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Culture in development policies and planning strategies of small and Medium-sized European cities: a

comparative analysis
Elisabete Caldeira Neto Tomaz
INTELI
Elisabete.tomaz@gmail.com
Av. Conselheiro Fernando de Sousa, nº 11 – 4º, 1070-072 Lisboa, PORTUGAL
Ph.D. student in Sociology at CIES-IUL (Centre for Research and Studies in Sociology), my research
was partly funded by FCT (government body responsible for financing and evaluating the Portuguese
scientific system). I am also collaborating with INTELI, a think tank in Lisbon, in several European
and national projects and networks related with development policies and cultural/creative policies. I
am involved in the COST Action “Investigating Cultural Sustainability” developing a case study
research.

Abstract
In the past decades, many European cities, facing important socio-economic and political changes,
started to implement culture based policies and strategies to achieve development goals. The
integration of culture in urban planning and development policies was usually seen as instrumental, as
result, in large part, from an overlap of economic agenda and the formulation of cultural policies.
However, there is, increasingly, the awareness that culture should be an integral part of cities’
development as a way to promote a more sustainable development.
Great part of academic literature tend to focus on development processes that are taking place in large
cities and metropolis, neglecting the initiatives experimented in many small and medium-sized cities
(SMSC). Although, it is acknowledged that these urban centres, particularly those in intermediate and
rural regions have an important role in European spatial planning. The research here presented aims to
contribute to a wider comprehension about the culture’ role in development through a comparative
and in-depth analysis of case studies to which correspond different socio-economic models and
related value system. It is examined the strategies and initiatives carried out in five SMSC in distinct
European countries. The investigation followed a relational approach focused on the political
processes, the main actors involved (or excluded) and the specificities of the local contexts where they
occur.
Keywords: cultural policies, culture based development, urban planning, small and medium sized-
cities
Word Count:

Introduction

In the last decades, a range of politico-economic occurrences coincident with technological advances
marked the development of European cities and regions. Some of them seemed determinants to
understand the changing conditions, such as the current urbanisation processes and phase of
capitalism conditioned by global/local dynamics (e.g. Scott, 2007; 2011; Brenner & Theodore, 2002;
2005).

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Contemporary, spatial development is characterised by unprecedented level of urbanization in result
both growth of urban population and physical expansion of urban areas but also everyday life socio-
cultural changes. More than 75% (EEA, 2006) of European population live in an assortment of
settlements, from small and medium-sized towns to global cities, with different features,
interdependencies and development paths. Besides modifications in terms of land use, socio-cultural
practices associated with certain urbanity are appropriate and modified beyond the geopolitical
boundaries of the cities. Furthermore, networks and flows, and the associated mobility and
connectivity, have reformulated the restrict understanding of spaces and places..

Further, the processes that occurred in most of the Western countries - the decline of classical
manufacturing based industries in the mid-1970 and the consequent crisis of Fordism production
system and welfare state regime along with technological advances- brought out a new economy
characterised by new divisions of labour and new modes of production and consumption where
intangible assets gain a crucial importance (Amin, 1994; Brenner & Theodore, 2002; Scott & Storper,
1992). The increasing demands of economic growth and competitiveness have led many governments
to approve regulatory arrangements oriented to market rules and commodification under a neoliberal
agenda (Brenner & Theodore, 2002, 2005; Harvey, 2005; Swyngedouw, et al., 2002).

Meanwhile, at local level there was a growing impact of international and supranational organizations,
the decrease of financial resources and the enlargement of responsibilities and competencies in result
of the politico-administrative reforms undertaken in many countries (Nibbering & Swart, 2008;
Kuhmann, 2006). The rescaling state processes, upwards to institutions such as European Union and
downwards to the regional and local levels have reconfigured urban governance models (Brenner,
2004). Likewise, many European cities are involved in transnational networks, where circulate policy
models and practices mediated by political experts and officials which influence local policy agenda
(Temenos & McCann, 2013).

It is important to notice that these trends vary from region to region. And, because this study focuses
on cities of the European Union, we must not forget that there are some significant variances between
member states and within each. In the first instance, successive phases of EU enlargement reflect
unlike conditions and asynchronous in its institutional reforms, many of them induced by EU
membership and its financial assistance. However, running the risk of generalizing we also observe a
certain degree of convergence towards an increasing relevance of the urban, market oriented
economies, rescaling state processes and the emergence of new actors in development policies.

Culture and urban politics

Culture and politics are mutually dependent, assuming that ‘culture has a political dimension in the
same way politics has a cultural dimension (Hall, 1997). The literature about the relation between
culture and political realm focus on mainly how culture shaped and conditioned the political action
and the administration and regulation of cultural affairs.

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This first one is usually seen as the set of values and behaviours that shape the political action or the
socio-cultural context in which particular the policy takes place. Since Max Weber’s analysis of
Protestant Ethic (Weber, 1992), the exam of attitudes, values and assumptions of individual or groups
in regard to political system has been a central research theme in comparative political research
stressing that cultural variation is relevant for understand political life.

Despite the controversy that culture political theory entails Marc Ross summarizes how culture - as a
system of meaning and identity – is pertinent to comparative political analysis: 1) culture frames the
context in which politics occur; 2) culture links individuals and collective identities; 3) culture defines
group boundaries and organizes actions within and between them; 4) culture provides a framework for
interpreting the actions and motives of others; and 5) culture provides resources for political
organization and mobilization (Ross, 2009).

Secondly, the relationship between culture and political realm, while administration and regulation of
cultural affairs is recurrently interpreted in terms of power relations. Thus, the interplay between
political actors gives rise to a set of decisions that reflect the way that the public and private actors
exercise power given taking into account their particular interests. This led us to examine, at the risk
of over-simplification, the institutionalization and evolution of culture as a category of public
intervention.

Notwithstanding the differences in the development of cultural policies in European countries,


especially until the fall of dictatorships in Portugal and Spain in the 70s and the Communist regimes
in Eastern Europe (after 1989), some scholars identify common trends at national level to which
correspond specific rationales (Barbieri, et al., 2012; Duelund, 2004; Pyykkönen, et al., 2009;
Mulcahy, 2006; Matarasso & Landry, 1999; Skot-Hansen, 2005; Vestheim, 2009; Council of Europe,
1997).

After the Second World War, culture was recognised as independent field of public intervention in
most democratic European countries. In general, the association between culture and politics was seen
as a condition for social progress in welfare state regimes linked to democratic values. Two
contrasting approaches are commonly distinguished. On the one hand, the French approach reveals a
tradition in the exercise of a strong control by State in order to strengthening national identity values
through the development of large scale cultural institutions and the support of artists and creators. On
the other hand, the British approach founded on the “arm’s length principle” is characterized by non-
interference and limited support of State and the rise of civil society and private actors intervention
(Gattinger & Saint‐Pierre, 2008; Menger, 2010).

The Nordic countries approach is also referred as particular case. Cultural policies, as part of the
welfare system have the main objective to ensure both individual liberty and equal access to culture In
general, and despite the ongoing debate about economics and State’s role in cultural field, it remained
a resistance to the influence of markets forces in order to ensure cultural diversity and artistic freedom
(Mangset, 2008; Duelund, 2004, 2008). In Central and Eastern European countries that were part of
the Warsaw Pact, despite national differences, there were also a common understanding of art and
culture as a powerful vehicle of communist ideological propaganda. These countries share a cultural

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legacy based on large public institutions, a centralized state administration which subsidized and did
censorship to cultural offer (Şuteu, 2005; Council of Europe, 1997).

Since 1980s, culture acquires an increase instrumental role based on economic rationales. Culture was
even more appropriate for non-cultural purposes in other areas of political public intervention, such as
urban regeneration and economic development. And in turn, cultural field becomes increasingly
permeable to management and market approaches in order to generate revenues and obtaining funds
from no-state actors. Besides, the deconstruction of traditional hierarchies between high and popular
culture as well as between subsidy and commercial forms of culture and the increment of cultural
industries - and later, of creative industries (Menger, 2010; Gray, 2009) have led to a
reconceptualization of cultural politics.

Furthermore, given the growing inequalities in result of the new socio-economic circumstances,
themes like social exclusion (Belfiore, 2002); social cohesion (Jeannotte, 2003); wellbeing and quality
of life (Oakley, et al., 2013; Galloway, et al., 2006) become recurrent in cultural policy literature
alongside to economic arguments.

From 1990s onwards, the definition of culture and the scope of cultural policies became more
widespread. The increasing connection between culture and economy, the importance of culture and
creativity in the framework of a knowledge economy and subsequent growth of cultural and creative
sector delineate the development of cultural policies in most European countries (Gibson & Kong,
2005; Hesmondhalgh & Pratt, 2005).

These trends extended to all over the Europe, including of Central and Eastern countries which after
government reforms and integration into the European Union in the first decade of 2000 (for example
Czech Republic and Bulgaria) embraced the principles of the capitalist system, and market-oriented
policies. Culture become intrinsic to urban policies initially grounded on mega infrastructures and
events and a strong place branding and afterwards interweaved with the creative economy discourse
“as means for generating future growth and for waging a competitive struggle to attract investment
capital” (Swyngedouw, et al., 2002, p. 546). This was reinforced by EU programs and application of
structural that narrowed the relation between public cultural policies and urban development as well
as social cohesion policies.

Culture in development policies and planning strategies of SMSC

Since the 1980s, to overcome the growing difficulties in the management of their cities, local
politicians assumed a ‘proactive role’ or ‘entrepreneurial approach’ (Harvey, 1989; Hall & Hubbard,
1989). Many of these early experiments were part of British regeneration programmes being disclosed
as success stories around the world. The awareness of the economic relevance of the symbolic and
aesthetic value of goods and services as well as the spaces where they are created, produced and
consumed (Lash & Urry, 1994; Scott, 1997) and the increment of individual income and leisure time
in western countries drew the attention of policymakers the relevance of culture to revitalise local
economies, the so-called ‘cultural economy’ (Amin & Thrift, 2004; Pratt, 2004; Scott, 1997).

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A large diversity of culture-based strategies has been experimented from place-branding to
architectural flagships projects and cultural events. The dissemination and strengthening of a positive
image based on local identity and the reinvention cultural traditions allied to the transforming urban
space were seen as crucial to create new territorial dynamics that potentially contribute to a wider
range of industries and particularly to cultural and creative sector.

In this context, culture becomes central in development discourses at urban level in pursuing
economic and social gains, as well as sustainability goals. In agreement, urban planning strategies
seeking, mainly, the revitalization of derelict industrial sites or inner cities although still very focused
on regulation and land use management through ‘hard’ policy instruments, become even more
directed to the integration of economic, social, cultural and ecological issues, by the use of ‘soft’
spaces and instruments of planning and a number of new actors in different administrative levels and
networks (Healey, 2007; Albrechts, et al., 2003; Haughton & Allmendinger, 2008).

The concept of culture is employed by the different actors reflects, largely, different priorities and
development goals but also do way that they see the world. Therefore, culture is understood as a tool
to generate an attractive, unique and liveable environment for people and organizations and as a
resource material or immaterial for production and consumption practices. Moreover, culture is also
an instrument to mobilize local actors and to build consensus on the political process of change in
development processes. These processes are drawing on particular ideas and representations about
people, places and processes. The cultural and symbolic narratives are appropriate by policy-makers
and planners as well as by economic agents and hence transformed in commodities.

In this framework cultural actors and institutions not only are essentials to the success of these
strategies but also contribute to other sectors and to other public policies objectives. On the other hand
it is also expected that they generate revenues or find partners or sponsors to finance their activities.

Research literature and policy models in urban studies tend to focus mainly on large cities and
metropolises, given the scale, diversity and density of relations and resources. Many authors neglected
the culture-based development initiatives experimented in small cities and their capability to change
their development path (Bell & Jayne, 2006; Lorentzen & van Heur, 2012; Selada, et al., 2011).
However these urban centres, particularly those in intermediate and rural regions have an important
role for a balanced European spatial system1 as mediators between the center and the periphery, the
urban and the rural, or the local and the global. More, the increased mobility and connectivity, the
potential to promote economic growth in non-traditional sectors as well as the demand for healthier
lifestyles emphasizes the necessity to understand what is happening in these cities.

Recently, there is more interest about how some urban centres outside metropolitan areas have include
culture as a key component of their development approaches, and how these cities position themselves

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Only 9.9% of the EU territory is designated as predominantly urban region, representing 42.4% of the
European population. This classification is made according the new urban-rural typology for NUTS 3 regions
(Eurostat, 2012).

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and take advantage of the opportunities and challenges afforded by current socio-economic and
political situation.

Comparing culture based development strategies in five SMSC

For this purpose, we developed comparative and in-depth analysis of case studies corresponding to
culture-based development strategies and initiatives carried out in five small and medium-sized cities,
outside predominantly urban regions in distinct European countries: Finland, Portugal, Czech
Republic, England and France.

The investigation followed a relational approach focused on the political processes, the main actors
involved (or excluded) and the specificities of the local contexts where they occur. We intend to
understand the dynamics between structural forces and governance capacity beyond the critical
analysis of the local initiatives within European spatial planning policy debate and action. Moreover,
we look for the multiple meanings, images and representations inherent to development projects to
reveal the role and the various understandings that culture and development have in urban policies.

Jyväskylä, Central Finland, Finland

The municipality of Jyväskylä covers a vast area of 1,171 km2 in result of the junction in 2009 of the
City of Jyväskylä, the Rural Municipality and the Municipality of Korpilahti. This municipality of
central Finland region has a population of 132,062 inhabitants but the inner city counts only 25,587
residents. The compact city centre is surrounded by an attractive environment of lakes, forests and
hills as well as small villages, with many facilities to enjoy nature, practise sports and experience the
traditional Finnish sauna.

The city is renowned for its world class education and it is also well-known for the iconic architecture
of the famous Alvar Aalto architect and as an important venue for international and national
conferences and exhibitions, due to the existence of diverse facilities. There is also a lively cultural
scene promoted by theatre companies, orchestras and other performing groups and diverse popular
events in art, music or sports, and cultural institutions. Moreover, the Jyväskylä Centre for
Printmaking provides artists facilities and residences.

Local development strategies promote ‘the human technology’ brand as a representation of the desire
to build an innovative ecosystem centred on people. Socio-cultural development which includes
environmental, health and wellbeing in citizens’ life along with creative entrepreneurship and
economic growth is recurrent in the policy discourse by local decision-makers but also by Regional
Council of Central Finland. Likewise, citizen participation through local associations and networks is
one the main strengths to improve urban sustainable development. This is reflected in several
initiatives, such as the Kangas and Lutakko areas renewal projects and the youth and cultural center
‘Veturitallit’.

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The economic crises that affected the region had developed a resilient capacity in local community.
New governance models were adopted to improve cooperation and interdisciplinary practices among
between private firms, policymakers, educational centres and citizens the so-called ‘Quadruple Helix’.
Two regional agencies are responsible by developed the cluster strategy through Jyväskylä Region
Centre of Expertise Programme.

The region has benefited from EU programs and structural funds which encourage the relation
between urban and regional development with social cohesion and cultural policies (Mitchell &
Heiskanen, 2011). Cultural activities are mainly supported by public funds from the municipality and
National and Regional Arts Councils but also by Finnish Cultural Foundation and the Nordic Fund.

Český Krumlov, South Bohemia, Czech Republic

The city of Český Krumlov is situated in the administrative unit of South Bohemia Region, 25 km
south of the regional capital České Budějovice, classified as a predominantly rural region (Eurostat,
2012). This medieval town (around 13th-century) grew up in an intersection of Vltava River, a
privileged location on east-west communication route. Český Krumlov flourished as an important
craft and trade centre as well as a cultural reference in Bohemia region, reflected in the remarkable
Castle complex, declared national cultural property, and the Late Gothic, Renaissance, and Baroque
burgher houses. The well preserved medieval streets and the scenic river environment cause a strong
impression and a sense of uniqueness. In addition, the attractive adjacent natural landscape of Šumava
foothills provides various leisure activities, such as canoeing, cycling, hiking, etc.

The inclusion of the city centre, in 1992, on the UNESCO World Heritage List was an opportunity to
pursue the protection and renewal of historic monuments and the economic revitalization of the town.
New cultural facilities were opened, including the internationally renowned Egon Schiele Art Center.
Over the past 20 years, the city has increased its national and international prestige and it became one
of the most visited destinations in the Czech Republic. In general the main actors of the community
recognize the importance of heritage care but also of encouraging an authentic cultural atmosphere
that had attracted in the past many artists all around the world, the genius loci.

Throughout the year, Český Krumlov offers numerous cultural events, such as the Five-Petalled Rose
Celebrations. The built heritage and events agenda improve people’s memories and cultural identity
expressed in numerous associations for residents. There are also non-profit organizations working in
cultural field the Chamber Music Festival Foundation.

The Český Krumlov administration founded a company, Český Krumlov Development Fund, mainly,
to manage and protect the properties in historic centre. The touristic revenues and municipal
buildings’ rents are reinvested in the development of projects such as the FotoAtelier Seidel. Given
the importance of tourism development, they created a tourism department, the Destination
Management, to implement all marketing activities and tourism strategy of the city.

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In the discourse of local actors there is always the discussion about the benefits of tourist income and
jobs created in this sector and the objective of maintaining the authenticity and preservation. It also
emphasized the desire of keeping the town spiritually alive for and with the participation of local
community.

Most of cultural projects, even from private initiative, are developed with the financial support of the
city of Český Krumlov, the central state, as well as the South Bohemian Region. UNESCO Heritage'
Programme, European programmes and the EEA and Norwegian Grants are also others source of
funding. They are active collaborative ties with the so-called Visegrád countries (Slovakia, Hungary,
and Poland) and Austria and Germany.

The zoning plan, a planning tool for land use, serves as the basis for local development. However, as a
requirement of UNESCO process, it was developed a management plan for the historic center which
states the significance of the heritage for city development.

Óbidos, Central Region, Portugal

The small municipality of Óbidos is located in the Central Region of Portugal, Western sub-region, a
short distance from the capital. It covers an area of 142 km2, inserted in a predominantly rural region,
with a population of 11 772 inhabitants. Óbidos is primarily distinguished by its iconic image: the
medieval walled villa and its narrow streets with white traditional houses. It is also characterized by
the surrounding countryside and the unique natural landscape of a lagoon and a coastal line. Local
identity is shaped by its historical and noble past alongside rural traditions and lifestyles which is
reflected in local heritage.

In 2001, seeking to reverse the process of social and economic decline, the elected Mayor, initiated a
development strategy to reconvert the rural-based economy to one centred on culture and creativity,
maintained by a strong marketing strategy: “Creative Óbidos”. For the management of local initiatives
it was adopted an agency model through the creation of municipal companies. Diverse public and
private partnerships were also promoted as well as higher education institutions, training companies
and business associations.

At first, the local strategy was supported by a lively agenda of thematic events which contributed to
improve city image and consolidate the tourism strategy. This was underpinned by a set of cultural
facilities, new school system and environmental sustainability programmes. It is also one of the local
priorities to attract creative and qualified individuals through the promotion of a favourable
environment to live and work. Therefore it was made a range of investments to support creative
business, such as spaces for incubation and co-lab and financial advantages. It was also launched an
urban regeneration programme that will provide studios, co-working spaces, and live-work houses for
national and international artists, designers, researchers, etc. Community development is also
reinforced by sociocultural projects like Odesign that joints young designers and seniors, combining
design and creativity with traditional techniques and skills.

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The internationalisation, through participation in exchange networks, commonly through European
programmes, was always an opportunity to enhance city’s visibility and recognition and to achieve
more scale and critical mass. On the other hand, inter-municipal cooperation is limited due to the lack
of a common regional strategy and to the rivalry between municipalities.

The main criticism to local strategy resulted from the numerous visitors that disturb residents’
everyday life, the omnipresence of services oriented to tourism, the commodification of local values
and practices and the conversion of the village and its inhabitants in a “scenario”. However, it is also
important to mention the easy interaction and collaboration with local authorities to make the
improbable happen. A good example is the Óbidos Literary Town, a project opened with the São
Tiago bookshop in the ancient church of São Tiago with open participation of public and private
entrepreneurs.

York, North Yorkshire, United Kingdom

The City of York is a unitary authority area of 198,000 inhabitants (2011 census), a non-metropolitan
district in less than two hours from London. It is located in the county of North Yorkshire which is
classified as an intermediate region. Within its administrative area of about 272 km2 there are distinct
localities, suburbs and villages in a large rural landscape. In recent decades, the City of York has
moved from a prosper economy based on chocolate manufacturing and the railway-related industries
to one dependent on tertiary sector mainly education, health and tourism and also public services.

The city has a unique atmosphere characterized by 2,000 years of urban settlement, embodied in well-
preserved archaeological sites, ancient monuments and notable extensive archives that reflect the
history and culture of England and Europe. Furthermore it contains valuable museums, interpretation
centers and academic research that not only provide educational resources, but also cultural
experiences for a wide variety of audiences.

Despite culture has always been unavoidable in York urban policy, only recently it was integrated in
development policies as a key driver for economic growth, jobs creation and social cohesion. In 2004,
the Local Strategic Partnership composed of representatives of the public, business and voluntary
sector developed the first cultural strategy, following an extensive public consultation. In this
framework, it was formed a cultural partnership ‘York @ Large’ with the City Council to pursue one
of the main dimensions of the York City Vision and Community Strategy 2004-2024 named 'York, a
city of culture' which aims to distinguish the city nationally and internationally for its inclusive, lively
and active profile. For such was created an extensive agenda of festivals supported by local cultural
organisations, many of them recreating an imaginary based on local identity and history but also
approaching contemporaneity. The visitor economy was assumed as central in local development
strategy.

In 2011, given the broad consensus on culture and consciousness of the importance of place-
marketing, the City of York Council and a group of stakeholders submitted a bid to integrate the list
of UNESCO World Heritage Site. After the first attempt failed, York launched a second bid to

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become a UNESCO City of Media Arts. This proposal is part of the effort to transform creative
industries in one of the drivers of urban development, linking culture, innovation and technology.

The compactness of the main urban area is a key feature of the city but also a challenge between
preservation and economic growth concerns. Land-use regulation imposes some restrictions in order
to maintain the desired balance. High cost of housing and business spaces as well as the proximity to
large labour markets are considered to be major difficulties to increase the attractiveness. The
strategic vision adopted in the Local Development Framework (2012-2031) focuses on boosting
economic growth based on existing small business community, especially those linked to the sectors
of science and knowledge and creative industries, built on the distinctive cultural, social and physical
assets.

Angoulême, Charente, France

Angoulême is a French commune, capital of Charente department, in the south-western region of


Poitou-Charentes, France. The city has about 43 000 inhabitants and the conglomeration a bit more
100,000 dwellers. It is rooted on industrial tradition principally of the paper-making and printing
industry but also manufacture of machinery, electric motors and wire fabric. In the pleasant ‘old town’
of many narrow and reserved pedestrians’ streets, there are some of monuments to visit such as the
Saint-Pierre cathedral and the City Hall. The Charente river which crosses the city was crucial to
paper-making industry, which not only enabled the creation of many jobs but also provided many
social services such as schools and clinics for the their workers’ families.

In the early 1970s, Angoulême started a new development path attached to comics’ events. The first
edition of the Angoulême Comic Strip Festival, by local businessman and bédéphiles initiative, takes
place in January of 1974 with great success. But it was in 1980s that the Festival earned greater
recognition. In 1982, Jack Lang, minister of culture under then-president François Mitterrand,
increases the state support for artists and producers, legitimising this domain. One year later, the city
was chosen to accommodate the Centre National de la Bande Dessinée et de l’Image (CNBDI), one of
Mitterrand ‘grands projets’ in the region (Vessels, 2010) (inaugurated in 1991). With the state support
and the awareness of the economic importance of the Festival, there were many investments in
cultural facilities and events using the slogan “Angoulême, the city that lives in its images». To
emphasize the commitment with the comics, the municipality launched a program where many murals
were painted across the city and street name signs were modified and put in speech bubbles. Besides it
was also a concern to developed unique training possibilities to provide skilled workers to these
creative media industries.

During 1990s, the concept of industrial clusters has attracted much attention as a basis for public
intervention in the economies of city-regions at European level. Following this trend, in 1996, the
Charente County Council, the town of Angoulême and the Angoulême Chamber of Commerce and
Industry, created the Syndicat Mixte du Pôle Image (SMPI) 2. The Pôle Image renamed ‘Magelis’ after
2000 is a public inter-communal administration agency to implement the territorial development

2
The Poitou-Charentes Region and the Communauté d’Agglomération du GrandAngoulême joined them in
2005.

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project based on the support and strengthen of creative media sector and related activities in the
region.

In order to development the cluster for the creative media, the “Pôle Image Magelis” has delineated an
ambitious urban planning policy based on rehabilitation of an extended industrial quarter in the banks
of the Charente river. Manifestation of this cluster strategy it is also the establishment of the
association “16000 Images”, which incorporates more than forty companies and groups specialised in
animation, comic books, interactive games, graphics, multimedia, etc.

In 2002, it was inaugurated “The Maison des Auteurs”, an international artists’ residence, which,
along with the association CNBDI gave place to the Cité internationale de la bande dessinée et de
l'image in 2008. It was the result of a cross-collaboration between the Charente County council, the
French ministry of Culture and Communication, the city of Angoulême and the Poitou-Charentes
region. It includes today, among other facilities, the museum of comics, opened in 2009.
Angoulême become one of the most productive centres of creation in France for animated images,
attracting a growing number of enterprises and students supported by different aid funds, from
European to local level, in order to develop the competitive audio-visual industries. Local actors are
involved in several international cooperation projects and networks

Key findings

As many other European cities, culture become more embedded in urban policies and in strategic
development of the small and medium sized cities presented in this study. Local authorities beyond
the support of art and cultural institutions had look to culture as a way to face urban problems as the
decline of traditional economic activities, the growing interurban competiveness, the decrease of
public funding and private investment, and ongoing social changes. These cities are trying to carry out
new development path or diversified local economies based on local specificities and resources
available.

Cities like Jyväskylä, York and Angoulême have a strong development trajectories based on their
industrial past, but the decline of traditional industries posed many challenges in economic and social
terms. One of their main bets it was the specialization in education combined with innovation, which
follows their national strategies. Angoulême have benefited from the festival to promote the city and
its renewal and development a specialization in audio-visual sector. The natural and historic heritage
of Český Krumlov and Óbidos has always been decisive to determine their development choices.
Though, their size and lack of resources put special difficulties in achieve economies of scale and
access to larger markets.

Local institutional capacity, specially the strong commitment and proactive role of local offices plus
resilience capacity of non-governmental actors it was decisive to test new solutions and to inspire new
development approaches. Medium sized cities like Jyväskylä, York and Angoulême compete hardly
for enhance their position within the national/international urban system and the preponderance of
capital cities and large metropolitans, notwithstanding their key role at regional level. The

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specialisation in specific sectors had increased the local competitive capacity. In turn, smaller cities
like Óbidos and Český Krumlov have greater dependence of neighbour larger towns especially in jobs
and educational opportunities; however overcome these insufficiencies through a more specialized
offer and links to external markets.

Urban elites in the select cases are strongly involved in different transnational networks and being
knowledgeable of the ideas and models publicised in these circuits. The internationalisation and the
promotion of local identity and place qualities are crucial components of their strategies. The city
imaginaries, lived and experienced, were appropriated to define local development agendas aiming to
promote a positive image to attract visitors, residents and investors. So, cities like York, Óbidos and
Český Krumlov have a strong focus on historic legacy and cultural identity which framed local
strategy, while Jyväskylä focuses on human capital. Angoulême took advantage of the international
recognition of its brand image, the festival of comics, to change their local economic strategy.

All local authorities boosted their cultural agenda and invested in facilities to increase the city’s
attractiveness. Besides, natural environment is part of the distinctive features promoted by these cities,
especially in Jyväskylä and Óbidos where is essential a strategic factor in the promotion of a place
quality of life and well-being. Furthermore, the growth of tourism and related activities is one of the
major topics of cultural policies in York, Angoulême and Český Krumlov given the number of
visitants and revenues derived from this sector. In Óbidos and Angoulême, the tourism strategy is
linked to creative economy to diversify local economy and attract human capital. The cities, with the
omission of Cesky Krumlov, compete for businesses and international students built on the
recognition achieved internationally.

Policy discourses, despite the rhetoric and the type of interventions, advocated an economic rationale
in culture development strategies beyond social concerns. However, a more community development
focus depends largely of the national framework and actors’ power relations. For example, in
Jyväskylä, as in others Nordic cities, there is a long requirement in ensure cultural participation as a
way to promote health and psychological well-being. In York, community development is as a
powerful instrument for renewal projects and partnerships. In turn Ãngoulême authors’ community
and business associations are very strong. In small communities like Český Krumlov and Óbidos,
local associations and education institutions are crucial actors for community engagement in
development strategies. The integrations of both approaches can determine the sustainability and the
consensus around local strategies.

Public authorities have introduced new governance models, creating agencies and departments to
management cultural urban policies and to establish public-private partnerships and intersectoral
collaborations. These new modes of governance are still embryonic in Český Krumlov, as in Czech
Republic, and in Óbidos has to be a strong participation of public actors. A singular situation is the
role of York Trusts in city’s cultural and urban planning (e.g. York Civic Trust about conservation
regulation) which are non-profit successful models in cultural fields. Educational actors are privileged
mediators between political offices and community in towns like Óbidos and Český Krumlov where
civic participation and voluntary sector is smaller them in the others two cases.

12
All cities plans include the renewal of urban spaces or quarters which include the transformation of
derelict or unexploited buildings in new artistic and creative spaces in inner centres. The industrial
cluster strategy is central in development policy of Angoulême and Jyvaskyla. The dimension and
flexibility are characteristics for the sustainability of this kind of projects in small settlements as
Óbidos. The preponderance of service sector in cities’ center is one common concern which implies
specific measures to attract new residents to these areas.

Moreover, economic objectives of local strategies are often used to justify the public funding to
cultural activities and institutions. On other hand, values associated to community development are
often defended to legitimize political action and different actors’ interests. For instance, some artists
criticized the instrumentalisation of their activities for regeneration projects or tourist purposes
however the dependence of public funds and providers change the game rules. Festivals with diverse
themes and roles are important not all for the image but also to obtain revenues but also to developed
cultural production.

The urban municipalities selected have developed a diversity of cultural interventions which depends
largely of the targets that they what to achieve. The proximity and the compactness are seen as an
advantage to use their territories as policy laboratories and to improve changes.

The involvement of cultural and community actors are often a way to approve local strategies;
however they have an important role in the implementation of local strategies. Their capacity in
influence decision-making depends of the power relation with public authorities. In Český Krumlov,
for example, the Castle administration has a significant role in local development strategy and cultural
activities.

The ‘cultural turn’ in municipal planning was made in accordance with the European and national
policy agenda and influenced by the several networks in which cities and local actors are involved.

Final Remarks

The processes describe in first part of this article reflect the relation between the global and local
level, particularly how the cultural policies and urban development strategies follows the overall
evolution of wider social and economic trends and policies. In European context, despite the
increasing responsibility of local authorities, the circulation of policy ideas and models across places
or governmental levels have influenced the definition of local agenda and contribute to some
homogenisation of approaches. But, as McCann and Ward put it “Policies and the territories they
govern are not entirely local constructions but neither are they entirely extra-local impositions. They
are assemblages of parts of the near and far, of fixed and mobile pieces of expertise, regulation,
institutional capacities, etc. that are brought together in particular ways and for particular interests and
purposes” (McCann & Ward, 2012, p. 328).

13
Culture, while area of public intervention, it is the moving from a subsidiary vision, focused on
supporting the arts and preservation of heritage, to a more managerial attitude and the extension of the
policy scope such as the urban regeneration or creative industries. Culture has become a key drive in
in development strategies request a reflection about the rationales and power relations defined in
political discourses and actions. Local strategies are based on the symbolic construction of a
‘community’ and the urban imaginary, materialized in the type of interventions supported and the
regulations approved by urban elites (Stevenson, 2004; Healey, 2007). Otherwise, some powerless
groups and undesirable themes are excluded to untouched cities’ image.

Despite the general predisposition to evaluate the success of cultural policy strategies in accord with
city’s size and position in urban hierarchy, small and medium-sized towns advocate their potential,
through local culture and identity, to developed particular development paths. They underlined large
cities' disadvantages such as traffic congestion, social exclusion, environmental problems, etc. in
opposition to community proximity, a healthier quality of life, the capacity to make changes easier,
among others. Also, the increase connectedness and mobility and the processes of internationalisation
stimulate by city’s actors have enlarge these cities functions and possibilities, especial those in
intermediate regions.

The emphasis on long-standing commitment of local authorities and the involvement of different
stakeholders are seen as decisive to the sustainability of these strategies. The role of the so-called
‘agents of change’, that could be the mayor, a resident or foreigner who has a capacity to mobilise the
community or to implement an initiative in the territory to enhance this process of change.

An emphasis on multi-sectoral approaches allows inviting different kinds of actors with diverse
knowledge to a more collaborative governance. Cultural agents should be seen as a way to establish
closer ties with local communities and with the more traditional industries, as well as perceive and
contribute to solving social problems.

The post-2008 period signifies a challenge for small and medium-sized cities, but a balance
relationship between community values and economic purposes could be a central axis for urban
development and for cohesion and competiveness European agenda. More than ever SMSC are
unavoidable of European development sustainable policies.

Research about culture development policies and strategies in specific locations are useful to provide
information about the variety of processes that reflect contemporary socioeconomic changes and
provide guidelines for further research such as the in-depth analysis of bottom-up projects made in
resistance to cultural development formulations of urban elites.

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