J Consum Policy (2011) 34:175–196

DOI 10.1007/s10603-010-9150-5

ORIGINAL PAPER

Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption?

An Explorative Survey of Consumption Habits
and Orientations in Southern Brazil

Martina Schäfer & Melanie Jaeger-Erben &

Aguinaldo dos Santos

Received: 29 January 2010 / Accepted: 30 November 2010 /

Published online: 11 January 2011
# Springer Science+Business Media, LLC. 2011

Abstract In current political and scientific debates on sustainable consumption, the low-
and middle-income classes of emerging countries are gaining attention. One common
feature of such debates is the idea that these emerging consumer classes could be motivated
to “leapfrog” directly to environmentally and socially aware consumption patterns and,
thereby, avoid adopting the resource-intensive consumption styles of populations in
industrialized countries. To be able to adapt sustainable product development or sustainable
communication strategies to the needs of low- and medium-income classes, it is necessary
to know more about the basic consumption orientations, current consumption habits, and
future consumption aspirations of these societal groups. In order to contribute towards
filling that knowledge gap, an exploratory survey was conducted, taking the example of
emerging low- and middle-income classes in a Southern Brazilian city. The survey
identified five different consumer types: the Home-Centered Traditionals, the Indifferent,
the Up-to-date Privileged, the Wanna-be Materialists, and the Quality of Life-Oriented
Postmaterialists. The paper outlines some ideas concerning how these types can be
addressed with target-group-specific products and services as well as differentiated
sustainability communication strategies. We conclude, however, that “leapfrogging” of
Brazilian low- and middle-income classes towards sustainable consumption is not a very
likely option. There are certain consumption orientations that sustainability strategies can
link to, but these trends are not likely to compensate the general tendencies towards a
resource-intensive lifestyle following the model of the industrialized countries.

Keywords Sustainable consumption . Lifestyle segmentation . Consumption styles . Low-

income groups

M. Schäfer (*) : M. Jaeger-Erben

Center for Technology and Society, Technische Universität Berlin, Sekr. ER 2-2, Hardenbergstr. 4-5,
10623 Berlin, Germany
e-mail: schaefer@ztg.tu-berlin.de

A. dos Santos
Sustainable Design Research Center, Universidade Federal do Paraná, Rua General Carneiro 460, CEP
80060-150 Curitiba, Brazil
176 M. Schäfer et al.

Introduction

Sustainable consumption and production has been on the international agenda since
Agenda 21 identified unsustainable patterns of production and consumption as the
major cause of the continued deterioration of the global environment. In 2003, the
United Nations-led “Marrakech-process” initiated the 10-Year Framework of Pro-
grammes (10YFP), which supports worldwide efforts in this field by governments,
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and industry (UNDESA 2007a). Besides the
recognition that industrialized countries have an explicit responsibility to transform their
resource-intensive lifestyles, recently the “new middle classes” of emerging countries
such as China, India, and Brazil have been gaining attention. Lange and Meier (2009a, b)
state that, by adapting to “Western lifestyles,” the new middle classes of these countries
are increasingly being seen as undermining efforts that have been made so far in the
highly industrialized countries. They comment that this criticism is rather ironic, since the
lifestyles that are being criticized—owning a private car, high household energy use, and
eating large amounts of meat—are nothing other than those which have been considered
in industrialized countries as general wealth standards for decades (ibid.). Parallel to the
debate about the responsibility of the “new middle classes” towards sustainable
development and climate protection, marketing experts have started to focus on low-
income classes as being the “main power of the next global phase of economic
prosperity” (Kirchgeorg and Win 2006; Prahalad 2005).
It is expected that during the next 10 years, about 800 million consumers of the
so-called BRIC countries (Brazil, India, Russia, and China) will enter the formal
market (da Rocha and Ferreira da Silva 2008). Myers and Kent (2002, p. 4963) propose
that the environmental impacts of consumption “are becoming all the more important now
that the 850 million long-established consumers in rich countries have recently been
joined by almost 1.1 billion new consumers in 17 developing and three transition
countries.”
Despite differences in moral impetus linked to addressing these emergent consumer
classes, there is a rather broad political and scientific consensus that, for example, the
ambitious reduction goals for carbon dioxide emissions which have been formulated by the
International Panel on Climate Change can only be achieved in a joint effort of
industrialized, emerging, and developing countries (Tukker 2005; WBCSD 2008). The
strategy of addressing emergent consumer classes with sustainability issues is linked to
expectations that they would, in a process of “leapfrogging,” directly adopt sustainable
consumption patterns, instead of imitating the resource-intensive lifestyles of industrialized
countries (Sawyer 2002; Tukker 2005).
To be able to address the needs of the emergent low- and medium-income classes, it
should be recognized that they are not a homogeneous group, but they differ in
behaviour, values, preferences, household types, and other aspects of their living
conditions (Lange and Meier 2009a, b). In many emerging countries, there are still little
data available on the consumption habits and aspirations of different segments within
these classes. Hence, for the development of a strategy of “leapfrogging” to sustainable
consumption, it is necessary to gain more knowledge about different consumer types and
develop target-group-specific products, services, and communication measures (Belz and
Peattie 2009; Charter 2002).
This paper presents the results of an explorative survey in this field, carried out in
Curitiba, a medium-sized city in Southern Brazil. Almost 300 inhabitants were interviewed
concerning their household equipment, consumption orientations, and habits as well as
Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? 177

future consumption aspirations. These data were the basis for identifying consumption
styles and developing preliminary strategic ideas on how these segments can be addressed
regarding issues of sustainable consumption. Even though this lifestyle segmentation
focuses on a specific urban context in Southern Brazil and cannot be generalized to the
whole Brazilian population, it can be seen as an attempt to increase knowledge of
consumption orientations and habits of urban populations in emerging countries. Besides
this, it aims to initiate a debate about target-group-specific sustainable consumption
strategies in Brazil.

Theoretical and Empirical Background

This section first introduces current understanding in the social sciences on the role of
consumption in modern societies and some research on consumer segmentation in
sociology and marketing. It then discusses characteristics of sustainable consumption in
general and, more specifically, what is known about sustainability-relevant consumption
patterns in Brazil.

Consumption in Modern Societies

In modern societies, goods and services are not only consumed to satisfy substantial needs
(housing, alimentation, clothing, etc.) but also serve as a means of expressing the societal
group to which one does or does not belong (Bourdieu 1984). The symbolic value of
consumption and its function for social distinction as well as self expression are important
to consider in the process of transformation towards sustainable consumption (Lange 2005;
Reusswig 1994; Rink 2002; Schulze 1992).
Since the 1980s, there has been a sociological debate about the main drivers for
social differentiation. Characteristics of social position, like education and income, or
variables like sex and age, which had previously been used for segmentation were no
longer seen to be able to explain the pluralization of lifestyles in modern societies
(Brand 2000). Therefore lifestyle research has additionally been considering variables
such as values, attitudes, and socio-cultural patterns to identify segments with similar
preferences (Berger and Hradil 1990; Konietzka 1997; Reusswig 1994). There is no
common definition of lifestyles in the scientific literature (Enneking and Franz 2005;
Lange 2005). Reusswig (1994) defines lifestyles as relatively stable socio-cultural
behavioural practices which—to a certain extent—can be chosen individually, in contrast
to socio-economic resources which depend to a greater extent on familial background and
cultural traditions. Based on a comparison of the dimensions commonly used for the
description of lifestyles, he identifies three main categories: social position (education,
income, and profession), mentality (values, attitudes, goals), and performance (consump-
tion habits, equipment, every day practices) (Reusswig 2002).

Consumption Styles and Consumer Segmentation

Besides its analytical function in sociology, lifestyle research has frequently been used
as a basis for developing differentiated marketing strategies for specific consumer
segments. In saturated markets, consumer segmentation is one of the main marketing
tools enabling supply of similarly functional products with “extra” benefits and
symbolic values directed at certain consumer segments (Kotler 1992; Kotler and
178 M. Schäfer et al.

Armstrong 2004; McCarthy 1960; Richers and Lima 1991). As of yet, however, no
common variable set or methodology has emerged that has gained a broad consensus in
market research or sociology (Reusswig 2005).
Four examples of tools which have been widely used in Europe and/or the USA are the
SINUS milieus (Sinus Lebensweltforschung 1992; SINUS 2009), the Value and Lifestyle
(VALS) typology (Mitchell 1983; SBI 2009), the List of Values (LOV) (Kahle 1983; Kahle
and Chiagouris 1997), and the Roper Consumer Styles (GfK 2007). VALS segmentation
uses resources (material and psychological) and primary motivation (ideals, achievement
and self-expression) as the main categories for its segmentation, without taking behavioural
patterns into account. The LOV also concentrates on values like self-respect, security, self-
fulfillment, and sense of belonging but has proven to achieve higher predictive values in
comparison with VALS segmentation when it comes to consumer behaviour (Kahle et al.
1986). Differentiation in SINUS milieus is based on variables concerning social position,
mentality, and performance. The Roper Consumer Styles also covers actual behaviour such
as purchasing decisions, food, and media consumption as well as leisure activities and is
mainly designed for marketing purposes.
While other lifestyle segmentations concentrate only on one country (e.g., Schulze 1992;
Spellerberg 1996), the above-named approaches have been applied in industrialized as
well as emerging countries. Besides typologies that define general types which can then
be specified for certain fields of consumption, there are also segmentations
concentrating only on one field of consumption, like the internationally applied Food-
Related Lifestyles (Grunert et al. 1997, 2001) or the Mobility Styles (Götz 2007; Götz et
al. 2003).

Consumption Research and Consumer Segmentation in Brazil

As mentioned above, there is a growing interest in consumers of emerging countries not

only caused by concerns about the ecological impact of increasing consumption but also
because of marketing considerations. In the case of Brazil, this interest is mainly based on
the fact that lower–middle classes—through market processes and social policies—are
being more and more included in the market, resulting in an enormous potential for
consumption (Sawyer 2002). Two important socio-demographic changes in Brazilian
society can be related to this development: A growing number of economically active
“middle- and high-aged” consumers (Berquó 2001) and a decrease in the average
household size, from 5.0 to 3.8. between 1960 and 2000 (Gois 2002), either due to a
decline in fertility and mortality and/or a higher rate of single parents and the tendency of
the elderly to live separate from their children.
Despite these trends, research on consumer segmentation is still very rare in Brazil. No
scientific survey could be found that representatively describes lifestyle or consumer
segments for the whole Brazilian population. Moreover, Veiga Neto (2005) states that the
few existing surveys aiming at segmentation focus on socioeconomic aspects which—in his
opinion—do not sufficiently differentiate Brazilian consumers. Other surveys are restricted
to specific product categories. The VALS typology, for example, has been used for studies
on internet use and the preference for private-label products (Lopes et al. 2008; Veiga Neto
2005).
Other research focuses on specific consumer groups and some relevant orientations.
Concerning preferences in low-income groups, a survey in Southern Brazil reports that
the most important goods were the house itself, furniture, electric household equipment,
and other electronic equipment. This survey clearly shows the symbolic dimension of
Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? 179

consumption. The house was considered most important and was seen as an indicator
for not belonging to the very poor, while furniture is part of the housing equipment that
defines the level of comfort. Newly bought furniture is a symbol of social rise or “a
better life.” Electronic equipment symbolizes prosperity and modernity, integrating its
owners into the world of consumers. Personal computers and equipment for video
games were the most desired electronics. Electronic household equipment is linked to
the symbolic space of women, with basic equipment like a refrigerator and oven being
seen as indispensable and a washing machine being furthermore seen as a symbol of
social distinction (Castilhos 2007).
Apart from the significance of certain goods for social distinction, Mariano (2007)
points out that the culture of sharing products and services is a very important
characteristic in low-income groups. According to this study, sharing is more than a
custom; it is an attitude that is oriented towards relationships with parents and close
friends. Products are lent and borrowed among each other, not necessarily out of
solidarity, but for reciprocity. Barros (2007) observed in her study about cleaning
personnel that they have established a social network of family members and neighbours
in which goods, presents, favours, etc., circulate, creating a universe of reciprocal
obligations.
With the above-mentioned examples in mind, the present investigation can be seen as a
first step towards bridging a gap concerning culture-sensitive consumer segmentation in
emerging countries, while also contributing towards an increase in knowledge about
sustainability-relevant orientations.

Sustainable Consumption: General Tendencies and the Case of Brazil

Regarding the transformation process towards sustainable consumption, most political,

and scientific publications agree that a transformation of especially housing, nutrition,
and mobility patterns should be encouraged and addressed (e.g., Kaenzig and Jolliet
2007; Spangenberg and Lorek 2002; Tukker 2005; WWF-UK 2006). Aspects of “greener
production” and “corporate social responsibility” have been gaining relevance in industry
during the last decades (Charter 2002). In many areas, such as nutrition, housing,
furniture, clothing, cosmetics, and electronic household devices, it is already possible to
find product alternatives following sustainability standards (WBCSD 2008). In the energy
sector, supply based on renewable energy has increased substantially during the last
decades in the industrialized countries (BMU 2009). However, at the same time, mega
trends like urban sprawl, a growing need for mobility due to globalization and
flexibilization, higher demands concerning living space (e.g., caused by a greater
percentage of single households, etc.) seem to negatively compensate for the positive
effects of consuming “sustainable” goods (Bilharz 2006; WWF-UK 2006). One
explanation for these trends is the “rebound effect” which is well known from studies
in industrial ecology. It means that, for example, the higher energy efficiency of
electronic household devices has been compensated for, partially or fully, or even
overcompensated, by an increase of households possessing these goods (Holm and
Englund 2009; Jänicke et al. 1989).
Therefore, parallel to a change in infrastructure and supply, it seems to be
important to directly address consumers with sustainability issues in order to motivate
sustainable consumption choices and a less resource-intensive lifestyle. Current
research shows that there is no “sustainable consumer” who is taking social and
ecological aspects into account in all fields of consumption. Most individuals practice
180 M. Schäfer et al.

“patchwork behaviour:” considering sustainability or environmental aspects in some

life areas and neglecting them in others (Brand 2000; Reusswig 1994). There have been
some attempts to use the lifestyle approach to sort out underlying orientations and ways
of living that differ in their susceptibility and behaviour concerning sustainability-
relevant fields like saving energy (Prose and Wortmann 1991; Reusswig 2005), nutrition
(Reusswig 2005; Stieß and Hayn 2005), mobility (Götz 2007), and ecological housing
(Niedergesäß and Winkler 2000).
The survey introduced in this paper draws upon an analysis of consumption styles in
the context of sustainable development in Germany (Schultz et al. 2000). This survey
served as a point of reference concerning the broad categories used for segmentation and
comparison between consumption related lifestyles in industrialized and emerging
countries.

Sustainable Consumption and Production in Brazil

So far, there has been little research on sustainable consumption in Brazil, and a
segmentation of consumers concerning orientations and behavioural patterns which are
relevant for sustainability has not been carried out yet. Compared to the objectives of
sustainable development, in Brazil, we can find some not only promising but also
alarming developments that correspond to some of the observations concerning
industrialized countries mentioned above. For example, energy consumption and
greenhouse gas emission per capita have risen continuously over the last two decades:
still remaining, however, on a significantly lower level than in industrialized countries
(IEA 2009; Schaeffer et al. 2005).
Since many of the companies that have started to launch “green” or “sustainable”
products” are acting on a global level, sustainable product alternatives can also be found in
Brazil. National companies are also increasingly adopting international standards, such as
ISO 14,000, in order to be able to compete globally (ISO Central Secretariat 2008). An
obligatory classification of electronic household appliances regarding their energy
efficiency was introduced in 2002 (UNDESA 2007b). A range of organic products can
be found in almost every supermarket, and there are labels for regional products or those
which are produced in cooperatives. Comparable to developed countries, Brazil has
witnessed a movement in favour of healthy lifestyles, involving rejection of pesticides and
genetically modified organisms in food, greater physical exercise, and concern with fitness
(Sawyer 2001).
On the other hand, there are some trends contradicting sustainable development
requirements. The consumption of space, for example, previously concentrated in the
largest cities, now involves extensive horizontal expansion of urban peripheries (sprawl)
and the multiplication of medium and small urban centers (Ojima and Hogan 2009). The
upper and upper–middle classes are also building second homes, for weekends or vacations,
along beaches and in the mountains (Sawyer 2002). In the area of energy, per capita
consumption increased significantly during the last decades. By now Brazil is the 10th
largest energy consumer in the world and the third largest in the Western Hemisphere,
behind the USA and Canada (IBGE 2006). The annual growth of the national fleet of
vehicles is 4%, more than double than the annual growth of population, with the current
level being 133 private cars/1,000 inhabitants (Brasil tem um carro para cada 7,5 habitantes
2008), with a fast growing upwards tendency. Investments in public transportation, on the
other hand, have been modest in the past decade (Toledo 2002). Regarding nutrition, the
consumption of proteins increased in the last decade, while carbohydrate consumption
Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? 181

decreased. By 2008, total red meat and poultry meat consumption had risen to 89 kg per
person, 31 kg above the 1993 level (USDA 2009).
Summing up, there is still little known about consumption habits in different segments of
Brazilian society and especially about orientations in favour of sustainable consumption.
The data available suggests that the low- and medium-income groups are oriented towards
“Western Lifestyle” models and the example of the high-income groups. In order to develop
policies for motivating and increasing sustainable consumption on an individual level, it is
crucial to get an impression about starting points for sustainability issues within the
different consumption styles. There is a need for more basic research that enables
identification of potential target groups in emerging countries. Thus, besides practical and
policy-oriented objectives within the frame of sustainable development, the study presented
here also has a theoretical interest in identifying consumption styles in the special case of an
emerging country like Brazil.

Design of the Study

Location of the Survey

There are 3.2 million people residing in the Metropolitan Region of Curitiba, the center
containing 1.8 million inhabitants (IBGE 2008). Curitiba is the capital of the Southern State
of Parana. The city’s 30-year economic growth rate and the per capita income are higher
than the Brazilian average. Curitiba has a low rate of illiteracy, and its education system is
considerably better than that of other Brazilian capitals (ibid.). Since it has grown
significantly during the past years, there has been much building activity and urban sprawl
(Ojima and Hogan 2009). The possibilities for sustainable consumption, however, are
manifold. Due to progressive urban planning, high investments have been made in public
transport, providing a relatively fast and effective public transport system. That is why the
per capita use of gasoline is significantly lower than that of comparable Brazilian cities,
although the per capita car ownership rate is comparably high (607 automobiles/1,000
inhabitants in 2008) (Magalhaes and Duran 2009). Curitiba provides a wide range of
shopping facilities and a diversified assortment of products. Organic products can be found
in the municipal market hall as well as in all of the bigger supermarkets and a number of
specialized stores.
The questionnaire survey was carried out in August and September 2009 by students
who received prior training. The students were instructed to conduct the survey in their
respective neighbourhoods and social networks, with participants differing in profes-
sional background and income. The participants were approached at their homes and in
their daily life contexts. Due to the character of the survey (low-budget, carried out by
students over a rather short period of time) validation and random selection was not
possible.
Since some layers of the low-income classes have low literacy levels, the questions were
posed orally, and answers were written down by the interviewers. Completion of the
questionnaire took approximately 30 min.

Sample

Table 1 gives an overview of the socioeconomic characteristics of the sample, which

consisted of 296 persons.
182 M. Schäfer et al.

Table 1 Sociodemographic characteristics of the sample

Sex Female=60% Male=40% Education

Children With children=41% Without=49% Basic education (incomplete/complete) 19%
Household size Medium education 28%
Single households 12% Incomplete superior education 27%
2-person households 19% Superior education 17%
3-person households 30% Post-graduation 8%
>3-person households 29%
Household income/month Profession
<$550 18% Basic competences (e.g. cleaner, doorman): 21%
$550–$900 23% Technical competences (e.g. nurse, mechanic) 25%
$900–$2,200 39% Advanced competences (e.g. banker, engineer) 17%
$2,200–$3,300 8% Freelancers (architect, artist, journalist) 10%
>$3,300 9% Entrepreneurs 5%
No profession (housewife, student) 20%

The low-income group (less than $900/month) and the middle income group (between
$900 and $2,200/month) are of similar size, at around 40% of the interviewed, while 17%
of the interviewed belong to the high income group (>$2,200). The average total
household income was around $1,300, that is, an income of $420 per household member
on average.
The sample contains a broad range of income groups, people with different educational
levels and professions. Compared with the composition of the population of Curitiba, the
sample contained more women and a higher percentage of students. The results obtained
can therefore only give a first impression about consumption habits in Curitiba and the
relation between existing consumption types.

Questionnaire

Our questionnaire was intended to obtain a first impression about consumption

orientations and behaviour of the urban population in an emerging country. The aim
was not only to connect the survey to existing surveys and typologies but also to
explore the specific situation in a new case. Therefore, the questionnaire was developed
on the basis of respective literature in the field of sustainable consumption studies and
consumer segmentation, complemented by further aspects. The following consumption-
relevant orientations, behaviours, and characteristics were retrieved from the literature:
convenience, status, quality, technical, leisure, health, ecological, and social orientation,
socio-economic data, household equipment, current consumption habits as well as
attitudes concerning current consumption and future consumption aspirations (main
sources: Reusswig 2002; Schultz et al. 2000; SINUS 2009). In order to consider country-
and culture-specific aspects, five interviews with experts in the fields of sustainable
consumption and design in Brazil were conducted and further categories were inferred
from those dialogs, such as attitudes towards sharing (of products and devices), do-it-
yourself, upgradeable and reparable products, and second-hand usage, as well as social
aspects like mutual aid.
Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? 183

For the measurement of attitudes, a five-point Likert scale—from “agree completely” to

“disagree completely”—was used. The frequency of behavioural patterns was measured
using a five-point scale ranging from “every day” through “several times...a week/a month/
a year” to “never.” Adjustments regarding comprehensibility and adequacy of items were
made on the basis of a pretest with 10 interviews.

Data Treatment

The questionnaire consisted of 70 items which were related to the household equipment,
frequency of consumption activities, related attitudes and preferences as well as aspirations
concerning future consumption. In order to be able to do a cluster analysis to group the
respondents into different consumer types, steps had to be taken to reduce the number of
variables.
First, a preliminary descriptive and explorative data screening was conducted in which
items were excluded from further analysis if at least one of two criteria applied: (1) a high
number of missing responses or (2) low discriminatory power (i.e., almost everybody
agreed or disagreed with the item). Second, in order to condense the data, exploratory factor
analyses (EFA; principal component analysis with Varimax rotation, using standard Kaiser
Criterion) were conducted with the remaining items.
Because of the substantive differences between attitudes and behaviour items and
because an EFA showed that there are no substantial cross loadings between attitudinal and
behavioural factors, these items were analyzed separately in two EFAs.
The analysis of items related to consumption behaviour revealed three factors (see
Table 2 below) that were named as follows:
1. Environmental and health behaviour
2. Leisure activities
3. Purchase of media:

Table 2 Rotated component matrix for the principal component analysis (Varimax rotation and standard
Kaiser criterion) of items concerning the frequency of behaviour

Components Cronbach’s alpha for the factor

1 2 3

1 Frequency eating wholegrain products 0.782

Frequency eating fruit + vegetables 0.720
Frequency buying organic products 0.374 0.587
Frequency buying ecological goods 0.540 0.64
2 Frequency going to cinema 0.792
Frequency eating outside 0.683
Frequency going to theater/show 0.683
Frequency ordering food 0.673 0.76
Frequency buying books 0.500 0.419
3 Frequency buying CD 0.775
Frequency buying computer game 0.767
Frequency borrowing/buying DVD 0.368 0.628 0.6
184 M. Schäfer et al.

Table 3 Rotated component matrices for the principal component analysis (Varimax rotation and standard
Kaiser criteria) of items concerning attitudes and preferences

Components Cronbach’s
Alpha
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1 Preference good quality clothes 0.701

Desire good quality clothes 0.698
Pay more for healthy food 0.591
Readiness to pay more for 0.564
quality
No preference for cheap 0.561 0.320 0.71
furniture
2 No possibility for savings 0.812
Shortness of money by 0.772
unforeseen expenditures
Shortness of money for food 0.305 0.528 0.67
3 Looking for energy efficiency 0.757
Turn off light when leaving 0.666
Preference refill products 0.567
Preference of bike over car 0.538 0.316 0.65
4 Desire supporting others 0.790
Preference joint use of products 0.748
Readiness for joint use of 0.701 0.69
products
5 No time because of work 0.684
Lack of time for cooking 0.683
Difficulty balancing family 0.568
and work
Lack of time for information 0.500 0.395 0.60
6 Preference going out for dinner 0.776
No preference of homemade 0.671
food
Desire eating outside 0.657 0.57
7 Interest in technology 0.790
Importance information 0.745
on electronics
Desire mobile and computer 0.515
8 Importance toys and clothes 0.765
for acceptance at school
Importance brand clothes 0.370 0.668
Preference of unique/ 0.425 0.509 0.55
customized products

Loadings under 0.3 were suppressed since they can be assessed as not reflecting the factor. Explained
variance=56%; KMO test=0.694
Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? 185

Cronbach’s alpha for all three factors was calculated taking items that load more on this
factor than on any other factor. It was above 0.6 in each case, which was assessed as acceptable.
The factor analysis of attitudinal items revealed eight factors (compare Table 3)
1. Quality orientation
2. Financial resources
3. Energy awareness
4. Sharing orientation
5. Time resources1
6. Eating-out orientation
7. Technology orientation
8. Status orientation
Except for the factor “time resources” (see footnote 1), Cronbach’s alpha again was
calculated with items loading most on one factor. It ranged between 0.55 and 0.71 for the
different factors which has been assessed as just acceptable.
The WARD method was chosen for the cluster analysis because of its efficiency in
building same-sized clusters with high internal homogeneity of clusters (Backhaus et al.
2008). The agglomeration schedule showed a “jump” in the coefficients between a four-
and five-cluster solution. A five-cluster solution was seen as most appropriate, because: (1)
the sample size of the clusters was more equal in a five-cluster solution and (2) the profile
of the clusters on the different factors was more discriminative.
When comparing the means of the 11 factors in each cluster, we found that the means of
two of the behavioural factors (leisure activities, purchase of media) did not vary as much
as the other factors between the clusters, neither in the five- nor the four-cluster solution.
Further, an ANOVA revealed that the means differ significantly between clusters for all
factors except the two mentioned behavioural factors.2
Therefore, a second cluster analysis was carried out without these two factors. Again, a
five-cluster solution was assessed as best fitting. The clusters were then described and
profiled with regard to other items from the questionnaire and socio-demographic
characteristics to achieve a richer description of the clusters.
Before introducing the identified clusters, the following section first describes some
characteristics of the sample with regard to general aspects of household equipment and
consumption.

Empirical Results

First we provide an overview of the distribution of household equipment in the sample as

well as current consumption habits and orientations which are relevant for sustainable
consumption. Afterwards, the identified consumption styles will be introduced.

1
The item “lack of time for information about ecological products” has a comparably low loading on this
factor. But it was assessed as relevant to the factor as regards content. An additional EFA with only these four
items revealed only one factor with all items loading above .58. A comparison of the Cronbach’s alpha
values revealed that it is lower when this item is not included: .57 compared to .6. Thus, it was seen as
justified to include this item in the factor.
2
Due to length concerns, the detailed results of the ANOVAs and the cluster analyses are not reported. They
can be acquired from the authors on request.
186 M. Schäfer et al.

Distribution of Household Equipment

The questionnaire asked about the household equipment regarding electronic devices for
household, communication, and entertainment purposes. The results were correlated with
household income. This was done to get an impression whether the households differ in
their equipment according to socioeconomic variables. Further, it gives a first impression
about the energy consumption in households.
The majority of households in the sample turned out to be very well equipped: Besides
basic household devices like oven, refrigerator, and washing machine, over 85% of the
households possessed radio, television, DVD and CD player, and mobile phones. Also low-
income households (<900 $/month) showed this equipment level with, for example, only
13% having no washing-machine and only 10% having no mobile phone. Owned by 60–
85% of the sample are more “advanced” household devices like a microwave and a
hairdryer as well as a personal computer. High energy consumers such as a freezer, air
conditioner, and heater are found in less than 60% of the sample.
The main difference between the income groups is whether they possess new or second-
hand equipment. The low-income groups significantly more often use second-hand
appliances; for example, around one third uses a second-hand oven or refrigerator, one
fourth a second-hand washing machine or TV. Furthermore, low-income groups
significantly more often share products than medium- or high-income groups: 30% in the
low-income segment compared to 23% in the middle-income and 4% in the high-income
segments. The household appliance which is shared most is the washing machine.
Furthermore, differences in access to the Internet can be observed: Half of the low-
income group has no access to the Internet, a significantly higher percentage than in the
medium- and high-income groups. It is also the group with the lowest percentage (one
third) having broadband connection.
Summing up, there is already a rather broad range of “standard” household and
electronic devices in Southern Brazilian households independent of socioeconomic status.

Sustainability-Relevant Consumption Habits and Orientations

Before presenting a rather aggregated picture of sustainability-relevant consumption

orientations within the framework of consumption related lifestyle clusters, some of the
most interesting results concerning single questionnaire items will be presented in advance
in order to better characterize the total sample in terms of nutritional habits and
environmental attitudes.
As mentioned above, sustainable nutrition is one of the most important topics in the field
of sustainable consumption (Tukker 2005). Different authors agree that two main
characteristics of sustainable and healthy eating habits are low meat consumption and high
percentage of organic products (Carlsson-Kanyama 1998; Carlsson-Kanyama et al. 2003;
Pretty et al. 2005).
The empirical results from Curitiba show that the consumption of organic products is
already rather widespread: only 40% state that they never buy this type of product. The
high rate of meat consumption (98% indicate that they eat meat every day or several times a
week), however, cannot be seen as evidence for a healthy and sustainable diet. There is also
a tendency towards convenience products and food-related services, although the majority
(68%) agrees with the statement that they prefer homemade food.
To investigate environmentally-relevant attitudes and behaviour, a variety of commonly
used items was chosen that had also been indicated as being important in the Brazilian
Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? 187

context by the interviewed experts. The highest amounts of agreement can be found in low-
cost environmental behaviour like turning off lights, washing dishes without running water
and preferring refill products (complete or partial agreement to these items of more than
60% of the interviewed). But also activities with higher behavioural, cognitive, or financial
costs, such as looking for energy-efficient household devices or choosing ecological
products, were agreed to by a relatively high number of the interviewed (more than half of
the participants agreed totally or partly). Seemingly contradictory to these observations,
however, the results concerning daily mobility show a strong tendency towards preferring a
private car, even though other mobility options are available: 84% of the interviewed agree
totally or partly with the item about purchasing a car if they could afford it and only 28%
prefer to go by bike. The responses to several items indicate that there is a widespread
desire to do more traveling in the future. Also, all items concerning aspirations for a bigger
house or flat or a refurbishment of existing living space were agreed with by a majority of
those interviewed.

Consumption Styles

Based on a cluster analysis with nine factors, five consumption styles with different
orientations and habits were identified. Figure 1 gives an overview of the five consumer
groups and how they are characterized by the factors. Table 4 contains some socioeconomic
characteristics and other items that correlate significantly to each cluster.

Fig. 1 The five consumption styles (in order to make differences more visible, values have been upscaled to
a range of 0–100)
Table 4 Characteristics of consumption styles in Curitiba
The Home-Centered
Traditionals
(28 percent of the sample)
The Wanna-be-Materialists
(22 percent of the sample)
The Indifferent
(21 percent of the sample)
The Up-to-date Privileged
(20 percent of the sample)
The Quality of Life-oriented
Postmaterialists
(9 percent of the sample)
Socio-economic characteristics
• Highest percentage of women (77 %)
• High percentage of middle-aged persons
• High percentage of couples and families
• Mixed income, educational levels and professions
• High percentage of persons without work
• 53 % of persons younger than 30
• Half earn less than $900/month
• 20 % with incomplete basic education
• 57 % with basic or technical professions
• Highest percentage of separated (16 %)
• 53 % men (higher than average)
• Half without children, 17 percent live alone
• Highest average of number of children
• Mostly low and medium incomes, lowest average
income
• Mixed education, highest percentage of basic and
medium professions (65 %)
• 51 % are men (higher than average)
• More than half are younger than 30 years
• Highest average income: 18 % of persons with high
income > $3400/month
• Very high percentage of persons with superior
education (29 %), one third still at university
• 19 % of single households, 75 % no children
• Divided into a group of people older than 50 (33 %)
and in a group younger than thirty (30 %)
• Technical and superior formation
• Mostly low and medium income, 37 % still in
education
• High number of children in the household
• More than 40 percent live in households with 5 or 6
persons
Household Equipment
• Live in rather big apartments/ houses • A relatively high percentage is engaged in a
• Highest percentage of people who don`t
have a personal computer, mobile phone • Preference for a garden and for buying
or access to internet
• 45 % live in small apartments/ houses
• 13 % have no washing machine and
30 % have a second-hand one
• Group with highest percentage of
people with a second-hand mobile (18 %) engaged (21 %), little desire to participate in a
and an analogue internet connection
(16 %)
• Big apartments, highest area/ person
• 81 % have a new computer and 90 % a
new mobile
• 74 % have broad band internet, one
third has a video recorder
• Relatively little space/ person
• 27 % with second-hand computer and
high percentage of second-hand
washing machine
• 39 % without internet
188
Additional characteristics
social organisation (43 %)
products from cooperatives
• Are not content with their old electronics
• Agree significantly more about desiring a
bigger house
• 30 % are socially engaged, little interest in
politics
• Lowest percentage of people who are socially
group in the future
• Agree less about investing in children’s
education, low interest in politics
• Little interest in garden, travelling, regional
and upgradable products
• Like to go out with friends
• Do sports for their health
• Inform themselves significantly more via
Internet
• One third is socially engaged
• Agree little to helping others in house
refurbishment
• Prefer do-it-yourself products and helping
others in refurbishment of their houses
• 48 % are engaged in a group, political interest
• Prefer regional and upgradable products
• Don’t mind second-hand furniture and sharing
products
• Desire a bigger house, prefer a garden
• Like to go out and travel
M. Schäfer et al.
Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? 189

As Table 4 shows, three groups of comparable size (approximately on the fifth of the
sample each) were identified: the Indifferent, the Wanna-be Materialists, and the Up-to-date
Privileged. Two other groups are comparably large (the Home-Centered Traditionals) or
small (the Quality of Life-Oriented Postmaterialists).
The largest as well as the smallest clusters most clearly show sustainability-related habits
and orientations. The Home-Centered Traditionals, dominated by women, are socially
engaged and interested in house- and garden-related issues as well as in energy-saving and
health issues. In this group there is little interest in technology or status products.
The relatively small group of Quality of Life-Oriented Postmaterialists is the only one that
clearly considers health and environmental aspects regarding nutrition and is also interested in
energy saving. This group also exhibits many facets of a social orientation: expressed by
being active in social groups, helping others, and sharing products. They are open towards
do-it-yourself, second-hand, upgradable, and regional products—characteristics that are
important for sustainable product design. In contrast to the group of Home-Centered
Traditionals, a segment of the Postmaterialists is also interested in new technologies and
going out with friends. At first glance, these results appear contradictory, since this is also the
group with the highest percentage of people without an internet connection. The contradiction
can be clarified by looking at the contrasting socio-demographic characteristics: part of the
group is represented by students, who are still in the process of formation, while another part
is made up of the over 50s. These data also explain why this group is partly affected by low-
income (but is nevertheless sustainability oriented) and low-time resources.
The most different from the group of Quality of Life-Oriented Postmaterialists is the
group called the Indifferent. This group does not indicate any clear preferences regarding
consumption habits or attitudes and is mostly characterized by not being interested in
politics and social engagement, energy and quality issues, the education of their children,
etc. The group consists of a comparatively higher percentage of men, contains households
with low and medium incomes as well as those with an education, and is dominated by
basic and technical professions. The group of the Wanna-be Materialists partly exhibits
similar characteristics to the Indifferent concerning income, education, and profession, but
shows a stronger orientation towards consumption and status products. It contains a rather
high percentage of young people and is more clearly characterized by low financial and
time resources. Interest in social engagement and politics is also rather low.
Regarding income, education, and professions, the Up-to-date Privileged group is very
different in comparison to the previous two groups, exhibiting all characteristics of a group
with high resources. This group is characterized by a comparatively high percentage of men
and a high percentage of singles or households without children. Concerning consumption
habits, the group is very interested in the newest technology trends, be it computers or
mobiles. Being up-to-date also entails sports activities and going out with friends. The
group shows little social orientation, e.g., being engaged in organizations or helping friends,
and no clear interest in ecological issues.
The next section discusses preliminary ideas concerning how these different consump-
tion styles can be addressed via strategies of product and communication design.

Target-Group-Specific Sustainable Consumption Strategies

The empirical data and the characterization of different consumption styles can be used by
different actors—such as designers, entrepreneurs, providers of municipal public services,
marketing specialists, as well as activists in NGOs—to more profoundly discuss strategies for a
190 M. Schäfer et al.

target-group-specific design of products and services as well as adequate marketing or

communication strategies. In this section, we outline some preliminary ideas concerning these
possibilities. To get a clearer idea of the specific preferences of these segments, it would be
necessary to carry out additional research including focus groups or qualitative interviews.
The consumption styles described differ in terms of possible starting points for
sustainable consumption strategies. The Quality of Life-Oriented Postmaterialists are very
open to sustainability, social, and ecological issues. In contrast to the other groups, they are
interested in considering background information and the political implications of
sustainable consumption. Members of this group can play an important role as multipliers
for sustainable consumption issues and as vanguard actors for innovative products and
services. However, it needs to be kept in mind that they do not necessarily have high
incomes and often have very limited time resources. This group should be very open to a
broader supply service with second-hand, upgradable, and do-it-yourself products as well as
neighbourhood- or community-organized options for sharing products. Offerings of
ecologically produced and healthy food outside the home (e.g., in a university canteen),
improvements in public transport, as well as a better infrastructure for cyclists should be
very attractive for this group. Sustainable consumption can be presented as a progressive
lifestyle which is closely linked to a high quality of life.
The Home-Centered Traditionals can be encouragingly addressed with social issues and
topics concerning their homes and gardens. Since they are open to sharing products, even
groups with higher incomes could become interested in a high quality service for the
collective use of certain machines and equipment: for example, for refurbishment of the
house or garden care. They are also open to nutritional and energy-saving issues and
products with additional value along these lines. Communications addressing this type of
consumer should rather stress the personal benefit of sustainable consumption patterns and
frame ecological and social arguments as an additional benefit. Energy saving, for example,
can be linked to the issue of saving money in the household. Organic or regional products
should be promoted by stressing their health aspects, and the consideration of ecological
aspects in the refurbishment or decoration of the home could be motivated by using quality
and health arguments.
For a broader diffusion of sustainable consumption patterns, however, it is very
important to address the Up-to-date Privileged group. This group represents the (future)
Brazilian elite, with high human and financial resources and holding influential positions.
Members can be best addressed through innovative technological products which convey
the status of being up-to-date and, at the same time, integrate sustainable design
characteristics as part of their high quality. Examples are ecologically optimized personal
computers, mobiles, TVs and other electronics, as well as low- or zero-emission cars. They
could also be susceptible to innovative housing concepts, such as low-energy houses or
solar panels to produce renewable energy. To be accepted in this group, sustainable
products of this type need to be presented as being the most modern option, avoiding moral
appeals. Issues such as buying organic products or cycling to work could be linked to the
desire to maintain individual fitness and health. In the long run, however, it will be
important to raise this group’s awareness concerning the sustainability challenges of the
coming decades and to stress its responsibility in this process.
The Wanna-be-Materialists and the Indifferent can hardly be addressed with sustain-
ability issues in a direct way. Both groups have rather low human and financial resources; at
the moment, their consumption levels are comparatively low. Primarily, the Wanna-be-
Materialists exhibit a clear aspiration to obtain better access to consumption goods. Both
groups could be tempted with products or services which allow a higher standard of living
Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? 191

with relatively low financial resources. One option would be a better supply of second-hand
products linked to a repair and upgrading service. In this way, these groups can get access
to modern electronics and electronic household appliances they cannot otherwise afford.
However, the Indifferent group is not open to sharing products. The two groups are strongly
oriented towards the lifestyles of the high-income class and will adapt sustainable
consumption patterns if they are visible and communicated as being attractive by the mass
media. As a short-term strategy, the Indifferent and the Wanna-be-Materialists are the ones
who could unintentionally contribute to sustainable consumption if more enterprises offer
everyday products (cleaning devices, food, clothes, furniture, etc.), with sustainable product
qualities.
Table 5 summarizes the strategies which could be used to address these different
consumption styles.
This overview makes clear that very different actors need to take up elements of providing
sustainable products and services as well as adequate information if a clear shift towards
sustainable consumption is aimed at. Taken together, enterprises, city administration, public
transport associations, and housing services are able to contribute towards providing sustainable
options just as well as the mass media and facilities of further education.

Table 5 Sustainability strategies for different consumption styles

Relevant orientations Information Products Services

Interest
The Home- • Sharing orientation • Social impli- • Eco-Gardening • High quality
Centred • Saving orientation cations of pro- • Do-it-yourself service for
Traditionals • Energy awareness duction • Electronic house- sharing facilities
• Energy effi- hold devices
ciency • Ecological
Housing
• Regional
products
The Indifferent • Low financial • Cost-efficient
resources public transport
The Wanna-be- • Status orientation • Electronic • High-quality
Materialists • Low financial and devices service for
time resources • Clothes sharing facilities
• Cost-efficient
public transport
The Up-to-Date- • Technology • Sustainable • Innovative elec- • Upgradable high-
Privileged orientation innovative and tronic devices and quality products
• Status orientation high-quality products • Repair service for
• Fitness orientation products • Lifestyle products high-quality
• (Energy • Sustainable / eco- products
efficiency) efficient house
investments
The Quality of • Environmental and • Background • Trendy Bikes • Infrastructure
Life-oriented health behaviour information • Second-hand facilitating going
Postmaterialists • Energy awareness • Political products by bike
• Sharing orientation information • Regional • Healthy and
• Quality orientation • Social and products organic food in
• Technology ecological • Organic products restaurants and
orientation implications of • Lifestyle products canteens
• Low financial and production • Ecological • Neighbourhood/
time resources Housing community ser-
vice for sharing
products
192 M. Schäfer et al.

Discussion and Conclusions

The results of the survey will first be reflected upon with regard to methodological
implications for further research in this field and then concentrate on actions to be taken
towards implementing strategies of sustainable consumption in Brazil.

Methodological Implications for Research on Consumption Styles

The survey identified consumption styles specific to an urban context in Southern Brazil
that cannot be explained merely by differences in social stratification, such as levels of
income, education, and profession or variables like age and sex. It was revealed that, for
example, more traditional home-centered people as well as persons with a technology
orientation can be found in all income, educational, and age groups. Sustainability
orientations are more often expressed in groups with a higher education, but are not linked
to a certain income or age group. It could be confirmed that lifestyle and consumption
research, that differentiates groups according to their behavioural patterns as well as values,
attitudes and personal aspirations, is also relevant for emerging countries. In fact, the
identified consumption styles exhibit similarities to those of industrialized countries.
Compared with target groups identified by Schultz et al. (2000) in Germany, groups like the
Privileged, Traditionals and People who can’t cope could also be found in our case, even if
some aspects might differ. Other groups, like the Fully organized eco-families and the
Everyday life creatives, being subgroups of the ‘Environmentally oriented’ in the German
sample, could not be found in the present study. Another similarity to surveys in
industrialized countries is that only a rather small segment of people has explicit
environmental and social orientations, comprising for example between 7 and 11% of
“Postmaterialists” in the population during the last decade in European countries (SINUS
2009). But it should be noted that Southern Brazil is considered to be the country’s most
prosperous and “advanced” region in the sense that infrastructure and lifestyles are very
similar to European or US standards. It can be expected that in a similar analysis with a
representative sample of the entire Brazilian population, the percentages of the clusters
would be quite different and a further differentiation would be necessary. Especially clusters
with rural backgrounds have not been part of the current analysis, which focused on an
urban environment. To be able to draw further conclusions concerning sustainability
strategies on a national level, this type of research needs to be repeated in other regions.
Prior to that, however, it is important to further develop the questionnaire and the identified
factors in a continuing exploratory and validation phase.

Strategies for Sustainable Consumption in Brazil

As our study has demonstrated, the current household equipment and consumption habits in
an urban area in Southern Brazil show similarities with the “Western Lifestyle” model,
which includes comfortable housing, a high supply of electronics and household devices, as
well as being personally mobile, with a private car and traveling as a part of modern leisure
activities. Due to financial restrictions, there is a larger part of the population which—thus
far—has not been able to realize these aspirations to their full extent. Despite a small group
with a tendency towards postmaterial values, the existing orientations and future aspirations
of the majority of the low- and medium-income groups give no hint that “leapfrogging” to
sustainable consumption is a very likely option. In the different consumption styles there
are health-, quality-, saving-, sharing-, ecological- and social-orientations that sustainability
Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? 193

strategies and sustainability marketing can link to (as described for example by Belz and
Peattie 2009), but these orientations are not likely to compensate for general tendencies
towards a resource-intensive lifestyle. Especially in the fields of housing and mobility, the
current trends do not seem to be in accord with the vision of sustainable development.
Therefore, a shift in city planning (e.g., preference for public transport and nearby supply
facilities) and a radical adjustment of modern architecture and construction (e.g., zero-
energy houses, reusable construction materials) are urgently needed.
In contrast to housing and mobility, eating habits are much more influenced by cultural
preferences and socialization. The observed tendencies towards a growing health
orientation in some of the consumption styles are promising for changes of nutritional
patterns if actors such as public canteens in kindergarten, schools, universities, and
enterprises take up these notions accompanied by intensified information campaigns by
physicians, schools, and the mass media.
Besides adopting general framework conditions to facilitate sustainable consumption
in the society as a whole, the survey suggests that it makes sense to address different
segments of the population with differentiated products, services, and communication
measures. Considering the urgency for transformation, strategies of targeting different
segments could be combined. Considering their function as role models, a priority
should be set in motivating a change of consumption styles of the elites. While the
small segment of Postmaterialists can serve as a vanguard, the Up-to-date-Privileged
have to be motivated by creating an image of sustainable products and services as
being something “special for special people” closely linked to high quality and status.
This strategy could be applied to promote eco-efficient housing and cars as well as
sustainable investment facilities and high quality eco-tourism. On the other hand, it
seems very important to invest in the development of sustainable products and services
for those segments which do not show any interest in sustainability yet (the Indifferent
and Wanna-be-Materialists). If ecological and social considerations are integrated into
the standards of affordable every day products like clothes, cleaning devices, furniture,
household, and electronic devices, it is guaranteed that a considerable part of the
population benefits from this strategy.
The points raised make clear that—parallel to developments in the highly industrialized
countries—in emerging countries a more radical shift towards sustainable consumption
patterns seems possible only if framework conditions (e.g., prices, incentives), infrastruc-
ture (public transport, city planning), product supply, and educational strategies are very
consistently directed towards this target in an integrated effort by government, industry,
municipalities, and educational bodies. The necessity for coordinated strategies of actors in
“the triangle of change”—policy makers, businesses, and consumers—is also emphasized
by the Sustainable Consumption Research Exchange Network (SCORE) (Sustainable
consumption and production: Framework for action 2008). First steps towards the
development of integrated policies for sustainable consumption are visible in the attempts
of some city councils, like Curitiba, which have begun discussions about “Sustainable
urban development” with a broad alliance of actors, including businesses, universities, and
NGOs.
The greatest challenge—in Brazil as well as in the highly industrialized countries—is to
design an attractive vision of sustainable lifestyles able to confront the ideal of a resource-
intensive lifestyle, which has been –and unfortunately is still being—conveyed by the mass
media and advertisement. The lifestyle of the leading elites in emerging as well as
industrialized countries will play a crucial role in determining whether a sustainable vision
has a chance to spread.
194 M. Schäfer et al.

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