Professional Documents
Culture Documents
William Ayers is a communist. But don't take my word for it. He said so himself:
And not some nicey-nice peace-and-love kind of communist. Through his group
the Weather Underground, Ayers was planning to "seize power" in a violent
communist takeover of the United States:
If you're interested only in viewing or downloading the scans taken from Prairie
Fire, scroll down this page to see a large selection of shocking quotations which
you can use as you see fit. My introductory explanation below simply provides
context and elucidates why the text of Prairie Fire is so significant at this very
moment in history.
So far in 2008, there has been almost no mention of this manifesto and its
insurrectionary goals. It seems as if the media, William Ayers, Barack Obama and
his supporters don't want you to know about Prairie Fire. Which is exactly why
you need to see it.
There's nothing illegal about being a communist. People in this country are free to
hold whatever political beliefs they so choose. I don't know William Ayers, I've
never met him (that I'm aware of), and I have nothing against him personally.
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This essay only exists to correct and unequivocably debunk claims routinely made
by the mainstream media over the last few weeks about William Ayers, his beliefs,
and the purpose behind his bombing campaign during the 1970s.
Specifically, when questions arose during the 2008 presidential race about Barack
Obama's past associations with William Ayers, many media reports and articles
blandly described Ayers as a "Vietnam-era radical" and the Weather Underground
as a group that set bombs "to protest against the Vietnam War." Both of these
characterizations are demonstrably inaccurate.
Furthermore: Obama and his supporters at first claimed he barely knew who Ayers
was, but when public awareness of the connections between Obama and Ayers
became too numerous and too strong to deny, Obama's supporters have now begun
resorting to a fallback position: that William Ayers wasn't such a bad guy after all,
and that it is no shame to be associated with him. The now-standard talking points
are:
• Ayers was simply protesting against the Vietnam War, and a lot of people
protested against the Vietnam War back then, so there's no shame in that.
• Ayers was never actually convicted of setting any bombs or killing anyone,
so there's no real proof that he ever did anything wrong.
This essay disproves all of these claims. The text that William Ayers authored in
Prairie Fire, and the additional documentary links provided below, prove that:
• Ayers was not simply protesting "against" the Vietnam War. Firstly, he
wasn't against war in principle, he was agitating for the victory of the
communist forces in Vietnam. In other words: He wasn't against the war, he
was against our side in the war. This is spelled out in great detail in Prairie
Fire. Secondly, and more significantly, the Vietnam War was only one of
many issues cited by the Weather Undergound as the justifications for their
violent acts. As you will see below, in various quotes from Prairie Fire and in
their own list of their violent actions (and in additional impartial documentary
links), Ayers and the Weather Underground enumerated dozens of
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• Ayers and his co-authors freely brag about their bombings and other violent
and illegal acts, and even provide a detailed list, most likely typed up by
Ayers himself, of the crimes they had committed up to that point. Ayers' list,
scanned directly from Prairie Fire, is shown below. He may have escaped
conviction due to a legal technicality (the prosecutors failed to get a warrant
during some of their surveillance of the Weather Underground), but this in no
way means that Ayers was factually innocent of the crimes. As has been
widely reported, after the case against him was dropped, Ayers decribed
himself as "guilty as hell, free as a bird."
• Just because Ayers tries to appear respectable now doesn't mean that he
wasn't a violent revolutionary in the past. In fact, as the text of Prairie Fire
shows, Ayers was one of the most extreme extremists in American political
history. And as the links given as the end of this essay will prove, Ayers is
just as politically radical now as he was back then. He has never renounced
the political views he professed in the 1960s and 1970s. The only difference is
that now he no longer commits violence to achieve his goals. After his stint as
the leader of the Weather Underground, he shifted to a different tactic: to
spread his ideology under the aegis of academia. But the goal remains the
same: to turn America into a communist nation. Ayers' contemporary writings
contain many of the same ideas (and even the same phrases) found in Prairie
Fire, just toned down to make them more palatable in polite society.
This essay is only about William Ayers' past and present political views. It is not
about the connection between Barack Obama and William Ayers. That issue
has been covered (and continues to be covered) elsewhere in innumerable news
reports and blog postings. Yet as evidence mounts of the extensive and long-
standing connection between Obama and Ayers, making their association more
and more difficult to deny, Obama's campaign and supporters have started shifting
their strategy; Sure, they say, Obama may have had a connection with Ayers, but
why is that so bad? Look at William Ayers now: He's a completely respectable
man. What -- he protested against the Vietnam War? So did everyone. He's no
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extremist. I see these arguments made in countless blog posts, comment sections,
and even news articles. This essay exists to stop that political escape route.
There's no getting around it: William Ayers was a violent communist
revolutionary bent on overthrowing the government and "seizing power" in the
United States. The proof is on this page. And the only difference between the
1970s William Ayers and the William Ayers with whom Barack Obama has
associated is that Ayers no longer uses violence to achieve his goals. But Ayers'
underlying political world-view (i.e. communism) has remained the same.
For the record, and just to be complete, here are links documenting some of
Obama's many connections to William Ayers:
• Ayers and Obama worked together for years on a school reform program called
the Chicago Annenberg Challenge.
• Ayers and Obama also served together on the board of the Woods Fund of
Chicago, a separate charity organization.
• Obama had his political coming-out party in William Ayers' home.
• Ayers mentions Obama by name in a book he wrote in 1997, and mentions that
the two are very close neighbors.
• Obama gave a short glowing review of that same Ayers book for the Chicago
Tribune.
• Obama and Ayers were both presenters together on a panel about juvenile justice
(organized by Michelle Obama).
• Both Obama and Ayers were close friends with the same person, Rashid Kalidi.
• There are also several unverified rumors swirling around that have not been
documented: That Ayers may have helped to write part (or all) of Obama's
autobiography; that Obama and Ayers shared an office space together for three
years, on the same floor of the same building in Chicago; and that Ayers and
Obama may have known each other as far back as 1981.
How do we know that William Ayers himself co-authored Prairie Fire? Doesn't
the cover say it's by The Weather Underground as a group, and doesn't mention
him specifically?
Well, it's simple enough to prove. Because in the introduction, the four actual
authors sign their names -- Bernardine Dohrn, Jeff Jones, Billy Ayers, and Celia
Sojourn:
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(A scan showing this section in context on the full page in Prairie Fire can be
found below, lower down in this essay.)
Of course, in true communist spirit, earlier in the Introduction they mention that
the book grew out of "study groups," "conversations" and "struggles" of the entire
Weather Underground, but the four members listed above are the ones who
actually sat down and wrote the manuscript. And of those four, "Billy" Ayers and
Bernardine Dohrn were the most educated and literate, and were the
acknowledged leaders of the group, so it's almost certain they did the bulk of the
writing. (Especially considering, as I'll show below, the similarities between ideas
in Prairie Fire and contemporary writings by William Ayers.)
But that's not all. On his own blog, in his own resumé, Ayers lists himself as the
author of Prairie Fire. Which is as conclusive as you can get.
The Evidence
The rest of this essay consists primarily of scanned pages taken directly from an
actual physical copy of Prairie Fire printed in 1974. As you will notice, the
production quality was fairly crude, with some pages being typewritten (possibly
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PLEASE NOTE: For each of the full-size scanned pages displayed below, if
you click on the image, your browser will open a new window showing a
high-resolution version of the scan. I provide the hi-res scans as proof that this
evidence is real, and in case anyone wants to inspect the text in more detail.
The individual quoted lines scanned below are already high-resolution, so there is
no need to click on them. In a few instances, the quoted sentences start or end in
the middle of a line; in those cases, I only display the relevant quote in question; I
do not include the text on the remaining portions of the lines.
Underneath each scanned image is a transcription of some (or all) of the text
shown, to make things easier for bloggers and journalists to copy and paste the
sections which interest them.
(The full book is over 150 pages long, so I necessarily can only present a small
selection of pages here. But nearly every paragraph on every page throughout the
entire manuscript is jam-packed with the exact same kind of
communist/socialist/revolutionary verbiage you see here. If you want to see more,
or if you simply want to confirm that all of this is true, I encourage you to seek out
your own copy of Prairie Fire; a few copies can still be found in major libraries
and through rare book dealers.)
Below the scanned images is a final section providing quotes, links, videos and
documentation proving that William Ayers maintained his political beliefs
essentially unchanged throughout the '80s, '90s and 2000s, during which time he
was accepted into the upper echelons of Chicago society, mingling and working
with academics, activists and politicians -- including Barack Obama.
Page 16: The Weather Underground's own list of their terrorist bombings and other crimes
On page 16 of Prairie Fire, Ayers and his fellow co-authors brag about their
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numerous acts of domestic terrorism, and provide a handy list detailing not only
each crime but in most cases the justification for each crime as well. Note an
important detail: Most of the stated rationales for the Weather Underground's
violent acts have nothing whatsoever to do with Vietnam. This disproves the
ubiquitous media assertion that Ayers and the Weather Underground were
"Vietnam War protesters."
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For the record, to prove beyond any doubt that this is real, click on the small
image below to see a high-resolution scan of the entirety of page 16 in full
context, including the edges of the book cover, the crease in the center of the
book, and so on:
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The main body of Prairie Fire begins on page 10, after various introductory
pages. The following four scanned images are all short quotes taken from page 10.
Below each quote is a transcription of the text. The final image of this section
shows all these quotes in context in the book on page 10 itself.
We are a guerrilla organization. We are communist women and men, underground in the United States for more than four
years.
Here is the same quote repeated again, this time with additional context, in the
form of the subsequent two sentences:
We are a guerrilla organization. We are communist women and men, underground in the United States for more than four
years. We are deeply affected by the historic events of our time in the struggle against U.S. imperialism.
Our intention is to disrupt the empire, to incapacitate it, to put pressure on the cracks, to make it hard to carry out its
bloody functioning against the people of the world, to join the world struggle, to attack from the inside.
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The only path to the final defeat of imperialism and the building of socialism is revolutionary war.
Revolutionary war will be complicated and protracted. It includes mass struggle and clandestine struggle, peaceful and
violent, political and economic, cultural and military, where all forms are developed in harmony with the armed struggle.
Without mass struggle there can be no revolution.
Without armed struggle there can be no victory.
The following scan shows the full two-page spread of pages 10 and 11. Page 11,
as you can see, is a picture of Che Guevara. A full transciption of the text is below
the image.
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10
The unique and fundamental condition of this time is the decline of U.S. imperialism. Our society is in social and economic
crisis and assumptions about the U.S. are turned on their heads. These are hard conditions to live through. But they are
favorable for the people and for revolution.
These conditions of constant change demand the weapon of theory. Like people everywhere, we are analyzing how to bring
to life the potential forces which can destroy U.S. imperialism.
We are a guerrilla organization. We are communist women and men, underground in the United States for more than four
years. We are deeply affected by the historic events of our time in the struggle against U.S. imperialism.
Our intention is to disrupt the empire, to incapacitate it, to put pressure on the cracks, to make it hard to carry out its
bloody functioning against the people of the world, to join the world struggle, to attack from the inside.
Our intention is to engage the enemy, to wear away at him, to harass him, to isolate him, to expose every weakness, to
pounce, to reveal his vulnerability.
Our intention is to encourage the people, to provoke leaps in confidence and consciousness, to stir the imagination, to
popularize power, to agitate, to organize, to join in every way possible the people's day-to-day struggles.
Our intention is to forge an underground, a clandestine political organization engaged in every form of struggle, protected
from the eyes and weapons of the state, a base against repression, to accumulate lessons, experience and constant
practice, a base from which to attack.
The only path to the final defeat of imperialism and the building of socialism is revolutionary war. Revolution is the most
powerful resource of the people. To wait, to not prepare people for the fight, is to seriously mislead about what kind of
fierce struggle lies ahead.
Revolutionary war will be complicated and protracted. It includes mass struggle and clandestine struggle, peaceful and
violent, political and economic, cultural and military, where all forms are developed in harmony with the armed struggle.
Without mass struggle there can be no revolution.
Without armed struggle there can be no victory.
It will not be immediate, for the enemy is entrenched and intractable. It will require lengthy, deliberate political and armed
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The Introduction
The following four scanned images are all short quotes taken from Prairie Fire's
typewritten introduction. Below each quote is a transcription of the text. The final
image of this section shows all these quotes in context in the full introduction to
the book.
May 9, 1974
Here is PRAIRIE FIRE, our political ideology - a strategy for anti-imperialism and revolution inside the imperial US.
We undertook this analysis to explain the changes in US and world conditions since the Vietnam ceasefire and to evaluate
the consequences of the Vietnamese victory.
We need a revolutionary communist party in order to lead the struggle, give coherence and direction to the fight, seize
power and build the new society.
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The following scan shows the full two-page spread of the introduction, outlining
the Weather Undergound's revolutionary communism, their goal of overthrowing
the capitalist system, and ending with the names of the authors -- including
"Billy" Ayers. Remember: Click on the image if you want to see a high-resolution
version.
May 9, 1974
Here is PRAIRIE FIRE, our political ideology - a strategy for anti-imperialism and revolution inside the imperial US. It comes
out of our own practice of the last five years and reflects a diversity of experiences. This paper is not the product of one or
two people, nor even a small handful of us. Rather PRAIRIE FIRE represents the politics and collective efforts of an
organization. It has been the focus of our study groups and our political education. It has been chewed on and shaped in
countless conversations, struggles and written pages. It has travelled around the country, growing, developing thru the
attempt to understand the shape of world forces and the revolutionary possibilities before us. The paper was rewritten four
times and collectively adopted as the political statement of the Weather Underground. The twelve-month process of writing
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PRAIRIE FIRE, squeezed between on-going work and practice and action, has now reached a kind of end-point. A cycle is
done.
We undertook this analysis to explain the changes in US and world conditions since the Vietnam ceasefire and to evaluate
the consequences of the Vietnamese victory. We have come some distance in evaluating the political situation, the priorities
for revolutionary work since we began this writing. Now many more revolutionaries will need to shape and change the
paper. The politics cannot be realized unless and until the content of the program is activated in thousands of situations,
among thousands of people in the coming period. PRAIRIE FIRE will be a growing thing.
We hope the paper opens a dialectic among those in the mass and clandestine movements; we hope people will take
PRAIRIE FIRE as seriously as we do, study the content and write and publish their views of the paper as well as their
analysis of their own practice. We will respond as best we can.
Our movement urgently needs a concrete analysis of the particular conditions of our time and place. We need strategy. We
need to battle for a correct ideology and win people over. In this way we create the conditions for the development of a
successful revolutionary movement and party. We need a revolutionary communist party in order to lead the struggle, give
coherence and direction to the fight, seize power and build the new society. Getting from here to there is a process of
coming together in a disciplined way around ideology and strategy, developing an analysis of our real conditions, mobilizing
a base among the US people, building principled relationships to Third World struggle, and accumulating practice in struggle
against US imperialism.
PRAIRIE FIRE is written to communist-minded revolutionaries, independent organizers and anti-imperialists; those who
carry the traditions and lessons of the struggles of the last decade, those who join in the struggles of today. PRAIRIE FIRE is
written to all sisters and brothers who are engaged in armed struggle against the enemy. It is written to prisoners, women's
groups, collectives, study groups, workers' organizing committees, communes, GI organizers, consciousness-raising groups,
veterans, community groups and revolutionaries of all kinds; to all who will read, criticize and bring its content to life in
practice. It is written as an argument against those who oppose action and hold back the struggle.
PRAIRIE FIRE is based on a belief that the duty of a revolutionary is to make the revolution. This is not an abstraction. It
means that revolutionaries must make a profound commitment to the future of humanity, apply our limited knowledge and
experience to understand an ever-changing situation, organize the masses of people and build the fight. It means that
struggle and risk and hard work and adversity will become our way of life, that the only certainty will be constant change,
that the only possibilities are victory or death.
We have only begun. At this time, the unity and consolidation of anti-imperialist forces around a revolutionary program is
an urgent and pressing strategic necessity. PRAIRIE FIRE is offered as a contribution to this unity of action and purpose.
Now it is in your hands.
Bernardine Dohrn
Jeff Jones
Billy Ayers
Celia Sojourn
The following snippet is taken from the book's dedication page, and shows that
the Weather Underground dedicated the book to Robert F. Kennedy's killer Sirhan
Sirhan, among many other now-obscure '60s-era radicals, criminals and
revolutionaries:
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Here's the two-page spread of the dedication page and copyright page in high-
resolution, showing the full list of people to whom the book is dedicated:
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As an aside: Note how, on the copyright page, the authors state that the public is
"free to utilize the material" in the book "for political debate and study." That is
exactly how it is being used in this essay, though I think it's not quite the kind of
debate that William Ayers originally had in mind! Also note that my reproduction
of their material, as per their instructions, is true and accurate, and that I am not
"profiteering" from it because this site has no ads and does not generate any
income whatsoever.
Our job is to tap the discontent seething in many sectors of the population, to find allies everywhere people are hungry or
angry, to mobilize poor and working people against imperialism.
We have an urgent responsibility: to destroy imperialism from within in order to help free the world and ourselves from its
grasp.
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Our final goal is the destruction of imperialism, the seizure of power, and the creation of socialism. Our strategy for this
stage of the struggle is to organize the oppressed people of the imperial nation itself to join with the colonies in the attack
on imperialism. This process of attacking and weakening imperialism involves the defeat of all kinds of national chauvinism
and arrogance; this is a precondition to our fight for socialism.
Ever since the word "socialism" was brought up in the campaign by "Joe the
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Plumber," to whom Obama said he intends to "spread the wealth around," there
has been much discussion among pundits about what the word "socialism" really
means, and whether or not it's a bad thing.
Well, William Ayers had his own definition of socialism, which he spelled out on
page 41 of Prairie Fire. Because it's relevant to current events, let's look at what
the word "socialism" meant to left-wingers not too long ago:
(Note: the distortion of the text in the following image was caused by a glitch in
the scanner; it was not on the original page.)
Socialism is the total opposite of capitalism/imperialism. It is the rejection of empire and white supremacy. Socialism is the
violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the eradication of the
social system based on profit. Socialism means control of the productive forces for the good of the whole community
instead of the few who live on hilltops and in mansions. Socialism means priorities based on human need instead of
corporate greed. Socialism creates the conditions for a decent and creative quality of life for all.
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Page 13: Vietnam Is Only One Aspect of the Global Communist Revolution
Page 13 discusses how the Vietnam War is only one component of the overall
drive for worldwide communism. The following quotes speak for themselves:
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We made the choice to become a guerrilla organization at a time when the Vietnamese were fighting a heroic people's war,
defeating half a million troops and the most technologically advanced military power. In our own hemisphere Che Guevara
urged that we "create two, three, many Vietnams," to destroy U.S. imperialism by cutting it off in the Third World tentacle
by tentacle, and opening another front within the U.S. itself. At home, the struggle and insurrection of the Black liberation
movement heightened our commitment to fight alongside the determined enemies of the empire.
This defined our international responsibility and our duty as white revolutionaries inside the oppressor nation. We are part
of a wave of revolution sparked by the Black liberation struggle, by the death of Che in Bolivia in 1967, and by people's war
in Vietnam.
Revolution is a fight by the people for power. It is a changing of power in which existing social and economic relationships
are turned upside down. It is a fight for who runs things, in particular, for control by the people of what we communists call
the means of production
Here are pages 12 and 13 in high-resolution, showing the above quotes in context;
page 12 depicts a Vietnamese peasant woman:
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The following quote is taken from page 128, from the portion of Prairie Fire
having to do with the Middle East. I include it here to show the amazing
consistency of the radical left-wing view of the area -- the issues and arguments
remain almost unchanged from 1974 to today: ending Zionism, no "war for oil,"
stopping U.S. support for Israel, etc. Aside from a few current events details, this
exact same text could have appeared in any contemporary left-wing essay about
the Middle East. This shows that what once was a radical communist view has
now become mainstream:
(Note: the darkened area and the distortions were caused by a glitch in the
scanner, and were not part of the original page.)
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At the beginning of this essay, I wrote that William Ayers is a communist. And
while I certainly have shown that he was a communist, has he changed his stripes
since 1974? Has he ever renounced the ideologies he embraced in Prairie Fire
(and elsewhere)?
In short: No. He still maintains the same belief systems. To this day, he sticks to
the exact same phraseologies to describe his unchanged political philosophy.
This section explores William Ayers' current beliefs about communist ideology.
And why is this relevant? Because if he believed it in 1974, and still believes it in
2008, then he almost certainly continued to believe it in 1995-2006, the period
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during which Barack Obama had his associations with Ayers. There is no
evidence whatsoever that Ayers went through some "right-wing phase" (which
would have been totally out of character) nor had any diminuation of his political
fervor. As far as anyone can tell, and according to Ayers himself, he has had a
consistent and unchanged philosphy from the 1960s up until the present.
What this means is that William Ayers was a communist when Barack
Obama associated with him.
So, let's get to the evidence about whether or not Ayers has changed his views.
On April 12, 2002, Ayers said during an interview with a college radio station:
As the video notes, Obama was working directly with Ayers within days of this
interview being given -- and for years prior and afterward.
In Prairie Fire, one can find many references to the United States government
promoting violence, to white supremacy, and to racism. It's quite obvious nothing
has changed in Ayers' philosophy.
Next, let's turn to Bill Ayers' own personal blog, where he posts his own writings.
about how and where the rebellion will break out, but I know I
want to be there and I know it will break out...
...
Opposing aggressive war is always urgent, but for revolutionaries
we need to both be fully activated in the opposition...
On November 7, 2006 Ayers posted this essay on his blog describing his visit to a
conference in Hugo Chavez's Venezuela -- an essay which sounds like it could be
a missing chapter from Prairie Fire, and which Ayers concludes by shouting
"Viva Presidente Chavez!"
And just a few months ago on June 28, 2008, Ayers describes himself in this
posting on his blog as a "socialist" when it comes to economic policy.
All of this is, of course, just the tip of the iceberg. To this day, nearly every word
that Ayers utters and every sentence that he writes hews to the exact same
communist line. You can easily find hundreds more examples yourself just by
browsing through his blog or simply by Googling his name and searching for his
writings and speeches, almost all of which still revolve around notions
promulgated in Prairie Fire.
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Additional Links
New York Times: Obama and '60s Bomber: A Look Into Crossed Paths
In 2001, the New York Times reviewed Ayers' fictionalized "memoir" Fugitive
Days and called it "maddeningly evasive... one of those books that tell by not
telling."
Excellent article by David Horowitz about Ayers; the source of the quote in which
Ayers describes himself as "Guilty as hell. Free as a bird. America is a great
country."
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Undercover agent Larry Grathwohl, who had infiltrated and joined the Weather
Underground, described their post-revolution governing plans for the United
States in this video taken from the 1982 documentary "No Place to Hide." The
Weather Underground openly discussed exterminating 25 million Americans who
refused to be "re-educated" into communism.
I bought up the subject of what's going to happen after we take over the
government. We, we become responsible, then, for administrating, you know,
250 million people.
And there was no answers. No one had given any thought to economics; how
are you going to clothe and feed these people.
The only thing that I could get, was that they expected that the Cubans and the
North Vietnamese and Chinese and the Russians would all want to occupy
different portions of the United States.
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I asked, well, what's going to happen to those people that we can't re-educate;
that are die-hard capitalists. And the reply was that they'd have to be
eliminated. And when I pursued this further, they estimated that they would
have to eliminate 25 million people in these re-education centers. And when I
say eliminate, I mean kill. 25 million people.
I want you to imagine sitting in a room with 25 people, most of which have
graduate degrees from Columbia and other well known educational centers,
and hear them figuring out the logistics for the elimination of 25 million
people.
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