicism which follows Marxist ideology in ascribing the creation of social
identities to processes of labor that inscribe material inequities in cultural differences (Camaroff, 1996,
p.165).
28
organized into states, they find themselves obliged to define and stabilize their
relationships both to other states and to themselves (Geertz, 1973, p. 238). It is the
dynamics of the first and fourth stages, where nationalism may be described as a cultural
King (1997), in his introduction to Culture, Globalization and the World System, broadly
defines two different aspects of culture: “anthropological” notions of culture, i.e., ways of
life, values, beliefs, attitudes, structures of power; and “humanistic” notions of culture,
i.e., a whole range of aesthetic practices. This perspective suggests that culture as
aesthetic practices, both draws from and participates in the construction of culture as a
Another definition, one taking into account both the conceptualization and
King’s reference to culture as ‘ways of life’ and ‘aesthetics’ weighs the complexity of
suggest that culture is dynamic wherein meaning lies neither in a sender nor a receiver,
29
but in both. Combined, culture is not individual and one-way, but complex, active,
by Camaroff and situating the discourse of nationalism and its cultural dimension in
Geertz’s first and fourth stages, it is possible to explore ways in which cultural
enterprises in Greece first built and crystallized the nationalist movement and then took
The Greek War of Independence was fought between 1821 and 1833 (Clogg,
1992). However, the campaign for national sovereignty began before the outbreak of war
between the Greeks and the Ottoman Turks. Equally important, the general impetus for
(Jusdanis, 1991; 2001). During the Ottoman occupation, Greek intellectuals began to
travel to European cities and discover the vast gaps in culture that separated them from
the West. Thus, it was the work of Greek intellectuals, mainly outside Greece, who
served not as fighters on the battlefield, but as historians, interpreters, poets, and teachers
1992). Debatably, language is seen as the most important aspect of creating a collective
30
imagined community (Anderson, 1991). In Greece, a series of debates related to national
identity and the language question ensued. Remarkably, the most recent milestone of
Another step in this cultural process was the creation of a “canon of stories,” a
national literature. Creating an autochthonous literary canon became the work of Greek
writers in the struggle to construct a national identity and a Greek nationalism. Literature
distinguished history that linked ancient and modern Greece, and allowed Greeks to
an unjust, foreign rule was invented. This is the creation of a national myth.
formed around many focal points, confluent and divergent, all constructing themselves
around the idea of nationalism, sometimes in tandem, sometimes not. Also, the
least a privileging of text over oral traditions, questions of who is being silenced, and
categories of access among them and they have been prominent cultural forces in the
31
development of nationalism in Greece. However, the various ways in which history has
been used to advance particular views about nationalism is emphasized in the following
section.
History is a crucial element to nations and ethnic groups in the process of making
narrative.8 Therefore, the selection of facts inescapably involves interpretation and the
knowledge to discern between productive and futile forms of historical selection is not an
objective practice.
heirs of classical antiquity. This process, however, began long before independence.
(1716-1806) merely brought them into the public, and political, arena. Mavrokordatos,
who studied in Rome, was an early modernizer who sought an education outside the
Ottoman Empire. However, the Patriarchate, a major figure in cultural production for
Greeks at this time, resisted the new ideas that he and others brought back to Greece.
Foremost was Mavokordatos’s idea of an existing struggle between the Ancients and
Moderns (Jusdanis, 2001). Subsequently, it was Voulgaris who advocated the alignment
between modern and ancient Greece that was the seed for a common descent among
8
I put “facts” in quotation marks because I am not suggesting the idea that there is a set of events in the
past that depicts one reality of that past. Rather, I use the term to refer to a “set of constructs” about the
past.
32
Greek-speaking subjects of the Ottoman Empire. After him, Greek intellectuals began to
themselves as the true descendents of the ancient Greeks. And because Western Europe
had appropriated ancient Greek culture during the Enlightenment, the connection
between ancient and modern Greece conveniently made the subjugation of Greeks a
culture remains totally unaltered with the passage of time. As generations succeed
generations, all kinds of changes occur. Thus, “a premise of cultural continuity cannot
avoids the practice of exposing a culture’s “ignorance” about their cultural universe in
favor of attempting to say something about how they perceive and articulate that culture
(ibid., p. 10). Rather than challenging the factual basis of nationalist ideas of cultural
continuity, he suggests that the Greek narrative of continuity served as a cultural force in
the development of an imagined collective Greek identity before, during and after the
Taken together, persuasion via language, literature and history have the power to be more
9
This type of appropriation of cultural capital, extracted from peripheral areas such as Greece for
“consumption” in the centers of Europe is not unlike the flow of immigrants in today’s era of globalization
whose identities are transformed in the transnational spaces that they enter. M. Kearney (1995) discusses
this idea in his discussion of transnationalism and globalization. He sites an example of the transnational
transformation of the tango as a working-class dance from Argentina that was exported to Europe where it
was refined, or “re-class-ified,” and then imported in this genteel form to Japan, while also being recycled
back to Argentina as a national symbol appropriated by proletarians and elites alike in a neocolonial
context (p. 554).
33
insidious than coercion via political means. While the latter generally provokes some
perhaps, avoid planting these seeds, insofar as it may lead its subjects to desire, or think
they desire, for themselves precisely what the nationalist ideology desires of them
(Lincoln, 1991).
However, the viability of the nation-state is being destabilized today. Questions such as:
studying culture? These are the debates raised about nationalism, ethnicity and border
(Wallerstein, King, Hall, Robertson, Bhabba). However, is it safe to write the obituary of
the nation-state? According to Anthony King in Culture, Globalization and the World-
System, despite the different positions taken by cultural studies academics, all share, to a
greater or lesser extent the rejection of the nationally constituted society as the
appropriate object of discourse, or unit of social and cultural analysis (King, 1997, p.
viii). Indeed, nationalism in the modern world has been given a negative reputation by
34
the most creative changes in history, and doubtless will be so again in
many yet to come (Geertz, 2000, pp. 253-4).
While it is easy to produce both destructive and creative forces within the domain
this is not convincing enough to conclude that it is ineffectual in the study of culture. On
the contrary, it seems a more productive enterprise to study why nationalism takes the
forms that it does, such as nationalism as a cultural phenomenon, in both the pursuit of
binary, and Western assumptions in a way that envisions a more complex world space.
Correspondingly, the same may be done in the postnational imaginary. Two points
resound. First, culture, as “webs of significance that we ourselves have spun” speaks to a
need for analysis of those “significant webs” that society has created. This includes the
the very experience of re-mapping the world onto a global terrain that intensifies an
awareness of local cultures, national or otherwise, and, in the process, reinforces its
10
See Comaroff’s (1996) interesting discussion of the difference between “Euronationalism,”
“ethnonationalism” and “heteronationalism,” all of which are couched in the discourse of “nationalism”
(pp. 175-180).
35
discourse (p. 174). Thus, while it is a disservice to discount the challenging questions
about nationalism and its changing role in a global era, it is equally idle to disregard it as
a meaningful and appropriate object of discourse or unit of social and cultural analysis.
from many countries and every part of Europe gathered in Hamburg, Germany to discuss
a variety of issues related to the past, present and future of Europe. The Round Table
sought to discuss European culture in its present state. The first part of the discussion
of Europe’s image of its place in the world” (Bergdorf Round Table, 2003, p. 19). Topics
questions: What is European culture and is there even such a thing in these times of
associate with places such as Jerusalem, Athens, and Rome? Is Europe a definite space
or is it an idea? The second session “built on these very basic foundations to identify the
challenges facing cultural policy in the enlargement and consolidation of the European
Union” (ibid., p. 19). According to participants, this part of the discussion yielded the
consensus that culture and the cultural Europeanization of the region will play a central
36
And Paul Valery, in his study of the definition of the word “European,”
Athens stands for the ancient Greek tradition of thought based on the
rationality of the thinking mind. Rome’s heritage is that of local
administration and, last but not least, Jerusalem symbolizes Judeo-
Christian spirituality (Ahrweiler, in Reinventing Europe, p. 25).
Although few would agree that Europe has become a kind of United States of
Europe, and the foundations by which Valery defines “European” are arguably elitist and
exclusionary, there is certain agreement in the literature that Europe has undergone and
Thus, this section examines some of the processes of Europe, European integration and
the Europeanization of education and productively works within, against and beyond
them as presented in the literature. I start with a discussion of the European Union as an
imagined community and the discourses that construct this transnational space. Next, I
describe specific ways in which Hellenic identity is constructed within this imagined
37
inexorable force in this process (Calhoun, 2002). European integration, for example, is
often sold as a necessary response to the global integration of capital. In 1946, close to
the end of the Second World War, Churchill spoke at the University in Zurich where he
announced, “We must build a kind of United States of Europe…If Europe is to be saved
from infinite misery and indeed from final doom, there must be this act of faith in the
warns that projects of unification may be set forth on the cultivation of homogeneity and
continuity, leaving little room for heterogeneity and contradiction. These assumptions,
resting in the rhetoric of common interests, are taken up later in the study.
relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by
events occurring many miles away and vice-versa” (Kearney, 1995, p. 548). Major
themes in the globalization literature that I have identified may be summarized as (1) a
questioning of the role of the nation-states, (2) tensions and/or dialectics between local
and global forces, (3) deterritorialization and re-conceptualizing borders, and (4) decays
in the center to periphery model. Clearly, these themes overlap and work as integral, but
not necessarily equal or decided, parts of a whole process. Specifically, economic and
cultural globalization are primary descriptors used to describe the processes by which
societies, particularly European, are increasingly linked (Arnove, 1999, p. 2). Economic
producing and distributing goods and services (p. 2). Central to these economic
processes is the diffusion of space. An obvious example in Europe is the creation of the
European Economic Community and the introduction of the Euro as its members’ shared
38
currency. Cultural globalization processes, which are defamiliarizing relationships
between identity, space and difference, coincide with this highly globalized capitalism.
An example of cultural globalization within the European space is the creation of the
European Union wherein common institutions are set up to which members delegate
some of their sovereignty so that decisions on matters of joint interest can be made at a
European, rather than national, level. This pooling of sovereignty may be seen as
both economic and cultural globalization processes are intertwining agendas as they
require educators to recognize how forces from all areas of the world previously
considered distant and remote impinge upon national curricula. As Arnove and Torres
(1999) suggest,
6). He describes that it is imagined because the members of the nation are not necessarily
in contact with each other, but nevertheless believe themselves to constitute a community
with some unique collective fate. In this collective imagination, the nation is established
that makes it possible, over the past two centuries, for so many millions of people, not so
much to kill, as willing to die for such limited imaginings (ibid., p. 7). In the same way,
Ernest Renan describes the nation as “the culmination of a long past of endeavors,
39
sacrifice, and devotion…and, indeed, suffering in common unifies more than joy does”
Thus, the eighteenth century marks the movement of the age of nationalism in
Western Europe (11) as well as the dawn of rational, reason-guided thought described by
the Enlightenment (St. Pierre, 2000). However, Anderson does not attempt to prove that
nationalism somehow superseded religion, the fountainhead of thought prior to this time.
Instead, what he proposes is that “nationalism has to be understood by aligning it, not
with self-consciously held political ideologies, but with the large cultural systems that
preceded it, out of which—as well as against which—it came into being” (Anderson,
1991, p. 12). Thus, the convergence of various cultural systems, such as language,
values, historical narratives and print technology, helped create the possibility of a new
form of imagined community (p. 46). Here, he stresses the crucial role played not by
political developments, which surely have a firm footing in the processes of nationalism,
but by cultural processes in forging imaged bonds between people, territory and ideals.
transcended amidst the forces of globalization discussed in the previous section. In other
words, will the intensification of social relations and linking of distant localities caused
by global flows lead to an imagined world community that replaces the roles of the
However, does this necessarily imply a rejection of the nationally constituted society as a
40
At present, it appears that nationalism is in an ambiguous state and perhaps
indefinitely so. In the political and cultural discourses of Western Europe, it is uncertain
whether the European Union will resemble an alliance of nations, each retaining its own
supra-national organization, thus creating a different political and cultural space. This
eighteenth century that aimed at creating a binary opposition between Occident and
Orient begin to address these questions. Edward Said’s (1978) Orientalism discourse11
describes how the Orient has been one of the poles of difference that has given the West
fundamental elements of its identity, and especially its continuing sense of superiority
mainly as differences turn into weaknesses. Thus, the West becomes that which is not
Oriental. Specifically, the West, broadly embodying cultures of Northern and Western
Europe and the United States, gains strength and identity by setting itself against the
Orient, or cultures outside the West. What the discourse represents, as Said deftly
11
Said designates Orientalism a discourse by employing Foucault’s notion of a discourse. He contends
that “without examining Orientalism as a discourse one cannot possibly understand the enormously
systematic discipline by which European culture was able to manage—and even produce—the Orient
politically, sociologically, militarily, ideologically, scientifically, and imaginatively during the post-
Enlightenment period” (Said, 1978, p. 873).
41
explains, has less to do with the Orient than it does with the political, intellectual, cultural
and moral powers that are produced by and exist in Western culture (Said, 1978, p. 874).
and contends that “without examining Orientalism as a discourse one cannot possibly
understand the enormously systematic discipline by which European culture was able to
(ibid., p. 873).12
Once the Orient is thought of as a “Western projection” (ibid., p. 878), then the
West’s knowledge of the Orient becomes the Orient. Likewise, that which is non-
Oriental becomes the West. In other words, “Orientalist notions influenced the people
who were called Orientals as well as those called Occidental, European, or Western”
(ibid., p. 881). In short, perception becomes reality. This demarcation between East and
West, although an imagined distinction, was created by two principal elements according
to Said. One was a growing systematic knowledge in Europe about the Orient,
the alien and unusual, exploited by the developing sciences…[and] a sizable body of
literature produced by novelists, poets, translators, and travelers. The other feature of
Oriental-European relations was that Europe was always in a position of strength and
relationship, on political, cultural, and even religious grounds, was seen—in the West,
12
Foucault’s definition of a discourse is “…a limited number of statements for which a group of conditions
of existence can be defined” (Foucault, 1972, pp. 116-7).
42
which is what concerns us here—to be one between a strong and a weak partner (ibid., p.
880).
Otherness and authority. It is set up as a contrast between “the familiar (Europe, the
West, “us”) and the strange (the Orient, the East, “them”). In short, a concept such as “the
mobilized and used as if it were real (Wolff , 2000). And this vision, in a sense, created
and then served the two worlds thus conceived” (Said, 1978, p. 883). As a result, the
West is formed in and represented by persuasive claims to status, control and the
establishment of difference through regulations and precepts. As such, the Orient and its
“objects” of study are essentially fixed, thus a-historical in this sense, instead of being
defined “as all other beings, states, nations, peoples, and cultures—as a product…of the
forces operating in the field of historical evolution” (ibid., p. 885). This sets up a binary
issues of cultural identity by regarding the intimacy between Greece and Europe as
Greek antiquity has been of foremost in the construction of European civilization and
43
This approach…has offered the main argument for the formation of the
Greek national identity and for the construction of the official version of
history which is taught at the Greek school till today (p.1).
As such, “having a history,” in the sense of being able to claim one’s own
antiquity and a continuous narrative deriving from it, became a widespread symbol of
nationalism during the 19th century (Anderson, 1983). In Europe, these historical
modern nation building consisted in making congruent political, territorial, cultural and
linguistic structures (Avdela, 2000; Gellner 1983 in Schriewer, 2000). Thus, national
educational systems were employed, and continue to take part in producing and
gives little space for methodological variety and topics that are not directly related to the
Not unique to Greece, history, literature and language have been used to teach a
population who they are, where they come from and where they are going (Avdela, 2000;
Dragonas & Frangoudaki, 2000; Dragonas & Bar-On, 2000). Thus, it may be supposed
that school history in Greece and elsewhere is an important factor in may contexts. It
may be an influential part of individual and collective identity, it may have a bearing on
values and interests, and it may influence attitudes and actions (Angvik, 1997).
emerging as a new identity project in many respects (van der Leeuw-Roord, 2001).
Specifically, there have been careful considerations at the educational level to avoid a
homogenizing design wherein nation-states ignore and play down differences. European
44
slogans such as “unity in diversity,” “Europe of the regions” and “Europe of the people”
suggest a different course for the identity project (Macdonald, 2002), one that attempts to
move away from binary oppositions, and are reflected in various European Union policy
education.13 It must not be overlooked, however, that the new European identity project
has many similarities to nationalist projects before it, including the cultivation of a
collective identity.
The subsidiarity principle requires that decisions within the European Union be
taken at levels as close to the national, regional or local level as possible (Bergedorf
Round Table, 2003). Applied to education, the principle advocates that the European
member states for the content and organization of their educational systems (CEC, 1992).
Thus, the principle makes it clear that national educational systems are protected from
implement initiatives remain at the local level (Ryba, 2000). Likewise, the European
dimension in education included for young Europeans the ambitious goals of (1)
Union, (3) greater awareness of the advantages and challenges that living in the European
Union represent, and (4) improved knowledge of all member states’ historical, cultural,
13
Creating a national imagination involves the operation of power, typically involving the hegemonic
dominance of one part over the other. Taking this into consideration, while European Union policy
suggests “unity in diversity,” one cannot ignore that the European Union already claims to be the central
area of Europe, the very notion of “Europe.” In other words, “Europe” is equivalent to the “European
Union” in a majority of discussions from the literature (Dragonas & Bar-On, 2000).
45
economic, and social aspects (CEC, 1988). Recent research on history textbooks
suggests that the combination of the subsidiarity principle and European dimension have
not established a common course of action. On the contrary, they have had widely
collective European identity among European youth (see Boystov, 2001; Tutiaux-
Guillon, 2001; von Borries, 2001; Pingel, 2001). In using the term “identity,” this
rather than individual, as changing rather than static, multiple rather than singular. Thus,
Today in Europe, social and political status is often associated with membership
in the European Union. According to Dragonas and Bar-On in their article, “National
Identity Among a Neighboring Quartet: The Case of Greeks, Turks, Israelis and
Palestinians,” the European Union already claims to be the central area of Europe, the
Union” (p. 343).14 In addition, the emphasis on “unity in diversity,” not necessarily an
uniting the immensely diverse cultures inside the European space. While it accepts
diversity as an asset and asserts that European identity is not being constructed by
abolishing national differences (Tulasiewicz & Brock, 2000, pp. 15-17), it is uncertain
whether national curricula, where cultural reproduction is historically a central aim, leave
14
Likewise, the European Union assumes control over the people in Europe in select bodies such as the
European Council (15 Heads of State), Council of the European Union (Ministers from member states),
European Commission (20 members), European Parliament (626 members), and Court of Justice (15 judges
to monitor compliance to EU policies).
46
room for subordinated groups to challenge dominant forces. By subordinated groups, I
refer to both indigenous and immigrant minorities within cultural or national borders
Identity is not fixed, nor is identity a single definable “condition.” Yet the
construction of identity can be the construction of inequalities, as well as a
powerful force in transforming the structures that seek to reduce the
identity of Otherness to a single, stereotyped dimension (p. 139).
“In the case of a national Greek identity, at least in the “official” version
unchanging entity, not a product of history (Avdela, 2000). Analysis of history textbooks
shows that this historical account is created through selective social memory, which
conceals and omits all those crucial elements that might disturb the image of continuity
and homogeneity” (ibid., p. 248). As such, ideas of tradition and modernity in the
links between Greece and Europe. While the tradition side of this dichotomy focuses on
nationalism and the preservation of a Greek identity, it does not imply a rejection of
European culture (Zambeta, 2000). In other words, the cultural intimacy between Greece
and Europe remains fully intact within the context of the tradition/modernity deliberation.
On the other hand, if modernization discourse perceives the European Union as a political
entity representing the stability, development and security of its citizens, it must also be
expected that the EU contribute in Greece’s prosperity and to strengthening its place in
the European community. In this context, both Hellenocentrism and Eurocentrism are
47
identity in Greece must rest on a framework that understands identity as existing as a
focus my research on the teaching and learning of history at Anatolia College. Thus, it is
appropriate to say something about the field of history itself, and to give a general picture
of the current state of history education in Greece. In the first part of this section, I
discuss theoretical debates within the discipline of history and compare school history
with other kinds of history in order to emphasize the didactic purposes for teaching and
“’The life which is unexamined is not worth living.’ So Plato insists; and it is
arguable that ‘unexamined history’ similarly is not worth doing” (Southgate 1996, 1).
While a popular view of history tends to smooth out the contours of the past, brushing
away its inconsistencies, a more useful view is one that conceptualizes history as a
complex interaction of past and present. Since E.H. Carr, in What is History? (1961),
suggested that history “is a continuous process of interaction between the historian and
his facts, an unending dialogue between the present and past,” there has arisen a steady
flow of attempts to describe and understand history from more than simply a study of the
48
past. Thus, the idea of unexamined history is at the heart of theoretical debates about
history today. Simply stated, the debate revolves around modernist versus postmodern
He goes on to describe the cause of this condition as one related to a general failure in the
which sought the application of reason, science and technology in all areas of social
formations (Jenkins, 1995). Such a shift has given rise to a healthy skepticism towards
all sorts of epistemological and ontological theories. Thus, history’s attempt to follow
Herotodus’ goal “to record the truth about the past” has been undermined by the
Considering this postmodern debate, the definition of history as the study of the
anachronous for several reasons. First, the concept of truth is hardly called into question
and this leads to the presupposed existence of an objective historical truth that can be
uncovered to reveal the past ‘as it was’ (Southgate, 1996, p. 8). Underlying such a view
is the idea that there is a past reality just waiting to be uncovered or discovered by the
historian. Within the postmodern context, the very concept of truth is defamiliarized and
the idea of a single, agreed-upon Truth is transformed into the idea of multiple truthS.
Richard Rorty makes the point that when the idea that truth was made or invented rather
than found began to take hold of the imagination in Europe, two important ideas began to
49
be articulated. First was the repudiation of the view that anything had an inherent nature
to be expressed or represented. Second, there began a distinction between the claim that
the world is out there and the claim that truth is out there (Rorty, 1989).
bound up in modernist notions of accuracy and objectivity, i.e., a belief in the accuracy
and objectivity of the historian (Jenkins, 1995). Post-positivist theories question the
absolute validity of such concepts and propose new approaches that tend to conclude that
there can never be one single privileged position from which a story of the past can
and positional nature of all historical interpretations and readings, alludes to the
impossibility of history as an accurate and objective account of the past and towards the
Richard Rorty and Hayden White both are working from within the philosophical
development known as the linguistic turn, or the recognition that history is a narrative
about the past written in the here and now, rather than some distanced mirror of it
(Munslow, 2001). This view that history is a narrative of the past constructed by
authored. Alun Munslow (2001) describes that the emphasis now is less on history as a
process of objective discovery and report but rather accepts its unavoidably fictive nature,
in a way that deems them unsatisfactory. It forces us to face up to the highly complex
question of how we know things about the past. Munslow points out that postmodern
historians ask many fresh questions. Are facts best thought of as events under a
description? Is all data ultimately textual and, if so, what are its implications? Should
history be written primarily according to literary rules and, if so, what are they? What is
the significant difference between literary and figurative speech in history and how does
and its constructed, i.e., its ideological, meaning? Can history ever exist beyond
discourse? And the very big question, is history what happened, or what historians tell us
necessary fiction of the historian. This, then, invites a simultaneous suspicion and
51
seduction of historical knowledge and methods. As such, while it may seem desirable for
the postmodern historian to trouble concepts such as truth, accuracy and objectivity, I
must also acknowledge that they are a part of my research and I cannot entirely do
without such concepts at present. As Spivak reveals, we must think about the things we
in any historical project. Petra Munro contributes to the debate by maintaining that we
must become comfortable with a more complex, less tidy, non-linear understandings of
history that disrupt the very categories that make history intelligible. It is Munro’s site of
“dis-ease,” doing history while simultaneously being suspicious of it, that I find useful to
How, then, does this debate translate into a discussion of school history?
(Maternicki, 1995). Furthermore, history in Europe has often been employed in the
constructing of national identities with history education programs aiming to foster these
identities through a national sense of the past (van der Leeuw-Roord, 2001). Historian Efi
Avdela describes history courses, particularly in Europe, as playing a central role in the
52
process of cultivating a national identity. According to her, the goal is to provide a
common past, a common myth of origin and promote cultural homogeneity within a
nation-state’s population (Avdela, 2001, p. 239). Avdela states that the type of school
history that promotes the cultivation of national identity is currently in place in Greece.
As a result, a single point of view is imposed on students. This implies an agenda that
lies outside the sphere of historical knowledge. However, Christina Koulouri (2002), in
the introduction to Clio in the Balkans: The Politics of History Education, describes a
very different goal for school history—to promote mutual tolerance and understanding.
Koulouri (2002) envisions a school history in the Balkans that considers “new trends in
academic history” (p. 34), i.e., postmodern approaches for school history.
She goes on to describe that comparative school history aims to acquaint students
with both differences and similarities in an attempt to abolish the dogmatic teaching
objective of history that promotes a single truth. Equally, the move away from military
and political history and toward economic, social and cultural history is meant to engage
students in discussions of historical experiences that are more interesting and relevant for
them. It also aims at teaching conflicts from a new perspective by deemphasizing war as
53
states. Finally, and perhaps most important, the development of critical thinking is the
main purpose of her vision of historical teaching and learning, in the hope that future
citizens will be more informed decision makers (Koulouri, 2002). While Avdela and
Koulouri describe two very different ways of viewing school history, one observed and
the other a vision, both describe ways that school history may be designed and for what
purpose.
textbook for each grade level. These textbooks, according to Avdela et al, present the
Greek nation as an almost ‘natural’ entity, having three main traits: uninterrupted
historical continuity since antiquity, the powerful ability of conserving Greek cultural
characteristics, and great cultural homogeneity (Avdela, 1997; 2000). Thus, these history
courses play a diffuse yet omnipotent role in the process of constructing national identity.
Specifically, the purpose is to devise a national discourse that constructs a common past
and common national narrative; cultural features that, together with language and
territory, are considered the distinguishing features of any national identity (Evdela,
2000; Jusdanis, 2001; Danforth, 1995). In other words, historian “in the context of a
Greek educational system that is highly centralized, uniform, and ethnocentric, the main
identity] rather than the cultivation of critical thinking” (Avdela, 2000, p. 235). By
teaching the past in this way, the Greek educational system is reproducing a romantic
conception of the nation-state. The way in which this conception influences the
54
to country and, according to Avdela, the Greek educational system is a good illustration
of a school system that attaches particular significance to its account of national history
comparison of the national and non-national history curricula offered at the school under
study. However, before getting to the analysis of data from this case study, it is
Europe, the European Union and Greece during the last three decades. By doing so, one
may better understand from where educational ideas originated, by whom and for what
explicit purposes.
55
CHAPTER 3
communities of today, especially their big cities, are increasingly pursuing transnational
partnerships and globally minded political sensibilities (Dragonas, 2000). Such flows of
institutions, and cultures. Also notable is the challenges they pose to the centrality of
nationalism and identity in cultural processes and studies (Comaroff, 1996; Hannerz,
and cultural identity are produced and reinforced, is a compelling area of research. While
the preceding chapter progresses from a general discussion of the discourses associated
with nationalism, the European space and history education, the current one transitions to
56
Europeanization of education and the specific context of Greek national education reform
represented before it can be experienced and loved, or hated (Dragonas, 2001, p. 344).
This process of making the European Union visible is achieved, in part, through
education. The European space, with its purposeful efforts to reshape cultural borders
interesting springboard for discussing the discourses associated with defining Europe.
challenges for the national educational systems within it. Thus, attention is directed to
involvement of the two most important pan-European organizations, the European Union
Early attempts at European unity tend to focus on the conquests and influence
exercised by a few powerful states (Tulasiewicz & Brock, 2000). The unity imposed,
such as that by the Roman and Ottoman Empires, by the Church, or with the Nazi regime,
usually sparked uprisings in those parts of Europe who were excluded from the powerful
centers of control or living under oppressive conditions. After the Second World War,
new attempts to unify the European space emerged. These new plans are presented as
peaceful means for including a wider marshalling of humanitarian, health and educational
concerns (p. 11). The Council of Europe has suggested the idea of unity in diversity,
57
emphasizing the advantages of both unity and diversity, as a policy for the European
Europe in education initiatives recognizes that European unity is not so much the result of
a common legacy, which is a static element, but that it is dynamic agreed-upon actions
dimension. The idea, originally proposed in 1988 by the European Commission of the
Raymond Ryba points out, these efforts are not new and there is a long history of efforts
1670), Voltaire (1694-1778), Adam Smith (1723-1790), Victor Hugo (1802-1885) and
was shared, despite the constant wars, and which, if only developed and made explicit,
could lead to greater peace (Ryba, 2000, p. 246). However, little progress was made in
this direction as nationalist projects, particularly in the nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries, developed nationalist curricula, which led to centrifugal rather than centripetal
tendencies in the evolution of European education. It was only after World War II that
organizations such as the Council of Europe and the then European Economic
Community, from which the European Union developed, initiated and began to expand
58
The Council of Europe
Of the two, the Council of Europe, founded in 1949 and based in Strasbourg, is
the oldest and less powerful organization. As Article I of the Statute of the Council of
Europe states, “The aim of the Council of Europe is to achieve a greater unity between its
members…” (www.coe.int). At the same time, it involves far more European countries
in its membership than does the European Union, including forty-six member states
encompassing 800 million Europeans as of January 2005. Since November 1990, the
accession of 21 countries of central and eastern Europe, the most recent being Serbia and
Montenegro in April 2003, has given the Council “a genuine pan-European dimension, so
that it is now the organization that represents Greater Europe” (www.coe.int). Likewise,
the Vienna Summit in October 1993 cast the Council of Europe as “the guardian of
democratic security” founded on human rights, democracy and the rule of law. And
during the Second Summit in Strasbourg in October 1997, the Heads of State adopted a
plan to strengthen the Council’s work in four areas: democracy and human rights, social
cohesion, the security of citizens and democratic values, and cultural diversity
(www.coe.int).
questions posed on the Council of Europe official website demonstrate their commitment.
How can education promote human rights and fundamental freedoms and strengthen
pluralist democracy? and How can education unite Europe’s peoples and bring mutual
understanding and confidence across cultural divides and national borders? (ibid.).
Having always shared its educational and cultural objectives with all states in Europe,
59
regardless of membership in the organization, it may be viewed as one of the most
assumption that may be present for the organization is that education is ideologically
Council of Europe has no legislative powers. This means that its influence is limited to
powerful than the Council of Europe, having clear legislative powers over and above
those of its member states in some domains, it is limited to a much smaller number of
European countries. The first organizations to emerge in Europe after WWII were aimed
at strengthening economic ties among the different countries. The Schuman Plan for
establishing a European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), put forth in 1951, actually
preceded the EEC. The Treaties of Rome, subsequently, established the EEC, whose
purpose was to integrate the members’ economic resources other than coal and steel into
an economic union within which goods, labor, services and capital would move freely.
These two organizations, along with the European Atomic Energy Community, merged
into the “European Community” in 1967. The original six members of these
and The Netherlands. As of May 2004, the European Union includes twenty-five
members. These are, in addition to the original six, Austria, Cyprus, Czech Republic,
Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland,
60
Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. Four additional
(www.europa.eu.int).
The European Union’s central purposes, until recently, have been essentially
economic and political, rather than cultural and educational. Legislation is overseen by
its Council of Ministers, a body of ministers from member states relevant to the particular
issues. Decisions made by the Council of Ministers are administered and carried out by
school curricula as early as the 1950s, including studies on bias in textbooks and
no part in educational matters until the 1970s (Neave, 1984). In the early years of the
Ministers meetings for educational issues, began convening regularly in the 1970s, and in
1976 the European Community set up its first set of educational programs directly aimed
the term European dimension of education has replaced older terms such as
15
A candidate country is one that has applied to join the European Union and whose application has been
officially accepted. Before a candidate country can join the EU it must meet the Copenhagen criteria.
First, it must have stable institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for
minorities. Second, it must have a functioning market economy. Third, it must take on board all the EU
treaties and laws, declarations and resolutions, international agreements on EU affairs and the judgments
given by the Court of Justice, and support the various aims of the European Union. The EU reserves the
right to decide when a candidate country has met these criteria and when the EU is ready to accept the new
member.
61
Europeanization, because it is believed to be more representative of the goals of the
By the 1980s, two developments occurred that were significant for a European
dimension of education. The first was the development of exchange programs, including
(Ryle, 2000; Brock & Tulasiewicz, 2000; Winther-Jensen, 1996).16 Around the same
time, the Lingua and Tempus programs were established. The former supports interest in
improved competence in European languages and the latter, set up after the fall of the
Iron Curtain, promotes research and exchange activities between Central and Eastern
European states (Ryba, 2000; Bucur & Eklof, 1999). While these initiatives were indirect
and limited ways of promoting appreciation and understanding among students, the
schools through revised curricula and teacher training (Ryle, 2000). This led to the
passing of the European Community Council Resolution in May 1988, which set general
objectives for all member states to follow in implementing a European dimension in the
curricula and teacher education programs. Briefly, this included the “strengthening in
participation in the European Union,” “awareness of the advantages and challenges the
16
Additional exchange programs include the Arion Program, concerned with supporting study visits by
education specialists, the Commett Program, which promoted cooperation between higher education and
industry in the area of technology, and Youth for Europe, a program supporting exchanges in non-formal
education (CEC, 1989).
62
community represents,” and “improved knowledge of all member states’ historical,
After this time, the ministers of education began more regular meetings. This was
due, in part, to the Council Resolution, and, in part, to the acceptance of the Maastricht
Treaty in 199217, wherein the first direct article referring to education appeared. Since
this time, the European Union has become more involved in educational matters. The
A related article in the Maastricht Treaty, Article 3b, ensures that educational
decisions remain heavily within the domain of the individual member states, though.
This principle, known as the subsidiarity principle, makes it clear that national
and thus, decisions to implement initiatives remain at the local level (Ryba, 2000). The
treaty also led to increased budgets for education and training activities. Subsequently,
all former education programs were regrouped under one of two main program headings:
Socrates or Leonardo da Vinci. Broadly speaking, the Socrates Program brings together
all programs in the education field and the Leonardo Program consolidates all training
initiatives. Socrates, today in its second phase, states as its objective the promotion of a
17
With the signing of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Community was officially transformed
into the European Union.
63
foreign languages, encouraging mobility, promoting cooperation at the European level,
opening access to education and increasing the use of new technologies in the field of
education. The major programs included in Socrates II are Comenius and Erasmus,
Lingua, for language learning, Minerva, for information and communication technologies
in education, and Grudtvig, for facilitating the integration of adults formerly excluded
from the school system. The Leonardo da Vinci program focuses on vocational eduction.
teaching materials for use in secondary school curricula is on the rise. For example, the
in developing the European dimension and has created a series of fourteen major teaching
units for use in all schools within the European Union. Subjects include Environmental
The Rights of Man in Europe, Greek Drama and its Influences on European Theatre,
Literature and Ideas, Conflict in Europe, Identity, Solidarity and the Development of a
It is clear that in the last fifty years, a growing interest and seriousness in
productive and dangerous prospects may be found in the European dimension process. In
the next section, I consider challenges that are likely to be a part of this process in order
project.
64
PROBLEMATIZING ASSUMPTIONS
strongest stimulus to the whole range of educational activities taking place in Europe
(Tulasiewicz & Brock, 2000, p. 32). In addition, organizations such as Eurydice, the
Thus, beginning with the concept of a unified European space, realized in the European
Union, contributions have been made to the changing role of education therein. From
Additionally, current progress has inspired a multitude of research projects and pilot
projects aimed at studying issues related to the European space. At the same time,
exposing assumptions in the project of European integration may lead to strategies that
identity, it is uncertain whether this includes only European cultures, only dominant
cultures or whether the reference to cultural diversity in Europe includes those students
65
of Europe which is also very much influenced by non-European cultures? Furthermore,
does a European dimension include the relationship between youth living in Europe as
well as those outside the European Union and outside the European space overall? One
states’ schools. To date, there is still a clear distinction between “official” languages of
the EU and minority languages, which like dialects, do not enjoy the same status as
official ones. While the Barcelona European Council (2002) recommended that at least
two foreign languages be learned from a very early age, the dominance of English is
clearly apparent, followed by French, German, Spanish and Russian. Together, these five
languages account for 95% of foreign language learning within the European Union
(Wastiau-Schlüter, 2005). Thus, while the Lingua program expands language instruction,
it is still assumed that only “official” languages are useful to study. Thus, all programs
developed under the auspices of the European dimension of education, beginning with
the projects under the Socrates and Leonardo programs, must be designed to consciously
reading the literature, it appears that positive outcomes are assumed rather than
established. For example, exchange programs such as Erasmus have clearly increased the
However, this still involves only a minority of students and of those who do travel, not
much is known, at least in the literature thus far, about the effects of this kind of activity
66
on the attitudes of students. In fact, Ryba (2000) reports that very little research has been
done at the level of schools to begin to understand whether exchange programs in Europe
are doing what they are meant to do. Issues of funding and movement are central here,
too. Because it is expensive not only for individual nation-states to support exchange
programs, although EU Member States receive ample funding, but also for individuals
participating in them, opportunities are severely limited. Similarly, what is the flow of
students into countries? Are students only traveling to northern and western countries in
Europe or are they encouraged to travel to the less industrialized zones as well? This
issue calls for more understanding of the effects of EU projects at the local level and
It appears that the best chance of introducing a European dimension more widely
is through the school curricula. This way, the largest number of students and teachers are
assumption is that curricular content, ideas, values and attitudes will travel unchanged
across cultural border. However, as dialectical processes of global and local movements
demonstrate, meaning does not necessarily remain constant. This is not to suggest that
such processes are negative. Indeed, local interpretations of transnational tropes make
such passages possible. Thus, the impact of globalization provides a challenge for
understanding the changing contexts of education and its relation to the European Union,
cultural and ethnic groups and individuals. As people become increasingly aware that the
67
constraints of geography on social and cultural arrangements are receding (Morrow &
Torres, 1999, p. 105), there simultaneously arises the need to recognize local responses to
transnational agendas. Thus, I turn to the case of Greece in order to discuss educational
reform in a local setting. In doing so, I broadly sketch the course of educational reform
movements during the last three decades, the time in which a Europeanization of
education was also being developed. The main argument arising from this section is that
Writing about a nepotism scandal involving a Greek politician who helped his
tells his readers, “studying our backward modern education system, any informed
slogan since the 1960s-'70s. However, at the present time, Greece is a rich country on a
low-calorie diet” (Payiatakis, 2004). Historically, the Greek system of education has
been highly centralized and decisions on all educational matters come from the top. The
national curriculum of both primary and secondary levels, including curricula in private
high schools, is prescribed in detail by the government through the agency known as the
Greek Pedagogical Institute. Moreover, the Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs,
primarily dictates the governance of the schools (Flouris & Pasias, 2003). Over the last
forty years, the Ministry in association with each political party in power has enacted six
major comprehensive reforms. This means that on average, excluding the seven-year
68
period of the military dictatorship (1967–1974), reform of the Greek education system
seems to be taking place every six years, an impressive record by international standards.
Yet this phenomenon becomes less impressive when some of its more qualitative aspects
of reforms in Greece are taken into consideration (Mattheou, 2003). In other words, to
productive to outline, albeit partially, education reform during three historical periods in
the development of the nation-state. As numerous sources indicate, and Kazamias and
Roussakis (2003) succinctly summarize, “…the modern Greek educational system and
modern Greek paideia have been constructed and developed in relation to the formation
and continued process of consolidation and modernization of the Greek nation-state” (p.
8). Thus, after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the Greek educational system was
constituted and developed in tandem with the Greek nation-state in the nineteenth century
as an instrument for molding a national identity (ibid.). By the end of the nineteenth
identity.
The focus in this section is on reforms in the last three decades of the contemporary
era, specifically aligning with that of the post-junta period in Greece. I have chosen the
decade of the 1980s as a starting point as it is during this time that two major political
events, both having a great impact on Greek society, came into being. In 1981 the
country joined the European Economic Community, now the European Union, as a full
member state. At the same time, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), the
69
political party in power for approximately nineteen out of the last twenty-four years
(1981-1990, 1993-2004) first came into power. From these two important political
developments, I discuss the impact that each, PASOK and the European Union, have had
The Decade of the 1980s: PASOK and Third Way Socialist Reform
government under Prime Minister Andreas Panandreou. Although the PASOK party was
not elected into power until 1981, it set clear objectives for education in its 1977
campaign that were quickly abandoned in the 1980s, alluding to the party’s reform
orientation described below. With the political slogan “Change” in 1977, PASOK sought
a new course for Greek society, a society endorsing national independence, popular
sovereignty and social emancipation (Grollios and Kaskaris, 2003). However, the
abandonment of three key features of education reform attests to PASOK’s support for
authoritarianism. First, former claims to finance education with 15% of the national
budget were abandoned in the 1980s. Second, ideas found in their 1977 program relating
possibility to use multiple textbooks for the teaching of one subject, thus allowing
teaching and learning to become more critical and evaluative, was completely abolished
70
In their 1981 political campaign, while continuing to embrace the idea of change
through socialization, concurrently adopted the new political slogan, “Contract with the
People.” PASOK’s program for education, released just before the 1981 elections, states:
From this, it is clear that the educational discourse in the 1980s continues to
define education with reference to the concept of the nation, a far cry from a new course
and expansion of the educational enterprise (Kazamias & Roussakis, 2003). The reform
orientation was, according to Prime Minister Papandreou, consistent with the broader
1998; Kazamias & Roussakis, 2003) . One of the more substantial of the perceived “third
way” initiatives relating to upper secondary education was the establishment of the
“comprehensive multilateral lyceum” (EPL) in 1985. In the Law Plan, it was declared:
level ground. In reality, however, PASOK’s reform program in the 1980s did not
71
measure up. Overall, the changes are characteristic of PASOK’s education reform goals
The Decade of the 1990s: The Return of PASOK and EREFORM 2000
The return of the PASOK party in 1993, but especially after the death of Andreas
Papandreou and the election of Costas Simitis as prime minister in 1996, marked a new
orientation towards social democracy and an even stronger pro-European course for
Greece. In the rhetoric of education reform, the party sought to align education with
economic and social developments in the European space in the 1990s, a noticeably new
educational ideology for Greece (Kazamias & Roussakis, 2003; Zambeta ,2000), and
with economist Gerasimos Arsenis as Minister of Education and Religious Affairs, such
favor of PASOK’s Education Act 2525/1997, of which the document EREFORM 2000
was produced (Grollios & Kaskaris, 2003). As the Greek constitution provides for free
education for all Greek citizens at all educational levels, it was argued that the public
became clear that Greek education was not free at all. In other words, high private
public sector. Most of these private expenses went towards expensive supplementary
courses, known as frontisteria, or cram schools, and the cost of university students
studying abroad (Zambeta, 2000). These private education expenditures were used as a
major argument to support the creation of EREFORM 2000 in 1997 (Kazamias &
72
We have an educational system difficult to be described, a system that
needs to be changed. It is based on public educational provisions. Parallel
to this system another strong system has grown that purport to cover the
inadequacies of the formal sector. We are spending tremendous amounts
of money on education, either from public or private resources, without
having the desirable education outcome. (Stangos, 1998, in Zambeta,
2000, p. 4).
century. Their work indicates that the educational crisis was perceived to be one of (a)
between rural and urban areas, high dropout rates, frontisteria (cram schools),
network (general and vocational) that functioned differentially for social groups, and a
educational system relative to the new European and global world that was being
constructed and in which Greece chose to place itself (p. 17). Examples of the latter
abroad, and the large number of public sector employees in Greece compared to other EU
countries.
(eniaio lykeio) to replace the comprehensive multilateral lyceum (EPL), and this was
design for Greece. “According to one of the prime reform actors, the eniaio lykeio was
seen as a modern type of school that was prevalent in Europe and the world” (Kazamias
& Roussakis, 2003, p. 18). According to Law 2525/1997, the new upper secondary
73
school would follow the three-year compulsory general gymnasium (gymnasio) and
(similar to the French baccalaureate), which would entitle recipients to enter university or
vocational schools. However, compulsory education remained at nine years, making the
The institution of the unified lyceum was believed to be the way “to respond to
the demands of equal opportunities for education, to the reduction of the differentiating
lines among the various school types/forms in existence, and to the more efficient
development of the abilities, aptitudes, and interests of students.” At the same time, it
was seen as a school that would provide “a solid foundation of general education”
(Exarchakos, 1997, pp. 28-29, in Kazamias & Roussakis, 2003). As discussed in the
following section, while a degree of their goals have been achieved, the majority of
Greece continue to place emphasis on social inclusion. “This policy present egalitarian
system of student examinations in the last two years of lyceum leads to school failure and
drop outs. In tandem are the high private expenditures for supplementary courses
(frontisteria) that prepare the student for these examinations. Equally, the introduction of
rather than general knowledge that develops a broad range of understandings. In fact
74
Thus, what is there to disclose about the last, and most recent, wave of educational
reform in Greece?
According to recent study Greece is last among education indices in the European
Union (Anagnostopoulos, 2004). “Greece has yet to establish as system for equipping
young people to respond to the challenges and needs of the globalization era, officials
say. Nor does the existing system provide a solid general education” (ibid.). To address
the problem, the current Ministry of Education and Religion has chosen the Finnish
system, which has enjoyed great success in implementation, as a working model for its
own reforms. The appeal of the Finnish system for today’s Ministry is that it provides
both a general foundation of knowledge and the specific professional skills needed to
Greece under the neo-conservative New Democracy Party (2004-present), not veering too
far from its predecessors, and it is realized in the imminent reforms announced in March
2004 by the New Democracy Education Minister, Marietta Giannakou. The following
into internal school assessment exams in B’ Lyceum (second year of three in lyceum)
during the 2004-2005 academic year. In the following academic year, 2005-2006,
students in C’ Lyceum (final year of lyceum) will be examined in six, rather than nine,
75
of the lyceum are proposed, again, wherein two main types are established: the General
Lyceum and the Vocational Lyceum. The Technical Vocational Schools are to be
to the lyceum level. The final and perhaps most significant proposal in the new reform is
to extend compulsory education from nine to twelve years, thus making mandatory six
years of demotiko (primary school), three years of gymnasio (junior high school) and
three years of lykeio (lyceum or high school). Greece needs to adopt an effective system
of educational administration and control, the ministry says. At the same time, the
government plans to introduce changes gradually to make the transition process less
disruptive.
These new reform efforts reflect the sisyphian struggles that have plagued Greek
education since the early formation of the nation-state, struggles that are caused by forces
that have limited the possibility for system change. Particularly for Greece, two of the
most significant forces have been history and culture. Historically, after four hundred
years of struggle against the Ottoman yoke the establishment of the modern Greek
nation-state led to a profoundly embedded suspicion for authority, especially in the form
education system was used to “forge a unitary and homogeneous state that would permit
very little regional difference” (Economou, 1993, in Persianis, 2003, p. 50). In other
words, education was used to ensure “a specific type of national identity and the
transferring of orientations, loyalties, and bonds from the local or regional level to the
76
national center” (Mouzelis, 1992, in Persianis, 2003, pp. 50-51). Over time, it has been
proven quite difficult to break from this fixed educational structure and purpose.
History can also explain the low regard the state showed its citizens for a very
long time (Persianis, 2003). The long enslavement of the Greeks led to a poorly educated
citizenry and this sizeable portion of society grew to mistrust the small educated populace
and vice versa. This mistrust persists today as noted in the 1995 OECD Review that there
is “a distressing lack of trust at many levels of the [educational] system. Thus students
argue that more rigorous and regular assessment would make them subject to the political
bias of their teachers. Teachers argue that to do away with the waiting list [for job
placement], based on seniority, would make teacher appointments forfeit to the clientele
system” (OECE, 1995, p.4). The report goes on to point out that this mistrust is a serious
the Greek Orthodox religion. As stated in numerous sources, the Greek cultural
traditions of history, language, literature and religion have been the basic constituents of
Greek national identity (Dragonas & Frangoudaki et al., 2000). This is reflected in the
traditional ideal to foster good Greeks and good Christians and the government’s
insistence that religion remain a compulsory subject in all public schools despite
proposals to make such a curricular change (Persianis, 2003). The Orthodox Church’s
influence is also made explicit on the first day of school every year when the agiasmos,
blessing, is performed. This is a Greek tradition that speaks to the presence of Greek
Orthodoxy in the schools. During the agiasmos, mandated by the state, a Greek
Orthodox priest performs a ceremony to bless the school, students, faculty and staff.
77
Students take part in official ceremony regardless of religious affiliation or belief.
Similar agiasmos ceremonies are performed during school celebrations, such as OXI Day
and Independence Day, both national holidays. Similarly, all classrooms are adorned
with a religious icon of the Virgin and Child and in many cases, this is the only
adornment on the walls. When asked to make religious instruction an optional subject in
schools, the Ministry of Education has steadfastly rejected all proposals. It is believed to
be an essential subject for all Greek citizens, including religious minorities, despite
suggestions that it is a breach of students’ civil rights. This position is more explicable in
light of the fact that the Ministry of Education, officially named the “Ministry of
Education and Religious Affairs,” oversees both educational and religious affairs.
However, this is not to suggest that the influence of the Orthodox Church in educational
Conversely, it is another key obstacle to changing a system that is out of sync with
education reforms as discussed above. It reflects the anxiety, immediacy and relevance
78
lowest common denominator. For this to happen, education reformers must
look beyond the examination system and the number of entrants and instead
promote truly long-term investment in accordance with a program that will be
followed for a decade without interruptions and knee-jerk reactions.
(“Education Reform,” 2004).
79
CHAPTER 4
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
consciousness and cultural identity by means of a case study approach. Threaded into the
interest in culture are caught between the proverbial rock and a hard place. On one hand,
we strive to listen to and represent those people and institutions we study from a
perspective that is their own. On the other hand, we recognize that our role in shaping
the ethnographic experience is not invisible but influential. We make sense of what we
experience from our own epistemological and cultural frameworks and experiences. The
potential always exists that we will envelop our participants’ voices and experiences
within our own views and interests. Rather than adopting a nihilist attitude, I believe that
researchers must name the tensions that exist and use them as productive sites for
making the contradictions visible in productive ways so that the positive and negative
(and other) effects on the lives of individuals may be imagined. Instead of being weighted
80
down by seemingly endless stuck places in research, this project has given me the
evolving. This idea of continually evolving knowledge and shifting understandings has
study approach. Specifically, I identity the research design, explicit purposes that
underlie it, pose a set of research questions and discuss framing epistemologies. Then, I
outline the methodological approaches utilized in the study and discuss central
procedures and issues related to methods of data collection and analysis. In the final
section, I discuss the advantages and challenges encountered during the research process,
Research Design
high school in Thessaloniki, Greece from August - December 2002 and February - May
2004, a total of nearly ten months. In 2002, I spent approximately three days a week
administrators, analyzing school documents such as the mission statement and curricular
Thessaloniki for the remainder of the academic year, most of this time was spent
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translating and transcribing interviews and visiting the school on a more informal basis.
In February 2004, I returned in order to conduct member checks and additional classroom
question for the student questionnaire related to the May 2004 expansion of the European
primarily qualitative. However, results from the student questionnaire have been
compiled and used quantitatively throughout the analysis. The study is also described as
a comparative one; between two distinct history education programs at a Greek high
school and between the culture of European consolidation and the discourses of cultural
identity constructed in the school context. I chose Anatolia College as the local setting
wherein I conducted my doctoral research for several reasons, described below, and I use
and methodological positions in the following sections, “the centrality of the study of
ways.
description” (p. 6). Accordingly, the central purpose of my study is to use various data
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Anatolia College, specifically, but not limited to the Greek lyceum and International
Baccalaureate history programs of the school. In this approach, Geertz explains that the
superimposed upon or knotted into one another, which are at once strange, irregular, and
inexplicit,” and which the researcher “must contrive somehow first to grasp and then to
render” (p. 10). As his statement suggests, the emphasis on complexity in ethnographic
of what one sees, but the interpretive rendering of those descriptions—to use a well-
known anthropological example, “the meaning embedded in the wink” (p. 6-9). From
Within the context of transnationalism, such as that taking place in the European
space, conducting a case study offers potential for exploring local meaning production of
issues related to school history in Europe, nationalism, and cultural identity. Specifically,
I explore how students negotiate knowledge in their history classrooms and engage in
particular discourses as a way of situating, describing and making meaning of their own
cultural identities. A final purpose relates to an inquiry into a center-periphery model and
the binary logic it implies. Specifically, the edict that national forces are weakening both
at the local level and in the global space will be taken up variously throughout the
project. While these explicit purposes outline my research of Anatolia College, the
following set of research questions, also stated in the Introduction, serve as a contingent
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2. There are two distinct history programs, the Greek lyceum and the
International Baccalaureate, available to students at Anatolia College. How
do these two history programs compare with regard to knowledge production
and negotiation?
3. How can the particular discourses that Anatolia students employ in order to
situate themselves culturally be described? How do these discourses
contribute to a current narrative of Greekness and Europeanness?
large volumes of text. A portion of this data is presented throughout the study in order to
represent the participants’ voices and experiences. Indeed, I ended up with more data
than I can possibly use in one doctoral thesis. That said, I employ grounded theory, in
theorizing, albeit not completely, and use “inductive guidelines for collecting and
analyzing data” (Charmaz, 2000, p. 509). While my research design is not purely
grounded, I use some constructivist grounded theory strategies.18 For instance, rather
than developing an a priori coding system, I coded data after collecting and reading it.
18
By constructivist, I recognize that the researcher creates the data and ensuing analyses through
interaction with participants. In other words, data do not provide a window on reality (see Chapter 19 in
Handbook of Qualitative Research (2000) for a discussion of the difference between constructivist and
objectivist grounded theory).
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This way, I tried to interact inductively with the data throughout analysis process. As
such, categories of meaning evolved from the data rather than from my own
preconceptions of what I might have “wanted” to see. In this way, grounded theory is
theory that “is derived from the data, systematically gathered and analyzed through the
Framing Epistemologies
i.e., the aim, function and assumptions of methods. Simply stated, epistemologies are
representing the experiences of another culture (Britzman, 1995; Wolf, 1992; Van
Maanen, 1995 et al). This type of questioning is a vital part of research, ethnographic or
otherwise. However, I believe that the potential dangers do not warrant the abandonment
epistemology.
constructing knowledge as “the knower and the known interact and shape one another”
(p. 21). This implies that research is reciprocal and recursive. Postmodern approaches
more generally view forms of knowledge as always partial, positioned, and perspectival
(Lather, 2000). What this means for research is the replacement of master narratives with
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local, contextualized, and non-essentializing conceptual strategies. It does not mean that
modernist ways of knowing are rejected entirely. Rather, they are blended with new
ways of knowing to form new conceptualizations (St. Pierre, 2000; Middleton, 1996).
Educational ethnography, critiques withstanding, can help reveal the recursive role of
together, attempt to inform the phenomenon of cultural identity in the school setting.
From the small, seemingly insignificant decisions to the more considerable discernments,
It is cathartic in the sense that old ideas are often reshaped or replaced with new insights
interprets and searches for meaning, as if research is producing reality. Importantly, the
process is not unidirectional, but rather a cooperative, rhizomatic endeavor that allows for
“the proliferation of ruptures and discontinuities that, in turn, create other linkages”
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Anatolia College: The Setting and Negotiating Entry
students from many areas of Thessaloniki and other parts of northern Greece. I arrived in
begin acquainting myself with the city. It is the second largest city in Greece and the
capital of the Greek province of Macedonia. Located in northern Greece, the city was
named after the half sister of Alexander the Great, which translates as “Thessalonian
victory.” It was the second most important city in the Byzantine Empire, next to
Constantinople, and is full of Byzantine architecture. In the 15th century, it was a haven
for Jews exiled from Spain, who became an important part of the culture until almost the
entire population was sent to and perished in concentration camps during the Nazi
occupation of the city, thus ending a period of four hundred years of Jewish influence.
This period also roughly corresponds with the occupation of Greece by the Ottoman
Turks (1430-1912). It became part of the modern nation-state of Greece in 1913 and
today it is a lively city with an estimated population of one million, out of a total Greek
the school mission statement, the principles that guide Anatolia are service to one's
fellow man, respect for Greek culture, belief in democracy, and devotion to academic
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Thessaloniki) with approximately 750 students from 23 countries, and a one-year
English-language Secretarial School. My research focuses only on the Greek lyceum and
Greek public schools for the reasons mentioned above, however, it is not a representative
Greek high school in that it is private and students pay tuition, it has a boarding
department for students from other regions of Greece, it has an extensive extra-curricular
program, there is an intensive English language program required of all students, and it
holds the reputation, deservedly or not, as an elite high school in Greece. There is a
tremendous middle class demand for admission and this is offset through a strong
scholarship program. Thus, while the majority of the student body comes from middle-
class and upper middle-class families in Thessaloniki, eleven percent of its population is
scholarship students both from the city and other, more rural parts of northern Greece.
One of the first memories of arriving at my research site is the interview that I
gave for In Focus, the school newspaper. The vice president suggested that the
newspaper interview me since I was going to be a new and frequent face on campus.
During the interview, the student asked, “Why did you choose Anatolia College for your
research? I told him that the answer to this question is complex. First, I am interested in
whose views stand in contradistinction to those of the people living in Athens. Much
attention has been placed on Athens in the study of Greek culture, perhaps because it has
a greater population. Indeed, close to half of the Greek population lives there. Or,
perhaps it is due to the well-known history of its classical past as opposed to other areas
in Greece who are associated with different historical periods, such as the Byzantine past.
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Most likely, Athens has become the hegemonic center of Greece for a multiplicity of
reasons. Thus, I hoped to find it productive to move away from the dominant center in
my own study. My next criterion was to find a school where students have exposure to
and opportunities for international involvement. For example, Anatolia College has one
of the few International Baccalaureate programs in Greece, and the only IB program
objective is the promotion of a united Europe and Model United Nations, a worldwide
Nations. In addition, the school boasts a very strong English program and it is self-
final reason for choosing the school relates to the important research consideration of
access. In short, I had access through my relationship with an alumnus of the school. In
Greece, this last reason is an important one. Through my association with Greeks in the
in general, are quite suspicious of the type of observational research that I was
conducting and this makes it difficult to gain access as an outsider. However, having the
behalf, made the acceptance of my proposal more likely. Indeed, the faculty and
19
As of April 2005, the following schools in Athens offer IB Diploma (final two years of high school)
programs: American Community Schools of Athens, Campion School, Costeas-Gitonas School, Doukas
School, Geitonas School, H.A.E.F. (Psychico College), I.M. Panayotopoulos School, Moraitis School, St.
Catherine’s British Embassy School and The International School of Athens. One additional school,
Pinewood International School, located on the campus of Anatolia College, currently offers the IB Diploma
program as well. However, beginning in September 2005, this program will merge with Anatolia’s IB
program.
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administration at Anatolia welcomed my research not with idle acceptance, but rather
establishing rapport and treating the relationship between participants and myself always
expectations were openly discussed. In my case, I contacted the Vice President in charge
of high school operations. Afterwards, I sent him a solicitation letter, wherein I presented
my proposed research plan to him. As the “gatekeeper,” my initial contact with him was
crucial. Upon reviewing my proposal, he agreed to take it to the school’s deans for
approval. This was the second step in the entry process. As this took place, I began
thinking about issues of trust. I expect that this is one of the most basic, yet important
responsibilities of doing research. Indeed, as I negotiated with teachers and students for
participation, data collection and all subsequent outcomes were influenced by my ability
to build trustworthy relationships with them. The Vice President of Anatolia expresses
One issue that needs to be resolved, now that the Deans have agreed to
allow the research to place place [sic], is to discuss your presence in the
classroom with the relevant teachers of history and literature. It may be
that not all history and literature teachers will agree to have you observe
their classes; I haven’t discussed it with them yet. For example, it may be
that only 4-5 teachers will feel comfortable enough, and that you’ll have to
limit classroom observations to a subset of all available classrooms. You
need to be prepared for that possibility (3/1/2002).
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As Dr. Zodhiates predicted, not all teachers were interested or comfortable taking part in
to them (Appendix C) and solicit volunteers for my study. In all, seven faculty members,
five from the Greek lyceum and two from the International Baccalaureate program,
agreed to participate. In addition, five members of the administration, including the two
deans from the Greek lyceum, the director of the International Baccalaureate program,
the vice president in charge of high school operations and the president of the College
participated. I was pleased and grateful that all those who participated were
conscientiously involved, accommodating and generous with their time and classrooms.
Throughout the ensuing sections, I expose the varying ways in which my general
data collection methods and data results, and finally, as I consider advantages and
METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH
theory on interpretation, or the act of making sense out of a social interaction. Thus, for
them, theory building arises and advances through “thick description”, defined as
“description that goes beyond the mere or bare reporting of an act (thin description), but
describes and probes the intentions, motives, meanings, contexts, situations and
circumstances of action” (Glesne, 1999, p. 22). I believe that theory should be built
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during research, rather than imposing it entirely a priori onto situations. However,
theories and methods inform one another (Gee, 1999), so my research approaches suggest
single case study, is a productive methodology for engaging with Greek students,
interpretations of cultural phenomena within the local context of a Greek high school,
further inquiries into nationalism, education and cultural identity in Greece. However, as
Robert Stake states, “[c]ase studies may be of value for refining theory and suggesting
studies are likely to continue to be the most commonly used approach to studying
education-society relations,” and the most valuable will be those that are conducted in
Case studies have their pitfalls, also. Among them is the danger in attempting to
generalize from one case to other instances that are not appropriate. Another is to view
the world from a myopic lens. Both of these snares are potentially dangerous in doing
case studies in Europe. Because Europe is consciously working to unify its space, the
seduction to make generalizations may be strong. At the same time, examining a local
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setting without framing it in the context of European projects that are resolutely
permeating regional spheres neglects the force of globalization taking place in the world
today.
only from the center to the periphery, but works as a more sophisticated interplay of
movements. Thus, while case studies have their limits, their contribution to micro-level
understandings in different types of school settings, especially those outside the northern
and western industrialized zones of Europe, and at varying historical periods, has further
potential for describing and generating local understandings in the wider framework of
global processes. In turn, such research may be used to build upon existing collections of
case studies and generate new understandings and relationships in different types of
representation” have produced creative innovations as well as conflict and tension (Hall,
1999). Clifford Geertz (1994) identifies a growing appreciation for the complexity of
With this in mind, any attempt to justify a methodological approach must foreground the
limits of that methodology—to critique it—which implies the necessity to work under
20
I define working under erasure as being suspicious of one’s aims, methods and interpretations while
simultaneously knowing that they cannot be negated. In other words, it means doing research and troubling
it at the same time (Lather, Ed. P&L 871 seminar). For example, I use ethnography while realizing that
there are limits to its usefulness. Similarly, I use a concept like “center-periphery,” but always question its
binary logic and work to transcend it.
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Criticisms of the Methodology
criticisms arise as to whether we can come to know a phenomenon and likewise, what
counts as knowing (Glesne, 1999, p. 15). Regarding the latter, ethical questions of
should researchers confront and work to change oppressive situations that they encounter
and if so, how can they (p. 15). These “categories” of criticism are interwoven into
authorship.
Deborah Britzman (1995) states that three kinds of ethnographic authority are
authority of language and the authority of reading” (p. 230). I summarize a series of
questions that she poses: What does it mean to disrupt the idea that there is a real
experience out there to narrate and to read? What does it mean to disrupt the stability of
language—to know that meanings change over time and in different contexts? What
happens to the authority of reading if we begin from the perspective that there is no such
thing as an innocent reading? As Britzman points out, these difficult questions surround
the doing and the reading of educational ethnography (p. 230). These questions
challenge the ethnographer to think differently about what her descriptions represent.
They incorporate suspicion, contestation and doubt into the grounds of ethnographic
authority. This sort of reflexivity of one’s work is productive and complicated. I, along
with Britzman, believe that ethnography can offer education a more complicated version
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of how life is lived, but this cannot be accomplished without also addressing the
When I speak of audience, I am concerned with whom the ethnographer writes for
and what her responsibilities to them consist of. One distinction is that between
academic writing and writing for the community, the latter of whom may or may not be
Postmodernists have been criticized for using obscure language that makes it difficult for
anyone but highly trained specialists to dispute (Wolf, 1992, p. 119). Likewise, many
researchers believe that the readership of research projects must not be confined to
intellectual elites (p. 119). Thus the answer to the question is embedded in the idea of
research reciprocity. I believe that my research must be accessible to both the academic
correspondence below from the overseer of my project at Anatolia College, Dr. Phaedon
Zodhiates.
recommend new forms of presenting written research. Feeling constrained by the idea of
presenting information in the format seen only in journals and book chapters in the
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equally representative (Wolf, 1992; Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; Glesne, 1999). Norman
If I focus on the final sentence, “No form is privileged over others,” the trouble of
balancing innovation with status quo comes into view. Although I agree that alternative
know that there are specific forms of research writing that are privileged in the context of
observational vignettes as a way to make meaning of my data. While this writing style
may be viewed as “not academic writing,” I find it a useful way of engaging with my
data.
debate over polyvocality. Some researchers challenge and seek to de-center the
(Fontana 1994, p. 212, in Glesne, 1999, p. 15). Thus, in writing, postmodern researchers
often work to produce a polyvocal text, one that has many voices beyond the researcher’s
own (p. 15). The political position of those who commit to share authorship between
researcher and informants may produce positive outcomes in that it causes the researcher
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the feasibility of doing so was limited in my case. While I did perform member checks
with participants, the write up is completely from my own analyses and interpretations.
Thus, even though I use multiple voices to tell my analytical story, it does not overcome
the fact that my choices during data collection, analysis and write up are still a reflection
Clearly there is no best way to do and write ethnographic fieldwork, but the
research. I see postmodern epistemologies not as the answer for how to do good research
but as a positive force in emphasizing the need for researchers to be self-reflexive about
the limitations of their work. This means coming to terms with the idea that experience is
messy, thus attempts to describe and interpret experiences of people will be messy, too.
It also means that our interpretations and understandings may simply be “increased
distance from falsity rather than closeness to truth…” (Kuhn, in Wolf 1992, p. 125). This
last point became increasingly situated in my mind during the write up of my data. I
admit that I found it disturbing, to some extent, that I was so consciously choosing to use
certain data and choosing to omit other data. For me, the analysis and write up stages
make transparent the volatility and untidiness of meaning production in the research
process.
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tendentious commentaries…” (Geertz, 1973, p. 10). Thus, the methods of data collection
necessarily need to be varied in order to describe and interpret participants’ behaviors and
thoughts in different situations. A mixed methods research design and varied methods of
data collection contribute to this effort. However, before leaving for Greece, I was
required to complete the IRB procedure for conducing research involving human
subjects.
In the field, I used four methods to gather information: participant observation, in-
treat them separately below, I stress that these data collection methods are overlapping in
Participant Observation
more towards observation, it most likely will change along a continuum over the research
period (44). Indeed, during my fieldwork, this was certainly the case. According to
observation is to understand the research setting, its participants, and their behavior (p.
45). It means learning from participants rather than studying them. In the study, I
completed twelve formal and forty-eight informal classroom and school observations
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Form 6 (12th grade): Contemporary Greek History
Special Topics in Greek History
International Baccalaureate 2 History
Modern Greek literature
Essay Critique of Greek History
English.
permission to audialy record the lesson and participated in the activity of the class in
various ways. This included introducing myself and my research project, leading class
discussions wherein there was an overlap between my research and to the curriculum
(e.g., the enlargement of the European Union in 12th Grade Contemporary History),
reading aloud passages from the textbook with students, asking questions and sharing
opinions on topics of discussion. Formal observations were always carried out on the
initial engagement to a class and my presence was viewed less as a researcher and more
wherein my participation involved sitting in on classes, usually in the back or side of the
room, to observe and record fieldnotes only. Thus, my presence was viewed as a familiar
researcher. Informal observations were more concurring to the culture of the school and
Greece for two reasons. First, they were set up in a spontaneous manner (e.g., When
talking with teachers in the faculty lounge, they regularly invited me to observe that day,
frequently the next period) and second, they were not tape-recorded, an action viewed
contrary to prior expectations, each yielded similar data. In other words, it did not appear
that teachers did anything “special” when they knew I was visiting, at least as far as I can
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compare formal and informal observations with the same set of students and teacher. For
me, this reflected a level of confidence among faculty and their teaching practices,
especially since I was told by two members of the administration that outside observers,
traditionally, are viewed with mistrust and skepticism among faculty in their teaching
environment. For this reason, I attempted to make explicit that my purpose was
Specifically, at the end of each formal class visit I was given the opportunity to pass out
student and parent letters describing my research and a student consent form for those
completing the questionnaire that was constructed for students during the year (Appendix
A). From this method, I received interest from and conducted in-depth interviews with
group interview with eight students. In addition, I administered the student questionnaire
to 101 students, 20 of which were discarded due to an error in the collection process.
Importantly, these formal and informal classroom observations comprise only part of the
including those for OXI Day, St. Demetrius Day and Polytechnio Day21 and I was invited
to countless functions funded by the school, including faculty meetings, the faculty
welcoming party, the Dukakis Lecture series, the inauguration of the new school library,
21
October 28th is OXI Day, a day commemorating the retreat of the Italian troops from the borders of
Greece at the start of WWII. “OXI” means “NO” and refers in this context to Greek General Metaxas’
strong reply of “oxi” (no) to Mussolini’s request to allow Italian troops into Greece at the beginning of
WWII. October 26th is St. Demetrius’ Day, the patron saint of Thessaloniki. November 17th is Polytechnio
Day, a day of remembrance for those students who lost their lives when the military dictatorship sent tanks
and troops into the Polytechnic School in Athens to break up a student protest in 1973.
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an exhibit of the history of Anatolia College at the Kentro Istorias Thessalonikis
(Thessaloniki Historic Center), the Makis Tselios fashion show to raise money for the
Anatolia College Scholarship program, and the yearly Thanksgiving and Halloween
parties in the dormitory to name only a few. By the end of the first month, I was
beginning to feel less of an outsider and more of a part of the Anatolia College
community, I was familiar with the daily rhythm of the school, students wondered less
about my presence and I was welcomed into classrooms with interest by faculty and
students. This sort of reception by participants in the research site contributed, I believe,
and group discussions with students, teachers and administrators. Although I was
required by The Ohio State University IRB Human Subjects Board to present interview
observations, I was able to construct emic, or insider categories of meaning (Pelto &
Pelto, 1984) for use during interviews. Knowing the names of people, buildings, school
interviews, except for those few native speakers of English, were conducted in Greek.
Overall, the interview questions were intended to invite stories, ask open-ended
questions, and provide the opportunity for unexpected avenues of thought from
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participants. The result was in-depth individual discussions of approximately one-hour
each with the aforementioned members of the student body, faculty, administration,
thirty-eight in all. I was given permission to tape record each interview and these
translations (with some help from native speakers) and subsequent transcriptions were
completed by me.
Of the student volunteers, in-depth interviews were conducted with five 11th grade
Greek lyceum, three 12th grade Greek lyceum, eight 11th grade IB, and five 12th grade IB
students. Short, individual follow-up interviews were conducted with the same students
after turning in their photographs (see below). I believe that I would have had more
participation had there not been a requirement to sign a consent form. In my fieldwork
great suspicion among the Greek community in which I was involved, especially the
parent constituency. The same held true for the grounded questionnaire. Thus, I had
many students tell me that they were interested in participating, however, their parents
refused to sign the consent forms. However, many of these students shared perspectives
with me during classroom observations and casual conversations around campus. With
the adult volunteers, the same held true in that they were suspicious of signing a consent
form. However, I was able to use verbal consent from most of these participants since
Student Questionnaire
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Greek lyceum and IB program at Anatolia College. From the questionnaire, I gathered
prioritize, and respond to various closed-ended question types. The inspiration and
model used for the questionnaire came from the Youth and History project described in
the introduction. Thus, questionnaire included a combination of questions from the Youth
and History survey and questions designed specifically by me for the Anatolia student
representativeness and comparability to other qualitative data gathered, not to make broad
questionnaire to 101 students in 11th and 12th grades of the Greek lyceum and the IB
program either during their free time or history class periods (when permitted by the
answered any questions during the administration process. Unfortunately, twenty of the
competed questionnaires were lost in the collection process, thus leaving 81 for analysis
(60 from the Greek lyceum and 21 from the International Baccalaureate division). These
results were compiled in the form of mean scores and bar graphs representing
The mean scores for each question are found in Appendix B. This form of data collection
proved to be a nice complement to the extensive interview and observational data that
was collected and provided a form of triangulation of the data as some topics were
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Photographic Representation
representations that welcome artistic, linguistic, and visual alternatives along with more
students at Anatolia College to provide a forum for analyzing cultural identity, i.e.,
my first interview with each student I gave him or her a disposable camera and asked him
or her to take five photographs that “in some way represent his or her identity as a
Greek.” After turning in the “assignment,” I developed each roll of film and conducted
was able to meet with and discuss these photographs with most students. Unfortunately, I
tried to do this during a time when students are studying for the Panhellenic
examinations, the national examinations given in the Greek lyceum, and I found out very
quickly that this is one of the most stressful, demanding and tedious memorization
At the close of the data collection phase in 2004, I returned to The Ohio State
University with a large volume of data and I can say with confidence that it has gone
conceptualization of the data analysis process that I find useful in discussing this data
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transformation process. He describes three categories: “description, analysis and
meaning” (p. 149). According to Wolcott, description means staying close to the data in
a way that attempts to describe what is there. Analysis, the second category of data
transformation, is the identification of patterns, trends or themes in the data, i.e., key
factors and the relationships among them. Finally, interpretation is Wolcott’s third means
of data transformation. In this stage, theory is employed in a way that extends the
analysis and begins to probe what is to be made of the data (p. 150). It is with this
selecting, narrating, contextualizing and translating this data to produce rich descriptions,
Trustworthiness
life, and experiences different from one’s own, along with which voices and perspectives
are presented in what form is a primary concern within educational research (Hall 1999).
The literature on qualitative research that I have read asserts that the use of multiple data
collection methods contributes to the trustworthiness of the data (Denzin & Lincoln,
2000; Spindler, 1997; Glesne, 1999; Wolf, 1992). The reliance on multiple methods, or
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triangulation, in qualitative research is crucial. The purpose of triangulation is not simply
to combine different types of data, “but the attempt to relate them so as to counteract the
threats to validity identified in each” (p. 31). In addition, commonly cited procedures
Field Notes: Rich description from data collection methods is one of the most important
each day. Thus, I devised a system for observation and reflection wherein I typed notes
immediately after each observation or day. Sometimes this was at the end of the day
when I returned to my apartment and other times it was the next day. It was a tedious
process, but I believe that keeping in touch with my research helped me use those
Triangulation: My study is designed to use varied methods for gathering research data
(as described above). Additionally, I successfully gathered data from various sources,
including students, teachers, administrators, school documents and data from being “a
Prolonged Engagement: It took time for the community at Anatolia to get used to the
presence of a stranger. Thus, I spent three full days per week in the school in order to
address this issue. This allowed students and faculty to get to know me and understand
my purpose for being there. The length of my stay, one full academic year (over a two
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Self-reflexivity: Descriptions that I construct in this doctoral study are my own
interpretations of situations. Thus, the issue of bias is one that is constantly reflected
upon. At times, I felt as if I was hearing what I want to hear or seeing what I want to see
because I had preconceived ideas about an event, person, or situation. At other times this
was not the case. The validity of the project, however, depends on a continual
continually revisiting my data during the processes of data collection, analysis and write
up.
tricky” (p. 2). Two issues that seem to dominate my thoughts regarding interpretation
and representation in my study are blurred genres and research transparency. I first came
across the term “blurred genres” in Geertz (1983) chapter on the issue. According to
him, “Something is happening to the way we think about the way we think” (p. 20). He
posing as ethnographies and theoretical treatises set out as travelogues (p. 20). He
proposes that researchers today are “free to shape their work in terms of its necessities
rather than according to received ideas as to what they ought or ought not to be doing” (p.
21). With the blurring of disciplinary boundaries, new ways of interpreting and
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for example, educational studies with cultural studies and perspectives on nationalism.
inclusion of the author’s voice in the writing of research makes visible to the reader the
processes that are hidden beneath the mask of a neat, tidy final “report.” It means making
clear the ways in which “the conceptual frames which researchers bring to bear when
they ask questions, observe and write are themselves historical, cultural etc. products”
Language Issues
must be addressed. I possess a competent, yet not fluent, understanding of the spoken
and written language. As all of the interviews and classroom observations, except for
those with native English speakers, were conducted in Greek, the ability for me to follow
conversations was not always satisfactory. Great preparations went into designing
interview questions and thinking about vocabulary necessary for engaging with each
participant, the ability to converse with spontaneity was limiting at times. Fortunately, I
was given permission to record interviews and classroom observations and I spent a great
many hours translating and transcribing these records in detail. It was during the
had to seek assistance from native speakers of Greek for interpretations of specific
phrases, especially those idiomatic uses of language with which I was unfamiliar.
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Ultimately, I feel that there were lost opportunities in the data collection phase due to my
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CHAPTER 5
functioning educational philosophy for Anatolia College. In doing so, I set the contextual
stage for analyzing how faculty and students perceive school history from the perspective
of their place in two different programs offered at the institution. Specifically, I identify
and explore two ways of knowing that students negotiate in their history classes at the
knowledge, official and critical, play a reflective role in students’ orientation not only to
specific topics of study in the history classroom, but in the broader development of an
historical consciousness among them. The general conclusion is that there exists a
dignified international history and has long been considered one of the most distinguished
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Constantinople, now Istanbul, Turkey, in 1840, and it was officially designated Anatolia
College in 1886 in Merzifon, Asia Minor by American missionaries. The school was
forced to close after the Turkish-Greek war in 1921 and was relocated to Thessaloniki,
Greece in 1924 at the invitation of the Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos.
While in Asia Minor, the school consisted of mostly Greek and Armenian students and
many of its first students in Thessaloniki were welcomed as refugees. The College
moved to its present 45-acre campus in Pylea, just outside Thessaloniki, in 1934.
During World War II it went through several permutations. In October 1940, the
college was forced to close again, and thus, offered its buildings as a military hospital for
wounded Greeks returning from the Italian front. While the Italian invasion was gallantly
stifled, the advance of the German army was not. From April 1941 until October 1944,
the Anatolia campus was the German headquarters for operations in the Balkans. Soon
after they left, the British army moved in and occupied campus buildings and structures
erected by the Germans (Iatridis & Compton, 1986). The British moved out of the
main buildings in time for the re-opening of the school in September 1945, although one
unit remained on campus in German-built barracks until December 1945. Many students
lost one or both parents in the war and the Greek-Jewish students suffered the greatest
accumulated loss (Compton, 2002).22 Again in 1974, after the Turkish invasion of
Cyprus, the College welcomed refugees fleeing the war-torn Mediterranean island. This
22
Before the war Thessaloniki had a Jewish population of over 60,000, most of them descendants of people
who had fled from Spain hundreds of years ago to escape the terrors of the Inquisition. One of the greatest
tragedies of the war was the destruction of this community by the German army. Soon after their
occupation of Thessaloniki they forced the Jewish people from their homes and sent them to concentration
camps where most of them died (Iatridis & Compton, 1986).
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outreach program for disadvantaged youth from rural mountain and island areas within
Greece. Thus, while the reputation of the school is that of a select private school serving
the wealthy, the express mission of the current president is to further position Anatolia as
a “social contributor rather than a detached school for the elite” (President Interview,
2/18/2003).
and shaped by traditions evolving over its 156-year history” (President’s Report 2002, p.
3).23 Three integral administrators: the President of the College, the Vice President in
institution with “a deserved reputation for academic quality and integrity” (ibid.).
Moreover, interviews with each administrator reveal two consistent themes that
place at the school and this is a continually desired ambition of each administrator at his
identification of Thessaloniki, the city in which the school is situated, as a politically and
culturally conservative city, making the maintenance between maintaining tradition and
pursuing change within the school an existing and complex project. As the president
23
This research focuses on the lyceum (last three years of high school) and hereafter, all references to
“Anatolia College,” “the College” or “the school” shall be in reference to this level unless otherwise stated.
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internationally minded orientation as follows and sets an outline for discussing the
So, we’re international in three dimensions. One, that common history of Greece
and Turkey. Two, the fact that we’re an American institution charted in
Massachusetts in 1894 and operating in Greece. And as we say, [we] try to meld
the best of Greek and American secondary education in a way that implies not
being simply another Greek school in Greece but adding an American value,
which I would call international. We, of course, in more recent years have added
the International Baccalaureate program which is a purely international education
that is accepted by 140 or so countries and uses a curriculum that’s made up and
administered from Switzerland (President Interview, 2/18/2003).
The President describes the school’s particularly strong ties to Turkey as one
dimension of the school’s internationally minded orientation and supports this statement
by citing the school’s honored origins in Asia Minor and its establishment of a number of
affiliations with “sister” schools in Turkey.24 His statements suggest one way that the
existing and complex project of tradition and change is played out at the managerial
level. Mainly, the distinction between Asia Minor and Turkey is the significant factor in
understanding this dimension. Historically, ties to the former are viewed with distinction
from a Greek cultural perception. In contrast, Greece’s adversarial relationship with the
latter is well known. Before the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923, Asia
Minor was home to Greeks, Turks, Armenians and a host of other ethnic groups and
24
Their strongest relationship is with Roberts College, a school similar to Anatolia in Turkey. Each year,
students and teachers from the two schools participate in an exchange program.
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within this cultural context Greeks were among a successful merchant class. This
Taken together, there exists an implied suggestion, at least from the executive
level, that students are taught to respect the past while simultaneously learning to move
beyond anachronistic national rivalries in a way that reject ethnocentrism and avoids
plunging back into history. As Ioakimidis states, “…the emphasis on history makes
Greece quite reluctant to enter into negotiations that result in compromise. Indeed, the
very term “compromise” is anathema to many Greeks, especially with regard to so-called
to reject this way of thinking by placing emphasis both on the school’s historic roots in
Asia Minor and equally on the development of student and faculty exchanges with
schools like theirs in Turkey. Interestingly, despite this orientation from the
administrative level, the later analysis of identity among Anatolia students contends that
sense at the administrative level that the best of Greek and American ideals permeate the
25
The Lausanne Treaty in July 1923 provided for the official exchange of populations after the defeat of
the Greeks by the Turks. The Greeks in Turkey were to be sent to Greece and the Turks in Greece to
Turkey. An exception was made for the Greeks in Istanbul and for the Turks in Thrace, which had been
Turkish property but was now a part of Greece. This exchanges was negotiated under the direction of the
League of Nations but the Near East Relief was in charge of the transfer of the Greeks to Greece (Iatridis &
Compton, 1986, p.52).
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school culture and that at least since the time the College came to Greece, a devotion to
education rather than religious conversion has been the case. The Vice President
articulates the meaning of the best of Greek and American ideals as follows.
[The Greek ideals that permeate are], well, respect for tradition, respect for
classical education…There’s a respect for the Greek past. We say that,
but it also causes trouble. In other words, that’s a sort of boilerplate on the
best of American education, the best of Greek education. That takes a
little teasing out…[and] it causes a tension in the school. American
educational ideals, good or bad, are about giving kids a chance to think for
themselves, to discover knowledge for themselves, to do things by trial
and error, to work together in groups, to respect what they say even if
what they say is uninformed and immature and wrong, whatever” (Vice
President Interview, 10/23/2002).
The Vice President, who is more involved than the President in the day-to-day
activities of the school, recognizes that although the school promotes an international
attitude as described by the merging of Greek and American educational ideals, salient
tensions exists in practice. In other words, the company line to parents, donors and other
constituents of the school is that what distinguishes Anatolia is that it encapsulates the
best of Greek and American cultures, and this value is categorically embraced at the
administrative level. However, it can be a somewhat difficult idea to put into practice,
especially due to strict guidelines imposed by the Ministry of Education, and tends to
cause great strain at the classroom level. This tension between philosophy and practice is
expressed more ardently in comments from teachers below. For the V.P., a more
illustrative way to describe the school is by recognizing an ideal that helped establish
Anatolia years ago and still operates in subtle, powerful ways there.
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program should be, has survived…I see the way we make decisions
administratively. I see it the way teachers are with kids. I see the way
teachers talk when they complain about things. They feel free to do it.
[T]hat makes my life difficult sometimes but I like it” (ibid.).
Again, the complexity of balancing tradition and change is present. While the
values is viewed as giving up tradition. For example, although the English language
program is not hostage to the Ministry, “we suffer because the system is such that our
English program can’t do what it ought to do in its last two years because kids are so
focused on preparing for Panhellenic exams that they don’t take English seriously
anymore” (ibid.). So, here’s a school that says, continue to take English seriously, and
the kids say no. All the incentives are for them to abandon English in the last two years,
11th and 12th grade, so they can concentrate on the subjects that matter for the university
entrance exams. So, it does not matter how good a program it is or how much freedom
they have. The real constraint is what happens to students’ attention when they get to be
a certain age. In reality, even the English program is profoundly influenced and affected
especially when one considers the rigid constraints imposed by the Greek Ministry of
Education and to a lesser extent the conservative climate of the city in which the school is
situated. Thus, whether the school is trying to get permission for parekliseis
parents who are not willing to commit their children to going abroad for university, the
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administration acknowledges a constant area of constructive tension between maintaining
students for entry into universities worldwide, predominantly in Western Europe and the
around subject groups, which are discussed in more depth below. In the official IB
pamphlet distributed by the school, it describes Anatolia as a good fit for the IB program
has always striven to promote a better understanding of others in a city with a long
history of being multicultural, tolerant and exciting” (IB Program, 2002-2003, p. 5).
However, the IB at the school talks evocatively about the presence of mistrust from
26
If a school wants to teach extra courses in a subject, it must obtain formal permission at the level of the
Minister of Education for what they call parekklisis, or deviations. The philosophy, as described to me by
Anatolia administration and faculty, is that a school teaching extra English, as Anatolia does, or other extra
courses is going to produce better students than the public system and therefore the public school students
are going to be disadvantaged. Thus, the system encourages schools to stick to the minimum requirements
mandated by the State by making negotiations for changes a difficult process. Once students opt for the IB
program, it basically shuts the door to any Greek university for them. So at 15 or 16, students must choose
to study abroad. All three administrators agreed that Thessaloniki is a conservative city. The I.B. Director
contends that the decision to study abroad is tough “especially for people in Thessaloniki. It’s not such a
big city. It’s not so internationally mobile or minded and people here are very conservative, even compared
to Athens. You’ll see that people are quite conservative here. You can see it in the way they vote as well”
(I.B. Director Interview, 10/31/02).
27
From this point forward, the abbreviation “IB” will be used to denote the International Baccalaureate
Diploma program.
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Anatolian parents for the globally oriented IB curriculum. However, it seems more
accurate to specify that the mistrust be for a curriculum in which Greek language and
history are not central components. In other words, the subtle yet significant difference is
and granting public schools the right to open IB departments, although no state school
has done so yet. In fact, the Director points out that “only private schools have done that
and only international schools really” (IB Director Interview, 10/31/2002). The
perceived mistrust of the IB program and the Ministry’s actions had two limiting effects
on Anatolia’s IB program. First, it gave the Ministry power over faculty and staff
for subjects such as Spanish or psychology that are not consistent with state schools’
curricula. Second, the Ministry has asked IB programs in Greece to have Greek students
complete the Greek language and history courses that they would normally complete in
the last two years of public lyceum. As the Director candidly expresses:
So, the idea was that these are the very sensitive or nation-building
subjects that have to be taught even in fifth and sixth forms to Greek
students and that by opting to do the IB program in English, they would
miss out on history and Greek language. So, they have to take their
history and Greek language, which may be a way out or a defense against
an accusation of Greek students being brought up in a non-Greek way or
losing their Greekness once joining the IB, because you get that sort of
criticism (ibid.).
28
The Greek apolitirio is a high school diploma and it also grants entry into university.
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Anatolia’s response to these regulations has been simultaneously autonomous and
acquiescent. When speaking to those parents who fear that their child will lose her
Greekness by choosing the IB, the Director suggests that the easy way out is to tell them
not to worry. “The Ministry has provided for that. There is a guarantee that your kid will
still be a Greek once he finishes high school, because he will be taught those select
subjects” (ibid.). Critically, he recognizes that while it is convenient for him to use this
as an excuse to appease a particular view, it is incongruous to believe that one will lose
his Greekness by not taking part in Greek language and history courses in the last two
years of lyceum. Practically, he notes that IB students do not pay any attention when
they are taught Greek history because they only need it to pass. The grade does not count
for anything. And students also claim that it is considerably boring compared to the IB
history syllabus and they do not like the idea of doing both.
As an initial response, the school allowed Greek students the choice as to whether
they take Greek language and history in addition to their IB courses. For those opting out
of the Greek courses, they would receive the International Baccalaureate diploma, not the
Greek apolitirio. For those opting to take the Greek courses, they would receive both
diplomas provided they pass those two subjects of the Panhellenic examinations. Not
surprising based on the Director’s comments, when given the choice most students opted
not to take the Greek courses. This caused a great deal of anxiety because “the school did
not like the idea of being pinpointed as a school which offers its students the alternative
NOT to be Greek, a way out of Greekness” (ibid.). In the end, the school acquiesced to
the cultural pressure and made the decision that the two additional Greek courses,
language and history, be compulsory for all Greek students in the IB program. The only
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exceptions were for those students with dual nationality, in which case they continued to
spirit in a cultural and educational climate that at times welcomes and at times resists the
In the high school, a long and distinguished history is at once its greatest
asset and a brake on change. Innovation there resembles an ocean liner
changing course and involves labyrinthine government regulations and
multiple constituencies, often on relatively minor issues (President’s
Report, 2002, p.4).
I now turn to the classroom level and provide a detailed comparison of history
College. While the purpose of the previous section was the identification from the
institution, the focus of the proceeding section narrows to the milieu of the history
historical consciousness among students as they negotiate two ways of knowing that are
In the last two years of lyceum, there are two options for students at Anatolia
College. They may choose to remain in the Greek lyceum, whose curriculum is set by the
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institution, the IBO, headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland.29 The history curricula in
these programs are vastly disparate in terms of purpose, content and methods and the
and interviews with the teachers and students in the lyceum and IB programs respectively
portrayed by students and teachers, and general flow of activity comprising each
classroom depiction is taken directly from these sources. The choice to discern these
particular observations was made on the determination, after the completion of the
fieldwork, that each is a representative sample of its particular division. Utilizing the
representative character of the two vignettes, then, specific distinctions are made between
the purpose, content and methods of history education in the two school divisions,
between students’ negotiation of official and critical knowledge and likewise, patterns for
29
For matters of convenience, the term “lyceum” will be used to denote the Greek lyceum from this point
forward. However, it is important to remember that both the regular Greek lyceum and International
Baccalaureate are part of the overall lyceum of Anatolia College.
30
While I am organizing my discussion around defined conceptions of official knowledge, critical
knowledge and historical consciousness, I recognize that there are not definitive theories of or common sets
of agreed-upon dimensions in which to describe and analyze them. However, the definitions I present here
correspond best for this study.
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selected, organized and valued by the state, reflected in detailed official syllabi and
singular perspectives and attitudes. This type of knowledge is often declared as the
undisputed truth and presented as the legitimate knowledge for transmission to future
generations of students (Apple, 2000). Here, a selective approach operates whereby the
formal corpus of school knowledge is bound by the centrality and control of the state.
equates the selection of official knowledge in schools with “another area of the cultural
apparatus of a society, the press” (ibid, p. 62). In the same way the press chooses which
governments make similar choices for schools. Ultimately, the valuing and
Apple (2000) explains that, ‘the “cultural capital” declared to be official knowledge is
compromised knowledge, i.e., filtered through a complex set of political screens and
decisions before it gets to be declared legitimate. This affects what knowledge is selected
and what the selected knowledge looks like as it is transformed into something that will
“recontextualizing agent,” as Basil Bernstein would call it, in a process to reproduce, not
body of knowledge. This type of knowledge refers to processes whereby schools present
information not as decisively legitimized and true, but as perspectives to be analyzed and
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interpreted. It is a concept which views knowledge as contestable, dynamic and thought
vehicle for familiarizing students with and developing in them abilities for critical
thinking, constructive inquiry and multiperspectivity. Critical knowledge does not view
content (e.g., the events comprising the Greek War of Independence) as unimportant.
Rather, it is a way for students to discover knowledge for themselves (e.g., sources about
the Greek War of Independence are not self-explanatory and have meaning in certain
contexts) and encourages them to become active, compassionate and lifelong learners
who understand that other people, with their differences, can also be right. Thus, there is
an orientation beyond the local, beyond the nation-state in the concept of critical
knowledge. Importantly, critical knowledge processes take into account that evaluating
the full range of possible perspectives is impossible and schools, then, must make choices
about what, whose, and how knowledge is presented, too. Unlike official knowledge,
however, they are not taken-for-granted choices. In other words, they depend upon issues
such as nationality, religion, social status, gender, politics and economics and a critical
knowledge approach will include the awareness and a bias of these relationships to the
choices made.
historical thinking, is the main theme in the analysis that follows. These two types of
students in the College. However, the term historical consciousness covers a complex
concept that is difficult to define. The developers of the Youth and History survey take a
useful approach to the concept and likewise, it is the approach in which I situate this
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study. In the approach, exploring historical consciousness implies examining three
elements expressed by students: (1) interpretations of the past, (2) perceptions of the
present and (3) expectations for the future. Also, and not least, it implies examining the
possible relationship among the three elements (Nielsen, 1997, p. A402). As such,
individual and collective identity, having a bearing on values and interests, and
and European culture over time and leads to a discussion of how it relates to trends
idiosyncrasies of national and cultural traditions work against such a course of integration
(Dragonas & Frangoudaki, 2000, p. 230) and how these trends may be conceptualized as
I walk into the 12th grade history classroom and an icon of the Virgin and Child
hangs above the chalkboard. I glance around the room and observe that each student has
a history textbook, Themata tis Neoellinikis Istorias (Themes in Modern Greek History),
on his or her desk. I notice a student flipping through the pages and methodically
crossing out whole sections, so I approach him and inquire about his actions. He informs
me that he is marking out the sections that are not on the Panhellenic examinations this
year to avoid accidentally studying them. I note the interesting comment and take a seat
in the back of the classroom. The teacher begins the class by asking students to turn to a
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page in the history textbook and introduces the topic: Today we are going to discuss
philhellenic society in the early 19th century. She proceeds by giving a short lecture that
deviates little from the textbook section on the same theme. Meanwhile, a few students
take notes in the margins of their books while others apathetically gaze around the room.
After the lecture, the teacher asks a student to find a map from another room. He
returns with a large map, hangs it on the wall and the teacher asks, Where is
Messolonghi? Who can point out Samos? How about Chios? Students appear more
interested when the discussion turns to Greek geography and the teacher attentively takes
advantage of this interest by closing her textbook and asking: How many of you are
familiar with the Delacroix painting of the massacre at Chios? What does this painting
by a French artist, not a Greek one, tell us? Most students acknowledge their familiarity
with the painting and a discussion filled with opinions and personal experiences ensues.
Students’ comments include: “The painting has a lot of bloody bodies and I think this
showed the rest of the world how badly the Greeks were being treated.” “I saw it when
we went to Paris and I remember thinking that the Europeans had the same desire as the
Greeks. They wanted us to be free and they were telling it through art.” “I think it
reminds us that we should help the people who are poorer and have less strength in the
world.” “My dad’s family is from Chios and he told me the Greeks sent newspapers
abroad in English to tell the Europeans and Americans what was happening to them
there.”
After this lively student-led discussion, the teacher tells the class in a whispered
tone: You have brought up many important ideas about ‘to pnevma’ (the spirit) of
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philhellenism. However, I want you to forget what we just talked about. In other words,
I want you to put that information in a different place now. I don’t want you to confuse
these ideas with the information that you must learn. The students seem not to be
puzzled by her whispered comments and the focus returns to information in the textbook.
The teacher closes the class with a summary of the textbook’s main idea: This is what you
should remember from today. There were two main reasons for philhellenic support
during the early 19th century: one, empathy for a struggling Greek people and two, an
admiration for Greek culture due to the revival of classical Greek thought in Europe.
In Vignette I, generated from a Form 6 (12th grade) Greek lyceum history class at
Anatolia, there is a close adherence to the history textbook and an unequivocal exam-
driven motive present in the lesson. Putting aside the discussion of the Delacroix
painting for a moment—that portion of the lesson students were told to forget—the
lesson may be described as linear, fact-driven and explanatory rather than exploratory,
especially reflecting the main goals of the national history curriculum. This curriculum,
outlined by one of Anatolia’s lyceum deans, follows a linear and chronological structure
and is designated as official history. Beginning in Form 4 (10th grade), it cover the
Bronze, Archaic and Classical periods and concludes with the Roman period in Greece
up to 146 B.C.31 In Form 5, students sit for university entrance examinations, known as
31
The latter topic was only added in the 2002-2003 academic year.
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the Panhellenic examinations.32 The dean acknowledges that history is one of the nine
subjects tested and that “it [the curriculum] is very rigidly set and teachers do not have
much flexibility to stray from the textbook” (Greek Lyceum Dean Interview, 9/24/2002).
This declaration is confirmed in nearly every faculty interview conducted for this
research project and is documented throughout the analysis. In this year, the curriculum
Europe, and Greece before the 1821 Revolution. Finally, in Form 6 students are tested
again for university entrance on the material covered in this last year of lyceum. As in
the previous year, the curriculum consists of a rigid set of material derived directly from
the textbook. Topics include the Greek Revolution, political organizations after the
Revolution, the birth of the Greek nation, Eleftherios Velizelos and nation-building, the
Balkan Wars and the Asia Minor incident.33 The fact that Anatolia College is a private
because the College awards the Greek apolitirio. As a result, the history curriculum is
exactly the same as in the public schools. This history syllabus “reflects the views held
nation’s past; as such, it documents the choices, suppressions, omissions, and emphases
32
As discussed in the education reform section of the literature review, the system is in the process of
change. As a result, the 2004-2005 academic year is the last year in which Panhellenic examinations will
be held in Form 5. Beginning in the 2005-2006 year, they will only be given to students in Form 6, the last
year of lyceum. Additionally, students will be tested on six subjects rather than nine.
33
It is interesting to note that the dean pointed out to me the various words one may use to describe the
Asia Minor incident in 1922. He explained that one may say “catastrophe,” “incident,” campaign” or
“tragedy” in referring to it. This attitude reflects a more impartial judgment of this historically emotional
event.
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The main problem with this orientation to history, according to Anatolia’s IB
Director, a former teacher in the lyceum and a former dean of the gymnasium, is that “the
Greek system did have and still does have the idea of a sort of spiral curriculum in which
you simply revisit the same areas of the same periods more or less, not really to develop
new skills, but just to go into more detail” (IB Director Interview, 10/31/2002). This
approach places emphasis on the past as the marker of time and leaves little room for
discussion and debate. Defined by official history, students are taught to view Hellenism
as an unalterable and unified entity, independent of time, and existing outside of and
The teacher in this vignette reveals in our interview that she feels the pressure to
disseminate the detailed information outlined in the Form 6 curriculum and she does so in
students under the current educational system. As she expresses, “The goals for the
students are basically to pass the test. But the goals that are set by the Ministry of
Education are somewhat different. Of course, there’s a big hypocrisy in that. As for the
class itself and my work in it, I try to do my best in those terms that are determined by
someone else” (Faculty Interview, 11/1/2002). She goes on to reveal that it is a difficult
position to teach in the last two years of Greek lyceum and explains that teachers always
have to remember that their students must memorize the textbook in order to succeed on
their examinations. “Yet, if I just try to make the children memorize, for me, it’s a
34
Philologue is a term that denotes a person in Greece with general university training in the humanities
(history, classics, language). The history teachers at Anatolia are philologues. They can teach many
different humanistic courses, and the philologues constitute the largest body of teachers in the school.
128
teachers in the lyceum. “It is a kind of experience—how to be free and also to prepare
your students for examinations. It’s a kind of talent. We have to have the understanding
that we are to be slaves and free in a way, let’s say. And it’s very difficult” (Faculty
Interview, 11/7/2002) and “The difficulty is that when the children are young
[gymnasium], they are not so ready to hear and to understand. So the teachers are free
but the students are very young. And when the student older [lyceum] and ready to hear
and to understand and to create, they have just to prepare for the Panhellenic
examinations” (Faculty Interview 11/7/2002). And the Vice President of the school
teachers are well aware that they work within a system that does not trust its teachers.
Despite these conditions, these teachers overtly distinguish for their students
between the type of information that the textbook presents, or official knowledge, and a
different type of knowledge evolving from discussions such as that of the Delacroix
painting, i.e., critical, interpretative, creative, analytical knowledge. In the end, these
teachers always return to the textbook so that students are left with the awareness that the
explicit goal is the memorization of information from the history textbook. Nevertheless,
their memories. In this context, Anatolia students learn to accept the memorization of
official knowledge as a way of succeeding in the system. At the same time, the
opportunities given to them by their teachers for critical evaluation implicitly teaches
them that historical knowledge is meaningful, relevant to their lives, and fundamental to
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For instance, in one group interview with Form 5 students, the awareness that two
student unaffectedly states, “Sometimes our own teachers tell us—do not understand that,
just learn it. Sometimes you have to do that even if it’s bad” (Form 5 Student Interview,
11/8/2002). Similarly, his classmate negotiates official and critical knowledge familiarly
Although these students apply the term “learn” in the context of preparing for rote
memorizing information for a test and learning to employ information in a critical way.
Their teachers are also aware of the difference. As one Anatolia philologue summarizes,
“…students are tested on the Form 5 and 6 history curricula so they must simply
differences between official and critical knowledge does not lead these students to
the chapter suggests that attitudes among the majority of lyceum students in their last two
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characteristics is of great importance, and great cultural homogeneity is promoted
(Avdela, 1997; 2000). Thus, classroom experiences wherein memorization over analysis,
regurgitation over critical thinking, and involuntary acceptance over constructive inquiry
knowledge present in their classrooms. Students and teachers in the IB program also
recognize these two ways of knowing. However, as illustrated in the second vignette,
classroom experiences and student historical consciousness are slightly different from
Seven students sit around a small classroom in random order chatting with one
another while the teacher writes the following question on the chalkboard: How is a
strong economy created? The history class begins. He turns to his students and says,
The English economist John Maynard Keynes once argued that the Prussian success in
uniting Germany was based not on “blood and iron” but on “coal and iron.” How do
you understand this phrase? How far do you agree with Keynes’ statement? Together,
the class discusses a range of ideas and ultimately makes the distinction between how an
economy is created and what an economy achieves. The teacher suggests that today they
focus on the question written on the board and students actively pose possible answers for
it. They include: “you must have autonomy to have a strong economy,” “countries who
have strong ones usually have control over others,” “I think they always have a strong
military,” “I believe that it means pursuing an aggressive foreign policy.” The teacher
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gives constructive feedback for students’ answers and then asks them to consider the
He says, Let’s think about the U.S. Why is it the most powerful force in the
world? A thoughtful, critical discussion ensues between the students and teacher. As
students sway off-course by turning to a critique of U.S. foreign policy, the teacher brings
them back on topic by saying, I’m not asking you to be cynical. I just want you to
question what you read and what you think. You should always ask yourself, ‘What
else?’ With the teacher’s help, the students realize additional conditions for creating a
strong economy. They include: “it seems that the international situation must be
favorable for pursuing one’s economic policy,” and “your country must be behind you, I
mean, the government needs popular support for the development of a strong economy.”
During the discussion, one student makes a controversial comment about the German
economy and the teacher asks, Are there any objections to Yianni’s statement? Several
debate between three students takes up the remainder of the class period. The teacher
closes the discussion by telling students, Try to expand your historical vision and use our
discussion today as a framework for thinking about other historical topics that we will
The developers of the IB curriculum believe that the pace at which knowledge
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information, the school has to equip students with the ability to learn how to learn and to
evaluate information critically (IB Pamphlet, 2002-2003, p. 3). Vignette II, generated
from a second-year International Baccalaureate history class (12th grade), reflects a very
different classroom experience than that of the first vignette. The questions posed by the
and support one’s convictions. He provides the context for learning how to learn and for
evaluating information critically and his questions are exemplary to the task: How do you
understand this phrase? How far do you agree with Keynes’ statement? Let’s think about
the U.S. Why is it the most powerful force in the world? I’m not asking you to be cynical.
I just want you to question what you read and what you think. You should always ask
yourself, ‘What else?’ Are there any objections to Yianni’s statement? As a whole, this
history lesson may be described as comparative, critical and evaluative, and it noticeably
attempts to adhere to the general goals stated in the IB literature and reflected in the
curriculum structure.
hexagon with six academic areas surrounding a core of three requirements. 35 The domain
35
At Anatolia, IB students choose one subject from each of the following six academic areas: Group 1:
First Language of the student (Greek or English), Group 2: Second Modern Language (English, French,
Spanish, Italian or German), Group 3: Individuals and Societies (history, economics, psychology), Group 4:
Experimental Sciences (biology, chemistry, physics), Group 5: Mathematics, and Group 6: Arts and
Electives (visual arts, music, theatre arts). In addition, all students must complete the three core
requirements: Theory of Knowledge (a weekly seminar reflecting on different domains of knowledge), the
Extended Essay (a 4000-word research essay to be completed during the 2-year study period), and the
Creative Action Service Program (weekly participation in activities related to artistic expression, sports,
and/or community service). A sample of Extended Essay topics from Anatolia students that involve
historical investigation include: women in Nazi Germany, gladiators and gladatorial culture in
contemporary America as expressed through a comparison of Roman gladiators and wrestlers in the U.S.,
the Greek middle class in Istanbul at the turn of the century, and themes of representation in Schindler’s
List and Life is Beautiful.
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of history is located primarily in academic area entitled “Individuals and Societies,” and
program” (Faculty Interview, 10/30/2002). By this, she means that “it incorporates
everyone and sees the leaks, the differences, the similarities, the comparisons, the
contrasts…[and] it puts history in a wider context…It gives kids a perspective that there
was nothing happening in isolation, whereas the Greek program has lots and lots and lots
of focus on the Greek stuff” (ibid.). She believes that Greeks have a narrower view of
history because the Ministry of Education imposes it on them. She says, “I think the
inability to accept that there are other views is dangerous and it’s not history as far as I’m
structure of the IB program, the use of critical knowledge is an explicit component of the
knowledge is contestable and truth claims about the past are not free of bias or
interactions and dialogues. However, one wonders whether these students learn to
negotiate critical knowledge in the IB classroom or did they come in with, or choose this
program precisely because they already have this orientation to and expectation for
knowledge. It is suggested here that the answer can be both of these things. With regard
to the former, empirical evidence supports the declaration that IB teachers at Anatolia
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guide students in developing and negotiating critical knowledge skills by asking them to
actively construct knowledge rather than passively accept information they encounter.
Two relevant examples related to library use and evaluation of sources respectively
First, the centrality of the library varies considerably between lyceum and IB
curricula. As the President of the College states, “The trouble with Greek secondary
education is that libraries are irrelevant to it” (Interview, 2/18/2003). This is confirmed
when one visits one of the two highly-advanced libraries on campus only to find students
studying at a table or writing emails on the computer rather than searching the stacks for
resources. When one looks at the names in books that have been checked out, it is almost
always an IB student. The general attitude in Greek education is that research projects
that utilize the library take too much time and are mostly avoided. Thus, the idea of an
essay for the lyceum student is “cutting and pasting articles or pieces from
encyclopedias” (IB Director Interview, 10/31/2002). These students are not taught to use
the library. In contrast, all IB history assignments require use of the library. They are
oriented toward the evaluation of multiple sources, thereby acquiring skills for research
and attitudes about learning that previously they were not taught.
second year students in the program. Both IB teachers express that there is a lack of
critical engagement in students during their first year of the IB program yet a marked
changes occurs during their second year. Because the structure is such that these teachers
follow their students from first to second year, they gain privileged insight into each
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student’s progress. They describe students in the first year IB as consumers of
(Faculty Interview, 10/30/2002). This assessment is not surprising when considering the
Greek system from which these students come. However, by the end of the second year,
teachers describe the same students as almost at the other end of the spectrum with regard
to knowledge orientation. After dealing with the raw material of primary source
documents, the teachers observe that students learn to “critically assess them” (ibid.).
Moreover, they seem to go beyond to become very suspicious of sources. One teachers
explains it as follows:
The thing I encountered with these kids…is that they become extremely
postmodern. They think everything is false…They always tend to see
conspiracies, always. This is a problem for the second year students.
They may say that the source is biased because the author is German. I
say so what, Karl Marx was German, but he was not for German
nationalism. They have a difficulty to go beyond this kind of, I name it
subject position, but it’s not. They don’t know anything about Judith
Butler, but it’s this, that everybody has his or her own point of view and
every point of view is absolutely legitimate (ibid.).
In this respect, students are engaging with very important issues in the classroom.
Their teachers are forcing them to think differently and variously about knowledge, i.e.,
are varied and understandings of the present and expectations for the future are based on
multiple sources and a multiplicity of views. These students experience school history
wherein they learn how to develop reading skills, how to write a scholarly piece of work,
how to structure a paragraph and footnote, they learn how to argue, how to present their
opinions, how to research (ibid.). All of these things are indispensable to them and
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students learn how to learn because the program makes critical knowledge explicit.
However, considering only this perspective puts the analysis at risks of romanticizing the
IB as a wholly inspiring program that lacks problems and produces better critical thinkers
than its counterpart in the Greek lyceum. Thus, it is necessary to address the second
answer to this inquiry. Simply stated, while some students learn to negotiate critical
knowledge in the IB classroom, as evidenced above, others appear to come equipped with
these skills and have chosen the program precisely because they already possess the skills
that Greeks have a problem with open-mindedness and blames the educational system for
this cultural ailment. He says “it promotes close-mindedness and parochialism within
children” (Student Interview, 3/1/2004) and supports his idea with a personal experience.
Prior to joining the IB program, he attended a Greek public school. One day, his history
class was discussing the Greek War of Independence and they were discussing, from the
textbook, that the Church supported the independence movement. Giorgos disagreed
with the book and his teacher, expressing his belief that the Church was fearful of losing
the power it had over its Orthodox citizens if independence was achieved. An argument
ensued wherein Giorgos refused to accept uncritically the opinion written in the book and
The IB teacher teaching Giorgos believes that these students choose the IB
program, as Giorgos did, because they are eager for something different. For this teacher,
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“history creates in the student a good critical sense and it equips the student with
excellent skills to do anything” (I.B. Faculty Interview, 10/30/2002). This is her job as a
historian and history teacher in the IB. Thus, she feels strongly that the students who do
choose the IB path are “self-selecting” and have already made up their minds. “The
difference is that our students are prepared to see something different because they’ve
come in expecting something different. Otherwise, they’d stay in the regular program”
(ibid.). Thus, it takes a student like Giorgos to choose the IB program, because he knows
that it will be a place for him to develop his critical thinking skills.
Another example supports the same idea. As stated earlier, it is compulsory that
IB students at Anatolia take Greek history to earn the Greek apolitirio. Assigned to this
Greek history course during the 2001-2002 year, an IB history teacher decided to teach it
in the IB way. He did so because he felt that a potential danger of the IB, due to an
inescapable comparison, was the rejection of the Greek curriculum and Greek system of
education by students. He feared they might begin to view the IB program, which is
coming to us, the natives, the indigenous and showing us the true, the enlightened
education” (I.B. Faculty Interview, 10/30/2002). However, the reaction from first-year
They were disturbed that they were doing good histories of Greece in the IB way.
These students have a great deal of experience with the straightforward, explanatory
methods of the Greek curriculum and seemingly want to keep it in its place. For these
students, extending the IB way into the Greek curriculum also puts the IB curriculum in
danger of being infiltrated by the Greek way. While they understand the former as
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beneficial, albeit difficult for them to place the idea of learning Greek history in the same
way that history is taught in IB, it is the latter that they reject entirely (ibid.). Talking with
several IB boarding students in the dormitory one evening, I learned that, indeed, these
students chose the IB program with express purposes: “in IB students are more
responsible for their learning,” “you see more perspectives and are asked to see them
differently and this is what I could not do in my other classes” and “you’re definitely
more involved and you’re able to express your point of view on certain issues here” (IB
Student Group Interview, 11/1/2002). Their comments strongly suggest that these
students chose the IB program precisely for a different learning experience and reflect an
already present understanding that learning involves more than the acceptance of official
knowledge.
them to use multiple sources, helping them deal with interpretations more than facts, and
forcing them to think critically on issues. Similarly, it may be argued that the same
program attracts students who already possess these skills and, thus, choose it because
their development is stifled in the Greek system. Based on empirical evidence provided
in this study, it seems that both are appropriately acceptable answers to the inquiry.
Whether students learn to negotiate critical knowledge in the IB classroom or choose the
program because they already have this orientation to and expectation for knowledge,
they know that it is an educational environment wherein they may take responsibility for
their education rather than accept a passive system that suppresses critical knowledge.
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Ultimately, what does a comparison of the history programs in Anatolia’s lyceum
and International Baccalaureate achieve? Primarily, it reveals that official and critical
knowledge play important, yet different roles in the way historical knowledge is
knowledge is the explicit goal of the curriculum in the lyceum, critical knowledge is
operating implicitly on a significant and transparent level. Thus, students are learning to
negotiate both forms of knowledge in the classroom. They learn to accept, perhaps
system. At the same time, teachers provide them with opportunities to engage in critical
knowledge as a way of learning how to learn. Despite this, the majority of lyceum
students are oriented towards history as official knowledge, described by the educational
deliberately rejected. These students have only to accept without consideration official
knowledge in one class, Greek history, and have the uncommon luxury of placing it on
the margin of the curriculum. While it is misguided to say that only in the IB are students
able to negotiate critical knowledge since both programs offer opportunities, albeit
differently, for the development of this form of knowledge, students in the IB have more
opportunities for and express a greater awareness of the interconnectedness between the
relativity of historical knowledge, the conflict of interpretations, and the social demand
and political use of the past for reasons of representation (Pok, Rusen & Scherrer, 2002).
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It takes a long time to make them think differently about this kind of
material, but it’s the only way. When they come to the program, they act
like a taxi driver. Everybody’s lying. Nobody’s telling the truth. The
government’s lying [and] everybody’s the same. So this kind of extreme
leveling…this lack of evaluation, lack of differentiating…they don’t have
at first because of the way Greek society works. But the IB program is a
very good way to go beyond that and they do learn how to go beyond that
here (I.B. Faculty Interview, 10/30/ 2002).
analyzing responses to several questions from a questionnaire prepared for this project
and administered to a random sample of students from both the lyceum and IB. These
results are worthy of note because they suggest that students’ perceptions of what goes on
in their history classes vary between the lyceum and International Baccalaureate.
In the student questionnaire administered for the study (Appendix A), question
sixteen asks students what usually happens in their history classes at Anatolia and
provides nine sub-categories for consideration. Student responses from this question,
illustrated below as mean scores in Figure 5.1, provide a general picture of their
perceptions of what goes on in history classes at Anatolia. Responses vary little in most
categories. The significant differences are from sub-categories asking about library
research and the memorization of facts. Interestingly, within these sub-categories both
groups of students express generally similar attitudes reflected in mean scores that are
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negative for library research (GL=1.43, IB=2.35) and positive for memorization of facts
(GL=4.61, IB=3.35).36
5
16. What usually happens in your history classes at Anatolia?
4.5
1=very seldom, 2=seldom, 3=sometimes, 4=often, 5=very often
4
3.5
a. We listen to teachers’ stories about the past
b. We are informed of what is good or bad, right or wrong in history
3
c. We discuss different interpretations of what happened in the past
Mean Value
From the data, it appears that both groups of students, notwithstanding library
research and fact memorization, perceive themselves as doing the same kinds of work in
their history classes despite empirical evidence that they are in very different programs.
In the confines of this close-ended question, the areas emphasized in the sub-categories
for library use and fact memorization are distinguished as most different for them.
Statistically, 92% of lyceum students surveyed responded seldom or very seldom to the
discrepancy appears in the sub-category referring to the memorization of facts. From this
36
The mean score of 3.00 is understood as the defining separation between positive and negative
attitudinal responses for all questions on the questionnaire. Also, the mean value range for all questions on
the questionnaire is 0-5.
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question, 97% of lyceum students surveyed and 50% of IB students believe that they
memorize facts about history often or very often. The fact that students perceive their
In another question, both student groups were asked which historical methods
they would like to employ if they were deciding how to teach history. Students’
responses to this close-ended question, illustrated in Figure 5.2, also are generally similar.
First, the sub-category in which IB students feel most positive, and the only one in
which they surpass lyceum students, is that related to the use of comparative perspectives
in history (sub-category c). Here, the mean score for IB respondents is 4.19 compared to
3.66 for lyceum students. While both mean scores reflect positive attitudes for the use of
more familiar with this method of historical investigation. The same rationale may
explain why the sub-category in which lyceum students feel most positive is that of
seeking knowledge about the main facts in history (sub-category a). Indeed, empirical
evidence from this project has established that these methods are explicitly practiced in
their respective programs. Thus, it may be suggested with equal worth that lyceum
students value the comparison of perspective only slightly less than IB students value the
attitude towards Greek culture (sub-category f) and the importance of ancient Greece on
modern societies (sub-category g). It is in these last two sub-categories where the
greatest difference in attitude between the student groups is found. In both sub-
categories, lyceum students respond positively (3.71 and 3.66 respectively) while IB
students respond negatively (2.90 and 2.95 respectively). Based on the data, IB students
show less interest and place less emphasis on the role of Greek history and culture in the
their history education. This suggests that historical consciousness among the two groups
of students differs greatly in terms of emphasis and interest in the Greek nation and
nation-state, as interpreted in the past and its role in the present and future. This
The analysis so far has been entirely concerned with different pedagogical
negotiation of official and critical knowledge appear to have some bearing on how they
144
view the past, and thus how they understand the present. The distinct ways in which
the majority of Greek lyceum students view history more as a stable, organic and
presentations more as dynamic, constructed and perspectival knowledge. This does not
mean to imply that the student groups represent two different, homogeneous and
unrelated sets with regard to historical consciousness. Indeed, this is not the case and
there are examples of students representing the respective minority view within each
group as well as a wide degree of difference regarding historical knowledge within each
group.
Overall, history classrooms are an excellent source for the analysis of national
many subjects, a selective approach is taken to the past by choosing what is considered
important to better understand the present and omitting what is considered irrelevant.
Thus, the way students talk about the past, present and future has the potential of
revealing what it means to them to be Greek and/or European. In this study, students’
responses to questions regarding historical methods and classroom activity show that
lyceum and IB students’ perceptions follow similar patterns, but with a limited number of
distinct differences. It is this very idea of students’ similar and different orientations to
past, present and future that is explored in the next chapter. By investigating students’
attitudes about the current national and transnational cultural contexts in which they are
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situated, the proceeding analysis provides a set of discourses that contribute to an
that just as students’ experiences with official and critical knowledge help define patterns
Thus, identifying discourses used to discuss topics related to (1) the meaning of
Europe, (2) European Union integration and (3) Greece’s place vis-à-vis the E.U. and
Europe, a fluid model of student cultural identity characterized by mixture and coexisting
way of identifying and describing discourses that students use in discussions of their
current cultural climate. This offers insight into whether a collective European identity
that is promoted in today’s Europe is emerging among these young Greeks. Furthermore,
it helps define the type and degree of influence schools have in the development of
cultural identity. The final analysis suggests that school still has an influence on the
development of identity and that pedagogical approaches are important factors in this
development.
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CHAPTER 6
Although much has been written on the subject of European unification, relatively
little is known about the views of young people in Europe (Angvik, 1997; Convery, 1997;
Schiffauer et al, 2004) or how individual schools are balancing national and transnational
processes in history and other school subjects. Since 1973, a number of official surveys
have been carried out by the European Commission to monitor the evolution of public
opinion among member states. These surveys, known as Eurobarometer surveys, have
covered more recently issues such as the European Constitution, enlargement, the euro,
how Europeans see themselves, globalization and European elections. There have been
fewer studies regarding specific views of young people that have not been commissioned
solely by the European Union. The most recent of those that have been carried out
independently include Students’ Attitudes to Europe (Bordas & Giles Jones, 1993), Youth
and History (EUROCLIO, 1996; 1997) and Pupils’ Perceptions of Europe (Convery et
al, 1997). Each of these studies, contributing to the body of information regarding young
people’s attitudes about Europe, was carried out as comparative, multi-country surveys
and in the case of the latter, semi-structured interviews with some of the study’s
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especially research carried out independently of official European sponsorship, is
there is ‘a strong need for more research with respect to European citizenship,
socialization and education’ and concludes that ‘finding out why socialization for
European citizenship in general and education for European citizenship in particular have
a limited effect…’” (Dekker, 1993, p. 52). Similarly, “Prucha (in Endt & Lenaerts, 1993)
finds that empirical studies are necessary to compare factual knowledge, attitudes and
values shared by students in specific countries” (Convery et al, 1997, p. 13). Finally,
Fogelman (in Edwards, Munn & Fogelman) identifies the need for national and
international surveys of the knowledge, beliefs and activities of young people together
In response to calls for national and international inquiries, this chapter provides
Europe. Using the framework for historical consciousness established in the previous
characteristics of mixture and coexisting tensions are easily imagined. In doing so, I
address the role of school history in processes of cultural identity formation and conclude
that, (1) indeed, school history is influential, albeit not independently, and (2) student
There are countless ways in which students’ attitudes and perceptions on the
topics such as those explored in this study may be elicited. The most direct approach is
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to ask students openly about their identifications with, definitions of and opinions about
the topics, taking into consideration that answers may reflect different understandings of
key concepts. This has the strength of candidly exposing their preferences and
evaluations of the topics. The student questionnaire and many questions from interviews
incorporate this approach into the design of the study. Alternatively, one may adopt a
more indirect approach and attempt to analyze specific processes, choices and reactions
that students have to issues presented to them. This type of engagement (e.g., asking
students to take photographs and then discussing their meaning or listening to students
their cultural contexts. The following analysis incorporates both approaches into the
Greeks invented civilization and now they are using it as an excuse to do nothing. This is
why all the cafes are full. Nobody works hard here. They use the excuse that our ancient
ancestors did such great things, did all the work and now the modern Greeks can just
relax. But I will tell you what I think is the most important aspect of modern Greek
society. It is to enjoy life. We should enjoy every minute but we tend to live for tomorrow
rather than for today.
—Andreas, Greek 30-something importer, 2003
contradictory ways in which Greeks negotiate official and critical knowledge. On one
hand, Andreas categorically accepts that “Greeks invented civilization,” a common tenet
149
of official knowledge in Greek schools, but criticizes the authority of his declaration by
knowledge approach. In the same way, he places value on his criticism by earnestly
pointing out the need for Greeks to slow down and “enjoy life.” Andreas is quite
students in both history divisions at Anatolia College interact with knowledge in highly
creative ways is evidence for the same supposition. In one respect, students in the Greek
lyceum accept the official historical knowledge presented in their history classrooms at
school as a way of succeeding in the system, and at times they contest the validity of the
very ideas this knowledge represents. In another respect, IB students are learning the
or the nature of historical knowledge itself. In still another way, teachers in the Greek
lyceum and International Baccalaureate teach what is mandated, albeit differently, and
perspectives.
College nor is it to portray the College as an institution par excellence of school history.
However, it does invite critical engagement in the construction of cultural identity among
Greek youth in school and likewise, the exploration of a vision for collective European
identity among them. The conceptualization of Greek cultural identity presented in this
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Specifically, five discourses are identified and described through an interpretive lens of
empirical data from observations, interviews and other evidence. The discourses are
recognized as (1) common cultural heritage, (2) burden of the past, (3) autochthonous
Hellenism, (4) the mobiles and (5) occidentalism. They are understood as fluid,
permeable discourses of Greek cultural identity among Anatolian youth and overlap in
times and in different contexts. The discourses emerge from topics introduced and
discussed in their history classes and further explored during interviews and the student
questionnaire. Specifically, students’ past, present and future orientations to three topics
help define the discourses. Specifically, these topics are (1) meanings of Europe, (2)
European integration processes and (3) Greece’s place within the EU and Europe. This
of identity in Greece (Tziovas, 2001) and likewise, attempts to provide a more nuanced
The chapter progresses through a discussion of the five discourses and points to
how they are employed in diverse ways by Anatolia lyceum and IB students in various
contexts of cultural interaction in the school ends with a discussion of the relationship
between the discourses and student cultural identity. Likewise, influences from school
history and the possible emergence of a collective cultural identity among young Greek
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Common Cultural Heritage
Personally, I feel very European because many of, well, all of European civilizations
have been greatly influenced by the ancient Greek civilization and so I’m Greek and so I
feel that I’m European.
—Eleni, Form V, Regular Lyceum, 2002
constructed around students’ perceptions of Greece vis-à-vis Europe and the European
Union and tends to be employed by lyceum and IB students alike. Above, Eleni is
employing the discourse mainly as she identifies herself with other Europeans who are
In effect, she accepts the Eurocentric stereotype of the superiority and harmony of the
Western European world. Likewise, the Greek claim to a European identity is easily
accepted because she imagines European history and culture as an extension of Greek
history and culture. Importantly, students who employ the discourse understand
European identity as a supplementary identity that does not aspire to be the dominant
identity for anybody (see Appendix B, question 21). Of all student responses on the
component of this discourse. Students who use it understand and equate solidarity with
similarity by accentuating the Greeks’ claim that “they were European and conversely
that the Europeans were really Greek” (Jusdanis, 1991, p. 28; Tziovas, 2001, p. 190).
152
community wherein interpretations of the past are static and continuous rather than
dynamic and full of ruptures and multi-perspectivity. Elena, another lyceum student
employing the discourse, endorses this claim below in her discussion of Greece and
Europe.
Greece’s contribution to Europe and the European Union and reflects strongly on the
of this official knowledge is that the teaching of Greek history dominates the entire
schedule and textbooks present Greek history as an uninterrupted continuity from ancient
times to the present in the European context (Petridis & Zografaki, 2002). This leads to
an significant effect of the discourse, i.e., ethnocentric and exclusionary attitudes towards
non-Europeans, non-European Union members or even new E.U. members from Eastern
and Central Europe. For example, when asked if Greece should create strict laws limiting
immigration from new member states (sub-category G), 35 percent of Greek lyceum
students and 63 percent of IB students agreed or totally agreed.37 Figure 6.1 illustrates
37
Additionally, another 41% and 13%, respectively, were undecided.
38
It should be noted that the student sample for this question was considerably smaller than that of the
other questions on the questionnaire. It was added after the initial questionnaire was administered and
given only to one class in the Greek lyceum (37 students) and one class in the IB (7 students).
Additionally, it was given in May 2004, the month in which the ten new members became officially part of
the E.U. Thus, unlike the larger sample used in the other questions, this one reflects smaller group.
153
In the same question, students disagreed most ardently to the question of whether
unity in Europe is a myth (sub-category E). In fact, as one of the lowest mean scores on
the entire questionnaire (2.76 = Greek lyceum, IB = 2.50), it points to students’ strong
feelings of unity towards Europe. Alone, the results do not specify an important
the political unity of the European Union. What they do represent is a valuable
illustration of the discourse of common cultural heritage. Namely, desires for unity and
for exclusion are easily imagined and it is precisely this contradictory attitude that is
4.5
2.5
4=agree, 5=totally agree
2
understanding of this attitude was revealed. When asked about the idea of unity in
Europe, lyceum and IB students referred to being members of the same “club,” as in a
European Union and to the “legacies” of ancient Greece that, according to these students,
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are shared by all Europeans (Student Interview, 2002). Thus, the idea of unity is just that,
disguising ethnocentric attitudes. However, with further exploration even exclusion was
described in cultural (and contradictory) terms. In particular, students quickly agreed that
a restriction of immigrants is a good idea because these people take jobs away from
Greeks (Fieldnotes, 2004). However, those jobs to which students are referring are ones
that they are unlikely to want or ever take for two reasons: money and prestige. These
jobs, mostly hard labor such as picking olives or stonemasonry, generate very low wages
in Greece and are viewed with little respect. These students, lyceum and IB alike, all of
whom express a desire to attend university and most of whom are interested in studying
So the question becomes, why do these students care if Albanians and Bulgarians,
two groups referred to in interviews and classroom discussions, come to Greece and fill
those jobs that are unwanted by Greeks anyway? The answer relates to the premise that
ethnocentric attitudes are a part of the discourse. In fact, these students are not including
all Europeans in their dream for unity in Europe. Articulated more accurately, they are
that historically have been viewed with degradation and contempt in their own national
culture.
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Historian Efi Avdela agrees that “[b]y retelling a national narrative that evokes a
common past and common cultural traits, school systems reproduce a romantic
conception of the nation state as a natural entity” (p.239). This, in turn, promotes
attitudes of ethnocentrism and exclusion. Not surprising, when given cameras and asked
to take photographs representing one’s cultural identity, many students brought pictures
depicting monuments and other reminders of antiquity around their city, including the
Kamara, or Arch of Galarius39 (Figure 6.2) and Lefkos Pyrgos, or White Tower (Figure
6.3). While these photographs are symbols of the city of Thessaloniki, much like the
Statue of Liberty in New York or the Golden Gate Bridge in San Francisco, students refer
to them as important reminders of Greece’s past. Thus, those students who choose to use
the common cultural heritage discourse emphasize a shared history and cultural heritage
between Greece and other select parts of Europe and understand European history as an
39
Interestingly, the first photograph, an arch located on Via Egnatia, the historic road connecting
Constantinople to Rome, was constructed by the Romans in 305 AD to celebrate the triumph of the
emperor over the Persians. It is not a Greek structure at all.
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Figure 6.3: Student Photograph of the Lefkos Pyrgos (White Tower) in Thessaloniki,
Greece
The origins of the discourse are found in discussions of Greece vis-à-vis Europe
and the European Union. For example, the student questionnaire addresses various ways
Question 23).
3.5
B. Ancient Greek ideals are shared by all E.U. countries and bind them
3
culturally.
C. Greece will benefit economically from its membership in the E.U.
Mean Value
2.5
0.5
0
B C F
Sub-category
With the exception of the statement addressing Greece’s economic benefit from
the E.U., both groups of students agreed favorably that Greek youth are developing a
157
more European identity. By contrast, Greek lyceum students agree with the idea of
shared ancient Greek ideals (3.13) but IB students disagree with the idea that these ideals
them (Appendix A, Question 21). With consistency, lyceum students agreed with the
idea of a shared past and believe in some concept of unity in Europe. IB students also
expressed such feelings of shared past and unity within the European community,
4.5
4
21. What does “European” mean to you?
1=very little, 2=little, 3=some, 4=much, 5=very much
3.5
1.5
0.5
0
B G
Sub-category
Primarily, these results suggest that some form of collective or shared identity is
present in both groups of students, a point addressed later in the chapter. Secondarily,
considering the evidence that a common cultural heritage discourse is a central part of the
official history curriculum in the Greek lyceum, it is not surprising that most of these
158
Europe and the European Union. In other words, students in the Greek lyceum choose to
utilize this discourse more often than those in the IB program. However, evidence
For example, during an IB class observation, one student agrees that Greeks feel
closer to other Europeans because they are all members of the same club (Fieldnotes,
2004). He was openly employing this discourse, but the rest of his classmates were not.
In observing their discussion of the European Union, I noticed that much of the class
laughed and disagreed ardently with the students’ unity sentiment. The class reaction is
captured in another student’s comment that “the E.U. is somewhat of an pretend group in
terms of culture, an elusive unity” (Fieldnotes, 2004). In contrast to the discourse, this
student and most others did not accept the premise that identity be defined by similarity.
Clearly, this example demonstrates that some IB students choose not to define their
By contrast, a discussion with the IB history teacher from the other class reveals
that most of his students do not question the idea of cultural continuity. An excerpt from
Giampapa: Studies that I have read also say that Greek students in
general have very positive feelings toward being part of the
European Union and being European, being Western.
IB Teacher: Yes, certainly, but with themselves being in a superior
position with this, within this western home—because they
are descendants of the Ancient Greeks, because I don’t
know what, because they don’t want to recognize their
inferiority. You know, it’s a very complex, psychologically
complex position of adapting or dealing with these different
things. I don’t think they have ever questioned their
159
position in class, at least (I.B. Faculty Interview,
10/30/2002).
their history teacher, are situated within the discourse. They, like others who use the
discourse, view Greece as “founded on standards which are at the same time
superiority, esteem and ethnocentrism within European culture. As a result, the discourse
depicts Greece as a “site that excludes and includes…[it] excludes by claiming unique
We all Greeks stand on and we are proud of what ANCIENT Greeks did, but we haven’t
really attributed anything to, we haven’t really opened, accomplished anything today.
—Nikos, 11th Grade, Greek Lyceum, 2002
the Greek and European past that are fixed and glorious and an understanding of the
present condition of Greece as belated with respect to its past. It is employed with
160
Europeans possessed an identity only in terms of its past, regarded by
them in the words of Richard Jenkyns as a heavenly city, a shimmering
fantasy on the far horizon (pp. 5-33).
Anatolian lyceum students who choose to make use of this discourse feel an
urgency that modern Greeks have not lived up to a perceived ascendancy of Greek
antiquity. This evaluation leads to an inferiorizing of modern Greek society and culture
and leads to an overvaluation of the ancient Greek past (Frangoudaki & Dragonas, 1997,
p. A309). Correspondingly, they either feel an inward responsibility for Greek society to
produce something worthy or an outward pressure from others who project an unfair
image upon modern Greek culture. In Belated Modernity and Aesthetic Culture:
Inventing National Literature (1991), Jusdanis discusses this condition and states that
“[m]odern Greeks feel themselves belated in respect to the European and inferior in
burden of the past. He expresses satisfaction for the achievements of the Greek past, but
a perceived lack of accomplishment by his own generation and perhaps those of his
parents and grandparents overshadow this feeling. In a different way, the student below
Others do not have a good opinion of Greeks today. They only think of
the ancient Greeks and not who we are today. And they are right because
Greeks don’t know how to treat foreigners anymore…they don’t bother to
treat foreigners with hospitality. This is bad for Greece (IB Student
Interview, 3/1/2004).
For these young Greeks, the discourse corresponds to a cultural burden that must
relinquish the past in favor of concentrating on the present condition. He views modern
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Greece as inferior and unworthy of its ancient counterpart and feels urgency for his
perceives Greek culture. On the other hand, it involves acknowledging the unfairness in
using ancient Greek culture as a metonym for modern Greek society and the ability to
criticize the Greek reliance on this popular view. In other words, Alexis rejects the Greek
cultural tendency to stand on the pillars of the past and places value in efforts to make
The use of this discourse suggests a particular orientation to the past that is static
rather than relational, permanent rather than shifting. As such, students functioning
within the discourse view the ancient Greek past as something unchanged and thus,
4.5
13. What does history mean to you?
4
1
F. Shows the background of the present and explains
0.5 today’s problems.
0
G. An accumulation of cruelties and disasters.
B C D
Sub-category
F G H
H. Something that changes as the present changes.
Greek Lyceum International Baccalaureate
As illustrated in the graph above (Figure 6.6), representing students’ responses to the
meaning of history (Appendix A, question 13), the past is something from which these
162
students may learn and compare, but not something that they may understanding
Here, Greek lyceum and IB students express strong opinions that history is an
important part of understanding present problems (3.88 and 3.62 respectively), but not
something that changes as the present changes (2.90 and 2.48). Equally, history is not
something that is dead and gone (1.53 and 2.10) nor is it an accumulation of cruelties and
disasters (1.90 and 2.38). These responses invite us to think that they perceive the
historical past as relevant to today in that it provides archetypes and guideposts, such as
those exemplified in Greece’s classical past, to trust and follow. This orientation to the
past is a central feature of the burden of the past discourse and is used most frequently in
history classroom discussions about Greece, past and present. Even when the topic is not
about Greece, the discourse is often employed. For example, during an observation of a
Greek lyceum 10th grade ancient history class studying ancient Egypt, students were
asked for what things Egypt is remembered. From the textbook, students gave two
answers: art and monuments. The teacher then asked, “Where else did people create
great art and monuments?” and the discussion moved to a comparison between ancient
Greece and ancient Egypt. In fact, it became a discussion more about ancient Greece
than ancient Egypt (Fieldnotes, 2002). This is an example of how Greek history (1)
assumes a dominant position in the overall history curriculum and can be found in
discussions of most historical topics and (2) assumes a position of haughtiness and
163
participating in the questionnaire agree that it is the finest legacy of ancient Greece
representations display ancient monuments often gave reasons for taking them that may
be described as part of the discourse. For example, when asked why a picture of the
statue of Aristotle (Figure 6.7) represents a part of what it means to be Greek, eleven
different students who took the same photograph of the statue responded in one way or
another that they did so because (1) the statue stands in the central square of the city, the
Square of Aristotle, and (2) it is a reminder of their ancestors’ achievements and their
this discourse as a part of their own cultural identity, these students not only assume an
immediate link with ancient Greece, but also feel compelled to compare it with the
164
Herein lies the tenuous and comparative relationship between past and present
that is revealed through the discourse. Articulated into the discipline of school history,
the burden of the past is ubiquitous in a Greek national curriculum that promotes an
idealization of the past and the awareness of Hellenic continuity as central themes. As
evidenced in the following interview transcript with two lyceum students (2002), the
economy.
Nikos: I think that all that we know today about history, about the past and
all the things that governments, say, make us learn, it’s great.
They have to do that. But it does not matter, we think that they
[Europeans] were all born of us [Greeks], all part of us, which is
great, but…
Maria: Yes, but we are not a very developed or rich country.
Nikos: We have the tendency to follow others and not really do anything.
Maria: And I believe that European people have actually more respect for
ancient Greek civilization than we Greeks ourselves do and they
have better knowledge of it than we do.
Nikos: I think that ninety percent of Greeks think that we are still glorious
[everyone laughs]. Most of us think that we are okay right now.
Everything is good. But ten percent are trying, fighting to do
something better, to make Greece better, to become like the ancient
Greeks were, or even if we can’t do that because it’s very difficult,
just to follow up with others.
The discussion between Maria and Nikos further demonstrates the various
conflicting attitudes about ancient Greece found in this discourse. Like Andreas at the
beginning of the chapter, these students reflect a general richness of contradiction that
exists in the discourse and is a part of their cultural identity. It speaks to the
suggests that even though official school history is replete with ideas related to the
discourse, there are students in both divisions who accept and reject it.
165
Moreover, the burden of the past discourse is employed regularly in and about
Greek popular culture. In other words, it is employed regularly outside the school setting
by Greeks and non-Greeks, both of whom use it in defining what is Greece. For
example, a recent advertisement in the New York Times Magazine (3/20/05) makes
obvious the mainstream familiarity with and persuasive power of exploiting this
beautiful young girl, presumably a “siren,” floating above a set of ionic columns. Across
the middle of the page reads the caption in bold letters, LIVE YOUR MYTH IN
GREECE. In the upper left corner is a description of what one will encounter on a visit
to Greece:
With the New York Times’ employment of a discourse that links the glories of an
ancient past with an expectation that it will filter into today, visitors arrive in Greece with
romantic expectations of life there, only to discover that their preconceptions are simply
anachronous, even unfair, images for modern Greek society and culture. Thus, with the
help of this discourse, the legacies of Hellenism became culturally embedded in Europe
and other parts of the world, elevated to a status of high expectations and likewise, re-
maintain. Along with its critical role, perhaps its mainstream familiarity is another
166
reason why IB students employ the discourse so frequently, despite the absence of this
As idyllic as the images produced from this discourse are, they are somewhat
removed from the sustainable manners of everyday life in Greece. Beyond the burden of
the past exists a modern European country so often characterized by its historic and
mythic traditions. There is no one welcoming you as a modern god, no sirens luring you
into the water, no ancient ruins whispering your name. Nevertheless, with images of the
past embedded into the media, it is easy to recognize that it is a noticeable part of
encourage them to do. In all its forms, students in both programs utilize this discourse to
Autochthonous Hellenism
Greeks have a very strong national consciousness. We love our country, our history, our
traditions. We like to go abroad to study at the better universities and to make money,
but Greeks will always return or desire to return to Greece, no matter where they are. I
believe that other Europeans do not feel this strongly about their homes.
—Giorgos, 12th Grade, International Baccalaureate, 2004
conscious effort to develop a native identity rooted in a unique form of local Greekness
while at the same time defining itself vis-à-vis Western Europe. As with the first
discourse, this one is revealed in discussions of Greece vis-à-vis Europe and the
167
understanding of Greece’s present condition. Students in the lyceum more frequently
employ it. Above, Giorgos is operating from within this discourse as he expresses strong
sentiments of nationalism and a valuing of his Greek homeland, but making an explicit
Western university, as opposed to a Greek one, but ultimately attaches the greatest
Generation of the 1930s and also in today’s Greek history textbooks (Avdela, 2000),
developed into a discourse which sought to construct identity by breaking from Western
Hellenism while at the same time embracing Western standards of comparison. Therein,
Western Hellenism, or the particular ways in which Greece is understood in the West,
elitist appropriations and that which is not Greek. By contrast, Hellenic Hellenism, or the
conceptions such as the Greek landscape and folklore of the people. It is the latter that
this type of Hellenism is constructed both in terms of “place of birth” and as existing in
comparisons of modern Greece to the West. However, unlike the previous discourse, this
one takes hold of normalized assumptions about organizations of societies into distinct
168
Anthropologist Lisa Malkki, in her discussion on the territorialization of identity,
maintains that not only does the idea of culture carry with it this spatializing tendency,
but it also assumes natural roots of sedentary existence (1997). Considering this, a
Young Greeks at Anatolia who use this discourse present evidence that they
understand the Greek topos (place) as an important part of their cultural identity. Indeed,
the most common photographic representations of Greek cultural identity are those of the
Greek landscape and every lyceum student who turned in photographs included at least
one picture of the Greek landscape. Equally, discussions with lyceum students about
these representations reveal that they feel a tremendous attachment to the “place” of
Greece.
They describe these photographs as depicting “the Greek sea,” “the Greek
mountains” (Figure 6.8) and “the beautiful land that we have” and they conjure
169
associations, as one Form 5 student expresses, with the poetry of Nobel laureate George
Seferis, one of Greece’s most well known poets (Student Interview 2002). His work is
undoubtedly situated in this discourse as he describes the allure of Hellenism through the
beauty of the Greek landscape.40 He describes his home in autochthonous terms when he
local and distinct affiliations within Greece (e.g., Thessaloniki). Thus, it suggests that
Europeans. When asked if being European means a sense of belonging firstly to Europe
and secondarily to Greece (Appendix A, question 21), lyceum and IB students ardently
disagreed (82 percent and 74 percent respectively). However, as illustrated below, the
Lyceum students employing this discourse express quite positive feelings about
the importance of Greece’s membership in the European Union. In part, they understand
40
Particularly those of the period of the 1930s, a number of Greek poets and writers of the modernist
project employed techniques to bring both tradition and modernity into their works. Examples include
comparing ancient myth with modern antagonisms, fusing oral tradition with textual specificity and
appropriating the landscape for the purpose of defining an aesthetic Greekness.
170
associations with a larger European community. These conceptions of rootedness in
Greece and comparisons to the West almost always mutually exist in discussions of
questionnaire (Appendix A), ask students about European Union membership and
enlargement. Responses suggest that students in both the lyceum and IB program feel no
danger of “losing their cultural identity” to a larger European identity and agree that
“Greeks will always retain a strong sense of national identity, traditions, and love for
Greece” no matter how global the E.U. becomes. At the same time, they are in
agreement that “Greek youth are developing a more European identity” and that a
5
23. What does Greece’s membership in the European
4.5
Union mean to you?
1=totally disagree, 2=disagree, 3=undecided, 4=agree, 5=totally agree
4
a. Like other small E.U. countries, Greece is in danger of
3.5 losing its cultural identity
3
b. Unlike older generations, Greek youth are developing a
more European identity.
Mean Value
2.5
and confident attachment to Greece and a valuable association to and confidence in the
European Union.
171
A notable distinction between lyceum and IB students in using this discourse
relates to their interest in the history of particular geographical regions. Figure 6.10
displays students’ responses to the question: “How much interest do you have in the
4.5 19. How much interest do you have in the history of these
4 geographical areas?
3.5
1=very little, 2=little, 3=some, 4=much, 5=very much
displayed in the bar graph (Figure 6.10), the geographical areas of most interest for
lyceum students are Greece (4.33) and Thessaloniki (3.92). The corresponding areas for
International Baccalaureate students are Europe (4.19) and regions outside Europe (4.05).
These results reflect very different, seemingly contrary geographical interests. One way
to approach the data is to say that lyceum students express a national perspective, thus
identity. Since these students experience school history as a set of objective, true facts,
perhaps they accept them with unquestionable value (Zambeta, 2001). Indeed, the
military dictatorship of 1967-1974] will never happen again” (Vice President Interview,
10/23/2002). However, this interpretation places into serious doubt the extent to which
students in state education systems are capable of going beyond official knowledge in
order to question the reproduction of the nation’s cultural narrative. For Anatolia
students, has not been the case. On the contrary, they demonstrate an explicit
understanding of the difference between official and critical knowledge and various
purposes of each. However, their attitudes and opinions more often than not draw a
Again, if the results are interpreted as lyceum students showing more orientation
least a Western version, one may again look to each group’s history program for
minded, methodological approach to learning history. For example, students may study
in three different areas of the world and write a diachronic analysis of it from one of these
historical fields (Fieldnotes, 2002). Through their history program, IB students are much
more familiar with studies of Europe and other parts of the world. This may provide one
reason why these students are more interested in the history of Europe and regions
outside Europe and less inclined to employ the discourse of autochthonous Hellenism.
On the other hand, if we consider the debate raised in the previous chapter we can
ask whether these students learn to appreciate perspectives outside one’s national
perspective in the IB classroom or did they come in with, or choose this program
173
precisely because they already have this orientation to and expectation for knowledge.
As outlined in that chapter, the answer is both of these things. Nevertheless, the
The Mobiles
We have our kinita [mobile phones] so we can talk to each any time we want. Even
though she is in Germany and I am here, we do not feel like we are so far. We are
constantly talking to each other. Let’s say, it feels like she never moved away.
—Christina, 12th Grade, RegularLyceum,2002
The discourse of the mobiles denotes a shift in the way young Greeks in both
divisions at Anatolia, perhaps the general youth population, understand the European
space. Unlike the way the discourse of autochthonous Hellenism situates itself around
the expectation for a more international future. These are students who take Europe for
granted in a matter of fact sort of way. They will eat at McDonald’s and Goody’s (the
Greek counterpart), use the common European currency, the euro, with ease, and enjoy
the annual Eurovision Song Contest and Greek buzukia with equal regularity (Fieldnotes,
41
The Eurovision Song Contest is an international event held annually and consisting of representatives
from any European country who compete in a song contest. In 2004, thirty-nine European countries
participated in the contest. By contrast, Greek buzukia is a traditional form of Greek music commonly
performed live in Greek clubs, taverns and traditional coffeehouses. Especially in buzukia clubs, there are
many cultural customs (e.g., throwing carnations to show appreciation) to which spectators adhere.
174
Reflecting this particular orientation to historical consciousness, it is expressed by
sense of place. Indeed, with the proliferation of mobile phones in Greek society (they are
ever-present on the campus of Anatolia College), students view other European countries
Because mobile phones allow them to contact a person, not a place (as with
traditional land line telephones), they often think of themselves as with that person.
Christina demonstrates the use of this discourse when she says that she calls her friend in
Germany while sitting at a café in Thessaloniki so that her friend can “be there” with her.
Similarly, another student calls her friend each evening so that they can “do their
homework together.” Thus, it is not surprising that many different students provided
pictures similar to the one here as representations of what it means to be Greek (Figure
175
6.11). When asked about their photographs, the general attitude from students was that
the mobile phone gives them a new kind of freedom in terms of mobility and
inclusiveness. The mobile phone allows them to be anywhere and always connected to
their parea, or community of friends (Fieldnotes 2004). In his book, The European
Dream: How Europe’s Vision of the Future Is Quietly Eclipsing the American Dream
(2004), Jeremy Rifkin contributes to this discourse of The Mobiles in the following:
The very term “mobile phone” versus “land line” reflects this epistemological
shift; a shift from the essentializing features found in rooted identities having territorial
While the former is a reminder of nation-states’ attempts to create a national identity, the
unification, one IB student shares her perspective as follows. “Greece has been a part of
the European Union for as long as I have been alive. I mean, we have been in the
European Community since 1981, yes? It has always been a part of us. It is easy for us
to travel [throughout Europe and the E.U.], because it is just one big horos (space)”
176
This discourse rejects older concepts of space based on political and cultural
separation and is somewhat inconsistent with the discourse presented thus far. Akhil
In contrast to Gupta’s conception, when students use the mobiles discourse they
lyceum and IB alike, situate themselves and relate easily to concepts of movement and
connectedness. For example, students express strong agreement for the implementation
of the European Union constitution, with 72 percent of lyceum students and 50 percent of
question 27). Correspondingly, on November 29, 2004 the heads of state or government
of the twenty-five Member States and the three candidate countries signed the treaty
Union. However, it is probable that most of these students have not read the actual
document of the new constitution. Arguably, then, it is the idea of a collective European
constitution that appeals to them rather than its actual contents. Nevertheless, the
language of the E.U. constitution makes clear that the focus is not on a territory, but
42
All Member States of the European Union must still ratify the treaty.
177
rather a commitment to universal human rights, inclusivity and a global consciousness
(Rifkin, 2004). 43
activities, of which there are a range. For example, the school helped established the
European Youth Parliament in Greece and hosts the conference in charge of selecting
Greek delegates for the Parliament. Each year, students may also choose to participate in
the Model United Nations program, a world wide high-school simulation of the United
Nations striving to educate students about the United Nations and their work with
the E.U.) and Lingua (for language teaching and learning). Thus, those who participate
in these activities are in contact with youth from other parts of Europe and view these
sorts of international associations as the “norm.” Kostas, a Form 6 lyceum student, says
that one of his memories of participating in the European Youth Parliament was realizing
that “the kids in other countries are just like we Greek kids” (Student Interview,
02/27/2004). This is not suggesting that Kostas and his classmates are unaware of
attending a privileged private school in Greece, because they are aware of it. Rather, it
points to their use of the mobiles discourse as a way of defining how they view the
European space less as distinct national territories and more as a community of citizens,
43
“The adoption of a European Union Constitution gives the EU legal stature of a country, despite the fact
that this new governing institution has no claim on territory—the traditional hallmark of statehood. While
its provisions allow it to regulate activity within the territories of its members, including activity that affects
property rights and relations, it’s worth emphasizing that the EU is not, in itself, a territory-bound
government. It is, rather, the first transnational government in history whose regulatory powers supercede
the territorial powers of the members that make it up.” (Rifkin, 2004, p. 208).
178
similar to the way the new European constitution envisions the future of Europe. Within
this discourse, the idea of a European culture, in accord with a Greek culture, is easily
imagined.
Occidentalism
It disturbed them, especially the IB1s, the fact that they never did any 20th century Greek
history, like for example the Greek Civil War or the Polytechnio uprising or anything like
that…It’s still considered politics and not proper history. It hasn’t entered the national
myth making…
—IB History Teacher, 2002
The final discourse identified as a part of Anatolia students’ cultural identity is the
discourse of occidentalism. Students who employ this discourse are politically engaged
and want to learn about and form opinions from historical issues that are considered by
the Greek government to present the nation-state in a negative light. In other words, they
are not a part of the national corpus of unifying myths. Their orientation to the past,
present and future of Greece, i.e., historical consciousness, is critical and perspectival and
they apply this discourse to discussions of defining Europe, European integration and
Greece vis-à-vis Europe and the European Union. Overwhelmingly, students in the IB
The IB history teacher quoted above attests to his students’ desire for this kind of
history as does the photograph that one student gave to me as a representation of Greek
identity (Figure 6.12). The photograph, an artistic rendering of three members of the
Greek terrorist organization known as 17th November, was taken from a work of art
displayed at the annual Anatolia College IB Art Show. The IB student who took the
photograph said that it represents “real Greece” as opposed to “the myth of Greece.” IB
179
students express similar attitudes on a variety of responses on the questionnaire. For
example, the following chart showing responses towards questions related to Greece,
Europe and the European Union reflect perceptions that are quite different compared to
lyceum students.
180
Overall, IB students responded negatively to the idea of young Greeks having a sense of
pride in their Hellenic heritage, they do not believe that Greece is a model for other
Balkan countries and they view Greece as more a part of the Balkans than part of the
European Union.
However, in using this discourse students in the IB do not necessarily indicate that
they seek to reject the tenets of the Greek nation-state. Instead, they have a desire to
disrupt taken-for-granted assumptions about the image of Greece and Europe as the ideal
spaces where democracy, tolerance and social integration have been initiated and
developed. This “ideal” is the preferred version which prevails in the European political
discourse and is reproduced in curricular systems (Coulby & Jones, 1995). The Greek
Along with the use of the occidentalism discourse as a way of interrupting ideal,
more balanced, critical view, the discourse has another slightly different expression
among IB students. A very small group of students are also disrupting these idealized
images but for a different reason. They fear that Greece has been on the downhill path
and is in danger of getting worse. They are very pessimistic about Greece and everything
Greek. They view Western Europe and the West in general as a more advanced society
and thus, are more impressed with non-Greek things. It is rare, but this use of
occidentalism is visible. During a group interview, four IB students explain why “Greece
is not on a good path” in a discussion about censorship by the government (IB Student
Interview, 2002). The two examples of censorship given by these students are poignant
narrative illustrations not only of why some Greek students are looking outward and view
181
Western Europe and the West as more advanced, but they also help describe how
students in the regular lyceum have little opportunities for engaging in the a critical
A few years ago, there was a European Union-sponsored essay contest for young
people about the European Monetary Union (EMU) and the introduction of the euro, the
new European monetary unit accepted by members of the EMU.44 The contest was
highly publicized in Greece on the news and the winner would receive money and
recognition from the State and the E.U. According to the contest organizers, the purpose
of the contest was “to make students and pupils aware of the EMU and its implications”
and give them an opportunity for “young people to write down their thoughts,
However, there was one catch to the contest in Greece. The State issued that students
only be permitted to write positively about the euro transition. As described by one
lyceum teacher, “this made Anatolia students grumble a bit, but they complied and wrote
manipulation imposed by the Greek State on the education of its youth. It is in part due
to these impositions that Anatolia students have a specific curiosity for learning about
44
Currently, the EMU includes twelve Member States: Austria, Belgium, Finland, France, Germany,
Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain. Euro banknotes and coins have
been in circulation since January 1, 2002. Thus, all members of the EMU are members of the E.U., but all
members of the E.U. are not currently members of the EMU.
182
In Greece students are “submerged in a sea of signs that refer to the past” (van
Vree, 2002, p. 202). They pass by ancient ruins on their way to school, listen to
version of Achilles in the Trojan War, read in their history books about the Greece’s
struggle for independence and watch current events unfold on the daily news. All these
and far from being homogeneous, there are dominant and less dominant, conflicting and
modes of history that IB students understand or are beginning to understand and express
interpretations; rather, they aspire to debate and form sound, rational opinions about those
events, such as the Polytechnio uprising, that define controversial points in Greek
contemporary.45 However, as stated earlier, such recent events fall under the domain of
politics, which is viewed as controversial and incompatible with that of school history
centralized educational system, the Greek government decides upon and publishes one
history book for each level at the beginning of each school year. Students receive these
textbooks free of charge and they constitute the entirety of what they are required to
45
On November 17th, 1973 students barricaded themselves behind the walls of the Polytechnic University
in Athens in protest of the military dictatorship in Greece. The military rulers responded by sending in
tanks and at least 12 students are said to have been killed during the conflict. The protest is said to have
shaken the authority of the dictatorship, which ended the following year. Although not a common topic in
history classes in Greece, there is evidence in literature of it being taught in regular lyceum. However, it is
unclear how this has been approached and how consistently.
183
learn, memorize really, in the regular lyceum. Often times they use the same textbook as
the previous year or years, but sometimes a new history textbook is published. This is in
direct conflict with the system in the International Baccalaureate program, which requires
the use of multiple sources for each topic of study. The exception in IB is that students
also use the State mandated history textbook in their Greek history class. In the 2002-
2003 academic year, a new history textbook was published and distributed to only a few
Greek high schools, including Anatolia, before a censor was announced. The controversy
born military colonel in Greece who earned recognition during the Greek Civil War
following World War II. In brief, he was in favor of enosis, or the union of Cyprus with
Greece and led campaigns in 1950s through the early 1970s towards this means. One IB
[The censor] was about the very controversial figure called Grivas who
has also been mythologized in the past decades. So, it’s about that—not
exposing anything, about opposing him in a more historically faithful and
balanced way rather than glorifying him. And this created a lot of
problems. Also because of Grivas’ past. I mean he was a Nazi
collaborator and a fierce anti-communist and then he went to Cyprus…I
mean as far as contemporary history is concerned, I think this is a
problem. The Civil War is still taboo (I.B. Faculty Interview,
10/30/2002).
the textbook censorship, some students in the lyceum were not in favor of this kind of
control and all students in the IB were against it. Still others in the lyceum expressed
ambivalence or indifference to the textbook withdraw. For these students, the censorship
made no difference and they are not interested in employing the discourse of
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occidentalism. As such, one of the most distinguishing factors between lyceum and IB
historical study. On the questionnaire (Appendix B, question 13), students are asked
telling them.” Fifty percent of IB students agree or totally agree with this statement
(mean score 3.24). Lyceum students are less comfortable with this kind of view of
For those against the censorship, the new textbook represents two important ideas:
contemporary issue, i.e., Cyprus; both of which are requisites of occidentalism and are
basics of which lyceum students are often deprived except during those “off the record”
classroom discussions, after which they are told to forget the discussion. For IB students,
the presentation of George Grivas in the textbook is seen as simply “one perspective
among many” that must be acceptable for classroom discussion (IB2 Student Interview,
11/01/2002).
However, more than a rejection of all things Greek, the IB students who employ
this discourse simply are less tolerant of the historical centralizing tendencies of the
If you have lots of central authority, then you can order people around to
do your bidding. But, in my view, the fundamental fault with the Greek
system is that it’s too centralized. So, you have all these terrible
consequences of reform…Somebody comes to power with progressive
ideas. They want to change a system that is, you, know, that forces kids to
go to frontisteria. They say, this is terrible, let’s do something with the
exams to decrease the need for dependence on frontisteria, so they change
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the system and they make it even more dependent on frontisteria (IB
Student Interview, 11/01/2002). 46
the “top-down system” he perceives to be in place in Greece. He believes that the only
because when you get into power, you want to constrict, power is tempting, it’s too
seductive” (IB Student Interview, 11/01/2002). He goes on to talk about why he believes
responses from students in the interview that fall within the discourse of the Subaltern as
well. These responses had one common thread—the importance of Greece’s membership
in the European Union. For these students, “one of the best things that happened to
Greece is that it’s become part of the European Union…It provides a guarantee that this
[the junta] will never happen again” and “In terms of firmly establishing democratic
institutions, democratic habits, its relationship with Europe has been essential” (ibid.).
46
Frontisteria are supplementary private schools that students in all schools, public and private, attend
either during their last two years of high school (which is most common) or after graduation, to prepare for
the university entrance examinations (Panhellenic examinations). These after school instructions are very
demanding on students and quite expensive, which leads to questions as to whether Greek education is truly
free.
47
Greece was controlled by a military dictatorship from 1967 to 1974. During this time, the Right
controlled all forms of government institutions.
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These students are developing a historical consciousness, expressed in the Subaltern
(e.g., the Greek Civil War) as meaningful modes of inquiry, political and critical
engagement with the present condition and expectations for the future that include a
On the whole, Greek lyceum students utilize and thus situate themselves in the
and the mobiles. By contrast, International Baccalaureate students utilize and situate
themselves in the discourses of common cultural heritage, burden of the past, the mobiles
and occidentalism. Noticeably, the two discourses having no substantial overlap are
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students in the Greek lyceum. By contrast, occidentalism is defined by an orientation to
the past, present and future that is critical, evaluative and multi-perspectival. Likewise,
this orientation to historical consciousness reflects the critical knowledge approach most
analysis. Thus, these are not static, impermeable categorizations; on the contrary, they
tensions.
…to put forward a new approach that highlights the complexities and richness of Greek
culture…a new approach to Neohellenism based on the notions of cultural hybridity and
dialogue…
—Prof. Dimitris Tziovas, University of Birmingham, U.K., 2001
The previous chapter examines the negotiation of official and critical knowledge
concluded that the explicit/implicit structure of these two forms of knowledge play a
reflective role in students’ orientation not only to specific topics of historical study, but in
the broader development of an historical consciousness among them. In turn, this chapter
attempts to apply this conclusion by identifying and describing five specific discourses,
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about Greece vis-à-vis Europe and the European Union. From the overall analysis, the
following conclusions are drawn. First, the discourses presented herein can be used to
discourses and student cultural identity. Second, there is evidence for an affirmative and
students’ experiences with the pedagogical methods associated with official and critical
among them. As a result, historical socialization, i.e., the processes and goals of history
instruction, influences attitudes in a highly complex system. Fourth, the copious overlap
in discourse use between the two groups and negative case examples within discourses
are likely due to students’ extended exposure to the Greek educational system and
relatively limited exposure to IB school history. It is likely that if these students continue
to learn via the IB way, beyond the two-year program at Anatolia, variations between
them and their counterparts in the lyceum will continue to grow. Similarly, if Anatolia
included an IB Middle Years Program for students in the gymnasium, the same result is
likely. The remainder of the chapter elaborates on these conclusions first by providing a
It has been established that young Greeks in both divisions at Anatolia express
various positions, attitudes and opinions in their associations with Greece, Europe and the
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European Union and students in each group accept and question taken-for-granted
to a European community, as illustrated in the diverse ways students talk about these
topics. This leads to the first conclusion; namely, the discourses presented herein can be
Modern Greek scholars often point out the tendency for studies of Greek culture
to separate diverse elements within the culture through neat oppositions (e.g., West/East,
modern). These tendencies regularly lead to distinct divisions between people and
an exercise central to this study, I suggest an approach that highlights the complexities
and richness of Greek culture. This approach does not presuppose “homogenization,
(Lambropoulos, 2001, p. 8). Therefore, the discourses used by Anatolia students are
imagined not as static or linear but as “dynamically flexible” and “with antithetical
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contradictions among these dynamic, competing discourses as students bring them
together temporarily at particular times and in particular contexts. In this way, the variety
For example, the discourse of common cultural heritage is situated around ideas
of similarity and exclusion alike. Students who utilize this discourse understand
among the same students reveal desires for the exclusion of certain European
communities that have historically been viewed with degradation in their own national
conceptions of “place” and physical geography whereas the mobiles discourse rejects
such an orientation. However, the same students comfortably use both discourses to
describe Greece’s position within the European Union. In the former, students emphasize
local understandings and insist upon a Greek understanding of Greece in a way that
Western Europe does not define it. At the same time, the latter places less emphasis on
the distinctive places in the European Union (e.g., nation-states) and highlights a more
contradictions within and between discourses, students comfortably move in and out of
them. Thus, in the construction of a modern Greek cultural identity among students, the
question of how to deal with these discontinuities is raised. In other words, how does one
understand that Greek students reject and accept many of the same concepts in an attempt
addressing this question. According to Lambropoulos, the term “syncretism” refers to:
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the cultural mixing of diverse beliefs and practices within a specific socio-
historical frame; to the congruity of dissent within such a frame, despite
differences of opinion; to the non-organic solidarity of heterodoxy which
constitutes a collective worldview; to the forging together of disparate,
often incompatible, elements from different systems; and to their
intermingling and blending (Lambropoulos, 2001, p. 225).
Articulated into a syncretic model, the five discourses identified and described are
imagined as contributing to students’ cultural identity. In other words, one may state
generally the following—that cultural identity among Greek students is described as the
past, autochthonous Hellenism, the mobiles and occidentalism, within a syncretic model
of mixture and heterogeneity. This model is understood as existing within the larger
understanding of cultural identity among Anatolia high school students and as mixing and
dynamic, active interactions between different discourses, all of which are related to ideas
respective people, institutions and cultures, yet the model does not suggest that identity
dominant notions of binary logic and likewise, provide an alternative approach to Greek
students at Anatolia. These students do not utilize one or another discourse, but one
and/or others to describe meanings of Europe, positions regarding the European Union
and attitudes about Greece vis-à-vis them. With the establishment of this model of
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cultural identity, I am able to address the issue of whether a collective European identity
Perhaps the European Union is prey to a permanent identity crisis with schools
acting as a perpetual fixture in the predicament. For European youth, the objective from
omnipresent. However, the means for achieving this objective remains undefined and the
responsibility for it has been delegated, since the1988 resolution, to individual member
states. The practical issue of examining this objective with young Europeans is an
important goal of this study. Likewise, the second conclusion suggests that there is a
basis for a European identity, a collective cultural identity, among students at Anatolia
College. Specifically, it is suggested that these students’ cultural identity is one by which
national identities are cast not as alternatives to a European identity, but as compatible
with it. As described by O’Neill (1996) in The Politics of European Integration, “the
boundaries between the domestic or national, and the regional or international milieux,
are replaced in this model by altogether more fluid transactional flows within and
identity among Anatolia College students, but it is a complex cultural identity that is
actively manifested through one or more of the discourses for a multitude of purposes,
including but not limited to: (1) justifying Greece’s membership in Europe and the
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European Union, (2) challenging that Greece’s ancient past is a metonym for modern
society, (3) living up to its past, (4) establishing local conceptions of modern Greece, (5)
making comparisons with the West, (6) engaging in the European space as non-territorial
and transnational, (7) challenging the myths of nationalism and all things Greek, and (8)
engaging with the past, present and future in political and critical ways. Ultimately, a
collective European identity among Anatolia students is related to how these discourses
reflect senses of belonging as well as how they are constructed against them.
Importantly, this form of collective European identity troubles assumptions about the
European space. Its complex characteristics warn that projects of unification not be set
young people a sense of European identity,” the complex form of collective European
Finally, one of the most important contributions that educational research can
make is that of relating students’ attitudes to the context of schooling (Arnove, 1999, p.
14). Thus, while case studies have their limits, their contribution to micro-level
understandings in different types of school settings has potential for describing and
processes. In turn, such research may be used to build upon existing collections of case
studies and generate new understandings and relationships in different settings (ibid.).
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The case study of Anatolia College presented in this study is unique and valuable for
school, it attracts students from many areas of Thessaloniki and other parts of northern
Greece. Thus, it is not a “typical” Greek school as it consists of a more diverse student
body than a usual neighborhood public school. This includes students from urban and
rural areas, from varying socio-economic contexts (although mostly from upper-middle
class economic standing), and some variation in ethnic and religious background,
although not much for the latter (see Section One: Biographical Information in Appendix
B). Second, it offers two programs of study for students in the lyceum: the Greek
national track and the International Baccalaureate Diploma program. This provides for
Finally, internationalism has long been considered important by the Anatolia community,
community.
The third and fourth conclusions of the study addresses this important
contribution to educational research and states that the processes and goals of history
difficult to pinpoint exactly why this is the case. However, it is suggested that it is not so
much curricular content that influence attitudes about culture and identity among
students, although this should not be negated as an influential component in the process.
More influential are the comprehensive, versatile ways in which students experience and
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Thus, they may be described as active authors in their own identity choices, but with the
official and critical knowledge operating in the classroom. Lyceum students are learning
to negotiate knowledge in ways to help them succeed in the system rather than for
knowledge. IB students are afforded more opportunities for the latter purpose. Taken
together, then, the presentation and negotiation of curricular content plays a pivotal role
Another clear influence of school history relates to the different strengths of the
two programs in place at the school. The structure of the Greek history curriculum is
well established, strong and leaves little room for variation when it comes to succeeding
in the system. History is not taught in a problematic way and students are invited only
unofficially to debate, challenge, argue and think about history topics from a personal,
critical perspective. What is asked of them is mainly to adhere to the ‘truth’ presented by
inquiries and interests. Ultimately, it is not easy for students in the Greek lyceum to
Herein, the school succeeds in acting as an ideological site of socialization. Surely, the
maintain the status quo. In turn, this status quo is reflected in the discourses that they
employ most frequently, i.e., common cultural heritage, burden of the past and
autochthonous Hellenism, and in the one they do not employ, i.e., the occidentalist
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discourse. That established, these students do have an awareness of the difference
between official and critical knowledge operating in the classroom and are learning to
negotiate it in ways to help them succeed in the system rather than for purposes of
norms also engender rebellion at the school. One of the most obvious forms of resisting
Like the lyceum, the IB has an equally strong and well-established educational program,
its 2004 graduating class compared to 176 in the lyceum counterpart, the IB has less of a
presence and thus, less of an influence in terms of number of students and duration of the
program (only the last two years of high school). In addition, although most students
have one or both parents that are Greek, there is a greater range of diversity among IB
in the national program (prior to entering the IB) reflect their use of the common cultural
heritage and burden of the past discourses, the former with slightly less frequency than
their lyceum counterparts. Conversely, their experiences in the IB program reflect the
frequent use of the occidentalism discourse. While both groups of students utilize the
Overall, the influence of the Greek national system is the dominant influence
among all students at Anatolia College. Despite claims by the school community and
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and a “European dimension” at the classroom level. In other words, students rarely refer
to American values in responses in any of our discussions and never in describing their
school. This is purely an administrative orientation, not manifested at the student level,
at least not in the contexts in which I observed. It may be more present in the school’s
formidable English program, wherein they teach American English language and
that there is no evidence of a European dimension filtering into the curriculum, at least
not in explicit terms. These two absences are also evidenced by the dominance of
national characteristics within the discourses described above. For example, of the five
discourses identified in the study, four of them have points of reference to national more
than international or transnational inspiration. Except for the mobiles discourse, which is
influence of Greek nationalism still present in the curriculum of the Greek lyceum. In
spite of this evidence, there are lucid examples of students challenging the dominant
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CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSIONS
In the preceding chapters, I present the readers with a narrative of how one
operates in today’s world. Generally, the study explores the relationship between
various discourses, the former as a major participant in the process. Specifically, the
study has been concerned with two distinct history education programs offered at the
school, one constructed around a national curriculum and the other around a non-national
historical consciousness. In doing so, the goal has been to provide a conceptualization of
cultural identity among these young Greeks in the context of Greek, European and
In the study, I analyze the ways in which students’ interpretations to the past,
understandings of the present and expectations for the future are mediated by historical
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Union—frame the discussion. This study contributes to studies of educational
ethnography in the context of national and transnational processes from the bottom up.
Introduction. These questions acted as a guide for the study and served as the framework
for the discussion. The first question explores how and why administrators at Anatolia
College define the institution’s educational philosophy. In interviews with three key
educational philosophy for the school. First, the presence of an international orientation
identifies Thessaloniki, the city in which the school is situated, as a politically and
culturally conservative city, making the maintenance between maintaining tradition and
pursuing change within the school an existing and complex project. Both of these themes
are reflected in students’ attitudes and in the discourses that they employ.
two forms of knowledge production are discernible in the school. Official knowledge, or
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Baccalaureate program. Thus, while the national history curriculum at the school
official knowledge, the non-national curriculum rejects this pedagogy in order to engage
practices in classrooms and exploring their influence with members of the educational
community there, it is revealed that both forms of knowledge operate in each program;
the dominant approach in explicit ways and the non-dominant approach in implicit ways
respectively. These two forms of knowledge production play a reciprocal role in the
development of historical consciousness among students in the College, i.e., how they
interpret the past, understand the present and their expectations for the future. This
conception of historical consciousness, in turn, was used to address the third research
question.
This question asks how Anatolia students talk about issues related to Europe,
European integration and Greece vis-à-vis them. In other words, what are discourses that
disparate, often incompatible ideas that intermingle and blend in complex ways. These
identity. As such, they reflect attitudes and opinions about their Greek and European
identity, one that takes on different forms and is influenced by school history in ways that
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The fourth research question invites discussion about a collective European
identity. In light of the European Union initiative to “strengthen in young people a sense
of European identity,” the study explores whether students at the school understand
themselves as both Greek and European. I am suggesting that Greek students’ cultural
identity is one by which national identities are cast not as alternatives to a European
identity, but as compatible with it. As a result, having a sense of belonging to a region or
community.
the Greek national system is the dominant influence among students at Anatolia College.
However, there are lucid examples of students challenging these dominant national
influences in part because history teachers in the lyceum creatively work within the
confines of a highly centralized educational system yet still create copious opportunities
for independent thought among students. Similarly, teachers in the IB generate a level of
critical thinking that is constructive and productive for students’ understanding of their
Although this study purports only to reach certain conclusions regarding the
relationship between school history and cultural identity among students at Anatolia
College, it is arguable that there are some generalizations about education and identity
that can be made in the European context. Jean Monnet, one of the original supporters of
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a united Europe, remarked, “If I had to start it all again, I would start with education”
(Convery et al, 1997). His comment alludes to the role that education can play in
influencing young minds. Although education has only recently come into focus in
Dimension in Education (1988) and Article 126 and 127 of the Maastricht Treat (1993), it
(ibid.). This study, therefore, contributes to that body of research concerned with
education in Europe and the European Union. Although a formal European dimension is
conspicuously absent at Anatolia College, the school has a long tradition of international-
mindedness, but like schools in many European countries, the dominance of the national
system is still present. Thus, it is a constructive educational site for investigating the
transnational processes currently taking place in the European Union from the oft-
Specifically, one of the most important goals of the study has been to approach
these processes from the perspective of cultural identity not as a static set of binary
oppositions, but as the cultural mixing of diverse beliefs and practices and as congruities
of dissent within such a context. As Lampropoulos states, this approach does not
part, in an effort to move productively beyond them by thinking differently about them.
language and geography. Thus, the concept that the European Community is fashioned as
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a post-national space implies the cultivation of ‘common interests’ (Gourgouris, 1992).
Such cultivation cannot take place without establishing standards to which all members
aspire. There are obvious complications with this assumption; chiefly, the issue of how
Europe must reproduce ‘the people’ as Europeans. In other words, the messiness in the
assumption of a transnational Europe is how to make the people who are already
power. This orientation is based on traditions of legal thought and practice traced back to
the institutions of Roman law.48 Indeed, it appears that without consistent relations with
the institutions of Law and State, unity is unrealizable. Advocating Roman law as the
guardian of European identity raises many questions, namely, how is this new European
identity project going to contend with all those people who do not share this particular
legal legacy (Gourgouris, 1992, p. 52)? And, is there room for antagonistic, which is not
to say incompatible, European identities? From the educational level, this study suggests
48
A debatable position on the orientation of European jurisprudence is that it is based on the tradition of
legal thought and practice that is traced back to the institutions of Roman law. For Carl Schmitt (1944;
1990), Roman law stands as the prototype of a common language that binds the social-geographical space
identified as Europe, a language arising (and this is the key) out of the various histories of application and
interpretation of law over the centuries (Gourgouris, 1992, p. 51).
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Contributions to the Field of Comparative and International Education
Although the study has been descriptive rather than prescriptive, the study also
contributes specific and general research to the field of comparative and international
potential benefits of the research to the participants. Thus, the study provides Anatolia
College with research about their students as actors in a changing Europe, and therefore
environment. Specifically, knowledge about how Greece’s youth understand and situate
themselves with regard to European current affairs have emerged and, in turn, reveal to
the school how their history education programs are responding to European Union
Broadly, knowledge gained from the study, grounded in the voices of students and
the experience of the classroom, adds fresh perspectives to the existing pool of
context. With the deficiency in knowledge about the experience of schooling itself, a
perspectives will contribute to the development of new goals for teaching history in
Europe, goals that reject history education as a place for the cultivation of ethnocentric
ideas and accept the responsibility of history education as a subject that can be taught
from a national or a non-national approach through which differences are recognized and
respected, rights are acknowledged, collaboration is learned and practiced, and new
perspectives are taught. These ideas take shape with teachers and students in the
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classroom and I believe it is in this direction, from student voice to policy
implementation, that the educational system in Greece and elsewhere in Europe must
begin to move for effective educational influences and responsibilities to take shape.
The final question asks us what are the difficult questions that may result from an
ethnographic case study of Anatolia College. This invites us to explore the aporias, or
stuck places, as I have employed the word, resulting from the study. Viewed as a
descriptive analysis, this research has yielded some interesting conclusions, some of them
conforming to previous research and some of them contributing new perspectives to the
more comparative contribution to the field of education in Europe. This includes both
qualitative and quantitative methods, as both are constructive forms of data collection.
This study, in fact, is suitable for generating supposition and possibilities and has mainly
mechanisms which produce and reproduce representations of self obviously are not only
found in schools. While this study examines only processes in the school setting, and
only in the history classrooms, there are other extremely important socio-cultural factors
to consider. For example, issues of gender, family influence, varying parental ethnicities,
socio-economic class (although a high SES among students was made evident), travel
experience, media influence, and other school subjects were not addressed directly in the
study. Beyond the classroom, in their homes, on their television screens, and in their
206
general non-school activities, the complexities of these issues are being mediated. With
more detailed attention on these areas, further understandings are surely to be made.
Baccalaureate program in other schools in Greece, all of which are in the Athens area, as
well as programs in other parts of Europe and beyond. With some comparative analysis
national history program on students. This study suggests that Anatolia IB students have
more opportunities for critical knowledge production and thus are developing a historical
consciousness that is just slightly more progressive in character than their counterparts in
the Greek lyceum. Perhaps this is due to their short exposure to the IB pedagogical
methods. Thus, empirical studies involving students who have participated in the
Primary Years Program (ages 3-12) and/or the Middle Years Program (ages 11-16) in
addition to the Diploma Program (last two years of high school) have the potential of
yielding more interesting results regarding the IB program in general and its specific
Greeks should not be understated. The findings of this study do not purport to provide
general characteristics of all young Greeks. However, the findings would be made more
Greece, both public and private, as well as insights from individuals from the Greek
conduct a similar study at Athens College, a school very similar to Anatolia College.
Both share similar Greek and American roots, have IB Diploma programs and the
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mission statement for each school is comparable in many respects. Thus, it is a
potentially productive site for examining the same issue of school history and cultural
identity, but with further emphasis on differences within Greece (e.g., between the two
largest cities and between the regions of a Macedonia and Attica) and ties with the United
Greece (e.g., the Balkan region and the FYROM issue) that will undoubtedly provide
education and Europe and to Greece as a Balkan state in the European Union and
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APPENDIX A
STUDENT QUESTIONNAIRE
209
Anatolia College Student Questionnaire
NOTE: Students were given the choice to complete the questionnaire in Greek or
English. Most chose to complete it in Greek. This is the English translation.
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10. To which religious community do you belong?
c. Orthodox
d. Protestant
e. Jewish
f. Catholic
g. Islamic
h. Other _____________________________________________________________
11. At a rough guess, how many books are there in your home?
a. up to 10
b. 11 to 50
c. 51 to 200
d. 200 to 500
e. more than 500
SECTION TWO: IN THIS SECTION, USE THE SCALES GIVEN TO RANK EACH IDEA IN
EACH OF THE QUESTIONS. DO NOT LEAVE ANY LINES BLANK!
14. In your opinion, what importance have the following GOALS of learning history?
1 = very little, 2 = little, 3 = some, 4 = much, 5 = very much
_____ a. Knowledge of the past
_____ b. Understanding of the present
_____ c. Orientation for the future
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15. What presentations of history do you TRUST?
1 = very little, 2 = little, 3 = some, 4 = much, 5 = very much
_____ a. School textbooks
_____ b. Primary source documents
_____ c. Historical novels
_____ d. Films about historical events
_____ e. TV documentaries
_____ f. Teachers telling
_____ g. Other adults (e.g. parents, grandparents) telling
_____ h. Museums and historical sites
17. If you could decide what to teach in your history classes at Anatolia, how important would
these HISTORICAL METHODS be to you? In other words, how would you like to learn
history?
1 = very little, 2 = little, 3 = some, 4 = much, 5 = very much
_____ a. To seek knowledge about the main facts in history
_____ b. To morally judge historical events according to the standards of human and civil rights
_____ c. To compare different perspectives of the same events
_____ d. To understand the behaviors of past persons by reconstructing the special situations
and contemporary thoughts of the period when they lived
_____ e. To use history to explain the situations in the world today and to find out the
tendencies of change
_____ f. To learn to acknowledge the traditions, characteristics, and values of the Greek nation
_____ g. To examine how ancient Greece influences modern societies
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_____ b. It is the finest legacy of classical Greece.
_____ c. It is the result of a long process of trial and error through time
_____ d. It is no more than acclaim for some party leaders in elections
_____ e. It is rule by law and justice and protection of minorities
_____ f. It is a pretense, hiding the fact that the rich and powerful have always won in history
_____ g. It is not real until women and men have equal rights in all situations
19. How much interest do you have in the history of these GEOGRAPHICAL AREAS?
1 = very little, 2 = little, 3 = some, 4 = much, 5 = very much
_____ a. The history of Anatolia College
_____ b. The history of Thessaloniki
_____ c. The history of Macedonia
_____ d. The history of Greece
_____ e. The history of Europe
_____ f. The history of regions outside Europe
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_____ c. European integration is the only way to peace between nations that previously attempted to
destroy one another
_____ d. European integration is a danger to sovereign nations, especially to their identity and culture
_____ e. European integration will solve the economic and social crises of the countries in Europe
_____ f. The European Union will always be dominated by a few powerful nation-states
23. What does Greece’s membership in the EUROPEAN UNION mean to you?
1 = totally disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = undecided, 4 = agree, 5 = totally agree
_____ a. Greece has always been a part of Western Europe so it’s natural to be an E.U. member
_____ b. Ancient Greek ideals are shared by all E.U. countries and bind them culturally
_____ c. Greece will benefit economically from its membership in the E.U.
_____ d. It is a guarantee of democratic government
_____ e. Like other small E.U. countries, Greece is in danger of losing its cultural identity
_____ f. Unlike older generations, Greek youth are developing a more European identity
_____ g. The most important contribution that Greece brings to the E.U. is its rich historical past
_____ h. It would be better for Greeks if Greece left the E.U.
24. After 1989, many people have talked about the ‘return’ of the BALKANS to Europe. What are your
views on the Balkans?
1 = totally disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = undecided, 4 = agree, 5 = totally agree
_____ a. Forty years of cold war has isolated the Balkans from Western Europe
_____ b. Greece is a model for other Balkan countries
_____ c. Greece is more a part of the Balkan community than the E.U. community
_____ d. The collapse of the Soviet Union changed the perceptions of the past and the ways of writing
history in the Balkans
_____ e. The Balkans represent the future of Europe
_____ f. Today, people living in the Balkans are unified
25. In War and Peace, written in the 1860s, Leo Tolstoy wrote that as historians of different
nationalities begin describing the same event, history simply becomes a series of
contradictions. What do you think about his belief?
1 = totally disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = undecided, 4 = agree, 5 = totally agree
_____ a. He is wrong. There must be a correct history that is agreed upon by everyone
_____ b. Writing over 130 years ago, Tolstoy’s ideas about history are outdated
_____ c. It is okay that history is full of contradictions
_____ d. History can never be one set of facts about the past because the facts are always
interpretations by some person or group of people
_____ e. Tolstoy’s beliefs about history were greatly influenced by the time and place in which
he lived (Russia in the 19th century)
_____ f. Tolstoy is right because history is constantly being rewritten by each new generation
214
26. People often see history as a line in time. Which of the following lines would you think best
describes history? (CHOOSE ONLY ONE LINE IN THIS QUESTION!)
27. On May 1, 2004, ten European countries will join the European Union (Estonia, Latvia,
Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, Cyprus and Malta). What
is your attitude about this ENLARGEMENT of the EU?
_____ a. With the expansion, the EU will be transformed from a posh club of like-minded
nations to a mixture of countries differing in wealth and perspective.
_____ b. It is an historic event that will push Europe into a post-national era where the
divide between domestic and foreign policy is being erased and borders are
increasingly irrelevant.
_____ c. A European constitution is an important step for the smooth functioning of the EU
after enlargement.
_____ d. It has been said, “In the West, Europe is a project. In the East, it is a memory.” With
this expansion, Europeans want to make Europe whole again.
_____ f. ‘Realpolitik’, which holds that nations should not interfere in one another’s internal
affairs, is still the most useful arrangement for preserving distinct national cultures.
_____ g. Greece should create strict laws limiting immigration from new member states (ex:
impose restrictions to keep out Eastern workers for several years).
_____ h. Opening the door to these new countries will take away money from Greece
and intensify our own economic problems.
_____ i. No matter how global the EU becomes, Greeks will always retain a strong sense
of national identity, traditions, and love for Greece.
215
APPENDIX B
216
Note: All responses have been translated into English for this Appendix
217
Drama (Greece): 2
Lesvos/Mitilini (Greece): 1
Karditsa (Greece): 2
Neoharouda (Greece): 1
No Answer: 2
Thessaloniki for the moment but usually Romania: 1
My father typically lives in Greece Salonica but he is always abroad
for business: 1
Father: Greek 74
Romanian 1
British 1
Bulgarian 1
American 1
Russian 1
Palestinian 1
No Answer 1
11. At a rough guess, how many books are there in your home?
a. up to 10 0
b. 11 to 50 8
c. 51 to 200 22
d. 200 to 500 25
e. more than 500 24
No Answer 2
219
I don’t know 1
No Answer 4
49
Mean scores are figured from a range of 1-5, with lower scores denoting negative responses
(disagreement, seldom, very little) and higher scores denoting positive responses (agreement, often, very
much), depending on the question. A score of “3” always denotes neutral responses (undecided or some).
Generally, scores under 3.00 are interpreted as negative responses to the question and scores over 3.00 are
interpreted as positive responses. In addition, R = Regular Greek Lykeion Students and IB = International
Baccalaureate Program Students.
220
b. Various perspectives depending upon who is telling them
R: 2.58
IB: 3.24
d. Something dead and gone, which has nothing to do with my present life
R: 1.53
IB: 2.10
14. In your opinion, what importance have the following GOALS of learning
history?
1 = very little, 2 = little, 3 = some, 4 = much, 5 = very much
a. Knowledge of the past
R: 4.08
IB: 4.29
221
c. Orientation for the future
R: 3.28
IB: 3.10
c. Historical novels
R: 2.30
IB: 2.86
e. TV documentaries
R: 3.57
IB: 3.38
f. Teachers telling
R: 3.23
IB: 3.38
222
b. We are informed of what is good or bad, right or wrong in history
R: 2.37
IB: 2.00
17. If you could decide what to teach in your history classes at Anatolia, how
important would these HISTORICAL METHODS be to you? In other words,
how would you like to learn history?
1 = very little, 2 = little, 3 = some, 4 = much, 5 = very much
a. To seek knowledge about the main facts in history
R: 3.90
IB: 3.67
223
b. To morally judge historical events according to the standards of human
and civil rights
R: 3.59
IB: 3.33
e. To use history to explain the situations in the world today and to find out
the tendencies of change
R: 3.67
IB: 3.43
f. It is a pretense, hiding the fact that the rich and powerful have always won in
history
R: 2.75
IB: 2.57
g. It is not real until women and men have equal rights in all situations
R: 3.95
IB: 3.48
19. How much interest do you have in the history of these GEOGRAPHICAL
AREAS?
1 = very little, 2 = little, 3 = some, 4 = much, 5 = very much
a. The history of Anatolia College
R: 2.38
IB: 2.19
225
20. What are your views on the NATION?
1 = totally disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = undecided, 4 = agree, 5 = totally agree
a. Nations are born, grow and perish in history, just like everything else
R: 2.26
IB: 3.48
b. Nations are natural entities, unified by common origin, language, history and
culture
R: 3.95
IB: 3.67
e. National groups have the right to go to war to make their own state
R: 2.25
IB: 2.43
226
d. An identity that is non-American, non-Asian, and non-African
R: 3.25
IB: 2.62
f. A supplementary identity which does not aspire to be the dominant identity for
anybody
R: 3.78
IB: 3.43
c. European integration is the only way to peace between nations that previously
attempted to destroy one another
R: 3.20
IB: 2.95
e. European integration will solve the economic and social crises of the countries in
Europe
R: 2.80
IB: 3.27
b. Ancient Greek ideals are shared by all E.U. countries and bind them culturally
R: 3.13
IB: 2.67
e. Like other small E.U. countries, Greece is in danger of losing its cultural identity
R: 2.73
IB: 2.76
f. Unlike older generations, Greek youth are developing a more European identity
R: 3.58
IB: 3.14
g. The most important contribution that Greece brings to the E.U. is its rich
historical past
R: 1.65
IB: 2.52
24. After 1989, many people have talked about the ‘return’ of the BALKANS to
Europe. What are your views on the Balkans?
1 = totally disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = undecided, 4 = agree, 5 = totally agree
a. Forty years of cold war has isolated the Balkans from Western Europe
R: 3.57
IB: 3.24
228
b. Greece is a model for other Balkan countries
R: 3.60
IB: 2.95
c. Greece is more a part of the Balkan community than the E.U. community
R: 2.45
IB: 3.00
d. The collapse of the Soviet Union changed the perceptions of the past and the
ways of writing history in the Balkans
R: 3.30
IB: 3.29
25. In War and Peace, written in the 1860s, Leo Tolstoy wrote that as historians
of different nationalities begin describing the same event, history simply
becomes a series of contradictions. What do you think about his belief?
1 = totally disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = undecided, 4 = agree, 5 = totally agree
a. He is wrong. There must be a correct history that is agreed upon by
everyone
R: 2.33
IB: 2.14
b. Writing over 130 years ago, Tolstoy’s ideas about history are outdated
R: 2.03
IB: 1.95
d. History can never be one set of facts about the past because the facts are
always interpretations by some person or group of people
R: 3.72
IB: 3.81
229
e. Tolstoy’s beliefs about history were greatly influenced by the time and
place in which he lived (Russia in the 19th century)
R: 3.42
IB: 3.19
26. People often see history as a line in time. Which of the following lines would
you think best describes history? (CHOOSE ONLY ONE LINE IN THIS
QUESTION!)
230
27. On May 1, 2004, ten European countries will join the European Union (Estonia,
Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, Cyprus, and
Malta). What is your attitude abouit this ENLARGEMENT of the EU?
b. It is an historic event that will push Europe into a post-national era where the
divide between domestic and foreign policy is being erased and borders are
increasingly irrelevant.
R: 3.08
IB: 3.63
d. It has been said, “In the West, Europe is a project. In the East, it is a memory.”
With this expansion, Europeans want to make Europe whole again.
R: 3.46
IB: 3.00
f. ‘Realpolitik’, which holds that nations should not interfere in one another’s
internal affairs, is still the most useful arrangement for preserving distinct national
cultures.
R: 3.59
IB: 3.00
g. Greece should create strict laws limiting immigration from new member states
(ex: impose restrictions to keep out Eastern workers for several years).
R: 3.11
IB: 3.75
h. Opening the door to these new countries will take away money from Greece and
intensify our own economic problems.
R: 3.11
IB: 2.38
231
i. No matter how global the EU becomes, Greeks will always retain a strong sense of
national identity, traditions, and love for Greece.
R: 4.00
IB: 3.13
(Question #27):
One student wrote in on this question: Dev exw problnma me tnv evtoksn perissoterwv
kratwv stnv E.E.
One student responded by both rating the statements (as asked) and writing in his own
responses to some of the statements. Following are his ratings and his own responses.
a. 3
b. 2 “Panta tha iparhei i ektasi enos kratous kai aftos odiahorismos”
Translation: There are always going to be the space of a state and that will work
as a separating point. (Greece is going to be what it is and you will have to go into
Greece. In other words, Europe will never be like the U.S. in terms of state
borders.)
c. 4 “An then ginei auto, ola ta kratoi tha droun opos theloun.”
Translation: If this doesn’t happen, all of the States will act however they want.
d. 3
e. 2 “Auti i apopsi epikrati tora alla mporei eukola na anatrapei.”
Translation: This is the current opinion, but it can easily change.
f. 3 “Sosto omos idi exoun paremvei ta krati se upothesei allov kratwv.”
Translation: Correct but already states have interfered in the affairs of other
states.
g. 3
h. 3 “Isws omos ginoun kai eisagoges apo alles xores.”
Translation: But perhaps there will also be importations from other countries.
i. 5
Another student writes in the following response and points to the first statement (a):
Sumfovo apoluta me tin parakato apopsi pistevo omos pos vasikos stoxos autis tis
dieurinsis einai to oikonomiko kerdos.” Translation: I totally agree with the statement
below but I believe that the main goal of this expansion is economic profit. She did not
rate this sub-section.
232
APPENDIX C
LETTERS TO PARTICIPANTS
233
November 2002
Dear Students,
My name is Robin Giampapa and I am a doctoral candidate in the United States at Ohio
State University. I am researching history education in the European Union. Before
beginning my Ph.D. program, I taught Ancient and Modern World History for six years
in a private college preparatory school for girls. Currently, I hold Bachelor and Master’s
degrees in Education and Multicultural Studies from Ohio State University.
During the first half of the 2002-2003 academic year, I will be doing research at your
school for my dissertation. I am interested in how students at Anatolia understand
history. When I finish, all of my research will be made available to the school as a
published Ph.D. dissertation for reflection and insight about Anatolia College in Greece
and the European Union. Thereafter, I will revise my research for publication as a book.
While at your school, I will be observing classrooms and school activities, doing
interviews with students and faculty, and looking at the textbooks that you use in class.
In addition, I will give a questionnaire to a sample of volunteering students. If you
decide to participate, I will ask to interview you in a small group or one-on-one for about
20 minutes and/or I will ask you to take a 20-minute questionnaire. I will arrange
interview times that are convenient for you, either during the school day or after school.
During any interview, I will only audiotape it with your approval and I will not use your
real name in my written publications in order to protect your identity. Also, you will
always have the opportunity to review what you said to insure that you are comfortable
with it.
Participation in this study is completely voluntary and if you decide to take part in it, you
are free to withdraw your consent and stop participation at any time. In addition, your
parents/guardians must sign a form to give you permission to participate.
Sincerely,
Robin Giampapa
234
November 2002
Dear Parents,
My name is Robin Giampapa and I am a doctoral candidate in the United States at Ohio
State University. I am studying comparative and international education in Europe and
the United States. Generally, I am interested in the role of historical knowledge in an
increasingly global world. Before beginning my Ph.D. program, I taught Ancient and
Modern World History for six years in a private college preparatory school for girls.
Currently, I hold Bachelor and Master’s degrees in Education and Multicultural Studies
from Ohio State University.
During the first half of the 2002-2003 academic year, I will conduct a case study of the
lyceum at Anatolia College for my dissertation. Broadly, I am examining in the role that
educational institutions play in the processes of European integration. Specifically, my
research will focus on the ways in which teachers and students at Anatolia College
understand and cultivate cultural identity, historical consciousness and ideas about the
European Union within their school community. Findings from the project will be made
available as a published Ph.D. dissertation for reflection and insight about Anatolia
College within the contexts of Greece and the European Union. Thereafter, I intend to
revise my case study for publication as a book.
The study will involve observations of classrooms and school activities, interviews with
students and faculty, and analysis of school documents. In addition, a questionnaire will
be administered to a sample of volunteering students. If your child should decide to
participate, I will ask to interview her/him (approximately 20 minutes) and/or take a 20-
minute questionnaire. No other time outside the school day will be required except when
it is more convenient for your child to meet after the school day. If we do sit down for an
interview, it will only be audiotaped with your child’s and your consent.
All data from the study will be confidential and securely stored at all times. Any
disclosure of information from the study will use pseudonyms in order to protect your
child’s identity. As stated in the enclosed consent form, participation in this study is
completely voluntary and if your child decides to take part in it, he/she is free to
withdraw consent and discontinue participation at any time.
If your child decides to participate, please complete and return the enclosed consent form
in the envelope provided. Keep the extra copy for your own record. If you have any
questions, please feel free to contact me at 0945-974-817 or giampapa.4@osu.edu.
Sincerely,
Robin Giampapa
235
October 2002
Dear Faculty,
I have had the pleasure of meeting many of you already. As I continue to become
acquainted with each of you, I would like to share a few things about my self and my
research. As you may know, I am a doctoral candidate in the United States at Ohio State
University. I am studying comparative and international education in Europe. Generally,
I am interested in the role of historical knowledge in an increasingly global world.
Before beginning my Ph.D. program, I taught Ancient and Modern World History for six
years in a private college preparatory school for girls. This school, similar to Anatolia
College in philosophy and mission, has contributed notably to my familiarity with and
experience in private education. Currently, I hold Bachelor and Master’s degrees in
Education and Multicultural Studies respectively from Ohio State University.
During the first half of the 2002-2003 academic year, I will conduct a case study of the
lyceum at Anatolia College for my dissertation. Broadly, I am examining the role that
educational institutions play in the processes of European integration. Specifically, my
research will focus on the ways in which teachers and students at Anatolia College
understand and cultivate a cultural identity, historical consciousness and ideas about the
European Union within their school community. The formal parameters of my project
focus on teachers of history, but insight from other faculty is ardently welcome.
Information gained from the study may illuminate attitudes and perceptions of students
and teachers and may contribute to descriptions of your current educational environment.
In addition, findings from the project will be made available to participants both during
the research process and as a published Ph.D. dissertation for reflection and insight about
the situatedness of Anatolia College in Greece and the European Union.
The study will involve participant observation of classrooms and school activities,
interviews with students and faculty, and an exploration of available school documents.
In addition, a questionnaire, informed by initial findings from the study, will be
administered to a sample of students in the lyceum. If you should decide to participate, I
will ask to observe students in your class and/or conduct a 30-minute interview with you.
If we do sit down for an interview, it will only be audio-taped with your consent.
All data from the study will be coded to ensure confidentiality and securely stored at all
times. Any disclosure of information from the study will use pseudonyms in order to
protect your identity. Moreover, you will have the opportunity to review sections of draft
reports to insure that you are comfortable with the ways in which you are represented.
Participation in this dissertation study is completely voluntary and if you decide to take
part in it, you are completely free to withdraw your consent and discontinue your
participation at any time. I look forward to working with you at Anatolia this year.
Sincerely,
Robin Giampapa
236
Outline of Dissertation Research Study at Anatolia College
Robin Giampapa
The Ohio State University
Columbus, Ohio USA
October 2002
I. Introduction
A united Europe presupposes critical challenges for the future, including issues related to the preservation
of cultural identity, educating for unification, and the ascendancy of the West. Equally, research
concerning history education and attitudes of youth in the European context has been rather limited,
focusing mainly on theoretical questions rather than ethnographic research (Dragonas and Frangoudaki
2000). The project entitled Youth and History: A Comparative European Survey on Historical
Consciousness and Political Attitudes Among Adolescents is a recent empirical study dedicated to
examining historical and political culture of European teenagers (Angvik and von Borries 1997). In it,
32,000 teens in 27 European countries, including Greece, participated in a questionnaire that attempted to
operationalize the concept of historical consciousness (understandings of the present, interpretations of the
past, and perspectives on the future) (Nielsen 1997).
This research project asks for further consideration in the area of historical consciousness and provides
significant data to work within, against, and beyond. Specifically, the distinctive qualities of the Greek data
appear both promising and contradictory. Based on the assumption that the processes of globalization, of
which the European Union is one subject, do not sweep away all before them and homogenize everything,
research in local school communities with cross-nationally minded missions becomes a valuable field of
research. Consequentially, local structures and institutions, processes and practices, especially those related
to education, are perhaps crucial to and necessary for the cooperation of a global community.
Simply stated, the purpose is to critically examine three challenges facing Greece vis-à-vis European
integration—(1) cultural identity, (2) education for unification, and (3) the power of the ideological West.
Theoretically, my research focuses on perceptions of, socialization to, and influences on historical
knowledge. It walks along the border between two questions: “How do we perceive and propagate our
perceptions of history?” and via this question, “Do our perceptions of history become a stimulus for a
ritualized process of nationalism?”
237
III. Research Questions
With the development of the European Union, the idea of sovereign national curricula is being challenged.
A concrete manifestation of this challenge in Europe is known as the European dimension in education
(Brock and Tulasiewicz 1994, 2000). With this in mind, four general questions provide the guiding
framework of my study.
a. European Union: Is a European dimension, broadly defined as the development of a spirit of European
collaboration and comradeship among European youth, being manifested in history education at
Anatolia College? If so, How? To what extent? With what effects?
b. Student Identity: In the historical development of nation-states, schools have been one site for
cultivating national identity. However, globalization theory suggests the erosion of national forces,
including specific identity attachments, as cultures and boundaries become radically transformed.
How is this debate envisioned and/or formulated at Anatolia College (as a local and an educational
setting)? Specifically, what are features of student identity at Anatolia?
c. Historical Consciousness: What are Anatolia students’ perceptions of historical knowledge and
methods? How do they interpret their past and understand their present, and what are their expectations
for the future with respect to Europe?
d. Critical Analysis: What critical questions may result from a study of historical research and history
education at Anatolia College and how can such questions be useful, dangerous, seductive, productive
for the school? For the field of European history education? For history education in a global world?
238
Student Questionnaire: 20-minute, take-home questionnaire
From the varied perceptual responses in the in-depth interviews, I will create a questionnaire to give to a sample of
students at Anatolia. The purpose is to have some element of representativeness and comparability to other data
gathered in order to explore continuities, discontinuities, patterns, and perceptions on a more quantitative scale.
School Documents: Mission and Philosophy Statement, History Curricula (regular and IB), History
Textbooks, Student Reading Lists, Anatolia Histories (Stephens’, Compton), Other (such as school newsletters,
student newspapers, school website, etc.).
Field Observations: I propose to spend several months at Anatolia College observing and interacting with
students, faculty and administrators in order to gather detailed, descriptive field notes. Because superior
ethnographic fieldwork calls for prolonged exposure to the environment of study, my plan is to spend up to
6 months in Thessaloniki. Thus, a minimum of 20 and a maximum of 50 field observations in the school
are preferred. This includes days filled by observing classes in action, observing other aspects of the school
environment and talking to those in the Anatolia community. Ultimately, the time and duration of each
observation is at the discretion and convenience of faculty and administration.
Interviews: I have created interview questions to guide individual and/or group discussions with students,
history and literature teachers/professors and several administrators. Overall, the interviews are intended to
elicit stories, ask open-ended questions, and provide the opportunity for unexpected avenues of thought
from participants. These interviews should be conducted with student, faculty and members of the
administration on a voluntary basis and should be conducted during times other than classroom instruction
time (for students and faculty). This may include time during independent study periods, before or after
school, or during school breaks.
Questionnaire: From the varied perceptual responses in the in-depth interviews, I will create a grounded
questionnaire to give to a sample of students at Anatolia. From the questionnaire, I mean to gather
biographical information, elicit perceptions of European unity, Greek nationalism and history, ask students
to categorize, prioritize, and procure varied responses from open-ended and closed-ended question types.
The purpose of the questionnaire is to have some element of representativeness and comparability to other
data gathered, not necessarily to make broad generalizations, as this is not the purpose of my case study,
but rather to explore continuities and/or discontinuities that may be present in Greek students’ perceptions
about their own history education and attitudes about Greece in Europe.
Document Analysis: To compare observational data with ideas and perceptions of a European dimension at
Anatolia College, it is important to do archival work. This includes document analysis of several European
Union treaties, including the Schuman Plan (1950), the Rome Treaties (1957), the Maastricht Treaty
(1993), the Amsterdam Treaty (1997), and the SOCRATES programme for education (1995-1999 & 2000-
2006), and various UNESCO programs. Equally, indispensable documents include the mission statement
of Anatolia College, history textbooks, curricular guides and published histories of the school.
1. To increase awareness of Anatolia students’ perceptions about and goals for their history education.
2. To use such awareness as useful directives for collaborating with the institution as a whole in
responding to the needs of the student body and for building and maintaining a vanguard
position in the larger context of European education.
3. To generate ethnographic descriptions of students’ cultural worlds and processes of self-definition.
4. To use these descriptions in tandem with EU education initiatives to assess how students at Anatolia
are responding to external influences (within Greece and abroad) as they relate to secondary education.
5. To use the project’s focus on what students identify as important in their own worlds to draw
educators (teachers, administrators, researchers) closer to the concerns of the young people at
Anatolia, and, to the extent possible, translate research findings into professional development
activities.
6. To engage with school faculty and administrators in mutual professional development
activities during and after the research, and to assist with school classes, programs and
objectives in ways that they see fit.
VII. Post-Research
On a professional level, an intended outcome of my research at Anatolia College is the formation of critical
questions concerning the nature and role of historical knowledge and history education in a globally
evolving world. These are questions that I foresee addressing in an academic career in comparative and
international education upon receiving my Ph.D. Thus, as a first action, I plan to revise my Ph.D.
dissertation for publication as a book. This is in direct relation to my goal of continuing to cultivate a
research partnership with the Anatolia, both in the interest of promoting the school’s needs and my own
professional demands for ongoing scholarly dialogue regarding European history education. Overall, an
integral and obligatory part of ethnographic research today is to maintain a responsibility towards the
cooperating institution. Thus, the interests of Anatolia College are continually at the forefront of my work.
240
APPENDIX D
CONSENT FORMS
241
THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY
Principal Investigator: Dr. Robert F. Lawson, Supervising Professor, The Ohio State University
I consent to my child’s participation in dissertation research being conducted by Robin Giampapa of The
Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, USA.
Ms. Giampapa has explained the purpose of the study, the procedures that will be followed, and the amount
of time it will take. This has been accomplished through a verbal introduction to my child at Anatolia
College and in the accompanying letter. Correspondingly, I understand how the collected data will be used
for this study.
I know that my child can choose not to participate without penalty to him/her. If my child agrees to
participate, he/she can withdraw from the study at any time, and there will be no penalty.
I can contact Robin Giampapa by leaving a message in the office at Anatolia College or via her mobile
phone in Greece: 0945-974-817 or E-mail: Giampapa.4@osu.edu. I have had time to contact Robin to ask
questions and to obtain answers to my questions. If I have questions about my child’s rights as a research
participant, I can call the Office of Research Risks Protection at 001-614-688-4792 in the United States.
I have read this form or I have had it read to me. I sign it freely and voluntarily. A copy has been given to
me.
HS-027 (Rev. 05/01) (To be used only in connection with social and behavioral research.)
242
THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY
Principal Investigator: Dr. Robert F. Lawson, Supervising Professor, The Ohio State University
I consent to participating in dissertation research being conducted by Robin Giampapa of The Ohio State
University.
I agree to allow my class to be observed and/or myself to be interviewed. I understand that interviews will
only be audiotaped with my consent, and that all data gathered from the study will be kept in a secure
location with access by Robin Giampapa only. Robin has explained the purpose of the study, the
procedures to be followed, and the expected duration of my participation. Possible benefits of the study
have been described, and I acknowledge that I have the opportunity to obtain additional information
regarding the study at any time. Furthermore, I understand that I am free to withdraw consent at any time
and to discontinue participation in the study without prejudice to me.
Finally, I acknowledge that I have read and fully understand the consent form. I sign it freely and
voluntarily.
____________________________________________________ ________________________
Participant’s Signature Date
___________________________________________ ___________________
Principal Investigator or his authorized representative Date
243
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Arnove, R.F. and Torres, C.A., Eds. (1999). Comparative education: The dialectics of
the global and the local. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
Avdela, E. (1997). Hronos, istoria kai ethniki taftotita sto elliniko sholeio. (Time, history
and ethnic identity in the Greek school). In T. Dragonas and A. Frangoudaki
(Eds.), Ti ein’i patrida mas: Ethnokentrismos stin ekpaidevsi (What is our
fatherland: Ethnocentrism in education). (pp.49-71). Athina: Alexandreia. (in
Greek).
244
Avdela, E. (2000). The Teaching of history in Greece. Journal of modern Greek studies.
18 (2), 239-253.
Brock, C. and Tulasiewicz, W., Eds. (2000). Education in a single Europe. London:
Routledge.
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