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Journal of World Prehistory, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1989

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The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes

Mark S. Aldenderfer 1

A lthough the Archaic Period of the south-central Andes is not well-known

beyond Latin America, there is much of interest in it to archaeologists working
with foraging populations. Like the North American A rchaic and European
Mesolithic, the Archaic in the region is characterized by ethnic differentiation,
changes in the scale and frequency of residential mobility, resource intensification
and specialization, and population growth. The origin and evolutionary trajectory
of these trends are discussed within the context of the development of ecological
complementarity, a strategy of land use that exploits the vertically stratified
distribution of resources in the Andean environment.

KEY WORDS: Archaic Period; Preceramic; South America; ecological complementa rity;
camelid domestication; transhumance.

INTRODUCTION
i·t. ;,: ,.;,.
Significant advances have been made in our understanding of the Archaic
Period (10,000-3500 B.P.) of the south-central Andes since the explorations
of Max Uhle in the early twentieth century. While most of these have been
accomplished duri~g the past two decades by Chilean, Peruvian, Bolivian,
and Argentinian archaeologists, Europeans and North Americans have also
made important contributions. Despite this long history of research, how-
ever, relatively little is known of the causes and contexts of observed cultural
change thoughout the Archaic Period. Most archaeologists in the south-
central Andes emphasize cultural-historical reconstructions, and furthermore,
much research has been exploratory in intent. Research strategies have been
consistent with the desire to reconstruct cultural history, and professional
journals of the region emphasize publication of site reports, descriptions of

'Department of Anthropology, Northwestern Un iversity, Evanston, Illinois 60208.

11 7

118 Aldenderfer
0 I
artifacts, and presentation of radiocarbon assays. Relatively few interpre-
tative essays have been published, and most are limited to relatively small
drainages or basins within the region . Regional or synthetic research is
generally focused on comparison of projectile point styles and trait lists to
other areas within and beyond the south-central Andes and tends to be
diffusionist in tone. These strategies are very similar to those associated with
the Classificatory-Historical period of North American archaeology (Willey
and Sabloff, 1980), and they seem "dated" to contemporary archaeologists
in much of North America.
Thus, descriptions of the Archaic Period have adopted one of three
perspectives: (I) Archaic societies were "transitional" or "experimental"
societies that eventually adopted various forms of sedentary life (Willey,
1971 , p. 50; Nunez, 1983, p. 172); (2) a generalized system of seasonal inter-
regional exchange and resource exploitation "persisted virtually unchanged
for over 7000 years" (Kolata, 1983, p. 273); and (3) significant cultural
change did not occur until the introduction of various cultigens from the
north and east (Munoz, 1982, 1986; Munoz and Chacama, 1982; Dauelsberg,
1986). These positions can be subsumed under two approaches: (1) evolution-
ist, with slow, directed change toward emergent complexity; and (2) dif-
fusionist, with sources of change lying beyond the south-central Andes. In
this view, the region essentially "reacted" to innovation or movements of
population from external sources (Mujica, 1985).
In one sense, both approaches are valid; compared to some parts of the
world that underwent the broad-spectrum revolution in subsistence strategy
in postglacial times (Flannery, 1986), the pace of change in the south-central
Andes appears to be slow. But why is it slow? And while certain cultigens such
as maize, carnote, rnandioca, and cotton, among others, did in fact "diffuse"
into the region from the north and east, we know little about the reasons that
lay behind their acceptance. Furthermore, the possibility of indigenous
domestication of tubers and camelids has never been examined in detail
(Lynch, 1983a). In short, there have been few attempts to explain processes
of cultural change.
A potentially powerful approach which can be used to examine processes
of cultural change during the Archaic is to consider the origins and evolution
of ecological complementarity. As originally conceived by Murra (1972),
complementarity is a form of land use characterized by direct, central control
of vertically stratified resource-producing zones ("vertical archipelagos") .
Puna-based societies reliant upon tuber production and pastoralism would
attempt to control sierra valley production of maize and cotton through
state-supported mechanisms of centralized redistribution. Early debate
centered around the mode of control: establishment of colonies, conquest, or
state-controlled exchange. Ind ependent interzonal trade and exchange were
"
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 119
deemed unimportant. From an ecological perspective, the system operated to
buffer risk for puna polities by increasing their access to a wide variety of
resources.
Since its publication, other forms of Andean complementarity have been
recognized, and attempts have been made to generalize their salient charac-
teristics across a number of environmental and social parameters (Salomon,
1985). Two dimensions of variability are important: (I) decentralized or
reciprocity-based systems versus centralized, redistributive systems; and
(2) systems based on direct access to resources versus those based on indirect
access, primarily different modes of trade, exchange, and barter. This
dimension also includes the number of external contacts a group must
maintain in order to obtain access to desired resources (Salomon, 1985,
pp. 513-516). Seasonal residential mobility (direct access by foragers to
multiple resource zones without an exchange medium) could be considered
to be a very simple form of ecological complementarity (Lynch, 1971,
1981; Mujica, 1985). A modification of direct access through unhindered
mobility is buffering (Spielmann, 1986), in which periodic resource shortages
faced by a group are countered by movement of that group, with permission,
into the territory of another group. More complex forms of reciprocity-
based complementarity that increase the number of external contacts
include the formation of exchange relationships between groups in different
resource zones, such as mutualism (Spielmann, 1986), a strategy based
upon the regular exchange of subsistence resources between groups able
to produce surpluses, home-base or bound ary reciprocity, and down-
the-line trading (Renfrew, 1975, pp. 41-43; Shimada, 1985, p. 382; Salomon,
1985).
The challenge facing archaeologists in the south-central Andes is (I) to
identify when and where multiple-resource zone utilization by a single group
appears, (2) to determine which forms of complementarity exist, and (3) to
explain the causal forces that lay behind the stability or transformation of
different forms of complementarity. Thus, if "seasonal interregional exchange
and resource exploitation" can be considered a form of ecological comple-
mentarity, why does it appear to remain unchanged for almost 7000 years?
Is it characteristic of the entire region, or is it best restricted to a more limited
spatial and temporal context?
The archaeological problem is to identify the material correlates of these
anthropological processes, and to do so, the following specific questions must
be answered.
(1) When does social or ethnic differentiation begin in the region, and
where are these distinct social entities located? Aside from unhindered settle-
ment mobility, all forms of complementarity require the existence of distinct
social entities for their operation.
 The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 121
120 Aldenderfer

70° 65°
(2) How do settlement patterns change through time, and how do these I
I
changes correspond to changing economic patterns, population size, and / '
population density? What is the scale of residential mobility, and how does
it change through time?
/
"
PERU ~ ~
(3) What resources can be "intensified" in the region, and what is / '-..

the form of intensification? Where and when does surplus production of 1I

/ ,, eAREOUIP; "-
resources appear, and is this process related to resource specialization and I -~<

.
/- "
~o;J 'f'ntft,O / _,c _ '\
domestication? COC H A8A M6A

"
. "
(4) What is the spatial distribution of different types of resources? When ·--- ·· · -...____ _
do resources produced in the Andean highlands appear at sites in lower ~ - .L_-- \.
- ·, ORUfi(\ '. \
elevations? What kinds of resources are found, and in what quantities do they . \ \
appear? . :·f
_: · ;~)
.'-·; Logo de
1 \
::· }: Poop~ / \
·.-\,~,.:·:' : I \
ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT ALTIPLA ·N·o porost
MERIDIONAL 1 e \
I
Regional Ecology VALLES
20°- I fs:~ ~~~:. ~:.;~:: 80L IVIA
The south-central Andes are found in Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina / ~::. uy u n ;::.-:. \

and can be divided into five major subregions: the valles occidentales, the CHIlE /\- .::~:::-=-=-=-=~ \ VAL L UNA
Titicaca basin or circumtiticaca, the altiplano meridional, the circumpunena, /..._ - - - - - -1
and the valluna (Fig. 1). Despite differences created by topography and
--~ -"-/
climate, each subregion can be characterized by three primary features :
(1) ecological zones that vary with changes in altitude, creating a vertical
(;§';"
banding of habitats from the coast to puna; (2) pervasive aridity leading to v ·
.. ··
low primary plant productivity and the clustering of resources around
permanent water sources; and (3) high variance and unpredictability in the
availability of resources in most habitats (Molina and Little, 1981). Climate
and ecology are strongly affected by the geographical massiveness and high

~
altitude of the Andes and by the interplay between latitude and altitude
(Winterhalder and Thomas, 1978, p. 12). Rai nfall tends to decrease from eJ L•JUY

northwest to southeast and from northeast to southwest across the two I

/ e S ALTA
cordilleras of the Andes. The Atacama desert extends over all elevation /
gradients, and some areas, particularly around the Salar de Atacama and the /
N
adjacent western valleys of the circumpunena, receive virtually no rainfall. ARGENTINA
Rainfall has a generally seasonal distribution, with a wet season from
December to April, but its predictability in amount and frequency decreases 0
I 25C
I

from north to south (Aldenderfer, 1989a). Km .

Although each of the subregions possesses a mosaic of microenviron-
Fig. 1. The south-central Andes and its major regional divisions.
ments, it is possible to generalize about ecological structure. A number of
authors, most notably Cabrera (1968), Winterhalder and Thomas (1978),
D ollfus (1981), and N unez (1983), have defined the followin g habi tats:
 122 The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 123
Aldenderfer

PERU most attractive habitats based on relatively high productivity and low
·---·. - --~ .
('··
\
uncertainty. While there is some seasonal complementarity of periods of
optimal resource availability between the coast and puna, both can be utilized
year-round by groups with low population density. Seasonal complementarity
is more pronounced in the salt puna, which is almost uninhabitable during the
Titicoca dry season due to very low temperatures and the lack of water and edible
resources. All other habitats offer combinations of relatively low productivity
BOLIVIA and moderate uncertainty, which served to limit their utility to foraging
peoples. All habitats, however, can be used on a seasonal basis.

Paleoenvironments

Poe i fie Ocean While significant advances have been made in our understanding of
the paleoenvironments in the south-central Andes during the past decade,
paleoclimatic reconstructions have been of an extremely small scale, and
consequently, there is considerable confusion and debate over the timing of
important post-Pleistocene events and details of climatic structure.
D Coastal Desert The glacial epoch ended between 12,000 and 10,000 B.P. (Wright, 1983;

~ Low Sierra
Lynch, 1983b, 1986). The retreat of the ice sheets directly affected the
"habitability" of the high elevations, inund ating the continental shelf of the
~ H igh Sier ra
western coast of South America. During the Pleistocene and in the immediate
postglacial period, most areas over 3500 m in elevation would have been
Salt uninhabitable due to cold and snows, but refugia could have been occupied
Dry on a temporary basis during minor glacial retreats. Lower elevations, such as
Wet Puna the low and high sierras, would have been very favorable habitats for human
,., L omas
utilization. Also, much of the altiplano meridional and circumpunena, areas
that now contain large numbers of salares, were once the si tes of large, deep
freshwater lakes that probably resembled modern Lake Junin in productivity
C?D Solares (Lynch, 1986). How long this relatively productive climate persisted into
the postglacial period is a significant question, because it directly affects
Fig. 2. Habitats of the south-central Andes.
reconstructions of the Early Archaic.
(1) fertile coast and littoral, (2) interfluvial desert coast, (3) low transverse As monitored from Quereo, an important site lying just below the
valleys and basins, (4) high transverse valleys and basins, and (5) puna, or southern boundary of the south-central Andes (Nunez et at., 1983), the entire
altiplano, which includes four subtypes: wet, dry, salt, and suni (Fig. 2). These south-central Andes has undergone progressive desiccation during the p.a st
habitats differ primarily in temperature and precipitation, variations in 20,000 years (Paskoff, 1977). The Younger Dryas (10,500- 6500 B.P.) was a
vegetation communities, and the presence of special features, such as lomas, period of increased moisture and cooler temperatures compared to the
salt lakes and pans, small freshwater lakes, and bofedales, bogs which are modern climate. This would have had an increased resource density and
,highly productive pasturage for camelids in high elevation zones of the region. patch size. Rainfall periodicity is unknown, but it is likely to have been more
While quantitative comparisons of the productivity of each habitat are predictable than today. The Boreal (6500-5500 B.P.) was characterized by a
not possible, relative rankings of their importance for foraging peoples can warming and drying trend which would have intensified clustering and
be made (Table I). Clearly, the fertile coast, wet puna, and dry puna are the lowered productivity and predictability of resources. During the Atlantic
Table I. Ecological Structure of the South-Central Andes Data Compiled from Dollfus (1981), Winterhalder and Thomas (1978), and
Cabrera ( 1968)

Fertile coast Desert coast Low High Puna Puna

intermediate intermediate
Marine Terrestrial Marine Terrestrial valleys valleys Wet Dry Suni Salt

Major Shellfish, fish, Prosopis spp., Shellfish, fish, Prosopis spp., Very similar Guanaco, Vicuna, Similar to wet Similar to wet Guanaco
resource marine lomas marine guanaco (?) to coastal deer, guanaco, puna puna
mammals, plants, mammals, terrestrial Prosopis deer, suri
birds, guanaco (?) birds, resources spp. tubers
seaweed(?) seaweed(?) (minor), (Solanum
Chenopo· spp.,
dium spp. U!lucus.
(minor) Oca), seed
plants
(Chenopodi·
um spp.)
Productivity Very high Low- very High Low-very Very low Moderate High Moderate Moderate Lowfvery low
low low
Rainfall 0-5 mmfyear, 0-5 mm/year, 0-5 mm/year, 0-5 mmfyear, 0-lOmm/ 50-300mm/ 800-1400mm/ 500-800mmf 500-lOOOmm/ I00-300mm/
amount/ irregular irregular irregular irregular year, yea r, year, year, year, year,
periodicity irregular generally October- November- October- November-
November- April March April March
March
Seasonality At least one Lomas plants At least one Essentially Essentially Rainy season Rainy season Rainy season Rainy/dry Rainy/dry
major May- major aseasonal aseasonal October- November- seasons seasons
species September shellfish, April March October- November-
available fish species April March
year-round available
year-round

Linear Plants, Similar to wet Similar to dry Clustered

Shellfish, fish Prosopis Linearly puna around
Spatial Shellfish, fis h Lomas clustered clustering camelids puna; higher
clustered in browse clustered in clustered proportion basins/
distribution around along around clustered
micro- widely micro- of resources permanent
streams/ streams~ around
distributed; habitats permanent water
habitats clustered large clustered
water rivers sources
other around bofedales; around
species small deer, suri bofedales
clustered bofedales cryptic
around species
permanent
water Moderate/low Moderate/low Moderate;
Low- Low- Moderate due Low rainfall
Low with Moderate for Low with rainfall
Uncertainty moderate moderate to periodicity
exception appearance increased periodicity
for for variability highly
ofNiiio of lomas probability and
productiv· productiv- in rainfall irregular
years plants and of drought; amount
ity of ity of periodicity/
productiv- low irregular
Prosopis Prosopis amount
ity of predictabil·
seeds seeds
Prosopis ity of
spp. seeds rainfall
amount and
periodicity
 127
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes
126 Aldenderfer

(5500-3500 B.P.) there was a return to wetter and cooler conditions. This ~ )Z'Y,
~t~'AREOUIPAv- 0
f •2 2

~-l
IL::.f:~';
_ -
') -- :' '''j>
improved resource predictability and abundance but not to the extent }

achieved during the Dryas. to<~-- PERU ,• J ~:-:>,-' _ > -,, .-

Lynch (1986) has attempted to reconstruct climate around the Salar de
Punta Negra in the salt puna habitat, and Santoro and Nufiez (1987) have
-·"'"/
' _?-"'" _§./'rt '--. i •'· ~~ -
8
( / r-/J
,
correlated stratigraphic sequences from the cave site of Hakenasa in the dry I Puyenco
___ .r~~;;;EG:.· :~ ~ 1
puna of the valles occidentales with the climatic changes seen at Quereo. In
general, it appears that the overall pattern of change is consistent with that
2
3
Playa Chiro
Ring Si1e I'.-
o",-
•"'
L_o~ ~
-~ J "--
~ -,--
'-=---
l~- Q\'-••,.:Y/ I~
4 Lomas de llo

~\
5 To que pol o
found at Quereo. However, Graf-Meyer (1977), working in the Nor y Sur C)'Y ··14
6 Asono
Lipez area of the altiplano meridional region (extreme southwestern Bolivia), ~TACNA I~ (

~
7 Co ru
12
has developed a somewhat different climatic reconstruction. In his scheme, a 8 Ouel catoni
-=-~ .13

~15
9 Potapotone -::-:-_ \..I'J
general trend of slow warming and drying from 10,000 to 8200 B.P. is -:-...:._ A RICA 09 o
followed by a wetter and warmer climate from 8200 to 3600 B.P. Tempera-
10
II
Hokenoso
Los Cuevas
----=- 16 ---.__2J-
cooco
-~ ---\
tures during the period 5500- 5200 B.P. averaged more than 2°C warmer than 12 Puxumo
13 Guonure tS ... . . /
in the modern era. The climate was drier and cooler in the post-3600 B.P. 14 L i p ic he ~~-'~ ··- ~ ,
period. While this reconstruction differs substantially from that of Nufiez, it 15 Tojo - Tojone s

$-/··~~
16 Quioni 11 Ouioni 7 1 Playa Miller
is not unexpected since modern environments of the south-central Andes
17 Camorones 14
show significant longitudinal and latitudinal variation. 18 Pisoguo Viejo - ,. ,, .
19 Tilivi che
~- -35 ~'--~- ~ BOLIVIA
20 Tor opoco Sites :_ :_ 23 =.-:-:- Solar d~
-- - 3 6 • ·:-:.. B~lfoyislo
2I Sum boy --- 3 7 4 0 ··" •20 I
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE FOR COMPLEMENTARITY 22 lch un o _:·_ 38 -o:-: - '-,_

The Nature of the Data Base

Most of the research on the Archaic in the south-central Andes conducted

23 Punt a Picho lo
24 Coleta Huelen 42
25 Los Conchas
26 Cebo ll o r
27 Chi uchiu
C:~LE t:\
29~~
28 Con flu encio
over the past 50 years has been concentrated in northern Chile, with the bulk 29 Tu in a
of it occurring on the fertile coast and low intermediate valleys between A rica
and Iquique (Fig. 3) . Major rivers or quebradas which have been studied
30
31
Pur ip ic o
Tombillo
3 2 Son Lorenzo
(
~~· 28 vJ4
include the Azapa (Allison et al., 1984; Bird, 1943, 1946; Bittmann, 1982; 33 Tulon ro l_~
Dauelsberg, 1974, 1983, 1986; Munoz, 1982, 1986; Mufioz and Chacama,
1982; Santoro and Chacama, 1982; Standen et al., 1984), Camarones
(Schiappacasse and Niemeyer, 1984), Tiliviche (Nufiez and Moragas, 1977;
34 Bojo Molle
35 Pl aya Blanco
36
37
Chuchu mo 1o
Co ra mucho
Solo' de
Alocomo_ ~ ~-?
;;o o3 1
-t:}-}}• 32
:t
~~~:-::--: .33
I I

38 Po1illo ----=== I
Nufiez, 1986), Pisagua (Nufiez et al. , 1975), Tarapaca (True et al., 1970; True 3 9 Pun1o de Lobos
and Gildersleeve, 1980; True and Crew, 1980), and the mouth of the Rio Loa 4 0 Sarona! . Sol., de _,)
4 1 Cobi jo --- Jmiloc /
(Nunez, 1971, 1975; Nufiez et al., 1974; Zlatar, 1983). A second area of
42 Abtoo.
intensive research has been the upper Rio Loa and the adjacent Salar de ,___~:t:::'o' ::9 , a ARGENTINA
Atacama region (Aldunate et al., 1986; Druss, 1978; Mena, 1984; Nufiez,
1980, 1981 , 1982, 1983; Sinclair, 1985; Santoro and Nufiez, 1987). Areas
Fig 3. Major Archaic Period sites of the south-central Andes.
, of emerging importance include the Osmore drainage in southern Peru
(Aldenderfer, 1988, 1989a-c; Kuznar, 1989; Sandweiss et al., 1989; Wise,
1989) (Fig. 4) and the high quebradas of northwestern Argentina (Aschero,
1984; Aguerre et al., 1975; G ambier, 1979; Jaccobaccio, 1984). R esearch
 128
Aldenderfer
Fig. 4. Location of Archaic Period Sites in the Osmore, Locumba, Quipa-Quipa, and Chila
basins, southern Peru.
elsewhere, including most of the circumtitikaka, altiplano meridional, and
valluna, is exploratory or is represented by the collection, testing, or excavation
of single sites.
This research has created a corpus of well over 50 important sites which
have been tested or excavated. Despite the quantity of research, however,
there are a number of serious problems with. the data base.
(I) Reconstruction of resource utilization patterns has been based upon
nonsystematic, essentially opportunistic data collection. No systematic
surveys of all major environmental zones have been attempted despite the
recognition that data from these areas, particularly the highlands, are of
crucial importance in reconstructing regional patterns of resource utilization
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 129
and their changes through time (Schiappacasse and Niemeyer, 1984, p. 176;
Daulesberg, 1983, p. 17; Santoro and Chacama, 1982, p. 25).
(2) Due to the lack of systematic archaeological survey in ecological
zones above 2500 m, reconstructions of settlement dynamics in these higher
altitudes are based upon very few archaeological data, and the few high-
elevation excavations undertaken suffer from defects . (a) They are exclusively
cavefrockshelter oriented; consideration of open-air sites is almost nonexistent.
While shelters are important, they offer only one perspective on resource
utilization due to special aspects of preservation and the use of space.
(b) Data recovery strategies have been limited to very small areas opened in
these shelters, generally ranging from I to 6m 2 (Dauelsberg, 1983, p. 13; :
Santoro and Nunez, 1987). These samples are far too small to examine
variability in activity performance at these sites adequately.
(3) Models based on these data demonstrate no consistent attempt to
build a set of material correlates that link the objects found in the archaeo-
logical record to the human behaviors that created them; in short, the results
of middle-range research on foraging societies have not been employed
(Thomas, 1986). While terms such as "residential camp" and "territorially
based hunters and gatherers" are freely used, there is no definition of what
these should look like in the archaeological record.
Differences in areal coverage and a lack of comparable research frame-
works across a large region have made periodization difficult as welL There
are a number of competing models (Table II), but there is no general agreement
on the boundaries between Early, Middle, and Late Archaic. Although
radiocarbon dates are numerous, lacunae in research have limited their
utility. To facilitate discussion, however, I adopt the system proposed by
Santoro and Nunez (1987) for high elevations and that of Nunez (1983) for
the coast.
Ethnic Differentiation
It is difficult to identify "ethnic" or societal distinctions in the archae-
ological record in ideal circumstances of artifact preservation, and even more
so among archaeological cultures known solely from lithic materials, animal
bone, economy and technology, and stylistic differences between ai·tifacts .
Differential preservation between habitats and regions complicates this
problem further. Wood and other organic remains are poorly represented in
high elevation assemblages but are abundant in the fertile coast and low
in termed iate valleys. Along the fertile coast, it has even proven possible to
define cultural and chronological differences in hairstyles of mummies
(Arriaza et a!., 1986).
 131
130 Aldenderfer The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes

Despite these problems, many have argued that two major cultural
o.:§
"'"' ..
0
8
0

~ § ~ ~ ~ 80 8_ 8oi
- traditions---coastal and highland- have existed throughout much of the
I I l I l I I Archaic, probably beginning with the Early Archaic (10,000-8000 B.P.).
0
·;;; 0
Chilean archaeologists working in northern Chile have postulated a tradition
.c .£ -~ ~-c;;
"0 e ~-5
~.c of relatively sedentary foragers on the coast and another of mobile hunters
< .. 0

....
00 "'" 3
:E..( "'< that exploited puna grasslands from May to September (the dry season) and
"' either slightly lower or higher zones from October to April (the wet season)
N
u
oc
~
;z:
..
c 6 ...-;;c =
c
..
c (Llagostera, 1979, 1985; Santoro and Nunez, 1987; Schiappacasse and
5. ·a .... "5 "5
·c Niemeyer, 1984; Munoz, 1982). The evidence is primarily subsistence related.
] -;;; ~ f- f- f-

e "' "' Two major coastal sites of the Early Archaic are Ring Site in the fertile coast
. ..
£
.,
V)
:; and Las Conchas in the desert coast. Although analyses are still continuing,
"0
<(
<::; "' c
~
0. c
.ll ~·
~!; E
.
c
almost all of the subsistence resources recovered at Ring Site were marine
~ "5
-.;.... 0 :I: ~ f-
species, including fish, shellfish, marine mammals, and shore birds (Sandweiss
c . et a!., 1989). A similar pattern is revealed at Las Conchas, where 24 fish
u" ~
. :: ·o - ..
..6
;:;
0 M
c
:c
;;:"'
> 1i
~:~ .
>
-u-'!
c
!!f-
~
-
~g
., oc
-
c

c
= ]"
oo ·;;
"

(/)~
0
~:.::l
"00· c-
.. =
V)f-
species and shellfish,. sea mammals, and birds were exploited by Early Archaic
peoples (Llagostera, 1979). In contrast, Early Archaic high-elevation sites
.,
(/)
00

"' "'"' "' "' 0 u

(above 2500 m) contain almost no marine resources (Santoro and Nunez,
-s "
N
oc
'-
0
~
;z:
g > ..
: .g
>
-
u.C
0
t:
0 :::: ·a
~-5
=....
., e~ -~
::~
1987). Early Archaic ,sites in the low intermediate valleys, such as Tiliviche
"'1:! 000
(40 km from the coast), contain a mix of marine and terrestrial resources, and
3
u
0
v;...> .. c
ci):.C
u
~CI
S E
"' u . ci5f=
Nunez (1983, pp. 181-183) has argued that a pattern of coast-inland oasis
"3
u transhumance was probably characteristic of the Early Archaic. These data,
"
:c" ~~
"0
.g., u however, do not contradict the existence of two distinct cultural traditions.
0.. i 6~ 0
c New evidence from the Osmore"drainage provides strong support for the
()
"@ ~ =c -
c •
E
0.
E
two-tradition hypothesis. Coastal and highland occupation was contempo-
.gg·=
..c: "'
:::. •0 :2~
2 :a -~ E ~ raneous within a single drainage during the Early Archaic (Aldenderfer,
:! :~
<(
., ~
0::
~.D

~ . ~~
..:
0

"·c
0
1989a), and there were substantial differences in subsistence strategy among
-s
'-
0
<::;
:1:!
'- g
>~
2 :g
E
0

"
0
.
~

~
~
sites found in the two zones. Evid ence from sites in the high sierra, such as
Toquepala (Ravines, 1972) and Asana (Aldenderfer, 1988, 1989a), and the
.S!
.... ~ dry puna site of Quelcatani (Aldenderfer, 1989a) shows an exclusive focus
N
:a0 ::: - upon terrestrial resources such as camelids and deer, whereas the faunal
·;::: .. > >
~]
-~
. -~
- ><
~0
0 0
e remains from the Ring Site (Sandweiss et a/., 1989) are exclusively marine in
"
0.. ~~
-~
"t~
.s \':) :! :~~
"
-s"....
~~
~
p..
~
p..
6\.J
~
OI<.J
~
p..
origin. No Early Archaic sites have yet been found in the low intermediate
valleys habitat, so at present it is not possible to confirm Nunez' model of
.;::
- inland oasis utilization (low intermediate valleys) by coastal peoples.
...."
E
! :::
-~ -~ ~- Lithic data from Osmore basin sites support the hypothesis of two
"() & g
..c:
(/) "
o; traditions. Lithic resources are vertically stratified and thus certain raw
material types such as andesites, basalts, and some forms of chert are found
c §"
J1" "'
"c
:l,
·c
"0
'6 only on the puna, while other materials occur only on the littoral or in the
i5 :c" 0 E sierra . No coastal raw materials, either debitage or bifaces, are found in sierra
:::>
.D
< ;E
or puna assemblages throughout the Archaic, and only very small numbers
.....
..... I 1 I I 1
I I of bifaces made of sierra materials, and fewer still of puna materials are
:* 08
.,_
0

~
0
g
0

...
8
0

~ §
0

~ 8 8 § found on the coast (Table III) (Baumann, P. Projectile point descriptions.

"' ~
00

...."
 132
Aldenderfer The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 133

Table III. Sources of Lithic Materials at Osmore Drainage Sites

30-50 km upstream at inland oases. The littoral was occupied from May to
September, and subsistence focused upon marine resources, primarily shellfish,
Period(%)
although some fishing is indicated by shell fishhooks and bone barbs from
Site Location Early compound hooks (Nunez, 1983, p. 196). At the Ring Site, most species were
Middle Late
Quelcatani from inshore and near-shore habitats, and the lack of remains of small,
Dry puna 100 100 100
Asana• High sierra 11.6 26.4 schooling fish and netsinkers argues that subsistence technology was relatively
0.5
Ring Site Coast 0 simple (Sandweiss et a!. , 1989). Aside from a single quarry site approximately
0
Carrizal Coast - - 0 15 km inland from the Ring Site, there are no known temporary camps or
High sierra surface High sierra 81.2 20 7 satellite sites that date to the Early Archaic. This is probably an artifact of a
assemblages
Asana bifaces6 High sierra 100 12.5 lack of survey in the low intermediate valleys. Sites at the inl a nd oases were
4.8
"Percentage of puna raw materials by weight per cubic meter. occupied from October to April, and subsistence economy reflects dependence
6
Percentage of bifaces made of puna raw materials. on both terrestrial resources (such as deer or guanaco) and marine resources
such as fish and shellfish (Nunez and Moragas, 1977; Nunez, 1986). There is
Manuscripts, Field Museum of Natural History). More importantly, no no evidence for coast-puna transhumance postulated by Ravines (1967, 1972)
high-elevation debitage has been discovered in any know coastal assemblage. and Dauelsberg (1974, 1982).
Although the presence of projectile points made of high-elevation raw Settlement patterns in the high-elevation zones are somewhat better
materials on the coast could signal the movement of puna-based foragers, understood. Bofedales were settlement foci, and larger caves and rockshelters,
other explanations, such as trade or the exchange of tokens (Brown, 1985), such as Quelcatani (4400m) on the Rio Chila (Aldenderfer, 1989a) and
are possible. Tumuku (4500m) on the Rio Quipa-Quipa (Flores Ochoa, 1984; Aldenderfer,
The available data thus support the inference that two distinct cultural 1989a), served as residential bases. Smaller caves and rockshelters, such as
traditions were present near the beginning of the Early Archaic in the valles Las Cuevas (4000m) and Hakenasa (4000m) in the Lluta drainage (Santoro
occidentales and circurntitikaka subregions. The situation is less clear in the and Nunez, 1987) and Patkata (4450m) and at least five other small shelters
circurnpuneiia because of the small amount of work performed on the desert in the Chila drainage (Kuznar, 1989), were temporary camps or sites within
coast. the foraging radius. Some of these shelters probably served as hunting blinds.
Alternatively, they could have b~e n residen_tial bases for small, dispersed
groups of foragers (Santoro and Chacama, 1982). Small, low-density open-air
Changes in Settlement Pattern and Mobility sites are common on the dry puna around the Pampa Chichill ape in the Chila
basin (Kuznar, 1989), and similar sites are known for the pampas around
Because no single drainage has been surveyed in its entirety, the following Lake Suches in the upper Osmore drainage (Aldenderfer, 1989a). Some of
reconstructions of settlement patterns are composites and are based upon these sites are quarries, while lithi c reduction and retooling were extensively
data recovered from excavation and survey programs scattered in different practiced at others.
drainages of the valles occidentales subregion. As such, they are tentative at The scale and seasonality of mobility, however, are unclear. Foragers
best. certainly made logistical forays into the high sierra to both open-air and cave
and rockshelter sites· including Asana (3450 m) and Titijones (4200 m) in the
Fertile Coast-Dry Puna Settlement Patterns and Residential Mobility Osmore drainage (Aldenderfer, 1985, 1988), Toquepala (2800 m) in the
Locumba drainage (Ravines, 1972), Caru (2500 m) in the Tarata drainage
D ata for the Early Archaic on the fertile coast are sparse, and only three (Ravines, 1967), and Tojo-Tojones (3500 m) in the Belen drainage (Dauelsberg,
major sites are well known: Ring Site on the littoral and Tiliviche and Aragon 1983). The season of site use is unknown, but it is clear that the occupation
from inland oases. Two other coastal sites with Early Archaic dates- Puencaya was of brief duration. Data from Asana show that densities of lithic material
and Playa Chira- have been reported by Ravines (1972), but neither has in the Early Archaic levels range from 0.31 to 9.68 gjm 3 , and bone densities
been described in detail. Early Archaic settlement patterns were based upon are of a similar magnitude. Lithic materials at the Osmore basin sites demon-
seasonal movements between residential bases on the littoral and at sites strate conclusively that these sites were utilized by foragers based on the puna
 134
Aldenderfer
(Aidenderfer, 1989a, b; see also Table III). However, it does not appear that
the high sierra was essential to Early Archaic subsistence economy in the
region. Kuznar (1989), following Rick's (1980, 1988) reconstruction of central
Andean high-elevation settlement patterns, has argued that Early Archaic
foragers probably had a low frequency of residential mobility and, if popu-
lation densities were low, could have been essentially sedentary. The data
from Quelcatani, the only large shelter tested on the dry puna, are equivocal;
2
in a 3-m excavation unit placed within the drip line of the central portion
of the shelter, the use of space in Early Archaic levels appears to be undiffer-
entiated.
Middle Archaic settlement patterns for both the coastal and the highland
traditions show marked changes in subsistence practice and in the structure
of residential mobility. Extensive excavations at coastal sites, such as
Camarones-14 (Schiappacasse and Niemeyer, 1984) and Quiani (Bird , 1943,
1946), and interior sites in the low intermediate valleys at Tiliviche (Nunez,
1986), Aragon (Nunez, Zlatar and Nunez, 1975), and Tarapaca 14A (True
et al., 1970) have demonstrated a clear pattern of decreasing frequency and
scale of residential mobility. Schiappacasse and Niemeyer (1984) argue that
Camarones-14 is a residential base camp that was probably occupied year-
round. Subsistence focused upon marine and littoral resources, and shell,
bone, and compound, barbed fishhooks are common. Animals exploited
include 9 species of fish, 15 species of gastropods, 4 species of bivalves,
7 species of birds, shark, and possibly whale. Plant remains are not abundant
but include totora, edible cacti, and edible littoral rhizomes (Typhia angusti-
folia). The authors discuss the existence of maize in the Archaic levels of the
site but acknowledge tha t contamination from ceramic levels is possible
(Schi appacasse and Niemeyer, 1984, p. 83). Li thic materials include bipointed
projectile points made of local raw materials, harpoons, and probable scraping
and cutting tools. No obvious structural remains were discovered, but areas
of hard -packed soil were in some cases partly outlined in part by large
cobbles (Schiappacasse and Niemeyer, 1984, Fig. 3). No storage facilities
were encountered . A large cemetery of the Chinchorro complex is associated
with the site.
Nunez (1986), arguing from the interior site of Tiliviche, offers a some-
what different reconstruction of settlement mobility for the coastal tradition .
Where Schiappacasse and Niemeyer see Camarones-14 as a residential base
and sites such as Tiliviche as temporary camps occupied during seasons of
unpredictable resource scarcity, Nunez prefers to see Tiliviche as a wet-season
residential base in a "semisedentary" settlement pattern. Resources at the site
include shellfish, fish, and marine mammals as well as plants common to the
oasis environment such as totora, carob (Prosopis tamarugo), algorrobo
(Prosopis chilensis), and local rhizomes. Terrestri al mamma ls are scarce. Th e
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 135
material culture is similar to that at Camarones-14 and includes fishhooks,
Janceolate points, grinding stones, and shell knives . Whichever of these
models is eventually verified, it is clear that residential mobility declined
during the Middle Archaic.
The Middle Archaic highland tradition also shows significant changes in
settlement pattern. Until recently, it was thought that the dry puna was
abandoned during this period (Santoro and Nunez 1987), but recent research
in the Osmore, Chila, and Quipa-Quipa basins has modified this perspective
(Aldenderfer, 1988, 1989a, b; Kuznar, 1989). At about 7100 B.P., the use of
space at Quelcatani is undifferentiated and similar to that observed for the
Early Archaic occupation of the site. By 6000 B.P., structures with an as-yet
unidentified Junction were constructed along the dripline, indicating that the -'"';
... . .I
-
use of space at the site is becoming more formal. This has been identified as
one indicator of the sedentarization process (Rafferty, 1985) and suggests
that the duration of occupation at the site is longer than in previous periods.
Densities of both bone refuse and lithic debitage also increase when com-
pared to Early Archaic deposits. Subsistence continues to focus upon the
exploitation of camelids and to a lesser extent deer. While the number of
Middle Archaic components at open-air sites and small shelters on the puna
is roughly the same as during the Early Archaic, they increase slightly in area
(Kuznar, 1989). Again, while no direct evidence of the season of occupation
at Quelcatani has been recovered, known environmental changes suggest that
sites located near or on the most permanent bofedales would have served as
dry-season settlement foci . Changes in site structure suggest that Quelcatani
was occupied for longer periods of time when compared to the Early Archaic.
There a re also changes in the use of the high sierra . Aldend erfer (1988,
I 989a) has discovered remains of larger, more permanent domes tic structures
at the open-air site of Asana constructed from 7000 to 6000 B.P. (Fig. 5).
They have floors made of puddled white clay or a clay- sand mixture, are
circular in form, and probably had brush or possibly skin walls. Post molds
near the centers of some suggest that they were roofed with brush. The
structures were placed between large colluvial boulders which have tumbled
down the slopes from the north.
Associated nonarchitectural features include large sheet middens between
the houses, toss zones in crevices and crannies between the boulders, large
cooking hearths filled with rocks, ash, and bone debris, small, shallow
ash-filled hearths on the floors, and rock features within or immediately
adjacent to structures. The rock features are surrounded by high densities of
small bone splinters and this, plus the presence of large, ovoid pounding
stones, suggests that they were used to crush bones to extract marrow. Bone
frequencies and skeletal parts provide additional insight into pa tterns of site
use. Faunal remains identified include deer and camelid. Very small amounts
 136
Aldenderfer The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 137

0 from a residential base on the puna. Despite the relatively low density of
•• • ITJ """" lithics and bones in the middens (densities of lithics, for example, range from
.... 0 Htotl/1
19.7 to 64.9 g/m3 ), the construction of maintained and cleaned structures
j
:
CiJ A•"Sto•ll
with their cached pounding stones suggests a longer occupation span of the
(·: Po11 Mold

N oc Kil clle~ fiCK\

• • • Coth,•ior Roc \
DPnp.cufdCtayfiOOf
Fig. 5. Middle Archaic domestic architecture from Asa na in the Osmore basin. Structures
depicted are found in Level XYlic dated to 6850 B.P.
of small mammal bone occur, and the MNI count for both deer and camel ids
is low. Immature (6- 18 months in age) camelids occur as well as adults, and
most major skeletal parts are present, suggesting that whole kills were trans-
ported to the site for processing and consumption.
The structures are very similar in size and construction to the wet-season
camps of contemporary arid lands foragers, such as the San and Alyawara
(Yellen, 1977; Hitchcock, 1987; O'Connell, 1987). Although there is no direct
evidence of season of occupation, the presence of immature animals suggest
tha t they were occupied during the wet season . The clearing of the floors, the
permanent stone features, and careful construction of the floors indicate that
the reoccupation was anticipated. Taken together, these data suggest that
\, /
:: during the Middle Archaic, Asana was probably a logis~ical camp monitore~
site than during the Early Archaic.
Late Archaic settlement patterns on the fertile coast appear to be a
continuation of trends observed for the Middle Archaic, but with some
important differences. Many more Late Archaic sites have been discovered,
and they are found in a wider variety of local habitats on the coast. In the
Osmore drainage, Late Archaic sites are found scattered both north and
south of the mouth of the Osmore (Wise, 1989). Two of these sites, Carriza1
and KM 4, both large, deep shell and ash middens, may have associated
residential terraces (Karen Wise, personal communication). Large low-
density sites are now found scattered across the lomas belt, and very large
numbers of small (1 - 2m in diameter and 10-20 em in thickness) ash and shell
middens are found along beach strands. Bird (1943) reported large numbers
of similar small middens from the beaches surrounding Arica. How many of
these middens are Archaic in date is not clear. Some are clearly of the ceramic
period but many contain no ceramics. In survey operations along the Pampa
del Palo, south of the mouth of the Osmore and an area of very large numbers
of surface middens, Aldenderfer (1985) discovered deeply buried (up to 4 m
below modern ground surface) ash and shell lenses. Typically, these middens
contain fragmented shells of Choromytilus and small amounts of ash and
charcoal. Similar assemblages on the surface contain flakes and small, smoo th
stones probably used for pounding. A radiocarbon date of 3400 B.P. ± 100
years (Beta-19549) was obtained from a deeply buried aceramic midden,
which corresponds to the end of the Archaic.
More and larger cemeteries are known from the Late Archaic as well,
especially in extreme northern Chile. Mortuary practices are subsumed under
a later expression of the Chinchorro complex (Rivera and R othhammer,
1986), and while there are changes in the treatment of the dead, contents of
the graves continue to reflect an essentially egalitarian system, with differences
in grave goods based upon age/sex distinctions.
How these sites articulate in a settlement system, however, is unclear.
Bird (1943, 1946), Munoz (1982), and others have argued that settlement was
essentially sedentary during much of the Late Archaic. If this is the case, sites
found in the lomas and on the beach strands represent sites within the foraging
radius of base camps situated on the beach near permanent sources of potable
water. However, data from Carriza1 and KM 4 suggest that these sites were
likely occupied seasonally based upon estimates of midden density; this would
imply a continuation of the Middle Archaic pattern of semisedentary occu-
pation of the littoral and low intermediate valleys postulated by Nunez (1986).
138 Aldenderfer 139
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes

..
On the dry puna, Quelcatani emerged as a residential ba~e. Late Archaic
middens at the site are dense, and the remafns of large, rectangular structures
built of fieldstone are found just within the dripline. The rear of the shelter
was a sleeping area characterized by a series of fiber mats separated by small
hearths arranged parallel to the back wall. These features resemble sleeping
~
•• ..q~ ~
• ,
~
~~
. . . ..
areas of ethnographically known foragers (Binford, 1983, pp. 160-163). Very ~·
0.-,'l...

~
large numbers of hafted end scrapers are found in.Late Archaic assembiages.
A sample of these has been analyzed by high-power microscopy (Hohol, A.
Microwear analysis of tools from Quelcatani and Asana. Manuscript,
Department of Anthropology, Northwestern University, Evanston, Ill.), and
all (N = 6) have evidence of hide preparation and scraping. Manos are also
found. More and larger open-air sites are known and inany small shelters
appear to have been occupied for the first time (Kuznar, 1989; Santoro and
..
Nunez, 1987). Although seasonal indicators have not been recognized, changes
in the use of space at larger shelters such as Quelcatani indicate that Late
~
!~~.~:-
,. • •.

Archaic populations were probably sedentary at least half of the year and 0 ~

possibly longer. oo
While logisticgl forays continued to be made into the high sierra from 0 0 /
• Post Mold
I!EI St ructure
II
dry p'una residential bases, there are some important changes in the activities Q ':' I GC KitehenRock
~. .. Q ••• ;,:, I ~Midden
performed at sierra sites. Rectangular domestic structures dating to 4610 B.P. r. .
cY 0 . .' . . ~·;~~; ' I OA1hS toin
j"// Burned Arto
have been discovered at Asana; in one level of the site, four contemporaneous ·o.. . . •"f· P'-'' CR? stone

structures have been located (Aldenderfer, 1989c). The single structure .. 0 ••• •• • () I
!
d\)Q stone in Al i9nment
~ Red or Gre)' Stone
-:::: Deprntion
excavated in its entirety is 3.8 x 2.5 m in size (Fig. 6). Unlike the Middle ~0 0 , . i 0 I 2 3

Archaic floors , these are simply composed of a hard-packed sand matrix. The
structures are surrounded by alignments of post molds and were probably
>V d<Y..& . ) Mettrt

walled with brush or skins. Associated nonarchitectural features include 0

extensive but thin sheet middens which contain large amounts of bones and
bone splinters, carbonized wood, and reduction by-products. Shallow fire
pits, found within the structures and probably used for heating, contain very
fine bone scrap and ash. Rock features are found within the structure and
reflect two aspects of subsistence economy: the grinding of seeds and bone
crushing and processing. Hand grinding stones are made from small river
cobbles that have been abraded and smoothed into an ovoid form . Each
exhibits unidirectional push- pull abrasion on the ventral surface. The passive
grinding stone is generally made of a roughly shaped slab of colluvial rock
or a larger river cobble and shows wear on its dorsal surface. The passive
grinder is usually embedded in the surface of the floor. Rock features used
for bone crushing and pounding are similar to those made during the Middle
Archaic.
These grinding stones signal a significant change in activity performance
at Asana. It seems reasonable to conclude that they were used in processing
seeds, probably Chenopodium spp. Microwear analysis of the grinders does
'V .
Fig. 6. Late Archaic domestic and ceremonial architecture from Asana, Level VIII (4610 B.P.).
not reveal organic residues in the surface topography of the stones, but large .
numbers of as-yet unidentified carbonized seeds have been recovered from
the associated middens and hearths.
While faunal data are abundant, most of the remains are small, non-
diagnostic splinters. Most identifiable parts are medial segments of long
bones, teeth and teeth fragments, and skull fragments. The splintered
condition suggests that crushing for marrow was an important activity.
The absence of large, low-utility parts such as vertebrae, scapulae, and
pelves implies that some processing bf the carcass took place elsewhere.
There are no identifiable deer bones, and no immature animals. Minimum
number of individuals (MNJ) counts are also low.
I
140
Aldenderfer
The most striking feature of the Late Archaic occupation of Asana is the
presence of a large, ceremonial structure in clear association with the domestic
architecture (Fig. 6). The ceremonial complex consists of a rectangular
structure 11.7 m N-S x 9 mE-W which contains rock and mud altars, stone
alignments in the form of circles and ovals, and trenches with associated
mud/clay walls. The structure has a floor composed of a locally available
white clay, and it is surrounded by a series of paired post molds. Three
parallel alignments of posts running N- S are found within the structure, and
they could have been used to differentiate internal space, erect perishable
frames, or support a light, brush roof (Aldenderfer, 1989c).
Stone and mud altars are found along the eastern side of the structure.
They are constructed of a core of colluvial rock and are covered with small,
circular or oval alignments of stone. The altars and many of the stone
alignments are coated with a thin layer of mud and clay. While no artifacts
were found, small patches of ash or light burning are visible on the surface
of both the altars and the alignments. Although the function of this complex
is still under study, it is clear that it was used as an offertory and was probably
considered a sacred place.
The appearance of the ceremonial complex contemporaneous with
domestic architecture and the seed grinding focus indicates a major change
in the use of the high sierra during the Late Archaic. Although the seeds
have not yet been identified, it is probable that they signal a late wet-
season occupation of the site (March- May). Since no storage facilities
have been discovered, year,round occupation of the site is unlikely. Reoccu-
pation was probably anticipated since the floors of the domestic structures
were cleaned and the ceremonial complex enlarged and maintained. The
duration of occupation is unclear, but it is likely to have been at least
as long as that of the Middle Archaic occupation of the site, and probably
longer.
Desert Coast-Salt Puna Settlement Patterns and Residential Mobility
Early Archaic settlement patterns on the desert coast are poorly under-
stood but are probably similar to developments on the fertile coast. There
are, however, some important differences in subsistence patterns between the
two regions, which are rooted in the lower productivity of this environmental
complex. At Las Conchas, the only site with a confirmed Early Archaic date,
subsistence was mixed. Although a wide variety of marine species was
exploited, terrestrial fauna, such as camelid (probably guanaco), rodents, and
birds were important to the diet (Llagostera, 1979; Nunez, 1983, p. 187). The
degree of residential mobility is currently unknown but Olmos and Sanhueza
(1984, pp. 147- 148) report two Archaic Period sites in the interi or. One of
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 141
these, Soronal, has projectile points that resemble "Ayampitin" points,
which have a presumably Early Archaic date.
In the highlands, the Early Archaic is better understood. Subsistence
and settlement patterns are marked by a high residential mobility between the
low intermediate valleys, occupied during the months of May-September,
and the high sierra valleys, around the margins of the Salar de Atacama and
other sa/ares, occupied during the months of October-April. Tuina is a good
example of a small, temporary camp in a rockshelter occupied by the entire .
foraging group (Santoro and Nunez, 1987, p . 66). Camelid remains are
abundant, but rodents, particularly Lagidium were also consumed. Some
plant collection at San Lorenzo, a site similar to Tuina, is indicated by
digging sticks, cactus rinds, and unidentified tubers (Nunez, 1983, p. 176). At
present, there are no securely dated Archaic Period sites on the adjacent
Bolivian puna. Barfield ('1961) describes two sites-Laguna Colorado and
Laguna Hedionda- that contain projectile points cross-dated to the Tambillo
sites in the sierra of Chile and at Ayampitin in Argentina to approximately
8000 B.P. (Lanning and Hammel, 1961). Santoro and Nufiez (1987) suggest .
that Early Archaic foragers made logistical forays onto the puna to obtain ·
obsidian and other resources. ··
Very little is known about the Middle Archaic subsistence-settlement
patterns and residential mobility along the desert coast. Abtao, near
Antofagasta, is a shell midden near a spring. It is distant from riverine or
oasis habitats, and subsistence appears to be focused on the exploitation
of maritime resources. Shell fishhooks are found in the assemblage, but
Chinchoroid materials are not (Liagostera, 1979; Nufiez, 1983). Olmos and
Sanhueza (1984)/have identified at least two other Middle Archaic sites along
the desert coast but dating has been accomplished solely through the surface
finds . The highlands are believed to have been largely abandoned during the
Middle Archaic. Only two sites- Toconoce and Chulqui, both on the upper
Rio Loa (Aldunate eta!., 1986)-have been dated. Of the three dates available,
one of them (7990 B.P .) can be placed statistically in the Early Archaic, while
the other two are firmly within the Middle Archaic.
Bittmann and Munizaga (1984) describe a number of Late Archaic sites
from the coast just north of Antofagasta discovered during "Proyecto Cobija."
They divide the period into two "adaptations." The earliest extends from
6000 to 5000 B.P. and is characterized by shell fi shhooks, small middens
containing shellfish, fish remains, and possibly camelids. No grinding stones
are associated. The second adaptation, ranging from 5000 to 3500 B.P.,
shows a marked difference in that many sites, including Cobija-13, Ca)eta
Huelen-42 (Nunez eta!., 1975; Zlatar, 1983), and Chacaya-2 (Bustos, 19i4),
contain elliptical or semicircular, closely packed structures. The houses at
Caleta Huelen-42, dating to approximately 4800 B.P., are distinct from those
 142 Aldenderfer
at Cobija-13, in that they are generally semisubterranean and are con-
structed with vertical stone slabs. Middens at each of these sites, how-
ever, are large, deep, and extensive, and the contents indicate a heavy
reliance on maritime resources. Grinding stones are common. Bittmann
and Munizaga (I 984, pp. 133-134) infer from the appearance of these
houses, combined with the extensive middens, that populations were
semisedentary but retained some degree of mobility to counter the unpre-
dictability of the desert coast environment. Zlatar (1983), however, argues
that these concentrations of structures, particularly at Caleta Huelen-42,
represent continuous reoccupation of the site by foragers practicing large-
scale seasonal transhumance from coast to salt puna. Given the recon-
struction of settlement patterns by Santoro and Nunez (1987), it seems
unlikely that the inhabitants of the desert coast were residentially mobile at
the scale argued by Zlatar.
In the highlands, the Late Archaic is represented by a number of
important sites, including Tulan 51 and 52, Puripica, Calarcoco, Isla Grande,
Confiuencia, and other sites of the Chiuchiu complex (Druss, 1978).
Residence was apparently semisedentary (Santoro and Nunez, 1987, p. 99).
Settlement alternated on a seasonal basis between the oasis sector of the Salar
de Atacama, the middle Loa, and the high puna (Mena, 1984). The puna was
occupied during the wet season, and subsistence focused upon camelids,
rodents, and birds. During the dry season, these foragers returned to lower-
elevation sites along the rivers and quebradas to exploit local resources, such
as rodents and algorrobo. Structural remains occur at oasis sites such as
Puripica and Tulan 52 (Nunez, 1983). Houses at Tulan 52, dated between
4340 and 4270 B.P., are semisubterranean, circular, and constructed using
large, vertical stone slabs. Middens are extensive, and pits excavated into the
floors have been interpreted as storage facilities. Grinding tools at oasis sites
are common. Abundant rodent remains imply a subsistence pattern different
from that observed for the dry puna settlement-subsistence system (Olmos,
1985). It is unclear whether foraging groups dispersed during the summer,
but this seems likely since no obvious temporary camps have been found on
the high puna.
Resource Intensification and Specialization
Nunez (1983) has identified two important trends in resource intensifi-
cation and specialization du ring the Archaic: the specialized exploitation of
marine and littoral terrestrial species and the development of incipient
horticulture and pastoralism.
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 143
Marine and Littoral R esource Intensification
Dependence on coastal resources by the Archaic peoples of Peru and
Chile has long been recognized. For the central Peruvian coast, Moseley
(1975) has hypothesized maritime foundations for Andean civilization; and
since then, the concept of "maritime specialization" has been an important
feature of the intellectual landscape of Andean archaeology. While nothing
approaching the social and political complexity on the central Peruvian coast
appears during the Archaic in the south-central Andes, maritime specialization
remains an important component of the origins of ecological complementarity.
There have been few quantitative studies of changes in niche breadth
and range of species consumed by Archaic coastal foragers, and hard data on
marine resource exploitation have been infrequently published. Nevertheless,
recent studies at the Ring Site and Camarones-14 permit some exploration of
trends in marine resource utilization. At least through the Middle Archaic,
both the number and the range of marine genera consumed increase through
time (Table IV). The number of habitats exploited increases as well; during
the Early Archaic, mollusks were gathered only from the rocky intertidal and
sandy intertidal shore zones, while during the Middle Archaic, species from
the sandy subtidal zone are also exploited (Sandweiss et al., 1989). There are
no changes in the habitats of fish species exploited through time, however.
Studies in progress (Karen Wise, personal communication) suggest that these
trends continue through the Late Archaic at the sites of Carrizal and KM 4.
While niche breadth increases through time (one index of maritime
resource intensification), there is some evidence for the specialization of
use of particular marine genera. In the Middle Archaic levels of the Ring
Site (781 0 B.P.), although th e number of genera has increased, reliance
upon Mesodesma is very heavy based on relative numbers of MNI counts.
Table IV. Changes in Marine Resource Utilization on the Fertile Coast
Genera identified
Site Mammalian Birds Fish Mollusks Total
Camarones-14" 3 5 7 9 24
Level d ,
6600-6800 B.P.
Ring Site I I 4 12 18
7810 B.Pb
I0,575-9000 B.P.' 1 1 II 3 16
'Data from Schiappacasse and Niemeyer (1984, Tables 5, 8, I 1, and 12).
bData from Sa nd weiss eta/. (1989, Tables 5 and 11). These data represent a combination of Level
5, Unit B, and Level 4, Unit C .
'Date estimated; these data represent a combination of Level 14, Unit B, and Level 10, Unit C
(~ee Sandwe i s~ eta!., l 9R9, Table 1).
 144 Aldenderfer
Mesodesma accounts for over 86% of the mollusk MNI in these levels. A
similar trend is seen at Late Archaic sites and shell middens, which tend to
be dominated by high frequencies of Choromytilus chorus. The degree to
which these trends reflect increasing specialization or reliance on these species
or a seasonal aspect of subsistence economy remains to be established.
Technological change parallels the increase in niche breadth with the
appearance of more complex fishing tools, sinkers, fishhooks, nets, and
probably small rafts or boats (Munoz, 1982). These innovations meant that
foragers could exploit new coastal niches, primarily those offshore (Craig,
1982). Paralleling the intensification of use of marine resources is an increase
in the incidence of exostoses of the ear canal; a pathology associated with
frequent and habitual diving (Standen eta/., 1984). In the study of the Middle
Archaic cemetery population from Camarones-14, the authors determined
that 16% of the specimens has some incidence of this pathology. By Late
Archaic times, based on evidence from Morro-1 (in Arica), the incidence rate
increased to 20%. Almost all of the crania with the exostoses were those of
males in both the Middle and the Late Archaic. In contrast, the pathology
is not observed in crania of Archaic peoples living more than 40 km from the
coast at Tiliviche. This is clear, independent evidence of the more intensive
use of a new ecological niche through time.
The situation regarding the intensification of use of plant species on the
littoral is presently unclear. The number of grinding stones, mortars, and
manos increases through time from the Middle to Late Archaic, but few
seeds or macrofossils of plants have been recovered from coastal sites. At
Camarones-14, all species are local, and there is no significant grinding or
processing focus of plants (Schiappacasse and Niemeyer, 1984). By the end
of the Late Archaic (3700- 3500 B.P.) imported domesticates including cotton
(Gossypium sp.), camote (Hipomea batata), gourd (Lagenaria sp.), zapal!o or
curcurbits (Curcurbita sp.), and mandioca or yuca (Manihot spp.) are found
at fertile coast sites such as Camarones-15, Quiani-7, and La Capilla (Munoz,
1982). None of these species is local, and thus they have been introduced from
the northwest along the southern Peruvian coast or from across the eastern
slopes of the Andes (Nufiez, 1974). Quantities of these plants are not great,
but their appearance and use signal a change from previous maritime
subsistence specializations.
The appearance and role of maize (Zea mays) in the Archaic of the
region have long been debated (Nunez, 1986). Maize was found in preceramic
levels at Quiani on the fertile coast, but this find was subsequently shown to
have been introduced into these levels through disturbance. Similarly, maize
has been recovered from Camarones-14, but again, there is controversy over
the integrity of the finds. Since the amounts of material are very small, most
archaeologists agree than maize kernels were introduced into the Archaic
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 145
levels of the site through natural or cultural disturbances (Nunez, 1986,
p. 40). On the fertile coast, then, there are no finds of maize in Archaic sites
with secure archaeological contexts.
The situation is different, however, in the low intermediate valleys of
northern Chile. A number of sites have now been shown to have evidence of
maize in secure contexts, although there continues to be debate about the
chronology of the finds. Nunez (1986, pp. 40-44) has summarized the
important data from Tiliviche and finds that maize remains can be dated to
a period ranging from 7200 to 3800 B.P., with the greatest number of maize
remains (23 of 32 total specimens) ranging in date from 6700 to 4700 B.P. Of
the three possible finds of maize prior to 6700 B.P., at least one of these is
from a questionable context. The total number of remains is small compared
to the remains of other plants such as carob, algorrobo, and tot ora. Two other
Archaic sites in the region with maize remains found in human coprolites
include Tarapaca-12 (ca. 4700 B.P.) and Tarapaca-14A [ca. 6800- 3800 B.P.
(Williams, 1980)]. Fernandez (1974) reports the discovery of a popcorn in
Archaic levels dating from 9700 to 8700 B.P. at Huachichocana in north-
western Argentina but these dates and the identification remain to be
confirmed .
The relatively early date of maize in the region compares well with its
presence in other areas of the Andes. MacNeish eta/. (1983) report the use
of maize in the Chihua phase (ca. 6350- 5050 B.P.) in the Ayacucho basin,
while Lynch (1980) describes maize at Guitarrero Cave ranging in date from
7400 to 4000 B.P. In form, the maize from Tiliviche includes three different
varieties- altiplano "small flours ," Chucutuno chico, and Capio chico chilena
(Nufiez, 1986, p. 35). These varieties are very similar to the Peruvian highland
races, and this suggests that the Chilean finds originated in this area.
Camelid Exploitation and Domestication
Within the highland tradition, there are clear changes in the use of fauna
and flora through time. Trends include a change in target species from deer
to camelids and the possibility of camelid domestication. In the central
Andes, specialized hunting-a focu s on camelids over deer-is thought to be
a prelude to the domestication of camelids (Pires-Ferreira eta/., 1976). This
may be viewed as an intensification of use, which has been implicated in the
sedentarization process in other contexts (Christenson, 1980; Hayden, 1981).
In the south-central Andes, there are few quantitative data on this trend, but
what do exist parallel events in the central Andes. Remains of deer disappear
from assemblages on the suni by 3300 B.P. (Kent, 1982), and they decline
slowly in abundance in the sierra and dry puna of the Osmore basin beginning
in th e Middle Archaic (Aldend erfer, 1989a). However, since deer remains arc
 146
Aldenderfer
found well into ceramic times at Quelcatani, the degree to which their
decreasing frequency represents a change in hunting strategy (specialization)
or habitat reduction remains to be resolved.
When and where fully domestica ted camelids appear in the south-central
Andes are significant and important questions closely tied to the emergence
of ecological complementarity. There are four major extant species of
camelids-llamas and alpacas, now fully domesticated , and guanacos and
vicunas, two presumably undomesticated species. All are closely related
genetically and morphologically, but their evolutionary relationships remain
unclear. They are interfertile, complicating their identification (Kent, 1982;
Wheeler, 1985). Morphological similarity has made it almost impossible to
distinguish the species osteologically despite the best efforts of a number of
researchers to discover macroscopic and microscopic differences in bone
shape and structure. It thus follows that it is also very difficult to distinguish
domesticated from wild species. This has led to the use of demographic
indicators to determine whether or not the assemblage under study could
have been derived from a population of domesticated animals. Using the
population dynamics of modern domesticated camelids as a basis for analogy,
Wheeler (1985) has argued that high proportions of neonates or very young
animals in faunal assemblages indicate a domesticated population. When
corraled, young animals are highly susceptible to bacterial diseases that
apparently do not affect wild camelids. Both Nunez (1981) and Hesse (1982,
1985) have used this criterion to argue that domesticated camelids are probably
present at Puripica-1 by 4000 B.P., a date some 2000 years later than the
probable domestication of camelids on the Ju nin puna in the central Andes
(Wheeler, 1984, 1985).
The evidence from the rest of the region is equivoca l. Pollard and Drew
(1975), using questionable data on changes in bone microstructure, have
argued that domesticated camelids were present in the Rio Loa region at least
by 1900- 1600 B.P. and probably earlier, and Tartaglia (1980) claims to have
confirmed their domestication in the Tarapaca region by 1600 B.P. Domesti-
cated camelids are certainly present at Chiripa on the suni at least as early as
3300 B.P., a date more in line with th at inferred for Puripica. In the Osmore
basin, the data from Asana and Quelcatani track the direction but not the
magnitude of the changes in faunal assemblages thought to monitor the
advent of camelid domestication the central Andes. Among animals securely
identified as camelids, immature/neonate bone frequencies range from 10%
(Middle Archaic) to 30% (end of the Late Archaic) at Asana, and 5%
(Middle Archaic) to 45% (end of the Late Archaic) at Quelcatani (Aidenderfer,
1989a). Large deposits of camelid dung found in Late Archaic levels at
Quelcatani also provide indirect support for the intensive use of these animals
(Kuznar, 1989).
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 147
At present, it seems probable that camelid domestication took place
within the south-central Andes at some point between the end of the Middle
Archaic and the end of the Late Archaic (ca. 6000- 3500 B.P.). Kuznar (1989)
has postulated the initiation of the process as early as 7000 B.P., but aspects
of the model, such as evidence for regional packing, are presently unavailable.
The data supporting a Late Archaic date are scant, and thus the possibility
that already-domesticated camelids were introduced along with domesticated
tubers were introduced from the central Andes, as suggested by Jensen and
Kautz (1974) and Custred ( 1979), cannot yet be dismissed.
The Intensification of Plant Use in the Highlands
Little is known of the intensification of use of Andean tubers and
indigenous seed crops in the south-central Andes, although there has been
some speculation on the context of their use. Lynch (1967, 1971 , 1973) has
argued for the central Andes that the intensification and ultimate domesti-
cation of the potato was a coevolutionary process (Rindos, 1984), and Ugent
(1970, p. 1165) notes that the likely ancestors of the modern potato in the
south-central Andes were weedy "camp-followers." This implies that discarded
potatoes or tubers could have hybridi zed rapidly into hardier or more
productive varieties as they were mixed together by human intervention,
which was necessary since most of the most likely ancestor species were
spatially segregated in different microenvironments. Johns and Keen (1986)
have underscored this trend by noting that the domestication process has
been essentially passive.
Precisely when this unintentional process took place, however, and
when humans began to take advantage of it are not clear. Martin (1976)
claims to have identified domesticated Solanum at Chilca by 8000 B.P. and
Oxalis at Ancon by 4300 B.P., but these have not been verified by subsequent
researchers . A more secure identification of tuber use comes from the Casma
valley, where Ugent et al. (1982) have identified domesticated Solanum spp.
at Huaynuma dated to 4000 B.P. Within the south-central Andes, tubers and
bulbs of unknown species have been found at San Lorenzo in the salt puna
in deposits that date to about 10,000 B.P. (Nunez, 1983), but aside from this
very early find, there is almost no more reliable information. Gelling (1972)
attempted unsuccessfully to find tubers in a series of dry caves along the Rio
Huenque on the southern margin of the Titicaca basin. A single tuber of
unknown species was recovered from a Late Archaic deposit at Quelcatani
in the Osmore basin (Aldenderfer, 1989a).
An indirect measure of the use of tubers is the presence of storage
facilities. Potatoes and oca are transformed into chuno through freeze-drying
(Mamami , 1981; Lynch, 1983a) and today are stored in either bags, ceramic
 148 Aldenderfer
vessels, or small, rectangular structures adjacent to houses (Mamami, 1981,
pp. 243- 245). The latter method is designed for long-term storage. Above-
ground storage is preferred to maintain ventilation, which prevents spoilage
and germination. These small structures are lined with various reeds and
grasses, and the ch 'uno are placed atop them. Two material correlates are the
structural remains themselves and macrofloral remains of liners. We would
expect these structures to be placed within the drip lines of shelters but away
from sleeping areas. There is no evidence of storage facilities of this or any
other type at Quelcatani during the Early and Middle Archaic, but there is
partial evidence during the Late Archaic. Small stone features have been
found associated with some of the structural remains found near the drip line
and, while the function remains to be determined, it is possible that these
served as storage containers for tubers.
Somewhat more is known of the intensification of use of indigenous
Andean seed crops such as quinoa and canihua. In the south-central Andes,
the earliest known specimens of quinoa appear in coastal assemblages dating
to 4780 B.P. at Caleta Huelen-42 (Nunez, 1983) and possibly as early as 5000
B.P. at other Chinchorro complex sites (Nunez, 1974). Browman (1986) reports
heavy use of both Chenopodium spp. and Amaranthus in Phase lA (3300-2950
B.P.) at Chiripa, but since seed sizes are small, it is probable that wild plants
were being harvested. It is likely that the plant was fully domesticated by 2550-
2250 B.P. (Browman, 1986). In the absence of direct indicators, it once again
becomes necessary to rely upon indirect measures of the intensification of seed
use. Many high-elevation sites throughout the region contain mortars and
grinding stones, and many of these artifacts date to the Early Archaic. Whether
or not these grinding stones processed seeds remains to be established. There
is no question, though , that the number of grind ing tools with push- pull wear
increases at high-elevation sites during the Late Archaic, generally after 5000
B.P. During the Early and Middle Archaic at Asana, ground-stone tool
technology appears confined to the use of hammerstones to crush bone on
stone blocks and to grind resins, probably for hafting stone tools. In the Late
Archaic (ca. 4800 B.P.), many more tools are found, including manos and
large passive grinders used in seed processing. Bone pounding appears to
decline in importance, as does the processing of resins. This trend in the use
of ground stone correlates with the increased frequency of seeds in flotation
samples from Asana middens from the Middle through the Late Archaic.
Regional Distribution of Highland and Lowland Materials
The identification of intersocietal interaction in the archaeological record
depends on the preservation of material indicators of some anthropological
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 149
process. In the south-central Andes, with its vertical stratification of environ-
mental and ecological zones, evidence for mutualism or a similar form of
complex trade relationships should consist of economically important
quantities of highland foodstuffs such as quinoa, tubers, other highland
plants, camelid skins, wool, meat, bones of camelids (preferably vicuna), or
domesticated camelids in coastal assemblages, and economically important
quantities of fish, shellfish, or possibly Prosopis spp. seeds in highland
assemblages. The evidence for buffering or social relationships based upon
direct access to resources is more difficult to ascertain. Since buffering is
primarily a social relationship between groups based upon an ecological
rationale, economically important quantities of foodstuffs originating from
different ecological zones are not expected (Spielmann, 1986). However,
social relationships are often cemented and symbolized by the exchange of a
variety of goods, ranging from decorative objects to utilitarian items. While
the objects may have economic worth, their true value lies in the symbolization
of the reciprocity-based relationship between individuals. Brown (1985,
p. 223) has described the use of "tokens" as markers of intergroup and
interindividual relationships . In this view, tokens would be finished objects
constructed in nonlocal raw materials, objects executed in nonlocal styles, or
possibly small quantities of nonlocal foodstuffs. Objects made of nonlocal
materials but executed in local styles may or may not be tokens. An alternative
hypothesis which could explain this pattern would be through the organization
of logistical forays into distant ecological zones to obtain desired raw
materials. Therefore, the scale of land use must be considered when deciding
if objects could in fact have served as tokens.
Schiappacasse and Niemeyer (1984) have developed a model of resource
buffering strategies for the Middle Archaic foragers of the fertile coast. Using
ecological theory, primarily the work on territoriality and boundary formation
by Cashdan (1982), they have argued that Middle Archaic coastal foragers
were residentially sedentary, but were often faced with unpredictable shortages
in resource abundance. They resolved these shortages by moving into the
territories of other coastal or littoral foragers with whom they maintained a
risk-buffering or pooling system similar to that observed for the !Kung. They
say little about the possibility of interaction with high-elevation populations,
but the data from Camarones-14 as well as other coastal sites suggest that
there was some interaction between the coast and the highlands.
Although the data are limited, there is a clear increase in the appearance
of nonlocal materials in assemblages throughout the Archaic (Table V).
More Late Archaic sites have exotic materials, which suggests more intensive
interaction between the highlands and the coast. Materials appearing in
highland assemblages are limited to marine shell or other marine products, and
most appear to have been used as personal adornment. In coastal assemblages,
 ISO Aldenderfer The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes lSI

Table V. Nonlocal Materials Found in Highland/Lowland Assemblages THE STRUCTURE OF ARCHAIC PERIOD COMPLEMENTARITY
Period/site Material Quantity Source
What can we now say about the origins, structure, and transformations of
Early Archaic ecological complementarity in the south-central Andes? To begin, there appear
Las Cuevas Shark's teeth Few Santoro and Nuiiez (1987)
Caru
to be important differences in the form of complementarity. In the desert
Marine shell Few Ravines ( 1967)
(Choromytilus) coast/salt puna region, seasonal residential mobility remained the primary
Patapatane Marine shell Few Santoro and Nuiiez (1987) means of resource procurement. Coastal and highland foragers adapted to
(Choromytilus) environmental and social change by direct access to subsistence resources.
Osmore lomas Projectile points of Few Aldenderfer ( 1985),
puna materia.ls Baumann (ms.)
There is no evidence for coastal- hi ghlands interaction until well into the Late
Middle Archaic Archaic, when subsistence resources as well as nonutilitarian goods appear
Camarones-14 Vicuiia (ribs?), few Moderate Schiappacasse and at Caleta Huelen-42 and marine shell is found at Puripica. Since it is unlikely
projectile po in ts Niemeyer (1984, p. 74)
of puna material that highland foragers were creating surpluses of either camelids or
Late Archaic Chenopodium spp. because of the low productivity of the salt puna, it is
Puripica Marine shell Few Nuiiez (1981) probable that highland products in coastal assemblages signal the initiation
(Choromytilus)
Tojo-Tojones Marine shell Few Dauelsberg ( 1983)
of a buffering relationship.
( Choromytilus) In the fertile coast/dry puna region, direct access to resources by coastal
Patapatane Marine shell Few Santoro and Nuiiez (1987) and highland foragers continued through the Middle Archaic. While a buffer-
(Choromytilus)
Toquepala Marine shell ? Ravines (1972)
ing relationship between coastal and highland foragers could have existed
A sana Marine shell Few Aldenderefer (l989a) during the Early Archaic, supporting evidence is equivocal. Although more
(0/ive//a) survey data are urgently required, the small number of Early Archaic sites
Caleta Huelen 42, 48 Vicuiia hides ? Nuiiez (1983)
Quinoa ? suggests that regional population size and density were low. In these circum-
Camarones-15 Quinoa Few Muiioz (1982) stances, seasonal residential mobility would have been an efficient strategy
Puna bird feathers Few for dealing with both normal resource and procurement and unpredictable
Quiani-7 Quinoa Few Muiioz (1982)
Puna feathers Few resource shortages.
After 7000 B.P., important changes in settlement patterns and economy
become evident. Although there is debate whether or not coastal populations
were fully sedentary, it is clear that the use of marin e resources has intensi-
projectile points made of puna raw materials are characteristic of the Early fied. The causes behind this transition are not clear, however. Significant
and Middle Archaic. Vicuna hides, quinoa, and feathers of puna-dwelling changes in population size and density on the coast are not evident, nor is
birds appear in the Late Archaic. Regardless of the material, however, there an influx of highland peoples as has been argued by Santoro and Nunez
quantities are all very small, and none are clearly of economic importance. (1987) and Rivera (1984). There is a rough correlation with the onset of the
These data are consistent with buffering relationships or other, reciprocity- Boreal, a time of dramatically increased aridity and temperature (Aldenderfer,
based exchange relationships based upon direct access to subsistence resources 1989a). Again, this correlation must remain tentative since there is contro-
and, thus, provide indirect support for the model proposed by Schiappacasse versy about paleoenvironmental conditions and their appearance. In the
and Niemeyer. highlands, the beginnings of a more intensive exploitation of camelids and a
The appearance of small quantities of foodstuffs such as quinoa suggests change in settlement pattern. is also roughly coincident with this climatic
a structural change in the nature of the exchange system and may signal the change. Wet-season logistical forays of greater duration are now being made
initial stages of the transformation of a buffering interaction into a mutualistic into the sierra. Coastal- highland interaction does not appear to be signifi-
one. By the end of the Late Archaic, highland foragers had become at least cantly different from the Early Archaic.
in part pastoralists and horticulturalists and, with the establishment of these A change in the coastal- highland relationship is apparent, however, by
subsistence systems, they may have created a reliable product for the regular the Late Archaic. A wider range of highland products is found in coastal
exchange of mutually desired subsistence goods. assemblages, and for the first time some of these products are subsistence
I 152 Aldenderfer
resources. Although the magnitude of the change cannot be assessed because
of the paucity of quantitative data, it is reasonable to conclude that coastal-
highlands interactions underwent a structural change at this time. Of great
significance is that highland subsistence resources appear in coastal assem-
blages near the end of the Late Archaic (ca. 3500-3000 B.P.), well after
coastal foragers have begun to intensify their use of marine resources, and
within a clear context of increased population size on both the coast and the
highlands. The timing of this change correlates roughly with the more intensive
use of camelids, Chenopodium spp., and tubers in the highlands. Domesticated
camelids were present by at least 4000 B.P., and extensive experimentation
with Chenopodium and Andean tubers certainly predates 3500 B.P., although
how much earlier is open to further research. When surplus production of
these resources occurred is unclear, but since complex sociopolitical groups
such as Chiripa and Wankarani had developed on the suni and adjacent dry
puna and altiplano meridional, respectively, by 3300 B.P. (Ponce, 1980; Kolata,
1983), it is likely that it was well before this date. Unfortunately, there are no
known highland sites with significant amounts of low-elevation subsistence
resources, so it is not possible to determine what benefit highland foragers
obtained from this transformed relationship. The pattern is suggestive of a
modified form of buffering, in which at least some highland groups, especially
those in the more marginal zones of the dry puna and suni, could move to
lower elevation zones during times of resource shortages. This pattern of
mobility is well known from ethnohistoric sources and was probably based
upon some form of dyadic relationship between lowl and forager/cultivator
and highland foragerjcultivatorjpastoralist (Salomon, 1985, pp. 514- 515).
Much more research is necessary before many of the issues raised in this
review can be answered satisfactorily. Key areas and topics for future
research include the following three: (!) Concentration upon the period
7000- 3000 B.P., especially 6000- 4000 B.P. New research should provide data
on the domestication of camelids, tubers, and Chenopodium spp. (2) Research
must be focused upon the suni and dry puna. Too few sites in these regions
have been excavated, and there is a lack of data on the origins of a fully
pastoral adaptation. Similarly, more research is necessary in the fertile oases
and low intermediate valleys. Almost all of the data on the period from 6000
to 4000 B.P. come from a single site- Tiliviche. Additional research in this
zone will provide data on the role of maize in the development of ecological
complementarity. That it eventually became important is unquestioned.
Both the Alto Ramirez (2900 B.P.) and the Faldas del Morro (ca. 2850 B.P.)
phases on the fertile coast (Rivera, 1984; Dauelsberg, 1985) were heavily
dependent upon maize horticulture. (3) Specialized data recovery tech-
niques, such as flota tion analysis and column sampling, must become
routine. These can provide reliable quantitative measures of plant and
The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes 153
animal remains that are so desperately needed to test the hypotheses offered
in this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This paper has benefited from materials, advice, and commentary offered
by Donald Brockington, Alan Kolata, Don Rice, Jose Chavez, Ivan Munoz,
and Hans Niemeyer, as well three anonymous reviewers. The research
described for the Osmore basin has been funded by the Wenner-Gren
Foundation for Anthropological Research, the H. John Heinz III Charitable
Trust, and Northwestern University. Southern Peru Copper Corportation
has provided major infrastructural support to the project over the years, and
their continued assistance is gratefully acknowledged. Karen Aldenderfer
drafted the figures, and I thank her especially for both her support of this
paper and her contribution to our ongoing field research .
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