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Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa


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Excavations at Masai Gorge Rockshelter, Naivasha


Stanley H. Ambrose
Published online: 26 Feb 2010.

To cite this article: Stanley H. Ambrose (1985) Excavations at Masai Gorge Rockshelter, Naivasha, Azania:
Archaeological Research in Africa, 20:1, 29-67, DOI: 10.1080/00672708509511358

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00672708509511358

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Excavations at Masai Gorge Rockshelter, Naivasha
Stanley H. Ambrose
Dr. Ambrose has been working for several years in the Central Rift ofKenya, with special interest in the Late
Stone A g e and Pastoral Neolithic and their environmental adaptations, Apart from his derailed survey and
ecological studies, he has excavated three main sites, two on Mount Eburu overlooking Lake Naivashafrom the
north, namely Mosai Gorge and Marula Rockshehers, with the third, Enkapune ya Muto, on the iMau
escarpment to the west ofthe lake. This work is incorporated in his thesis submitted to the University of California
at Berkeley in 1984, ‘Holocene environments and human adaptations in the Central Ri) Valley, Kenya’.
Thepresent article is a report on iMasai Gorge, which makes numerous comparisons with other sites andoffers
new interpretations of the Rifi Valley sequence. Diane Gifford-Conzalez’ report on the bones excavated by
Ambrosefrom Masai Gorge, as well as on the interesting sample ofteerh from the nearby Marula Rockshelter,
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follows as a separate article.


A s Ambrose explains, the Masai Gorge sequence is broadly similar to that at Gamble’s Cave, excavated by
Dr. L.S.B. Leakey in the 1920s. It includes early Holocene Eburran (Lower Kenya Capsian), late Holocene
Eburran ( V p p c r Kenya Capsian Phase C), Elmmtn‘tan, Neolithic and Iron Age occurrences. This excavation
and analysis thus largely confirm many parts of the archaeologicalsuccessionfor the Central Rift Valley proposed
by Leakey o u e r f f t y years ago.

Masai Gorge Rockshelter was discovered in December 1975 during a stratified site
survey programme conducted by J.R.F. Bower. This work was part of the
University of Massachusetts/Boston comparative study of Later Stone Age (LSA)
hunter-gatherer and Neolithic food-producing cultures, directed by C.M. Nelson
(Bower et d, 1977).
Though the cultural deposits nowhere exceed 1.5 m in thickness, four distinct
cultural horizons spanning significant portions of the last 8,000-10,000 years of Rift
Valley prehistory are preserved. The cultural sequence includes an early stage of
the Kenya Capsian, Upper Kenya Capsian Phase C, Elinenteitan Neolithic, and
Iron Age (Okiek and/or Maasai) occupations. The Kenya Capsian Industry has been
renamed the Eburran, to conform with modern conventions of nomenclature for
African prehistory, after Mount Eburu, which is located in the centre of the
geographic distribution of the Eburran Industry (Ambrose et al, 1980).Hereafter in
this report the early Kenya Capsian assemblage shall be referred to as Phase 2 of the
Eburran Industry, and the overlying Upper Kenya Capsian Phase C assemblage
shall be referred to as Phase 5 of the Eburran.1
Masai Gorge Rockshelter contains in abbreviated form nearly the same cultural
sequence as that preserved at Gamble’s Cave (Leakey, 1931). This sequence thus
confirms and provides faunal analyses, radiocarbon dates and quantitative
de&riptions for lithic assemblages from many parts of the culture-stratigraphic
sequence discovered by Louis Leakey over fifty years ago. Both sites have closely

1 A note is necessary on topographical, archaeological and ethnic nomenclature. Although the ethnic spelling
Maasai is now becoming fashionable (and is used in the latter part of this article), the site name Masai Gorge
remains so spelt in deference to official topographic nomenclature and the maps. The nearby mountain is
now spelt Eburu in preference to the form with double r. However, the archaeological term Eburran had been
coined before this change was sanctioned, and is therefore retained in this article.
30 Masai Gorge

similar ecological and topographic positions. Site utilization patterns change


through time in a similar fashion in analogous cultural horizons, providing insights
into land-use patterns and adaptations of different cultures to one type of place on
the landscape in changing climatic, environmental, social and economic contexts
(e.g. Parkington, 1980).
The accompanying faunal analysis by Diane Gifford-Gonzalez provides the
first. quantitative description of an Elmenteitan faunal assemblage, permitting
comparisons and contrasts with contemporaneous faunas from different Neolithic
Era industries in the central Rift Valley. Marula Rockshelter (GsJj24), located 500
metres south-east of Masai Gorge, was excavated in 1979. It is significant for the
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light it sheds on the history of early Holocene lake levels and hunter-gatherer
subsistence and will be the subject of another report. A preliminary analysis is
appended to Gifford-Gonzalez' report because of its relevance to the early Eburran
levels in Masai Gorge Rockshelter, which have a small faunal assemblage with
unceitain associations.

Site location and environment

The shelter (GsJj25) is located at the base of the eastern flank of Mount Eburu
in the Lake Naivasha basin in the Kenya Rift Valley (fig. 1).The site is located a t an
elevation of 2010 m at the head of a fault-controlled gully 500 m north of the main
gorge, near the southern end of Waterloo Ridge (grid ref. BK035294). Local
bedrock comprises comendite ignimbrite lava flows overlain by pyroclastic
agglomerates (Thompson and Dodson, 1963). The ridge ends abruptly in this area,
forming a bluff with a clear view to the east and south, overlooking the eastern wall
of the Rift Valley and the flat plains composed of early Holocene lacustrine
sediments on the north side of the Naivasha basin (fig. 2).
Lying at the boundary between volcanic rocks and lacustrine sediments, the site
is likely to have been located on an ecotone throughout its occupation span
regardless of climatic conditions. The local vegetation is bushed grassland
dominated by Tarchonanthus camphoratus (leleshwa) and Acacia drepanolobium
(whistling thorn) trees, with Psiadia arabica shrubs, and Themeda and Rhyncalytrum
grasses. Floral identifications were made at the site by A.D.Q. Agnew.
The bottom of figure 1 shows the approximate altitudinal distribution of major
floral zones in the central Rift Valley at present. As can be seen in figure 2, the local
region is characterized by topographic, altitudinal and floral heterogeneity. Within
a 10 km radius of the site, elevation ranges from 1890 to 2690 m and precipitation
from less than 600 mm in the floor of the Rift to over 800 mm on the higher reaches
of Eburu. Floral zones comprise a mosaic of riverine acacia gallery forest, papyrus
swamp, open grassland, bush and montane forest. The site location is thus ideal for
access to a wide variety of resources from a single location.

Prehistoric climate
Under different climatic regimes the location of these zones may have shifted
up or down in elevation and changed in composition. On available palaeoclimatic
evidence (Coetzee, 1967; Butzer et al, 1972; Richardson and Richardson, 1972;
Richardson, 1972; Washbourn-Kamau, 1975) it appears that during the early
Holocene wet phase, from 12,000to 7000 BP, the shelter may have been on the edge
of the montane forest, and within several metres of the lake during the 2000 m
Ambrose 31
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EBURRAN x ELMENTEITAN + SAVANNA PASTORAL NEOLITHIC


0 10 20 30km

A 3050

Montane forest

1524
M I I
Fig. 1 The distribution of archaeological sites and habitat zones in the central Rift Valley, Kenya.
Numbered sites
1 Gamble’s Cave 15 Eburu Elementeitan Quarry (GsJj50)
2 Nderit Drift 16 Rotian (GuJh4)
3 Masai Gorge Rockshelter 17 Salasun
4 Prospect Farm 18 Suswa Lava Tubes
5 Naivasha Railway Rockshelter 19 Njoro River Cave
6 Malewa River 20 Njoro River Cave (2)
7 GsJj29 21 Egerton Cave
8 GsJjl4 22 Bromhead’s Site
9 GsJjl3 23 El burgon
10 GtJj6 24 Enkapune ya Muto (GtJil2)
11 Lion Hill Cave 25 Enkapune ya Sauli (GtJilO)
12 Marula Rockshelter 26 Keringet Caves
13 Hyrax Hill 27 Remnant
14 Crescent Island Causeway
Unnumbered sites are Highland Savanna Pastoral Neolithic sites. These have been plotted for comparison with
the distribution of Elmenteitan and Eburran sites.
32 Masai Gorge
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Fig. 2 Habitat distribution in the Macai Gorge catchment area. The distribution offloral zones has been takcnfrom 1:5O,OOO
s m e s map sheet 133/2 and 1:250,OOOseries Kenya Vegetation map sheet 2. The bush xonc comprises Tarchonathus
camphoratus. Acacia drcpanolobium andMacrua shrubs andtrees. Theacaciaforest zone comprises open to dense
A. xanthophloea woodlad on recent alluvium. Open grassland includes suttncd bush a d tree psrhnd with
Tarchonathur. A. drcpanolobium. A. xanthophloca, Maenu, Euphorbia candclabrcandPsiadir arabica.
The montarwfacst zone as mapped here includes Jry Juniperu. proccrafonst, anddry scrub d c b o r i n g s with v p b d
acacia species ucmtly dm'udfmm montane srlnopkyllfortst. The n o r t h pa?t of ~Naivask inch& in this map is
II pq p grass ad md swamp.
On t IS map Masai Gorge and Marub Rockshelters are indicated by their site numbers, G$25 and 24 respectively.

stillstand. During the middle Holocene warm phase, from 5600 to 3000 BP, rift lakes
receded, and dried out temporarily before 3000 BP (Richardson, 1972). At that time
montane forests may have receded to higher altitudes. No pollen studies have been
undertaken on Kenya highland lakes below 2400 m to shed light on the presumed
low altitude of the forest during the early Holocene or on its subsequent shift to
higher altitudes. Higher elevation sites on several mountains (Coetzee, 1967) show
maximum development of moist tropical forest between 5000 and 3000 BP
suggesting wetter warm, rather than drier warm, conditions, as indicated by
limnological evidence. This contradiction must be resolved in order to interpret
prehistoric adaptations. The present distribution of major floral zones has probably
been stable since around 3000 BP.
Excavation and sampling procedures
An excavation grid was laid out in metre squares, and two trenches were laid
out at right angles (fig. 3) to maximize stratigraphic control and to sample debris
from within and outside the shelter. Excavation was in 5- or 10-cm levels parallel to
the ground surface. However, where natural strata were encountered they served
as the boundaries for excavation levels, and where more than 10 cm thick were
subdivided by 10-cm levels. Excavation tools included trowels, brushes and wooden
stakes. All identifiable faunal remains were cleaned, preserved, individually
numbered and separately bagged to reduce post-excavation breakage. Lithic
Ambrose 33

artefacts were counted, washed and catalogued by level. Use-wear samples were
taken from several levels for studies undertaken by John Bower after the
typological analysis, and by Laurel Phillipson from a section not analysed for this
report.

355 345 335 325 315 305 295 215 275


7E

- 9E
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- 1OE

- IIE
___---_
-I---t ---- c IZE

N
- 131

- I ~ E

- ISE

Shelter Wall Bulk Sampling


.
I ,7E

a Drio L i n e

25;m Contour Intervals


Locations
1
meters

Fig. 3 PIan of excavations ar dlasar Gorge Rockshelrer (GsJj-25)

Stratigraphy
Both the strata and the analytical spits are numbered from the bottom to the top
of the sequence (figs. 5-6). Strata are defined by soil matrix colour and texture only,
and sometimes crosscut cultural boundaries. The density of artefacts per cubic
metre was calculated by dividing the total number of obsidian artefacts in the
stratigraphic unit (Table 3) by its thickness (Table 2), then multiplying by 100.
Stratum 1 is located only on the talus slope in squares Ell-l2,S30 and is up to 10
cm thick. The soil matrix is a light yellow-brown (Munsell7.5YR 4/4, dry) massive
silt-loam, with a few gravel inclusions from decomposed bedrock. Stratum 1 lies
directly on bedrock and contacts Stratum 3 with an indistinct boundary and
Stratum 2 with an abrupt, unconformable boundary. Bone, obsidian and charcoal
were recovered in amounts too small for meaningful analysis.
Stratum 2 (spits 1-2) is located only on the talus slope and is up to40 cm thick. The
soil matrix is a medium dark grey-brown (10YR 4/4, dry) massive ashy loam. The
matrix appears as a soft, loose filling in the interstices between rounded and
sub-angular bedrock, tuff, boulders and cobbles. This boulder rubble comprises
70-80 percent of the deposit. There are white powdery flecks of carbonate in the
soil matrix and powdery carbonate coatings on many artefacts and inclusions.
Bones are uncommon and some may be intrusive. The artefact density averaged
7749 per cubic metre.
34 Masai Gorge

Stratum 3 (spits 3-15) is located both within the shelter, where it is up to 110 cm
thick, and on the talus slope, where it is about 40 cm. The soil matrix is a light
yellow-brown (7.5YR 4/4-5/6, dry) massive silt-loam. Bedrock inclusions are
limited to a small amount of gravel and occasional cobbles and slabs of tuff. Rodent
burrows are common on the talus slope but less frequent within the shelter. An
abandoned termite nest, roots, rootlets and weakly cemented root casts are present
throughout the stratum below spit 12 (Ash 11). Spits 3-8 also contained a few small
wood-ash lenses located mainly towards the northern edge of the present shelter.
The upper part of this stratum contained two ash beds (Ash I and II), and one small
pit (Feature 1) and are described separately below. The lower boundary of Stratum
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3 is defined by bedrock within the shelter and by the contact with Strata 1 and 2 on
the talus slope. The upper boundary within the shelter is defined by the abrupt
contact with Stratum 4 (Ash 111). In spits 3-10 artefact densities are 2072 per cubic
metre and bone is rare and poorly preserved. In spits 12-15 artefact densities are
17,753 per cubic metre and bone densities are also an order of magnitude higher.
Spits 3-10 contain artefacts of Phase 5a of the Eburran Industry and spits 12-15
contain artefacts of the Elmenteitan Neolithic Industry. Spit 11 contains a
mechanical mixture of these assemblages.
Ash I (spit 9) is a blue-grey airfall volcanic ash that has been disturbed by
cultural activities. O n the talus slope it appears in indistinct lenses.
Ash II (spits 12-13) is a continuous bed of wood ash comprising superimposed
layers of dark and light ashes and burnt soils.
Feature 1 is a small bowl-shaped pit apparently dug from the base of Ash I1
through spits 10-11 and partially into Ash I. It is contemporary with Ash 11. This pit
was filled with large pieces of charcoal.
Stratum 4 (spit 16) averages 10 cm thick inside the shelter and is 10-40 cm thick on
the talus slope. The soil matrix within the shelter is a continuous bed of dark and
light grey ashes and reddish burnt soil, and is here called Ash ZZZ. O n the talus slope
this grades into a dark yellow-brown (lOYR 3/4, dry) poorly compacted loam with
occasional tuff inclusions. There are numerous rodent burrows, roots and rootlets
on the talus slope. The density of obsidian artefacts is 9417 per cubic metre, and
pottery and burnt bones are abundant.
Stratum 5 (Spits 17-21) is found both within the shelter and on the talus slope. It
attains a maximum thickness of about 40 cm. The soil matrix is a massive, poorly
compacted reddish-brown (5YR 4/4, dry) silty loam with a moderate amount of
fine gravel and cobble inclusions from bedrock. Roots and rootlets are commbn
outside the drip-line and rodent burrows are uncommon. From the surface to the
top of Stratum 4 were found a series of separate, superimposed ash lenses centred in
square E10, S30, none of which intersected the profiles. Spits 17-18 contain 5436
obsidian artefacts per cubic metre whilst spits 19-21 have only 376.
Stratum 6 is located only on the talus slope and has an average thickness of 5 cm.
The soil matrix is an indurated reddish-brown (5YR 4/4, dry) clayey loam. Grass
and tree roots are common. The upslope boundary is defined by the drip-line of the
shelter. Stratum 6 is probably a weathered lateral facies of Stratum 5.

Radiometric dating
Table 1 shows the radiocarbon determinations made on charcoal, bone apatite
and bone collagen from square E10, S30, run at Geochron Laboratories. All dates
are based on a half-life of 5568 years and are 13C corrected for fractionation effects.
Ambrose 35

The charcoal dates are most reliable. Bone collagen dates are preferred over bone
apatite carbonate dates as the latter are subject to error due to contamination by
exchange with groundwater carbonates (Hassan er al, 1977).
N o materials suitable for dating were associated with the Eburran Phase 2
assemblage. My best estimate of its age is between 10,000 and 11,000 years ago (see
discussion, below).
Bone apatite dates from the Eburran Phase 5a levels are not in stratigraphic
agreement. GX-5346 provides the most reliable estimate for the age of this
occurrence (2595 BP), because it is on charcoal.
The Elmenteitan charcoal and bone dates are stratigraphically consistent.
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GX-5344 from Feature 1 is stratigraphically contemporary with GX-4345-A from


Ash 11 (fig. 6). They have an 85 percent overlap in standard deviations and are thus
in statistical agreement. The date from Feature 1 is on a very large sample of
charcoal from one ‘event’ and is thus more reliable. The bone and charcoal dates
from above Ash I11 are virtually identical. The five dates indicate that Elmenteitan
occupation of the shelter began after 2500 BP, and lasted until after 1500 BP.
Dates from the Iron Age levels at Masai Gorge indicate that the transition to the
Iron Age in the Rift Valley occurred between 1500 and 1000 years ago.
Extrapolation of sediment deposition rates in Stratum 5 suggests an age of 1350
years for this boundary.

Table 1
Masai Gorge Rockshe1ter:radiowbon dates (from square E10, S30)

Lab. no. Age bP Depth Stratum 1 6 13C (O/OO) Cat.no. Industry


(cm) GsJj25
GX4309 405k120 6-16 5 -22.4 313 Ironhe
GX4310 1025k130 16-26 5 -22.6 689 Iron Age
GX4312 1545k135 26-36 Ash I1 (4) -21.5 712 Elmenteitan
GX431 1 -C 1560k135 26-36 Ash I1 (4) -13.3 702 Elmenteitan
GX431 1-A O f0 2636 Ash I1 (4) - 5.4 702 Elmenteitan
GX4345-A 2495k150 55-65 Ash I1 (3) - 6.8 298 Elmenteitan
GX5344 2325k145 65-75 (Feature I) -22.7 2336 Elmenteitan
GX5346 2595k135 95- lo0 -23.1 3132 Eburran 5
GX4462-A 2865k150 105-115 3 - 2.4 2377 Eburran 5
GX4471-A 2515f140 115-125 3 - 2.0 2383 Eburran 5
All samples charcoal, except for lab numbers with letter a x e d - A, apatite fraction of bone; C. collagen
fraction of bone.

Shelter structure
Variation in bedrock structure controls shelter roof form and development
through time. The local bedrock is composed of tomendite agglomerates which
here form a coarse lapilli tuff about 10.5 m thick (fig. 4). This agglomerate overlies a
thick ignimbrite lava flow capped by a thin obsidian chill zone. Prismatic columnar
jointing of the ignimbrite has caused vertical erosion of its edge by a drainage that
follows a fault line, and has formed a very high cliff a t the base of the talus slope.
The top two metres of the tuff are strongly welded and are more resistant to erosion
than the underlying portion. This erodes rapidly, undercutting the top, creating
overhangs along the 100 metres of the exposed edge of the formation. As
undercutting enlarges sections of the overhangs, they fracture along widely spaced
36 Masai Gorge

joints and collapse, littering the talus slope and gully with large bedrock blocks. The
configuration of overhang depth and width along this cliff thus changes through
time. Several partially or fully collapsed shelters exist along the edge of this cliff.
Marula Rockshelter (GsJj24) lies further south along this formation where the Moi
North Lake Road enters Masai Gorge proper (fig. 2).
Changes through time in the configuration of features such as hearths, and the
distribution of the strata, suggest two major changes in shelter morphology caused
by collapse of the roof. Strata 1 and 2 occut only on the talus slope outside of the
present shelter (fig. 3). The upper limit of the horizontal distribution of Stratum 2
marks what must have been the rear wall of a larger shelter. After collapse of the
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shelter roof, a portion of which still lies atop Stratum 2 near the base of the talus
slope (fig. 4), these sediments were leached, leaving an unconsolidated loam densely
packed with cobbles of roof debris and artefacts of Phase 2 of the Eburran Industry.
The leaching process continued while the overhang of a new shelter formed,
destroying nearly all faunal remains and removing most charcoal from the deposit.
When occupation resumed under the new overhang, Stratum 2 was protected
from further erosion by Stratum 3. Radiocarbon dates from below Ash I1 (Table 1)
indicate that deposition began prior to 2900 BP, and ceased by 2500 BP. Beginning
around 2,500 BP, with the deposition of Ash I1 (figs. 5-6), the upper portion of
Stratum 3 was deposited. The ash beds of strata 3 and 4 thicken towards the
northern end of the shelter (fig. 6) indicating that activities were focussed to thc
north of the present overhang and that the shelter was somewhat larger than at
present.
The series of small superimposed hearths and ash lenses in Stratum 5, located
directly beneath the centre of the present overhang, indicates a shift in the focus of
activities. Collapse of the shelter probably terminated deposition of Ash I11
(Stratum 4) prior to 1560 BP. Thereafter, occupation by Elmenteitan groups
continued at decreased intensity in the small shelter remnant until the advent of the
Iron Age.

I
METERS

L A P I L L I TUFF

OBSIDIAN

--------------
lGNl MBR IT E

I Fig. 4 (;eological cross-sectiorr and profile of.Llasai Gorge Rockshelter


Ambrose 37

Sedimentary history
There are four discrete inputs to sedimentation within the shelter: (1) cultural
activities, (2) colluvium from above the shelter formation, (3) gravel from the
shelter walls, and (4) aeolian sediments. Of these four inputs the first two have been
isolated by analysis of the proportions of in ritu and derived-context obsidianin the
lithic assemblage within the shelter. The sediments above the shelter formation are
densely covered with weathered Middle and Later Stone Age artefacts. Likewise,
the lithic assemblages from within the shelter contain varying proportions of
weathered, pitted, scratched and battered obsidian artefacts, obviously transported
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with the colluvium into the shelter by slope wash. This weathered, secondary-
context obsidian had to be isolated from the in situ material to ensure that the lithic
analysis reflected only cultural activities which occurred within the shelter.
A test was devised to assess the input of pieces by colluvial transport.
Consistently higher proportions of edge-damaged pieces in the weathered fraction
should imply that colluvial transport and trampling may have been a factor
producing edge-damage patterns. The obsidian debris was sorted into fresh
(unpatinated) and weathered classes. Each was further subdivided into edge-
damaged and unmodified types, and pieces greater than or less than 13 mm in
maximum dimension (Table 2). A regression analysis of the proportions of edge-
damaged debris on the fresh and weathered artefacts in spits 1 to 19 produced a
correlation coefficient of .137, demonstrating that the process producing edge
damage on the fresh obsidian differed from that on weathered obsidian. Note,
however, that the proportions of edge-damaged weathered obsidian are lower in
the Phase 5a Eburran assemblage(spits 3-11) than in either the Elmenteitan horizon
(spits 12-18) or the Eburran Phase 2 horizon (spits 1-2). This may indicate that many
pieces from this horizon identified as weathered, and presumably not in primary
context, were actually deposited in the shelter. Their weathered appearance may
be a function of slower sedimentary deposition rates during this period, which
exposed artefacts to minor damage and patination prior to burial. In other horizons
the distinction between weathered and fresh obsidian was less equivocal; a
reanalysis of the assemblage from spits 3-11 using more appropriate weathering
criteria is needed.
The debris was sorted into two size categories to test the hypothesis that
artefacts brought into the shelter by colluvial transport would be smaller than those
made on the site or carried in by man. The size classes of fresh and weathered debris
were weighed to test this prediction. The mean weight of utilized fresh pieces was
2.09 g and that of weathered pieces was 0.74 g. The mean weight of unutilized fresh
and weathered pieces was 0.64 and 0.37 g. respectively. Owing to transport by
natural agencies, small weathered pieces should be more likely to acquire edge
damage than small fresh pieces. The percentages of edge-damaged small weathered
debris were consistently greater than for utilized small fresh debris (Table 2). Both
predictions were therefore confirmed by this analysis.
The low densities of artefacts in spits 3 to 10 indicate low levels of human
activities during the occupation by the makers of the Eburran 5a Industry. Slow
anthropogenic deposition rates may account for the stratigraphic inconsistencies in
the radiometric dates for this horizon (Table 1) as well as the poor faunal
preservation. In contrast, spits 11 to 16, with high densities of bone, flaked stone
cools, pottery, and two extensive hearth complexes, reflect an abrupt increase in
the intensity of human activity within the shelter. Because of the faster deposition
38 Masai Gorge
rate, the dates from the Elmenteitan levels are stratigraphically more consistent and
bone preservation is much better.
The dates from above Ash I11 are about 780 years younger than those from Ash
11. The two wood-ash beds and the intervening levels with high artefact densities
probably represent instantaneous events on a geological time sca1.e. Therefore the
shelter may have been used rather intensively around 2325 BP, and both ash beds
may have been deposited in rapid succession. If dates on charcoal from Ash 111prove
to be very close in age to those in Ash 11, then one would have to conclude that the
shelter collapsed far earlier than 1560 BP.
Following collapse of the shelter, Elmenteitan artefact and bone refuse densities
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decrease, suggesting reduced levels ofhuman use of the shelter, when small hearths
are found centred under the present shelter roof. Elmenteitan occupation ceases
after spit 18. Spits 19 to 21 are characterized by very low artefact and bone densities,
and small hearths still appear under the present shelter roof. Virtually all of the
obsidian artefacts are weathered, suggesting a predominantly colluvial rather than
cultural input to shelter sedimentation. This represents over a thousand years of
sporadic use of the shelter by people who did not make extensive use of stone tools
at the site.

Flaked stone analysis


This analysis is based on a sample of about 20 percent of the recovered stone
artefacts from two adjacent squares (E9-11, S30-31) within the shelter, and for the
earliest industry a single metre square (E14-15, S30-31) as this industry occurs only
on the talus slope. Inspection of the rest of the assemblage indicates that this sample
is probably broadly representative. The shaped stone tool classification in Table 3
follows the typology of Nelson (1973). After completing the analysis it was found
that this typology does not adequately account for the special features of the
Elmenteitan lithic industry. A reanalysis is presented in Nelson (1980).

Fig. 5 East-west strutigruphic section of excuvutions ut Musui Gorge Rocksheltcr, 9E-15E,31S(see Pg. 3).
Ambrosc 39

Table 2
Dlrtdbution of classes of fresh and weathered obsidlan debris
Spit spit fresh weathered fresh weathered fresh weathered fresh weathered
rhickfiess pieces pieces utilized utilized small %small utflired urilind
(cm) % % % small % small
1 20 1430 65 15.0 44.6 45.6 29.2 20.6 17.2
2 I5 905 10 23.3 40.0 44.9 50.0 20.9 0.0
Subtotal 35 2335 75 18.2 44.0 43.5 32.0 20.7 17.9
3 10 46 21 19.6 28.6 37.0 42.9 11.1 0.0
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4+ 10 147 80 10.2 17.5 45.6 47.5 0.0 0.0


5 10 227 130 7.5 22.3 48.5 53.8 5.9 17.2
6. 10 213 187 10.8 22.5 47.9 69.5 0.0 40.5
7+ 10 201 119 22.4 31.9 42.8 70.6 0.0 55.3
8+ 8 148 144 7.4 23.6 50.0 63.9 22.2 38.2
9' 9 119 56 5.9 17.9 52.1 78.6 28.6 70.0
10 6 181 96 9.4 28.1 44.2 64.6 11.8 40.7
1I + 7 667 213 4.8 14.1 49.2 72.3 9.4 50.0
Subtotal 80 1949 1046 9.0 22.7 47.5 65.3 6.3 38.7
12 4 832 173 15.5 43.9 42.4 64.2 8.5 50.0
13+ 4 614 55 8.6 32.7 54.2 78.2 5.7 61.1
14. 6 651 106 13.5 34.0 45.9 72.6 19.3 63.9
15 5 885 148 10.6 47.3 50.3 79.7 8.5 71.4
16 6 471 21 13.8 47.6 57.7 76.2 9.2 60.0
17 6 179 14 8.9 57.1 65.9 64.3 31.3 87.5
18 5 286 16 15.4 50.0 45.1 62.5 20.5 62.5
Subtotal 36 3918 533 12.5 42.4 19.7 72.0 12.1 61.9
19 10 35 8 11.4 50.0 51.4 100.0 0.0 100.0
20 8 15 14 40.0 78.6 60.0 85.7 50.0 81.8
21 7 32 52 28.1 71.2 84.4 88.5 66.7 83.8
Subtotal 25 82 74 23.2 70.3 65.9 89.2 47.4 84.6
Total 176 8283 1728 13.4 31.3 48.1 67.0 15.1 51.4
This table excludes special categories of waste. eg. burin spalls. microburins etc. The small category
comprises pieca less than 13 mm in maximum dimension.
* Samples taken for use-wear analysis by J. Bower.
10E ID E 10E IOE 10E
13s 325 315 305 29 5
cm I I I
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Table 3
Percentages of shaped stone tools and major classes of stone artefacts from horizons at Masai Gorge Rockshelter
~

Eburran 2 Eburran 5a ffkG Elmenteitan


sum sum sum
spit 1 2 1-2 3-5 6-8 9-10 3-10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17-18 12-18
samde sue 68 39 107 43 41 9 93 26 54 31 40 50 40 40 255
crescent 11.8 5.1 9.3 18.6 4.9 - 10.8 - 3.7 6.5 2.5 8.0 15.0 12.5 7.8
- - - - - - - - I -
triangle 2.0 2.5 2.5 1.2
trapeze - - - 2.3 - - 1.1 - - - 2.5 - 2.5 - 0.8
curved backed 4.4 2.6 3.7 - - 11.1 1.1 15.4 1.9 - 2.5 6.0 - - 2.0
oblique truncation 4.4 2.6 3.7 16.3 9.8 11.1 12.9 3.8 9.3 6.5 - 2.0 - 2.5 3.5
orthogonal truncation - - - 7.0 - - 3.2 - - - - - - 2.5 0.4
misc. truncation 1.5 - 0.9 - - - - - - - - - - -
straight backed 1.5 2.6 1.9 2.3 - - 1.1 - - 3.6 - - - - 0.4
awls, borers 5.9 2.6 4.7 - 4.9 - 2.2 - - - - - 2.5 - 0.4
misc. microliths - - - - - - - - 1.9 - - 2.0 - - 0.8
microlith fragments 19.1 35.9 25.2 7.0 14.6 1.1 10.8 - 3.7 - 5.0 6.0 20.0 5.0 6.7
end scrapers 5.9 - 3.7 2,3 - - 1.1 3.8 1.9 9.7 7.5 2.0 2.5 7.5 4.7
nosed scrapers 8.8 5.1 7.5 - 2.4 - 1.1 11.5 9.3 9.7 12.5 10.0 2.5 - 7.5
convex scrapers - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
side scrapers 2.9 12.8 6.5 9.3 22.0 55.6 19.4 15.4 13.0 29.0 27.5 18.0 2.5 17.5 17.3
notched & concave 4.4 7.7 5.6 2.3 4.9 - 3.2 - 3.7 3.2 - 2.0 - - 1.6
informal scrapers - 5.1 1.9 - 2.4 - 1.1 3.8 1.9 - 2.5 - - 2.5 1.2
scraper fragments 11.8 5.1 9.3 7.0 7.3 11.1 7.5 15.4 29.6 9.7 10.0 18.0 25.0 12.5 18.4
- 2.6 0.9 - - - - - - - - - - - -
perpu
inverse retouch 4.4 2.6 3.7 11.6 12.2 - 10.8 19.2 5.6 16.1 17.5 10.0 5.0 12.5 10.6
outils &ill& 1.5 - 0.9 - 2.4 - 1.1 - 5.6 - 2.5 2.0 2.5 20.0 5.5
burins 10.3 7.7 9.3 9.3 7.3 - 7.5 11.5 9.3 6.5 5.0 12.0 15.0 2.5 8.6
misc. shaped tools 1.5 - 0.9 4.7 4.9 - 4.3 - - - - 2.5 - 2.5 - 0.8
shaped tools 4.14 3.65 3.95 7.98 6.25 2.83 6.15 3.54 5.56 4.81 5.39 4.93 7.08 6.69 5.62 1.06
unshaped tools 1.52 2.81 2.03 3.34 3.51 2.83 3.30 3.67 2.78 2.64 5.12 3.45 4.60 5.18 3.84 7.45
cores 0.73 0.84 0.77 0.19 0.76 0.31 0.46 0.27 0.41 0.47 0.67 0.30 0.35 0.17 0.40 - s
I2
specialized debris 6.63 7.96 7.15 5.94 5.49 4.72 5.49 5.58 5.66 5.43 2.56 4.04 4.60 10.20 5.22 4.26 E?.
utilized waste 13.02 19.76 15.67 10.02 11.74 7.23 10.18 4.08 13.27 5.27 11.32 9.27 11.50 10.03 10.27 20.2 1 n
0
flakes & fragments 73.97 64.98 70.43 12.54 72.26 82.08 74.42 -2.86 72.33 81.40 74.93 78.01 71.86 67.73 74.65 57.02
-
total flaked stone 1644 1068 2712 539 656 318 1513 735 972 645 742 1014 565 598 4563 34
3
Arnbrose 41

The flaked stone artefacts are made almost wholly on obsidian, with one piece
of chert in the Eburran Phase 2 horizon and one each of chert and of lava in the
Eburrart Phase 5 horizon. Most Elmenteitan artefacts were made on a dark green
glass which may have come from several nearby sources on Mount Eburu. The
Eburran levels have higher proportions,of clear grey obsidian indicating greater use
of sources on the western side of Lake Naivasha.
Measurements were made on backed blades and geometric backed microliths
from the entire excavated assemblage (fig. 7, Table 4). No other artefact types were
common enough for a statistically significant sample and thus were not measured.
Comparisons between Eburran, Elmenteitan and Savanna Pastoral Neolithic lithic
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assemblages are presented elsewhere (Ambrose, 1984a; 1984b).


EBURRAN P M 1 5 E 2

.. r ,
LENBTM
A

I .

..
ELMENTLITAN

+
0
T- 1 I ..

++ ++

++

-
+# C
4
..
I
I
Fig. 7 Length and wtdth plots ufall microliths ofE6urran Phase .?(A), &burran Phase 5a(B), and Elmenreitan (C) iithic
industries from Mawi Gorge Rockshelter.
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Industry &ngth width thickness ratios


mean SD min max N mean SD min max N mean SD min mu N W / L T/W T/I
Eburran Phase 2 11.2 4.7 5.5 26.0 33 3.6 0.9 2.3 4.9 ~~
16
~
.30 .32 .I0
Eburran Phase 5a 8.3 3.1 4.5 18.5 29 2.9 0.9 1.5 4.5 27 1 .33 .38 113
Elmenteitan 51.3 11.7 31.6 74.5 17.3 4.4 9.0 24.0 12 5.8 2.2 2.5 9.9 8 1 .34 .34 .12
backed blades
Elmenteitan , 6.3 1.2 4.0 11.8 74 2.6 0.6 1.7 4.4 49 I .40 .41 .I6
geometric microlit

Length and width of individual specimens arc plotted in fig. 7.


SD Standard deviation
N Number
Ambrose 43
Eburrarl Phase 2 (Stratum 2, spits 1-2)
Phase 2 of the Eburran Industry is characterized by the production of large,
narrow blades. Platforms are carefully prepared by fine retouch directed from the
release face of the core onto the platform, resulting in a multi- or micro-facetted
platform. From this basic form were made long, narrow backed blades and
geometric microliths (fig. 7a, Table 4), mainly crescents (fig. 8). These are the most
common tool forms, comprising over half of the shaped stone tools (Table 3).
Scrapers, including end, side, nosed and notched forms, are also common (fig.9, fig.
IOd). Burins are a consistent component of this assemblage and are often multiple,
dihedral or on truncations (fig, IOa, b, e, f ) . Outils e'caille's are very rare, represented
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here by a single fragmentary specimen. Awls and borers are also found. Large blade
cores are common, in keeping with the overall character of the assemblage (fig. 11).
Cores on flakes (sinew-frayers or tabular cores) are rare (fig. 1Oc).
Eburran Phase 5 (Stratum 3, spits 3-10)
As with Phase 2 of the Eburran Industry, Phase 5 is characterized by the
production of proportionately narrow, long blades. Backed blades and geometric
microliths are still the most common tool types (fig. 12) but are on the average 30
percent smaller in length and width than those in Phase 2 (fig. 7b, Table 4). Aside
from these size differences, the only typological and stylistic difference of note is
the emphasis on obliquely truncated rather than on curved backed blades.
Side scrapers are the next most abundant tool types (fq. 13). Compared to Phase
2, side scrapers and flakes with inverse retouch are relatively more common. Burins
are also a significant component of the assemblage. Outils e'caille's are rare,
represented by one specimen. Small borers or awls made on the tips of narrow
blades also occur. Cores (fig. 14) are generally smaller here than those in Phase 2,
except for examples made on the low-quality glass found in the shelter formation.
Large cores were often broken on thermal fractures or seams and were discarded
during the early stages of the reduction sequence.

Elmenteitan (Strata 3-5, spits 12-18)


The Elmenteitan industry differs remarkably from the Eburran in form,
approach to flaking and typology. The technology is based on the production of
very large, broad, thin blades (fig. 15). The core preparation process is completely
different from that in the Eburran. Platforms are carefully shaped by retouch
directed from the core platform to the intended dorsal surface of the blade. This
style of preparation mi?y have been necessary for removal of blades by the punch
technique. Some blades were used whole and have acquired degrees of edge damage
ranging from lightly utilized to heavily retouched. Many pieces have various
combinations of normal and inverse retouch. Some blades were also snapped or
segmented into rectangular blanks by direct percussion on the middle of the dorsal
or ventral surface of a blade placed on an anvil (Nelson, 1980).In this analysis, using
Nelson's (1973) typology, many pieces were classified as side scrapers, scraper
fragments and inversely retouched tools. In the revised Elmenteitan typology
(Nelson, 1980) these are part of the retouched blade and blade-segment categories.
The technique of 'direct percussion segmentation' produces a distinctive bulb of
percussion where one would normally expect to find a flat snapped face. I t also
often produces a distinctive, often wedge-shaped blade segment (fig. 16a-f, h)
called a derived segment. From the larger blade segments were made burins and
outils icaillks, and tabular cores for the production of smaller flakes and blades.
44 Masai Gorge

In contrast with other Later Stone Age industries in East Africa, there is a
bimodal distribution of microlith size in the Elmenteitan (fig. 7c, Table 4).
Geometric microliths are small, proportionately wide and highly standardized (fig.
17a-n). Virtually no microliths were made in the 21-31 mm length range, and all
backed tools above 31 mm are non-geometric forms, such as curved backed blades
and oblique truncations (fig. 17 0,r-t).
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Q b C

I i k
Fig. 8 Shaped stone tools of Phase 2 of the Eburran industry from Masai Gorge Rockshelter, a-g: crescents; h-j: backed blades;
k:. microlith fragment.
Ambrosc 45
Burins come in a wide variety of forms including transverse and burins plans (fig.
18). These types of burins are uncommon in the Eburran Industry. Outils PcaillPs are
also common (fig. 16i; fig. 18d). Scrapers include large side scrapers and end
scrapers on blades (fig.19) and smaller steep, denticulate convex and circular forms
(fig.20). Heavily utilized and retouched blades grade into side scrapers and backed
blades. Since there is a continuous gradation from lightly utilized to intensively
retouched blades, these types are necessarily arbitrary divisions of a continuum.
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a
-
0 1 2 cm
b

d e f
Fig. 9 Shapcdstone tools ofPhasc2 ofthc Ebunan industryfrom Masai Corgc Rockshclter. a, d-e: cndscrappns; c: cndandsidc
scraper; j partial side scraper.
46 Masai Gorge

a b
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-
0 1 2cm
Fig. 10 Shaped stone tools ofphase 2 oJthc Eburran industryfrom rUasai Gorge Rockshelter, a: mwltiplc burin; bd, f: angle
burins; e: burin on truncation, on platform removal flake.
/
Ambrosc 47

a b
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C d

e f

Fig. 1 f Cores ofphase 2 ofthe Ebuwan industryfrom Musai Gorge Rockshelter, a-b: multiple platform; c-e: opposcdplarform;
J r i m plarforms at right angles.
48 Masai Gorge

b C d
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E
I J k I

rill n
M
cm
Fig. 12 Shaped stone tools of Phase 5a of the Eburran industry from .Masai Gorge Rockshelter, a-d, f: crescents; c: triangle; i:
microlirh fragment; j: curved backed blade; k-n: oblique truncations.
Ambrose 49
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a b C

d e

1111 f
cm
Fig. 13 Shapcdstonc tools of Phase k ojthe Ebuwan industryfmm Masai GorgeRockshelter, a: side scraper with inverse retouch;
b, c: nid scrapers; c: end and ride scraper with inverse retouch; d: d a d side scraper; J si& scraper; g: knticulatc side
scraper.
50 Masai Gorge
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e
Fig. 14 Cores ofphase 5a ofrhe Eburrnn industryfrom iMnsoi Gorge Kockshelrer, n: informal; b-c: tabular (cores onflakes); d-e:
multiple plnrforrn.
Ambrose 51
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Fig. 15 C'trshapedstone tools ofthe Elrnenteiton industryfrorn hfasoi Gorge Hockshelter, h e a d y utilized/casuolly retouched
blades.
52 Masai Gorge

C
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d e f

1111
cm

Fig.16 Specialcatcgories oflithic debris andshapedsronc tools ofthe Elmenteitan industryjrom Masui Gorge Rockshelrer, a$
derivrd scgmentr; g: convcx side scraper with partial inverse retouch; h: transverse scraper wirh inuersc rerouch; i: side
scruper with trimmed bulb and distal end (probably a discarded tabular core).
Ambrose 53

a b C e f
4 9
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h I I k I m n

r 1111
cm
Fig. 17 Shapedstonc rods ofrhc Elmenreiran industryfrom Masai Gorge Rockshelter, a-d, h-i, k-n: crcsrents;f-g; triangles; J:
rrapezes; 0-q: sidc scrapers wirh srecp retouch; r, r: curved blades; s:obliquc truncation.
54 Masai Gorge

b
a
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C & e

Fig. 78 Shaped stone tools ofthe Elmenreitan industry Jrom Masai Gorge Rockshelter, 0: double burin on segmented b/ade; 6:
burin plan on scgmmrcd bhdc; c: transuersc burin; d: angle burin; c: transverse burin plan;$ multiple burin plan; g:
quadruple transverse burin plan; h: burin/tobu/ar core on a segmented blade.
Ambrose 55
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b - cm
Fig. 19 Shaped stone fools ofrhe Elmenieitan industry from .Llasai Gorge Rockshelter$ End scrapers on long blades.

Ceramic analysis
Eburran Phase 5
Ten sherds were found in the Eburran 5a levels, comprising three decorated and
two plain rims, one decorated and four plain body sherds. Sherd thickness ranges
from 6.9 to 9.4 mm (mean 7.6 mm, s.d. 1.0 mm). All sherds have a fine-grained
fabric, most with black surfaces and cores. All rims are rounded and slightly
out-turned.
The decorated sherds are either without parallel or of marginal diagnostic value
owing to their small size (fig. 21). One vessel is a small, black, hemispherical bowl
with a motif comprising single and paired incised vertical wavy lines, alternating
with pairs of straight vertical incised lines and vertical columns of parallel lines of
punctations (fig. 21a). The punctations are made with a hollow stylus 2 mm in
diameter, probably a grass stem. A second hemispherical bowl (fig. 21b) is orange-
brown and is decorated with panels of horizontal rows of closely spaced punctations
also made with a 2 mm diameter, hollow stylus. The rows are spaced 5 mm apart.
The third decorated vessel (fig. 21c) is a small black rim sherd with a dull burnish.
Decoration consists of two horizontal rows of closely spaced, deep punctations
made with a triangular stylus. The decorated body sherd (fig. 21d) is black, with a
dull burnish and coil fractures. Decoration comprises widely-spaced oblique lines
of comb stamping; the teeth of the comb are unevenly shaped. The two plain rims
are black, with a dull burnish.
56 Masai Gorge

a b C
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d e

Fig. 20 Shapedstone tools of’the Elmenteitan industry.from Masai Gorge Rockshelter, a: side scraper; b: double sidescraper with
trimmed bulb; c: double side scraper with inverse retouch and retouched snap; d: denticulate inverse retouch; elf: steep
denticulate inverse retouch; e-f steep denticulate scrapers; g: steep double end scraper; h: casually retouched and utilized
pakc.
Ambrose 57
Elmen teitan
A total of 168 body and 5 rim sherds were recovered from the Elmenteitan
levels. All body sherds are undecorated, and most are from very large vessels with
thick walls, straight sides and open mouths. Sherd thickness ranges from 5.4 to 17.0
mm (mean 9.7 mm, s.d. 2.6 mm). Rim forms (fig. 2lf-k) include a square rim with an
everted lip, an obliquely flattened, slightly out-turned lip, two rounded, tapering
rims, and one rounded, thickened out-turned rim. Sherd colours include black,
brown, red-brown, orange and grey; red-brown sherds predominate; core colour is
usually black. Nine sherds are burnished. Grit temper predominates, usually
comprising blue-green lava and obsidian inclusions. These inclusions imply both a
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local source and local manufacture. Drill holes are absent and coil fractures are
found on 15 sherds.
Sutface and miscellaneous sherds
One rim and one body sherd with twisted-cord-roulette decoration (fig. 21e)
came from the top 5 cm of the excavation in Stratum 5 and 6. These closely resemble
modern Okiek pottery (Blackburn, 1974).
T w o plain body sherds, one from Stratum 6 and one from a rodent burrow in the
Elmenteitan levels, have a white, fine grit temper with gold-tinged mica flakes.
These are unlike all other pottery types in the excavation. However this fabric and
temper closely resemble that of pottery sold by Kikuyu potters some 30 km east of
the site in the South Kinangop market today.
Surface finds are all Elmenteitan-like sherds found eroding from the talus slope.
These finds comprise 10 rim, 89 body, and one base sherd. None are decorated and
drill holes are absent. All these sherds are relatively thick, but owing to biases
inherent in surface collections these have not been measured. Sherd exterior colour

-! -4 -4 7 4
47
I ,
9 '
' h '
0
i '

I t 1 51
k'

cm.

Fig.21 Potteryfrom iMasai G'orgc Rockshelter. Decorated rim sherds'(a-c) and decorated body sherd (d) from the Eburran k
horizon; decorated body shnd (c) from the Iron Age horizon; plain rim sherds cf-k) from the Elmentcitan horizon.
58 Masai Gorge
is mainly reddish-brown. rim forms include four rounded rims, three flattened,
slightly everted rims, one flattened rim with a prominently everted, rounded lip,
and two rounded, slightly everted rims.
Site utilization patterns
Intensities of site use at Masai Gorge Rockshelter, as measured by stone artefact
and bone densities and by the size of hearths, change significantly between cultural
horizons. The Eburran Phase 2 levels contain relatively high’artefact densities in a
fine, dark, ashy matrix. Though there has been some concentration of artefacts and
loss of bone due to deflation of the deposit, Stratum 2 probably originally contained
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very high artefact densities. I t seems likely that the shelter was used on a very
regular basis by early Holocene hunter-gatherers.
The Eburran Phase 5a levels by any standards of comparison reflect brief,
sporadic occupation of the shelter. Artefact densities are an order of magnitude
lower here than in deposits above or below this level. Artefacts are more heavily
patinated, probably because of longer exposure on the surface due to slow rates of
sediment deposition. Bones are scarce and weathered, and were leached to the point
where there was insufficient collagen for dating. Hearths and ash layers are small
and uncommon. This suggests rather infrequent use of the shelter by makers of
Phase 5a of the Eburran industry, perhaps as an opportunistic camping place on
extended foraging trips rather than as a central location for activities.
The Elmenteitan levels have very high densities of bone and flaked obsidian, and
two large hearth complexes. The Elmenteitan deposits on the talus slope are thicker
than in the shelter and contain the highest densities of artefacts found in the
excavation. This indicates that the interior of the shelter was kept free of
accumulating cultural debris by the occupants. The pattern as a whole suggests that
the site was used as a home base during this time. After partial collapse of the shelter
roof, human activity decreased to much lower levels. Even this tiny remnant of a
shelter did not discourage occupation.
The Iron Age levels have virtually no bone, stone or pottery, and only very
small lenses of ash vertically separated by thin soil layers. As in the Eburran 5a
levels, this may reflect very sporadic, opportunistic use of the shelter by Dorobo
and/or Maasai peoples.

Discussion
Rift Valley chronology
The age of Stratum 2 at Masai Gorge Rockshelter can be estimated by
comparisons with dated sites with similar assemblages, such as Prospect Farm
(Anthony, 1970) and Nderit Drift Section 13 (Isaac et al, 1972; Bower et al, 1977).
Both sites date to earlier than 10,000 BP (Ambrose et al, 1980). In Leakey’s (1931)
classification they are probably referable to the Lower Kenya Aurignacian, or
Lower Kenya Capsian (Cole; 1963). and have been classified as Eburran Phase 2
(Ambrose, 1984a; Ambrose et al, 1980). Considering the geomorphic history of the
shelter, together with the typological similarities to the Pros ect Farm and Nderit
f
Drift assemblages, the best estimate of the age of the assem lage from Stratum 2
would be between 10,ooO and 11,oOO years ago.
The age of the Eburran Phase 5 assemblage in Stratum 3 (s its 3-10) is consistent
P
with regional evidence for the age of this phase. The earliest o four pottery-bearing
A m brose 59

levels at Naivasha Railway Rockshelter is dated to 200 k 135 bp on bone collagen


and 195 4 125 bp on bone apatite (Onyango-Abuje, 1977). Salasum has two
stratigraphically inverted dates on bone from the Phase 5 levels (Bower and Nelson,
1978), indicating an age of between 2990 and 2680 bp on apatite and 1110 and 1315bp
on collagen. The apatite and collagen ages of these samples are in fundamental
disagreement and must therefore be used cautiously. (See Collett and Robertshaw,
1983.) At Enkapune ya Muto the beginning of Phase 5, marked by the appearance of
pottery of the Salasun Tradition, is dated to 4475 bp (Ambrose, 1984a).
The age of the Elmenteitan Neolithic in spits 12-18 is consistent with charcoal
dates from Keringet Cave (Cohen, 1970), Lion Hill Cave, Remnant (Bower et al,
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1977), Enkapune ya Sauli ,(Ambrose, 1984a), and concordant bone collagen and
apatite dates from Rotian (GuJh4, Ambrose, 1984b). All sites are dated younger
than 2500 years. At Enkapune ya Muto, Elmenteitan occupation begins at 2595 bp
(Ambrose, 1984a). Njoro River Cave, dated to 2920 bp (Barensonetal, 1957), seems
several centuries too old by comparison with the dates on charcoal and bone from
more recently excavated sites, which suggests the Elmenteitan began no earlier
than 2600 years ago.2
The continual presence of human populations in the region through the last
millenium is attested by the dates and stratigraphy of Stratum 5 (contra Bower and
Nelson, 1978). Dates from Deloraine (Ambrose, 1984c) suggest the NeolithicAron
Age transition in the Rift Valley occurred around 1300 years ago. This is supported
by a date of 1295 b for the base of the Iron Age levels a t Enkapune ya Muto
K
(Ambrose, 1984a). T is sequence also suggests that human presence in the Rift has
been continuous for the last 1,300 years.
A series of early Holocene dates on human bones from Eburran occurrences at
Gamble’s Cave and Naivasha Railway Rockshelter, and from the Elmenteitan
occurrence at Bromhead’s site, have been published by Protsch (1976,1978). These
are all in fundamental disagreement with the dating evidence discussed above and
elsewhere (Ambrose, 1984b).
Lithic industry comparisons
Eburran Phase 2
Eburran assemblages are all readily recognizable by the pro ortionately long,
narrow shape of debitage and tools, high frequencies of bac ed tools and the
distinctive method of platform preparation. Phases 2 and 3 of the Eburran are
E
characterized by the lar e mean size of the microliths, usually around 35 mm
%
(Ambrose et d, 1980; Am rose, 1984a). The Masai Gorge assemblage is typical in
this regard. End-scra ers are also characteristically larger. The distin uishing
f: s
feature of Phase 1 of t e Eburran is the very lar e size of backed tools. T e mean
size of microliths from section 25 at Nderit Dri t is 25 percent larger than that of
a
any other lithic assemblage in the Rift Valley. Since Phases 2 and 3 cannot be
distinguished metrically, only a weak typological argument can be made for
differentiating them, namely the rarit of end-scrapers in Phase 2. Functional
1
differences between assemblages of t ese phases may, however, account for
differences in proportions of shaped stone tools. In view of the minor differences
between Phases 2 and 3, it is perhaps better to refer to them collectively as the
‘Large Blade Eburran’ phase.

2 Editorial note. This article was written and accepted for Azania before the shorter one of Merrick and
Monaghan in Azania XIX. pp. 7-1 1, which reaffirms the datin of Njoro River Cave to some 3.000 years
ago. We apologisc to Dr Ambrosc for the delay in printing tfis article.
60 Masai Gorge

Ebunan Phase 5
Phase 5 is defined by the association of pottery and domestic animals with a
Small Blade Eburran lithic assemblage. The shaped tools from Masai Gorge spits 3
to 10 appear closely similar to the U per Kenya Aurignacian Phase C artefacts
P
illustrated by Leakey (1931), particu arly the emphasis on obliquely truncated
backed blades. This is also characteristic of the Phase 5 levels at Enkapune yaMuto
(Ambrose, 1984a).
Mean microlith size is around 25 mm in most assemblages assigned to phases 4
and 5 of the Eburran. This is a 30 percent reduction in size over earlier phases. End-
scra ers are also smaller in the later phases (Ambrose, 1984a). Naivasha Railway
E
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Roc shelter and Salasun have a mean microlith size closer to 20 mm. However, on
open sites such as these, large tools are more likely to fragment throu h trampling
than are small ones. For example, at Marula Rockshelter the microlit assemblage ff
from the exposed talus slope is 19 percent smaller than that from within the shelter.
The metrical differences between contemporary assemblages are thus more
apparent than real.

Elmenteitan
The Elmenteitan lithic industries at Gamble's Cave, Lion Hill Cave (Leakey
1931), Njoro River Cave (Leakey and Leakey, 1950) and Remnant site (Bower et al,
1977; Nelson, 1980) are all closely similar to the assemblage from spits 12 to 18 at
Masai Gorge Rockshelter. In all sites there are many large blades and blade
segments, often heavily utilized, burins plans are common, geometric microliths are
small, wide and very uniform in size, and backed blades form a separate, large size
class instead of the continuum from small to large tools found in other industries
(fig. 7c).
All Elmenteitan sites have high proportions of green obsidian, most likely from
sources on Mount Eburu. One Elmenteitan quarry site (GsJ'50) is marked on fig.2.
In contrast, both Eburran and Savanna Pastoral Neo ithic assemblages uie
proportionately more obsidian from sources on the west side of Lake Naivasha.'
i'
Pottery comparisons
The pottery associated with the Eburran Phase 5 lithic assemblage contrasts
with Elmenteitan pottery in its temper, surface colour, and hi h frequency of
burnishing and decoration. In the latter two features it more c osely resembles
Savanna Pastoral Neolithic pottery. I t cannot yet be compared to other late
P
Eburran assembla es with pottery because there are no correlates in the literature
P
or in museum col ections.
The Elmenteitan pottery from Masai Gorge Rockshelter is notable for its
limited variety and the absence of smaller vessels. It is otherwise indistinguishable
from other Elmenteitan sites in the Central Rift between Elburgon and Narok (e.g.
Njoro River Cave, Bromhead's Site, Lion Hill Cave, Remnant, and unpublished
material from Enkapune ya Sauli (GtJilO), Enkapune ya Muto (GtJi 12), and Rotian
(GuJh4)). The limited range of vessel forms may imply that a specialized range of

3 This observation has been confirmed by recent geochemical research on obsidian source use conducted by
Harry Merrick and Frank Brown, Afrcan Archarolo icalRn/inu2 (1984), pp. 129-152. Their results dnobsidian
artefacts show that in sites in the Lemek area, 110 frn west of the Naivasha Basin, Elmenteitansites contain
mostly glass from the upper Eburu area (e.g. GsJjSO), and Savanna Pastoral Neolithic sites contain mostly
glass from the west side of Lake Naivasha.
Ambrose 61

pottery-using activities occurred here. Though decorated pottery is absent from


the Elmenteitan levels, this should not be considered unusual. Decoration at other
Elmenteitan sites is rare and idiosyncratic. The only repeated motifs are rim milling
and punctations. Other uncommon but replicated features are spouts and lugs.
These features usually occur on smaller vessels; they would thus not be expected in
the Masai Gorge pottery assemblage.
Twisted-cord roulette-decorated pottery in vessel forms like those made by
Okiek potters often occurs together with sand- and mica-tempered pottery,
resembling that made by the Kikuyu, in Lat,er Iron Age contexts on the west side of
Lake Naivasha. A site survey conducted in 1982 produced five sites where these
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types occur together in what is historically Maasai and Dorobo territory. More
complete examples of the Kikuyu-like pottery found on this survey differ from
modern ones in that the necks of the vessels from the Naivasha area have horizontal
ribbing or fluting on the neck. The occurrence of Kikuyu and Dorobo (Okiek)
pottery together may reflect interactions between the Kikuyu and the Maasai
and/or Dorobo during the last few centuries. Trade ofMaasai domestic animals for
Kikuyu grain at contact times is vividly documented by Marris and Somerset (1970),
and pottery may also have been acquired in these exchanges. The Okiek also have a
long history of trade with surrounding tribes (Blackburn, 1974).
Site use and faunal assemblage comparisons, and habitat reconstruction
Masai Gorge Rockshelter, even before its roof collapsed, would probably have
been a small and unattractive focus for settlement, as would most of the shelters in
the region. This is particularly true of Gamble’s Cave, which, in spite of being
merely a slight wave-cut notch a t the base of a crumbling pumice cliff, accumulated
over 9 m of sediments in less than 9000 years. I t is likely that such small shelters will
more accurately reflect the actual significance of a portion of the landscape for a
given adaptation than would a large and well-protected cave whose comforts could
attract people from more distant environments. The long sequence at Gamble’s
Cave closely resembles the pattern of site use seen at Masai Gorge. Other sites with
less complete sequences also conform to this pattern. The close correspondence in
patterns of site use from the early Holocene to the Iron Age a t two sites with similar
ecological and topographic placements, if not mere coincidence, permits
speculation on the relative importance of one place on the landscape to different
cultures with different adaptations in changing environmental contexts
(e.g. Parkington, 1980).

E ~ d Eburran
y
Early Holocene Eburran sites seem to cluster within 70 m of the 2000 m contwr,
and often contain very high densities of stone artefacts and fauna. For example,
Marula Rockshelter has densities of 20,000 to 30,000 artefacts per cubic metre
(Ambrose, 1984a). Open sites, such as Prospect Farm, where fauna is not preserved,
also cluster around this altitude (Ambrose et al, 1980). A similar pattern has been
recognised for Middle Stone Age sites on Mount Eburu (Isaac, 1972)and on the Mau
Escarpment (Bower et all 1977). A second type of site comprises relatively diffuse
scatters of artefacts along the banks of the Malewa, Gil Gil and Nderit Rivers below
2000 m (Leakey, 1931;Bower et all 1977). During the early Holocene, Lake Naivasha
reached an overflow level of2000 m (Washbourn-Kamau, 1975) and Lake Nakuru
reached one of 1940 m (Butzer et al, 1972). These high lake stands only persisted for
short periods relative to the duration of Phases 2-3 of the Eburran industry and thus
62 Masai Gorge

cannot explain the restricted location of early Eburran settlements, particularly in


the Nakuru basin. For example Prospect Farm is located 130 m above the highest
shoreline of Lake Nakuru, and contains a very dense concentration of Eburran
artefacts .
Faunal remains suggest minimal dependence on aquatic resources. Of the
thousands of bone fragments from Gamble’s Cave, only one hippo and one catfish
(Clarias) have been recognised in the preliminary sort of bone from the combined
faunal assemblage of the original excavation and the 1964 witness-section
(identifications by Martin Pickford). Occasional specimens of water mongoose and
cape otter (Leakey, 1931) also indicate nearby aquatic habitats. However, the
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faunal assemblage is completely dominated by smaller, closed-habitat species such


as duiker, bushbuck, oribi and reedbuck (Ambrose, 1984a; identifications by Nina
Mudida). Other species reported by Hopwood (in Leakey, 1931) whose presence
indicate forest habitats include giant forest hog and bushpig. The absence of equids,
alcelaphines and other open grassland forms is striking. Only a few Thomson’s
gazelle teeth and one warthog tooth fragment sug est the presence of this type of
H
habitat in the region. The fauna from the Phase 3 evels in the witness section are
dominated by bushbuck, while the Phase 4 levels have more reedbuck and oribi
(Ambrose, 1984a). This suggests that the habitat around Gamble’s Cave shifted
from closed forest to savanna during the course of the occupation. This was
accompanied by an increase in the intensity of human use of the site (Ambrose,
1984a).
The identifiable teeth from Marula Rockshelter are more evenly divided
between open and closed country forms, hartebeest, wildebeest, zebra and warthog
for instance, against giant forest hog, tree hyrax, rock hyrax, reedbuck, oribi and
red duiker. This array of fauna from contrasting habitats would be difficult to
obtain given the present ecological context of Gamble’s Cave and Marula
Rockshelter. These faunas suggest that at the time of occupation (7195 k 260 bp:
GX-6763-A) the montane forest/savanna or bush ecotone was closer to these sites
than at present. Under the wetter climate prevailing during the early Holocene, the
montane forest ecotone, presently above 2300 m, may have extended to much lower
altitudes. If so, then montane forest would indeed have been located closer to the
Eburran sites. This may have been a preferred zone of occupation because of the
higher productivity and diversity of resources typically found in ecotonal
situations.
There is a hiatus in sedimentation or occupation in all shelters near the Rift
Valley floor prior to the advent of the Neolithic Era. This period is represented by
sterile layers of aeolian sediments a t Lion Hill Cave (Leakey, 1931), lacustrine
sediments at Naivasha Railway Rockshelter (Leakey, 1942), a rubble horizon at
Gamble’s Cave (Leakey, 1931) and Salasun (Bower and Nelson, 1978), and
unconformities at Nderit Drift (Bower et al, 1977), Marula Rockshelter and Masai
Gorge Rockshelter. At Gamble’s Cave a bed of sterile aeolian sediments separate
the Eburran 5a and Elmenteitan levels. Thus no sites at lower elevations show clear
evidence of occupation between 6000 and 3000 BP.
After 5600 BP Lake Naivasha turned saline (Richardson and Richardson, 1972).
Between 4000 and 3000 BP Lakes Nakuru, Elmenteita and Naivasha all dried out for
short time spans (Richardson, 1972). During this dry spell the montane
forestlsavanna ecotone could have shifted to higher altitudes than at present. If the
hypothesized early Holocene ecotonal settlement preference was maintained
through this dry phase, one would expect decreased use of lower altitude sites.
Ambrose 63
Intensive Eburran occupations would only be found above 2300 m. This could
explain the 3000-year gap in archaeological sequences at lower elevations.
The long archaeological sequence at Enkapune ya Muto (GtJil2) at 2400 m
confirms this prediction (Ambrose, 1984a). Following a series of Phase 4 Eburran
occurrences with very low artefact densities, and a fauna dominated by bushbuck,
site-use patterns change dramatically. The highest artefact and bone densities in the
Eburran sequence, along with other significant indications of intensive site-use,
such as grass-bedding .layers, are found beginning some five thousand years ago.
The associated fauna has a mixture of savanna and forest ungulates (faunal
identifications by Charles Kibiy). The same sequence of faunal changes-from
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forest to ecotone-occurs at Gamble’s Cave, but 3000 years earlier. Following this
brief eriod of very intensive site use, ceramics appear in a layer dated to 4475 bp.
E
T e overlying 0.5 m of sediments a t Enkapune ya Muto are dated to between
4475 and 2595 bp. The associated fauna is dominated by open-country wild
ungulates and domestic animals. Artefact and bone densities decrease
monotonically until only wind-blown fine sands and silts remain, directly below the
Elmenteitan horizon. Radiocarbon dates on charcoal from the aeolian layers cluster
around 3200 bp. Similar sediments also occur in this part of the sequences a t
Gamble’s Cave and Lion Hill Cave (Leakey, 1931). The presence of culturally
sterile aeolian sediments below Elmenteitan occurrences in these sequences is
consistent with the lacustrine evidence for a late middle Holocene dry phase.
Exactly where Eburran settlement was focussed during the peak of the dry phase
remains an open question.
Eburran Phase 5
The preferred settlement location for Phase 5 of the Eburran is difficult to assess
on present evidence. At the time when pottery and possibly domestic animals
appear in the Enkapune ya Muto sequence, the preferred location seems to have
been the foredsavanna ecotone, but there is still at least a 1000-year gap in the Rift
Valley cultural succession. Phase 5 occurrences from Gamble’s Cave and Masai
Gorge are sparse, suggesting that the grassland/bush ecotone was not a preferred
settlement location.
Too few details are known about the later Eburran occupations fromNaivasha
Railway Rockshelter to assess site-use patterns in open savanna contexts. Artefact
densities in the occurrences with pottery a t this site (Nelson, 1973) and Salasun
(Bower and Nelson, 1978) are significantly lower than in the preceramic levels,
suggesting a pattern of site-use changes’similar to those insequences on the Rift
margins, however. The Neolithic Village at Hyrax Hill closely resembles Savanna
Pastoral Neolithic sites with regard to habitat preference and site structure. This
was probably a semi-permanent village site in an open savanna grassland habitat.
The fauna from this site needs to be analysed in order to determine the degree to
which the occupants of this site relied on domestic animals. The placement of
Salasun, Naivasha Railway Rockshelter and Hyrax Hill in open savanna, and the
use of Savanna Pastoral Neolithic pottery types, may indicate the adoption of a
pastoral lifestyle by indigenous Eburran hunter-gatherers, rather than the total
assimilation of indigenous populations by immigrant pastoral populations.

Elmenteitan
Elmenteitan habitation sites enerally occur a t altitudes above 1940 m in bush,
1
forest fringe, montane forest an montane moorland contexts in the Mount Eburu
and Mau Escarpment areas (Ambrose, 1980). As at Masai Gorge, high densities of
64 Masai Gorge

artefacts and fauna were found at Gamble’s Cave (Leakey, 1931) and at Enkapune
ya Muto, providing remarkable contrasts with the sparse finds in the underlying
Eburran 5 layers. There is minimal overlap with the distribution of contemporary
Highland Savanna Pastoral Neolithic habitation sites. The nearly mutually
exclusive distribution of these Neolithic Era cultures suggests that the
bush/savanna ecotone coincided with a prehistoric boundary between prehistoric
ethnic groups.
The overall distribution of Elmenteitan occupation sites seems incompatible
with a purely pastoral mode of subsistence as most sites are located in areas where
agriculture is possible. With the exception of charred gourd fragments from Njoro
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River Cave (Leakey and Leakey, 1950), direct evidence of agriculture is lacking,
and thus remains an open question. However there seems to be a pattern in the
diversity of site types in the Elmenteitan suggesting an internally differentiated
settlement system and economy. Several very large open sites have been recorded at
higher altitudes on the Mau Escarpment (Ambrose, 1980). The role in the regional
economy played by small shelter settlements at the bush/savanna ecotone such as
Masai Gorge and Gamble’s Cave is uncertain. Working on the evidence at hand,
that of the dominance of the fauna from Masai Gorge by caprines over cattle, this
environment may have been used as a low elevation seasonal pasture for small stock
by pastoralists from high elevation settlements during the wet season (April-June).
However many other ethnographically documented patterns of adaptations to
altitudinally differentiated habitats in western Kenya by peoples with mixed
economies could equally well account for Elmenteitan regional patterns (Ambrose,
1984b).
iron Age
The Iron Age levels at Masai Gorge are potentially the product ofboth Dorobo
and Maasai activities. This renders interpretation problematic, as historically this
type of habitat has been marginal to the adaptations ofboth hunters and pastoralists.
Judging by the paucity of archaeological remains dating to theilast millennium in
the sediments at Gamble’s Cave and Masai Gorge, the pattern of use of open
grasslands by Maasai pastoralists, and of bush and forest by Okiek (Dorobo), may
have considerable antiquity.

Conclusions
The diversity and duration of the archaeological sequence and its sensitive
ecological location have made Masai Gorge Rockshelter instrumental ixi fulfilling
or clarifyin several objectives of the original comparative study of the University
f
of Massac usetts expedition including: (1) dating and documenting the
LSAINeolithic and (2) the Neolithic/Iron Age transitions in highland Kenya, (3)
detecting the material manifestations of cultural. diversity and ethnic group
boundaries within the Neolithic Era, (4) assessing the relative importance of
hunter-gatherer, pastoral and agricultural adaptations to the diverse local
environments of the central Rift Valley during the Neolithic Era, (5) determining
patterns of trade and raw material source use and (6) settlement patterns. It has also
been possible to infer the past positions of floral zones from the habitat preferences
of fauna in dated Eburran occurrences.
The comparative discussions presented above integrate discoveries made over
the past two decades with those made by Louis and Mary Leakey between 1927 and
1940. Many early observations that were subsequently questioned or discounted
Ambrose 65

have been confirmed by excavations at new sites. Most significantly, the diversity
of Neolithic Era cultures has been confirmed. Radiometric dating has however
considerably shortened the original cultural sequence, demonstrating the
contemporaneity of three distinct Neolithic cultures with different economies,
land-use patterns and material cultures: Eburran Phase 5, Elmenteitan and
Highland Savanna Pastoral Neolithic. A close fit of the archaeological record with
linguistic/cultural geographic reconstructions of the proto-history of highland
Kenya has resulted (Ambrose, 1982,1984b). Though now in accordance with these
independent lines of evidence, this reconstruction is incompatible with the
evolutionary succession of cultures originally proposed by Leakey (1931). This is
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also incompatible with the historical reconstruction proposed by Sutton (1966,


1973) which was based on the assumption of cultural uniformity during the
Neolithic Era. Apparent uniformity of culture was achieved by reducing some of
the Neolithic cultures and variants previously recognised to typological concepts,
as in the case of the Elmenteitan, or by discarding them altogether, as in the case of
the Gumban A (a part of the Savanna Pastoral Neolithic). The illusion of cultural
homogeneity has subsequently been reinforced by referring to selected sites of these
three cultures which contained stone bowls to the ‘Stone Bowl Cultures’ (Cole,
1963; Cohen, 1970) and by classifying all LSA sites with pottery in the highlands of
Kenya in the ‘Pastoral Neolithic’ (Bower et al, 1977). Use of such general terms
simply masks the complexities of the situation and leads to irrelevant conclusions.
By the same token, unqualified use of the term ‘Pastoral Iron.Age’ should be
avoided because of the demonstrated diversity of Iron Age culture (Ambrose,
1984~).
The comparative analysis presented above shows that some enduring and
frequently repeated ‘facts’ about Rift Valley cultures are now open to question. For
example characterizing the early Kenya Capsian way of life as one of fisherfolk and
potters (Sutton, 1974; Phillipson, 1977, p. 49) has received scant confirmation from
new excavations, or from reanalysis of extant assemblages and a witness section in
Gamble’s Cave. The Elmenteitan Neolithic, far from merely consisting of long,
two-edged blades, is a discrete cultural entity with a unique and repeated
association of well-defined pottery, lithic and burial traditions and a discrete
geographic distribution (see Ambrose, 1984b).
Most questions of the regional culture-historic succession are now closer to
resolution or can be more precisely and usefully formulated for investigation. As
detailed data from a wider variety of sites are acquired, we can begin to move
beyond the basic and necessary description and classification of the first stages of
research towards problems of reconstructing prehistoric economies, adaptations,
responses to environmental change, and social and territorial organizations through
time.

Acknowledgements
My sincerest thanks are due to Charles Nelson, who provided me with the opportunity to work in
Kenya and to supervise the excavation, and for his patient guidance during analysis. W e thank the
managers ofMarula Estate, Jim Stevens and Barry Agnew, for their permission to set u camps, and
P
survey and excavate on their property. I am grateful for the careful excavation and ield notes of
Paula Gogan, Marie Heller, Laurel Phillipson, Dave Buitron and Nick Rolland, and the careful
laboratory processing of artefacts by Robert Wanyama. I would also like to thank A1 Waibel for
guidance in geolo ical matters, Andrew Agnew for providing floral identifications, and Barbara
B
Green, Diane Gif ord-Gonzalez, Richard Klein, Charles Kibiy, Nina Mudida and Martin Pickford
for providing faunal identifications, Andrea Shapiro for section and plan drawings, Eric Irene
Cavanaugh for stone artefact illustrations, the late John Ochieng’ for pottery illustrations, and
66 Masai Gorge

Nicoline Grinager for assistance with the lithic analysis. Diane Gifford-Gonzalez, Glynn Isaac,
Harry Merrick, Desmond Clark and Peter Robertshaw have all made useful comments helping to
improve the final form of this paper.

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