Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Advisors:
NOEL BARNARD (Canberra) – J. CHIAO WEI (Trier) – VINCENT GOOSSAERT (Paris) –
NICOLAS KOSS, O.S.B. (Taibei) – SUSAN NAQUIN (Princeton) –
RODERICH PTAK (München) – REN DAYUAN (Beijing) –
HELWIG SCHMIDT-GLINTZER (Wolfenbüttel) – NICOLAS STANDAERT, S.J. (Leuven) –
KONSTANTIN TERTITSKY (Moskva)
THOMAS JÜLCH
Contents
Introduction ………………………………………………………........................................ 1
1. Conflicting Approaches in Positioning Buddhism
in Its Attitude towards the Emperor …………………………………….… ..... ………….... 4
2. Stylistic Observations …………………………………………….. ............................... 7
3. Dialogue Structure ……………………………………………………………… .................. 8
4. Life and Works of Yancong ………………………………………………………………… ... 10
5. “Futian lun” (Treatise on the Fields of Blessedness) – Translation …………….......... 11
Chinese Abstract ………………………………………………........................................ 43
Introduction
As a religion originating from India, Buddhism came into being under the formative
influence of Indian culture. When Buddhism was introduced to China, this non-
Chinese cultural heritage led to clashes of certain Buddhist concepts with the Chi-
nese way of organizing state and society. One of these clashes was the disagreement
on the question whether or not Buddhist monks should bow to the emperor.
In ancient India spirituality played a central role in society, and spiritual au-
thorities were held in great esteem. Hence spirituality was seen as standing above
politics, and spiritual authorities were not asked to bow to worldly rulers. Point-
ing back to the Indian roots of Buddhism, members of the Chinese saṃgha ar-
gued that Buddhist monks should not be asked to bow to the emperor in China ei-
ther. 1 However, in a Chinese context monks refusing to bow to the emperor
posed a problem. According to Confucian state ideology, the emperor was seen
as the highest authority in the empire. His authority stood above religion, so that
each subject, no matter which religion he/she belonged to, had to pay homage to
1
Leon Hurvitz, “‘Render unto Caesar’ in Early Chinese Buddhism: Huiyuan’s Treatise on the
Exemption of the Buddhist Clergy from the Requirements of Civil Etiquette,” in: Liebenthal
Festschrift, ed. Kshitis Roy. Sino-Indian Studies vol. 5, parts 3 & 4 (Santiniketan: Visvabharati,
1957), pp. 80f.; Michibata Ryōshū 道端良秀. “Tōdai no sōni fuhai kunshin ron” 唐代の僧尼
不拝君親 論, Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度學佛教學研究 4 (1954), pp. 54-64.
2 THOMAS JÜLCH
him. The reluctance of monks to bow to the emperor was an unprecedented viola-
tion of this Confucian dogma. In Lunyu 12.11 it is said:
Duke Jing of Qi asked about government. Confucius answered: “Let the ruler be a
ruler, the subject a subject, the father a father, the son a son.” The Duke said:
“Splendid! Truly, if the ruler be not a ruler, the subject not a subject, the father not a
father, the son not a son, then even if there be grain, would I get to eat it?”2
The Confucian position is that monks were to be seen as subjects of the state, too.
So if monks were reluctant to bow to the emperor, this would be a case of sub-
jects not behaving like subjects.
Being in disagreement with Confucianism posed a threat to the survival of
Buddhism in medieval China. For this reason the uncompromising doctrinal posi-
tion that monks were not to bow to the emperor was not shared by all members of
the Buddhist saṃgha in China. In the present article I will analyze differences be-
tween supporters of the position that Buddhism should maintain its doctrinal
claims and others who rather chose to present Buddhism as reconciled with the
Confucian principles of imperial rule.
Texts arguing that monks should not bow to the emperor have been compiled
in the Ji shamen bu ying bai su deng shi 集沙門不應拜俗等事 (T 2108, Collec-
tion [of texts] on the matter that śramaṇas should not bow to secular authorities –
hereafter to be referred to as Shamen bu ying bai su) by the Tang Buddhist monk
Yancong 彥悰 in six juan. The major texts relevant to this matter are also pre-
served in the Hongming ji 弘明集 (T 2102) and in the Guang Hongming ji 廣弘
明集 (T 2103).
The matter of whether monks should bow to the emperor first came up in a de-
bate centering around the monk Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416). During the Eastern Jin 東
晉 the high ranking official Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369–404) in 404 usurped the throne
and declared himself emperor. In order to stabilize his dynasty, he sought to reduce
the power of the saṃgha. Among other measures he considered asking monks to
show their subservience by bowing to him. Huiyuan wrote his “Shamen bu jing
wangzhe lun” 沙門不敬王者論 (i.e., General treatise [arguing that] śramaṇas
should not bow to kings) to demonstrate the inappropriateness of this policy.3
In the Sui dynasty the matter was prominently taken up again by a monk
named Yancong 彥琮 (557–610, not to be confused with Yancong 彥悰).4 Under
2
齊景公問政於孔子。孔子對曰:「君君, 臣臣, 父父, 子子。」公曰:「善哉! 信如君不君, 臣
不臣, 父不父, 子不子, 雖有粟, 吾得而食諸?」. Confucius, The Analects. Trs. D.C. Lau
(Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2002), pp. 112f.
3
Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaption of Buddhism in Early
Medieval China (Leiden: Brill, 1959), pp. 231-239.
4
Due to their homophonic character and their graphic similarity, the names of 彥悰 and 彥琮
have been confused in the historical transmission of the texts authored by them. On this issue
see Thomas Jülch, Die apologetischen Schriften des buddhistischen Tang-Mönchs Falin
(München: Utz, 2011), pp. 13, 30. Whenever the name Yancong reappears in the current arti-
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 3
the Sui emperors, Buddhism enjoyed imperial patronage. Sui Buddhism was in
the first place a state religion employed to legitimize the Sui rule.5 However, it
seems that the second Sui emperor, Yangdi 煬帝 (r. 605–618), still felt a need to
demonstrate his power also to the Buddhist clergy. Hence he asked monks to bow
to him, and Yancong wrote his “Futian lun” 福田論 (i.e., Treatise on the fields
of blessedness) to criticize the emperor for this. The term futian (fields of bless-
edness) is a metaphor referring to Buddhism. Buddhism is the field out of which
blessedness grows.6 Hence “Futian lun” actually means “Treatise on Buddhism.”
Both “Shamen bu jing wangzhe lun” and “Futian lun” are partially contained
in Shamen bu ying bai su, juan 2. Both texts consist of preface and main text.
The Shamen bu ying bai su basically renders the main texts, while the prefaces
are replaced or at least modified. For the “Shamen bu jing wangzhe lun” see: T
2108, p. 449, a12 – p. 451, b10; for the “Futian lun” see: T 2108, p. 452, c3 –
p. 454, b28. The complete versions of both texts are found in the Hongming ji
and in the Guang Hongming ji (“Shamen bu jing wangzhe lun”: T 2102, p. 29,
c19 – p. 32, b11; “Futian lun”: T 2103, p. 280, c18 – p. 283, a9). The main text
of the “Futian lun” starts with a brief introduction, in which Yancong explicitly
praises Huiyuan’s “Shamen bu jing wangzhe lun” and names it as the precursor
to his own argumentation.
The “Shamen bu jing wangzhe lun” has already widely been studied in re-
search.7 Hence in the present article I will concentrate on the “Futian lun” being
the second major text arguing that monks should not bow to the emperor. In sec-
tion 1, I will show that it is difficult to identify two conflicting schools among the
mainstream of Buddhist apologias. Even though the parties support different con-
cepts of how Buddhism should approach the emperor, they cannot be differentiat-
ed into those who want monks to bow and those who do not. In fact, both have
many aspects of their argumentation in common. In section 2, I will show how
the “Futian lun” fits into the literary tradition of Chinese Buddhism from a stylis-
tic point of view. In section 3, I will explain the textual organization of the
“Futian lun” and demonstrate how the contents fit into the overall argumentation.
In section 4, I will provide a brief overview over the life and works of Yancong.
As an enhancement to the article, I provide a full translation of the “Futian lun.”
cle, I am referring to 彥琮, the author of the “Futian lun” 福田論, not to 彥悰, the compiler of
the Shamen bu ying bai su.
5
Arthur Wright, “The Formation of Sui Ideology, 581–604,” in: Chinese Thought and Institu-
tions, ed. John K. Fairbank (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), pp. 71-104.
6
Livia Kohn, Cosmos and Community: The Ethical Dimension of Daoism (Cambridge, Mass.:
Three Pines Press, 2004), p. 25.
7
Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, pp. 238f.; Hurvitz, “‘Render unto Caesar’,”
pp. 80-114; Kobayashi Masayoshi 小林正美, “Eon Shamon fukei ōsha ron no ichi kōsatsu” 慧
遠「沙門不敬王者論」の一考察, Tōyō Bunka 東洋文化 57 (1977), pp. 101-131; Peng
Ziqiang 彭自強, Fojiao yu Ru Dao de chongtu yu ronghe 佛教與儒道的沖突與融合 (Chengdu:
Bashu shushe, 2000), pp. 213-250.
4 THOMAS JÜLCH
8
Thomas Jansen, “Der chinesische Kaiser Liang Wudi (reg. 502–549) und der Buddhismus,” in:
Zwischen Säkularismus und Hierokratie: Studien zum Verhältnis von Religion und Staat in Süd-
und Südostasien, ed. Peter Schalk (Uppsala: Uppsala University, 2001), p. 91, n. 7.
9
Mori Mikisaburō 森三樹三郎, Ryō no Butei – Bukkyō ōchō no higeki 梁の武帝. 佛教王朝の悲
劇 (Kyōto: Heirakuji shoten, 1956); Suwa Gijun 諏訪義純, “Ryō Butei Bukkyō kankei jiseki
nenpu kō” 梁武帝仏教関係事蹟年譜考, Bukkyō shigaku kenkyū 佛教史學研究 26 (1983) 1,
pp. 45-76 (part 1); 26 (1984) 2, pp. 72-94 (part 2); id., “The Reform of Imperial Ritual during
the Reign of Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty (502–549),” unpublished dissertation, Cam-
bridge University, 1998; Andreas Janousch, “The Emperor as Bodhisattva: The Bodhisattva
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 5
In the early Tang dynasty, however, emperors gave preference to Daoism and
held Buddhism in much less esteem. In this situation the monk Falin 法琳 (572–
640) ventured to attempt to convince the emperor of the qualities of Buddhism.
For this purpose he wrote his apologetic scriptures Poxie lun 破邪論 (T 2109,
Treatise on the destruction of heresy) and Bianzheng lun 辯正論 (T 2110, Trea-
tise on the discussion of what is right), which I have analyzed and partially trans-
lated in a monograph based on my doctoral dissertation.11 In these scriptures he
presents Buddhism as a religion which could benefit the emperor in ruling the
country much more than Daoism. In order to demonstrate the loyalty of the Bud-
dhist saṃgha, Falin emphatically shows respect to the Tang ruling house. The
Poxie lun includes petitions to the princes Li Jiancheng 李建承 and Li Shimin 李
世民.12 Especially the petition to Li Shimin greatly flatters the addressee. He who
later became emperor as Tang Taizong 唐太宗 was still a prince then, but had al-
ready presented himself as one of the most influential figures in the establishment
of the Tang dynasty. Falin praises Li Shimin as a political figure truly being an
agent of soteriology. Obviously such addresses do not comply with not bowing.
In fact both petitions conclude with statements demonstrating Falin’s eagerness to
bow to the prince respectively addressed: “My dirty [formulations] insult your
sublimity. In panic I kneel down” Chen du wei yan. Fu zeng song xi 塵黷威嚴.
伏增悚息 (T 2109, p. 475, b27-28); “I prostate in front of the great prince’s pal-
ace hall” Fu wei dawang dian xia 伏惟大王殿下 (T 2109, p. 477, a24). Certainly
such formulations are obligatory parts of any petition to imperial authorities.
However, Falin thereby does not conform to the radical position supported by
Huiyuan and Yancong. As far as the contents of Falin’s apologetic argumentation
are concerned, it cannot be said that there would be an explicit rejoinder to them.
The question of whether or not monks should bow to the emperor is simply ig-
Ordination and Ritual Assemblies of Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty,” in: State and Court
Ritual in China, ed. Joseph P. McDermott (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999),
pp. 112-149; Yan Shangwen 顔尚文, Liang Wudi 梁武帝 (Taibei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 2000);
Jansen, “Der chinesische Kaiser Liang Wudi (reg. 502–549) und der Buddhismus,” pp. 89-118.
10
Yamazaki Hiroshi 山崎宏, Zui no kōso buntei no bukkyō chikokusaku 隋の高祖文帝の佛敎治
國策 (Tōkyō: Bukkyō Hōsei Keizai Kenkyūjo, 1934); Arthur F. Wright, “The Formation of Sui
Ideology, 581–604,” pp. 71-104; Tsukamoto Zenryū 塚本善隆, “Zui Buntei no shūkyō fukkō
toku ni daijō bukkyō shinkō: Chōan o chūshin toshite” 隋文帝の宗教復興特に大乗仏教振興:
長安を中心として, Nambu bukkyō 南都仏教 32 (1974), pp. 29-53; Erik Zürcher, “‘Prince
Moonlight’: Messianism and Eschatology in Early Medieval Chinese Buddhism,” TP 68 (1982),
pp. 1-75; Ōno Masahito 大野雅仁, “Zui Buntei jidai no bukkyō: Kaikōki no meisō no shōchi o
megutte” 隋文帝時代の仏教 開皇期の名僧の招 致をめぐって, Ōtani Daigaku Daigakuin
kenkyū kiyō 大谷大學大學院研究紀要 8 (1991), pp. 139-166; Lan Jifu 藍吉富, Suidai fojiao
shi shulun 隋代佛教史述論 (Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1998), pp. 1-27.
11
Jülch, Die apologetischen Schriften des buddhistischen Tang-Mönchs Falin (cf. n. 4).
12
For details regarding these petitions see Jülch, Die apologetischen Schriften, p. 61. For a transla-
tion of the petition to Li Jiancheng see ibid., pp. 128-133, for a translation of the petition to Li
Shimin see ibid., pp. 146-158.
6 THOMAS JÜLCH
nored. Falin could not actually oppose Huiyuan and Yancong, since in terms of
Buddhist doctrine what they said was correct. As this doctrinal position, however,
stood in conflict with Falin’s political goals, he chose to leave it unmentioned.
As I have shown in my monograph, Falin’s writings mark the peak of a long
apologetic tradition seeking to establish Buddhism in China by presenting it as a
teaching which could ideally support imperial rule. Hence Falin’s writings are the
foremost in a larger corpus of treatises being defined as such by a common pat-
tern of argumentation.13 This pattern involves much more than just showing re-
spectful demeanor to the ruling house. It also needed to be shown that Buddhism
was actually not a barbarian teaching that did not belong into the Chinese high
culture, but rather an authentic religion having played an integral role in Chinese
society since antiquity. Secondly it was essential to demonstrate that Daoism, as
the major competitor, could not parallel Buddhism. These patterns of argumenta-
tion are shared by the texts in the Shamen bu ying bai su. It seems that the best
way to win tolerance for the position that monks should not bow to the emperor
was to employ the same arguments, emphasizing that Buddhism had its valid
place in Chinese society. Subsequently I will provide two examples for arguments
that play a major role in the corpus of treatises “summed up” by Falin and re-
appear in the Shamen bu ying bai su.
(1) In Buddhist apologetic literature it was held that King Mu of Zhou 周穆王
traveled to the West, since he recognized the Buddha appearing in India as a sage
ruler (i.e., shengren 聖人), who might jeopardize the rule of the Zhou dynasty.
This re-interpretation of the ancient legendary tradition of the Mu tianzi zhuan 穆
天子傳 was employed to demonstrate two different things: First, through this sto-
ry the Buddha was given the status of a shengren, which shew that Buddhism
could hardly be considered as barbarian. Secondly, it provided evidence that
Buddhism had influenced China already during antiquity.14 This story, which was
so important to Falin and his predecessors, is also found in the Shamen bu ying
bai su (T 2108, p. 456, b4-6).
(2) Beginning with the Erjiao lun 二教論 (Treatise of the two teachings), it
was argued that Buddhism and Confucianism were both jiao 教, whereas Daoism
was a jia 家. Hereby Buddhism and Confucianism were presented as standing on
one level, whereas Daoism was depicted as something inferior.15 This argument is
also found in the Shamen bu ying bai su (T 2108, p. 457, a5-8).
A more careful analysis, for which I do not have the space here, would show
that in fact many of the arguments presented in apologias courting imperial favor
13
Regarding the definition of this corpus see: Jülch, Die apologetischen Schriften, pp. 28-35.
14
Ibid., pp. 47, 77, 92ff.; Thomas Jülch, “The Buddhist Re-interpretation of the Legends Sur-
rounding King Mu of Zhou,” JAOS 130 (2010) 4, pp. 625-627.
15
Jülch, Die apologetischen Schriften. pp. 57, 89; Catherine Despeux, “La culture lettrée au ser-
vice d’un plaidoyer pour le Bouddhisme. Le ‘Traité des deux doctrines’ (‘Erjiao Lun’) de
Dao’an,” in: Bouddhisme et lettrés dans la Chine médiévale, ed. Catherine Despeux (Paris –
Louvain: Peters, 2002), pp. 145-227.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 7
re-appear in the texts of the Shamen bu ying bai su. In this sense it can be said
that the treatises arguing that monks should not bow to the emperor are also rooted
in Buddhist apologetic literature, but dissociate themselves by upholding an ideal
which would have made it difficult to ensure the survival of Buddhism in China.
2. Stylistic Observations
After the previous discussion of ideological implications, I will now turn to an
analysis of stylistic features. For this I need to narrow the discussion down to a
comparison of Falin’s apologetic treatises and Yancong’s “Futian lun.” In the
above I have been able to argue referring to bigger textual traditions, since these
traditions could be defined by certain ideological positions. There is, however, no
consistence in these traditions as far as stylistic features are concerned. These fea-
tures, it seems, do not primarily depend on the ideological positions supported in
a text, but rather on the fashion of the time the text was composed in.
While the “Futian lun,” in its ideological positions, stands in a certain contrast
to the apologetic treatises of Falin, it totally conforms to them in its stylistic con-
ception. Most of the main text of the “Futian lun” is written in parallel style. I
include the Chinese original text into the subsequent translation, in order to make
the parallel patterns also graphically visible. Hence it becomes clear that in the
“Futian lun” parallel style plays a much more prominent role than in classical,
pre-Buddhist Chinese literature. The mode of expression employed in the “Futian
lun” is a result of the emergence of the narrative style of bianwen 變文, which in
the Six dynasties (220–589) became popular as a means of entertainment in Chi-
nese Buddhism.16 Bianwen-texts were exclusively composed in parallel style, and
each text consistently maintains the same parallel pattern from the beginning to
the end. Thus bianwen-texts differentiate themselves from the previous narrative
tradition, which used guwen 古文 only. In guwen, parallelism occurs much more
occasionally. The new bianwen-style became an identification factor for Buddhist
texts, and thus also Buddhist apologetic texts playfully employed it. The “Futian
lun” is not actually written in bianwen, as it does not exclusively consist of sen-
tences in parallel style, and since it uses different parallel patterns. However, the
high content of parallelisms shows the influence of the bianwen-tradition.
Early texts of Chinese Buddhist apologetic literature do not show this
bianwen-influence yet. Texts like the “Zhengwu lun” 正誣論, the “Mouzi lihuo
lun” 牟子理惑論 (both preserved in Hongming ji, juan 1) or also the “Shamen
bu jing wangzhe lun” were still written in guwen. However, in the course of
time, bianwen gained more and more public popularity. The pro-Buddhist Sui
dynasty could be seen as the climax of this development.17 This might be the rea-
16
Substantial research has been carried out in this field. In particular, the following monograph
has been recognized as an excellent study: Victor H. Mair, T’ang Transformation Texts. A
Study of the Buddhist Contribution to the Rise of Vernacular Fiction and Drama in China
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989).
17
Werner Eichhorn, Kulturgeschichte Chinas (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1964), pp. 178f.
8 THOMAS JÜLCH
son why in the Sui dynasty the influence of bianwen could also be felt in non-
narrative Buddhist literature. Yancong’s works are one example, but also in the
famous Lidai sanbao ji 歷代三寶紀 (T 2034) one could make similar observa-
tions. In early Tang-dynasty the apologetic scriptures by Falin were written in
this style as well. My monograph on Falin provides a translation of substantial
parts of Falin’s apologetic scriptures. There I also included the Chinese text to
make the parallel structures graphically visible. 18 We see the same style as in
Yancong: different patterns of parallelisms follow upon each other, sometimes in-
terrupted by prose passages.
3. Dialogue Structure
After this discussion of stylistic features I will now come to the textual organiza-
tion and contents of the “Futian lun.” The preface describes the circumstances
which led Yancong to write the treatise. It is explained how the Sui emperor
Yangdi ordered the monks to bow, how they refused, and eventually succeeded in
their resistance. In the main text, the discussion of whether or not monks should
bow to the emperor is presented as a dialogue between two fictional characters,
one being the “host” (zhu 主) and one the “guest” (ke 客). The host, being a sup-
porter of Buddhism, argues that monks should not bow to the emperor. The guest,
supporting the Confucian position, insists that bowing to the emperor should be an
inevitable obligation for monks. Finally the host enforces the guest’s surrender.19
Major parts of Falin’s apologetic treatises are written in dialogue form as
well.20 In those parts, the discussion is usually opened by an anti-Buddhist agita-
tor, while a Buddhist apologist replies in defense of the dharma.21 In case of the
“Futian lun,” the discussion is – rather untypically – opened by the host. Both
host and guest speak three times. One statement by the host together with the
counterstatement by the guest form what I call a sequence (abbreviated as “S”).
The dialogue between host and guest presented in the “Futian lun” consists of
three sequences (S1-S3). Below I will briefly summarize the contents and show
the argumentative relevance of each sequence.
18
Jülch, Die apologetischen Schriften, pp. 144-676.
19
Interestingly, in “Shamen bu jing wangzhe lun,” section 5, we find a similar (yet shorter) dia-
logue between a “host” (zhuren 主人) and “guests” (zhongbin 眾賓). Here, too, the host sup-
ports the Buddhist position, whereas the guest stands corrected in the end (Hurvitz, “‘Render
unto Caesar’,” pp. 112f.).
20
The Bianzheng lun (T 2110) consists of twelve scriptures, nine of which are written in dialogue
form. In case of the shorter Poxie lun (T 2109), the situation is slightly different. The main part
of the work does, however, at least come close to dialogue form, as it quotes eleven proposi-
tions ascribed to the anti-Buddhist agitator Fu Yi 傅奕 (555–639) and renders Falin’s reply to
each of them (Jülch, Die apologetischen Schriften, pp. 60-66).
21
The only exception to this rule is the first scripture in Falin’s Bianzheng lun, which is opened
by a “Venerable of the Academy” (shang xiang gongzi 上庠公子), speaking in favor of Confu-
cianism (Jülch, Die apologetischen Schriften, pp. 293-310).
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 9
S1: The host opens the discussion describing the value of Buddha, dharma,
and saṃgha in guiding people, and the auspiciousness of the Buddha’s enlighten-
ment. He closes his introductory statement by saying that taking all this into ac-
count, it is inexcusable to ask those who represent the teachings of the Buddha to
bow to the emperor.
In his reply, the guest first displays that in Chinese tradition the emperor is
understood as the supreme and unparalleled authority. He then goes on to criti-
cize Buddhism for falling short of its own principles, as becoming a monk in-
volves “leaving the family” (chujia 出家), which would have to be seen as an act
of neglect rather than an act of compassion. The guest concludes by saying that
those who are guilty of such inappropriate conduct, do in no way compare to the
emperor and should not challenge his authority.
S2: The reaction presented by the host at this point is by far the most elaborate
statement in the entire dialogue. He explains that the irreconcilable differences
between Buddhism and Confucianism result from the fact that Buddhism repre-
sents the inner teachings, i.e., the principles of the dharma, whereas Confucian-
ism represents the outer teachings, which are confined to human affairs only. On
this background the host asks the guest to learn about Buddhism without judging
it from a Confucian point of view. Hence the host presents seven points, which
he wants the guest to understand about Buddhism.
Replying to the host’s lengthy lecture, the guest objects that, in his under-
standing, spirituality, being what the guest sees represented in the “inner teach-
ings,” would in fact be separated from the world of humans, and should therefore
be practiced under the guidance of ritual conductors only. Such practices, he ex-
plains, are present in Confucianism in the form of ancestor worship, which –
contrary to Buddhism – would be in full agreement with the authority of the em-
peror. He goes on to argue that the Buddha, as well as all the other saints of
Buddhism, had passed away ages ago, which, in his view, would diminish the
relevance of Buddhism for the present age. On this basis, the guest recommends
that the Buddhists should rather convert to the religious tradition of Confucian-
ism, which sees the emperor as the highest authority.
S3: The host reacts by saying that in fact ancestor worship does not count as
spirituality, since ancestor worship merely seeks to comfort ancestors having en-
tered an afterlife as demons, whereas spirituality is the quest for enlightenment by
means of revealing one’s numen. The host goes on to argue that Confucianism,
lacking spiritual insight, exclusively relies on sensory perception, which does not
catch the true nature of things. He also points out that to the guest anything mi-
raculous would qualify as spiritual, whereas in fact spirituality would refer to
one’s own mental work, through which one would have to achieve the realization
of a deeper truth. The host concludes that monks being on this path of spiritual en-
deavor should be held in great esteem, and should not be asked to bow to the em-
peror.
After this, the guest cannot maintan his position any more, and declares his
agreement with the host.
10 THOMAS JÜLCH
Through their dialogue structures, both the “Futian lun” and the aforemen-
tioned parts of Falin’s apologetic treatises stand in the tradition of philosophical
argumentation in ancient China. Ancient Authors frequently invented dialogues
between a person displaying a position they sought to disprove, and another per-
son replying with the counter-argumentation. As a random example, one might
name the dialogue between Yao 堯 and the border warden of Hua 華 (Zhuangzi
莊子, chapter 12), arguing against the Confucian concept of sagehood. Yao, be-
ing one of the main sages in Confucian thought, presents his definition of sagely
disposition, which the border warden fundamentally invalidates in his reply. 22
Both Yancong and Falin take up this dialogical shape of argumentation to dis-
prove the positions they are arguing against. However, whereas in ancient philoso-
phy dialogues are kept comparatively brief, Yancong and Falin bring in a greater
wealth of arguments and intertextual references, as well as an extensive usage of
parallel style, so that the dialogical argumentation style is presented in what
might be called an enhanced medieval fashion.
22
Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way: Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu (Hono-
lulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994), pp. 106f.
23
T 2060, p. 436, b15-p. 439, c15.
24
See Zhongguo lishi diming da cidian 中國歷史地名大辭典, ed. Wei Songshan 魏嵩山 (Guang-
zhou: Guangdong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995), p. 784.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 11
5. “Futian lun”
(Treatise on the Fields of Blessedness)
Translation
Preface
25
Yan Zhiqiang 顔治強, “Cong ‘Bianzheng lun’ kan Yancong de fanyi sixiang” 從《辯正論》
看彥琮的翻譯思想, Fanyi shihua 翻譯史話 1994, pp. 55-56.
26
T 2060, p. 438, a18-p. 439, c15.
27
T 2103, p. 113, b17-p. 117, c5.
28
T 2103, p. 291, b17-c28.
12 THOMAS JÜLCH
29
The term of the “three jewels” (sanbao 三寶) refers to Buddha, dharma, and saṃgha (A.C.
Muller, Digital Dictionary of Buddhism 電子佛教辭典, URL: http://www.buddhism-dict.net/
ddb/, accessed 24 September 2012).
30
This means that the emperor agreed that monks should take off their dharma robes, if this was
what it took to make them bow to him.
31
The character 咋 has to be read as 昨 here.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 13
Main text
32
This means that in the Southern green the emperor found a monk who spoke to him in such a
way that he was finally willing to agree that Buddhist monks would not have to bow.
33
The character li 李 is lexically defined as a homophone replacement for li 理 and has to be read
as such here.
34
Here it is shown that the emperor preferred Buddhist monks to Yellow turbans (i.e., Daoist
monks and priests), although the latter observed the imperial decree.
14 THOMAS JÜLCH
S1
客似未聞福田之要.吾 It seems that you have never heard about the essen-
今相為論之. tials of the fields of blessedness. Today I will explain
them to you:
皆是 They all are guides for [the beings of] the four kinds
四生導首 of birth35 and ships for [the beings on] the six paths.36
六趣舟航
35
The term “four kinds of birth” (si sheng 四生; skr.: catur-yoni) refers to (1) birth out of a
mother’s womb, (2) birth out of an egg, (3) birth out of spawn, (4) birth out of metamorphosis.
See William Edward Soothill, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms. With Sanskrit and Eng-
lish Equivalents and a Sanskrit-Pali Index (Taipei: Ch’eng Wen, 1975), p. 178.
36
The term of the “six paths” (liu qu 六趣) refers to the six spheres of rebirth, being those of
(1) gods, (2) demigods, (3) humans, (4) animals, (5) hungry ghosts, (6) hell beings. See Soothill,
Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 138.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 15
寢聲滅影 When [the Buddha] made his voice fall asleep and his
盡雙林之運 shadow disappear, the cycle underneath the twin trees
刻檀書葉 was exhausted. 39 Carved in sandal wood and written
留一化之軌 on [palm] leaves, the path of the one teaching is pre-
served.40
37
This is an explanation of the principle of śūnyatā (kongxing 空性), according to which things
are not separate from each other.
38
Arguing out of the view of śūnyatā, this is an explanation saying that the “three jewels” of
Buddha, dharma and saṃgha may be three different matters, but are on a deeper level just dif-
ferent manifestations of one and the same force striving to save all sentient beings.
39
Underneath the twin trees in the Śāla-wood, the Buddha preached the Parinirvāṇa-sūtra and
died afterwards. The terms of the voice falling asleep and the shadow being hidden are meta-
phors referring to the death of the Buddha.
40
The “one teaching” is the teaching of the Buddha. See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist
Terms, p. 4. In ancient India texts could be carved in sandal wood or written on palm leaves.
16 THOMAS JÜLCH
衣則截於壞色 His clothes were worn out and had dirty colors. His
髮則落於毀容 hair was cut off and [lying on the ground] disorderly
in its shape.46
41
The expression “golden man” ( jinren 金人) refers to the Buddha. The term originates from the
legend according to which the Han emperor Mingdi 漢明帝 (r. 58–76) had a dream of a golden
man, which turned out to be a vision of the Buddha. See Tsukamoto Zenryū, A History of Early
Chinese Buddhism. From Its Introduction to the Death of Hui-yüan (Tōkyō: Kodansha, 1985),
vol. 1, pp. 41-50.
42
The expression “semblance of the dharma” (xiangfa 像法), refers to the second phase of the
decay of the dharma. The first 500 years after the Parinirvāṇa of the Buddha were defined as
the phase of the “correct dharma” (zhengfa 正法), the next 1,000 years as the “semblance of
the dharma.” See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 193 – entry on 正法). In
the Chinese context, Buddhism is frequently referred to as “semblance of the dharma,” since
this second phase had already begun when Buddhism first reached China.
43
Both lines of this parallelism refer to the installment of Buddhism in China.
44
This means that the splendor of the court and his position as a crown prince could not deter him
from leaving all this in favor of a life as spiritual practitioner.
45
This means that none of the Buddha’s relatives, like especially his father, Śuddhodana, succeeded in
persuading him to dispense with his spiritual commitment in favor of his duties as a heir apparent.
46
These are references to clothing and shaved head which the Buddha chose for himself during his
time as an ascetic.
47
Here it is shown that both heavenly and worldly authorities are bound to pay homage to the Buddha.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 17
有經有律斯法未殊 As long as the sūtras and the vinaya exist, this law
若古若今其道無滯 will never subside. Whether ancient or current, this
path is without impediments.
老子云.域中有四大.王 The Laozi says: “Within the realm there are four
居一焉. things that are great, and the king counts as one.”49
48
This is a quotation from Xici zhuan 繫辭傳, part 2. See Jin Jingfang 金景芳 – Lü Shaogang 呂
紹鋼, Zhouyi quanjie. 周易全解 (Jilin: Jilin daxue chubanshe, 1989), p. 502; Richard John
Lynn, The Classic of Changes: A New Translation of the I Ching as Interpreted by Wang Bi
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), p. 77.
49
This is a quotation from Laozi, chapter 25. See Tao Te Ching. Trans. D.C. Lau (Hong Kong:
The Chinese University Press, 1989), pp. 36-39.
50
The expression “to model oneself upon heaven” (zetian 則天) goes back to Lunyu 8.19. There
we read: “Great indeed was Yao as a ruler! How lofty! It is heaven that is great and it was Yao
who modelled himself upon it” 大哉堯之為君也!巍巍乎!唯天為大,唯堯則之. See Confu-
cius, The Analects, pp. 72f. The expression “to take earth as one’s law” ( fa di 法地) goes back
to Laozi, chapter 25 (Tao Te Ching, pp. 36f.). Even though the latter expression appears in a
18 THOMAS JÜLCH
照之以日月之光 [The king] is like the splendor of sun and moon shin-
潤之以雲雨之氣 ing on people. [The king] is like the force of clouds
and rain moistening people.
蛇尚荷於隋侯 Even the snake knew it owed the Duke of Sui a fa-
魚猶感於漢帝 vor.52 Even the fish felt the support of the Han em-
perors.53
different context in the Laozi, both expressions are here used to describe the omnipotence and
the mission of the emperor.
51
Heaven covers the people. Earth carries the people.
52
This is a reference to a story preserved in Quan Tangwen 全唐文, juan 132. The story title is:
“Eulogy on a snake carrying a jewel in the mouth to repay the Duke of Sui” She xian zhu bao
Sui hou zan 蛇銜珠報隋侯賛, see Dong Gao 董誥, Quan Tangwen (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
2001), vol. 2, p. 1326.
53
I have not been able to identify the story the text is referring to here.
54
I.e., how can there still be people who evade taxation?
55
Here it is stated that monks violate their own principle of compassion, since by leaving their
families they deprive their dear ones of their basis of existence.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 19
有乖明誨 They disrespect the clear teachings and are not differ-
不異凡俗 ent from secular people.
56
The term of “ten thousand chariots” (wan sheng 萬乘) refers to the military force of the emper-
or. In Mengzi, “Liang Hui wang” 梁惠王, part 1, the term “state of ten thousand chariots”
(wan sheng zhi guo 萬乘之國) is used to refer to the king’s state. Cf. Zhu Xi 朱熹, Sishu
zhangju jizhu 四書章句集注 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), p. 201.
57
In this context “reading aloud” refers to the recitation practices performed by Buddhist monks
and nuns. The message is that such practices do not suffice to bring the Buddhist saṃgha on
eye level with the king.
58
Here the message is that Buddhists should not deny respect to the king, just because he does not
wear a monk’s robe.
59
The term jiezu 接足 originally refers to embracing the Buddha’s feet as a means of showing re-
spect and devotion (Muller, Digital Dictionary of Buddhism). Here it just means “to show re-
spect” without reference to the Buddha.
60
Similarly to jiezu, the term of jishou 稽首 (meaning “to make prostration”) also refers to a ritu-
al normally performed to worship the Buddha (Muller, Digital Dictionary of Buddhism), whereas
here it just means “to show respect” without referring to the Buddha.
20 THOMAS JÜLCH
S2
相望懸絕.詎可同年. The inner and the outer are very far from each other.
How could they be brought together?
61
As seen in the Zhengyi commentary to the biography on Laozi in Shiji, juan 63, Boyang 伯陽 is
the zi of Laozi. See Sima Qian 司馬遷, Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008), vol. 7, p.
2139.
62
This might be a reference to the Daode jing being written as a text offering advice to the mon-
arch.
63
Zhongni 仲尼 is the zi of Confucius.
64
Respecting the monarch is a central theme in Confucianism which in essence is a political ideol-
ogy designed to consolidate the imperial rulership.
65
I.e., if the Buddhist understanding of monks not having to bow to the emperor became com-
monly accepted, the court would lose authority also among the common people.
66
Buddhism is hereby referred to as the “inner” teaching, while Confucianism is referred to as the
“outer” teaching.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 21
無善不攝二也 The second is that who is not brilliant will not be in-
cluded [into the saṃgha].
方便無礙三也 The third is that skillful means [upāya] are free of im-
pediments.
服不可亂六也 The sixth is that demeanor should not allow for confu-
sion.
吾聞 I have heard that heaven does not speak, but yet the
天不言而四時行焉 four seasons are going round;67 that the king does not
王不言而萬國治焉 speak, but the ten thousand countries are still in or-
der.68
67
This is a reference to Lunyu 17.19. There it says: “The Master said: ‘I am thinking of giving up
speech.’ Zigong said: ‘If you do not speak, what would there be for us, your juniors, to transmit?’
The Master said: ‘What does heaven ever say? Yet there are the four seasons going round, and
there are the hundred things coming into being.’” 子曰:「予欲無言。」子貢 曰:「子如不言, 則
小子何述焉?」子曰:「天何言哉? 四時行焉, 百物生焉。」See Confucius, The Analects, pp.
176f.
68
This is probably a reference to Lunyu 15.5. There it says: “If there was a ruler who achieved
order without taking any action, it was, perhaps, Shun” 子曰:「無為而治者,其舜也與?」
See Confucius, The Analects, pp. 148f.
22 THOMAS JÜLCH
食粟、飲水. Eating the grain and drinking the water, the beings
飽滿、銜澤. reach satiety and preserve the favors.
69
This is a reference to Lunyu 8.19. There it says with regard to Yao 堯: “He was so boundless
that the people were not able to put a name to his virtues” 蕩蕩乎!民無能名焉. See Confu-
cius, The Analects. pp. 72f.
70
Both expressions describe features that qualify the emperor. The expression “brilliance of pre-
vious kings” refers to the sage rulers of Chinese antiquity. The expression “ultimate virtue of
great men” refers to sages manifesting themselves in their ideals (such as, e.g., Boyi 伯夷 and
Shuqi 叔齊). For a general discussion of the ideal of sagehood in Chinese thought see: Julia
Ching, “The Ancient Sages (sheng): Their Identity and Their Place in Chinese Intellectual His-
tory,” OE 30 (1983–1986), pp. 1-18.
71
The expressions “diverse kinds” and “assembled guests” both refer to the common people.
Both lines of this parallelism say that the blessings of a sage ruler reach all of his subjects.
72
This is another description of what is achieved by the power of the emperor.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 23
73
The “one body” ( yi shen 一身) is the emperor’s body. The argument is that, since the emperor
is qualified by the tremendous powers described above, he should not need to demonstrate his
authority by making monks bow to him.
74
This means that the supernatural powers ascribed to the emperor will lose their merit if misused
as a justification for asking monks to bow to the emperor.
75
This means that monks bowing to the emperor would be neither true monks nor true laypeople.
24 THOMAS JÜLCH
天地可反斯儀罕乖.後 Even if heaven and earth are reversed, the rules [of
更為敘. respecting monks] should be followed. I will explain
more later.
76
The ritual of jiaoyin 郊禋 was performed by emperors in ancient and medieval China. Request-
ing the manifestation of positive circumstances, smoke was sent up to heaven. The ritual is
mentioned in Liangshu 梁書, juan 5. There we read: “The chariot of the Luan and the shape of
the dragon should be worshiped through jiaoyin” (Luan lu long zhang, gai yi jiaoyin er gui 鸞
輅龍章,蓋以郊禋而貴). See Yao Silian 姚思廉, Liangshu 梁書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1973), vol. 1, p. 118.
77
In his previous statement the guest had explained that in the current age monks do not practise
authentic spirituality any more.
78
That they are “still in the secular world” means that they are not enlightened yet, as a true rep-
resentative of the dharma should be. The host is saying this as a concession to the previous
statement of the guest.
79
The term renkai 忍鎧 literally means “armor of patience,” i.e., patience is used like an armor
to avoid all anger. Since this is the attitude employed by monks, the term can also refer to the
monk’s robe in a figurative sense. See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 237.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 25
80
Both “shaving one’s head” and “putting on the dyed robe” are metaphoric expressions for be-
coming a monk.
81
Nāgārjuna (Longshu 龍 樹 ), was the founder of Mādhyamika philosophy. See David J.
Kalupahana, Nāgārjuna: The Philosophy of the Middle Way. SUNY series in Buddhist Studies
(New York: State University of New York Press, 1986).
82
Gajapati (xiangwang 象王), “king of the elephants,” is one of the many epithets of Śākyamuni.
See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 391.
83
This is a reference to “a monk who has not yet formally pledged himself to all the command-
ments” (wei shou ju ren 未受具人). See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms. p. 188.
84
This is a reference to “the four that may not be treated lightly” (si bu ke qing 四不可輕): (1) a
prince though young, (2) a snake though small, (3) a fire though tiny, (4) a novice though a be-
ginner. See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 169.
26 THOMAS JÜLCH
85
Upāli is known as the monk who at the council of Rājagṛha proclaimed the vinaya, which be-
came the basis for proper conduct in the monastic order.
86
The characters nituo 尼陀 would seem to be an alternative writing standing for shituo 祇陀, be-
ing the Chinese transliteration of “Jeta.” Jeta, a son of King Prasenajit, donated a park to the
Buddha which became known as the Jetavana. Hence Jeta was a devout lay follower of the
Buddha. The sentence here suggests that due to his son’s influence Prasenajit was also convert-
ed to the Buddha’s teachings.
87
This means that all members of the saṃgha – whether wise or stupid, whether remaining silent
or speaking – will sooner or later find their way to enlightenment. So within the saṃgha newer
and older students could not necessarily be differentiated from each other, and whom one
should accept (i.e., respect) or reject (i.e., disrespect) is not an easy question (meaning one
should respect all members of the saṃgha).
88
The “eyes of flesh” (rouyan 肉眼) are the eyes being part of the saṃsāric body, as opposed to
eyes which come as attainments in wisdom cultivation on the path to enlightenment. All togeth-
er there are ten different eyes (shiyan 十眼) representing ten different levels of insight. The
eyes of flesh represent the first level, the “omniscient eyes” ( yiqie zhiyan 一切智眼) the tenth.
See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 52.
89
This means that since it is hard to tell who in the saṃgha possesses which level of realization,
one would miss out realized people when judging based on the basis of a saṃsāric understand-
ing, but one might find the realized ones when employing a mind of equanimity towards all
members of the saṃgha.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 27
是謂第二.無善不攝者 This is the second thing: Who is not brilliant will not
也. be adopted [into the saṃgha].
新學頂禮 [Those who just] began their study [of the way, prac-
誠謝法施 tise] the bowing of their heads. [Those who feel]
wholehearted gratitude [to the Buddha, practise] the
spreading of the dharma.
90
According to the vinaya, at least four monks have to practice together to accumulate positive karma
(T 1425, p. 422, b3-4).
91
This is a reference to the “dharma-cloud bhūmi” 法雲地 being the final stage in the sequence of
the ten bhūmis 十地, within which buddhahood is attained. See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese
Buddhist Terms, pp. 47, 274.
92
The term of “deva-foot ubiquity” (shenzu 神足) refers to the supernatural power of being able to
appear at will in any place. This ability is important to Buddhas and bodhisattvas, as they aim at
being of help to all sentient beings. See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 335.
93
The terms “matters that are just temporary” and “styles that are not permanent” here refer to
state ceremonial (on the basis of which Buddhist monks are expected to bow to the emperor).
28 THOMAS JÜLCH
一往直觀.悉可驚怪. When for the first time noticing this through direct
再詳典釋.莫匪通塗. perception, everybody would be startled. However,
when receiving explanations of the scriptures, nobody
would not penetrate the path.
不輕大士 One should not take the mahāsattvas easily; they ex-
獨興高跡 clusively spread the high traces.
94
Akāśagarbha (Xukongzang 虛 空 藏 ) is the central bodhisattva in the court of space in the
garbhadhātu maṇḍala. See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 390.
95
This means that even such a great bodhisattva as Akāśagarbha, too, disrespected “matters that are
just temporary” and “styles that are not permanent” (here possibly referring to vinaya protocols),
but was in no way admonished by the Buddha.
96
The term śrāmaṇera (shami 沙彌) refers to novices of the Buddhist order. See Soothill, Diction-
ary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 242.
97
This means that even novices and monks do not need to respect “matters that are just temporary”
and “styles that are not permanent,” since their spiritual qualification comes through more essen-
tial matters.
98
That is, the emperor expecting monks to bow to him.
99
The term “bowing of the degenerated heart” designates the inappropriateness of this bowing.
100
The term “one way” ( yi dao 一道) is an expression referring to the Mahāyāna. See Soothill,
Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 9.
101
The terms “tendentious” ( pian 偏) and “direct” (zhi 直) are opposed to each other here: even
though monks would want to take a direct approach to perfect sincerity (i.e., immaculate spiritu-
ality), they would be practising the Mahāyāna in a tendentious way, if they bowed to the emperor.
102
The term “threefold wisdom” (san hui 三慧, skt.: trividhā prajñā) refers to (1) the wisdom
gained by listening to expositions of the dharma, (2) the wisdom gained by contemplating the
truth, (3) The wisdom gained by the cultivation of meditation. See Muller, Digital Dictionary of
Buddhism.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 29
未以一出別業 He does not use any alternative rules outside the sys-
而令七眾普行 tem, but just asks all of the seven groups104 to abide
by one common practice.
103
The term jie xia 戒夏 literally means “summers since [one has taken] the vows.” With the vows
(i.e., the ordination as a monk) one enters dharmic life. So here the term just stands for
dharmic life. The statement made in this parallelism is that the Buddha is not interested in a
person’s worldly rank or biological age. His concern would be for how long a person has been
in the dharma.
104
The “seven groups” (normally written qiyou 七有 or qisheng 七生) are the seven stages of ex-
istence in a human world. See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 13.
105
This is a reference to a story in Zhuangzi, chapter 18: “Master Zhuang’s wife died. When Master
Hui went to offer his condolences, he found Master Zhuang lolling on the floor with his legs
sprawled out, beating a basin and singing. ‘She lived together with you,’ said Master Hui, ‘raised
your children, grew old and died. It’s enough that you do not wail for her, but isn’t it a bit much for
you to be beating on a basin and singing?’” 莊子妻死,惠子吊之,莊子則方箕踞鼓盆而歌. 惠
子曰:「與人居,長子老身死,不哭亦足矣,又鼓盆而歌,不亦甚乎!」. For the Chinese
text see Chen Guying 陳鼓應, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi 莊子今注今譯 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
2001), p. 450; the English translation was taken from Mair (trs.), Wandering on the Way, p. 168.
106
This is a reference to Liji, “Tangong” 檀弓, part 2. There it says: Jizi of Yanling had gone to
Qi; and his eldest son having died, on the way back [to Wu], he buried him between Ying and
Bo. Confucius [afterwards] said: “Jizi was the one man in Wu most versed in the rules of pro-
priety, so I went and saw his manner of internment. The grave was not so deep as to reach the
water-springs. The grave-clothes were such as [the deceased] had ordinarily worn. After the in-
30 THOMAS JÜLCH
ternment, he raised a mound over the grave of dimensions sufficient to cover it, and high
enough for the hand to be easily placed on it. When the mound was completed, he bared his left
arm; and, moving to the right, he went round it thrice, crying out, ‘That the bones and flesh
should return again to the earth is what is appointed. But the soul in its energy can go every-
where; it can go everywhere’. And with this he went on his way.” Confucius [also] said, “Was
not Jizi of Yanling’s observance of the rules of ceremony in accordance with [the idea of
them]?” [Translation by the author of this article] 延陵季子適齊.於其反也.其長子死.葬
於贏博之間.孔子曰.延陵季子.吳之習於禮者也.往而觀其葬焉.其坎深不至於泉.其
斂以時服.既葬而封.廣輪揜坎.其高可隱也.既封.左袒.右還其封.且號者三.曰.
骨肉歸復于土.命也.若魂氣則無不之也.無不之也.而遂行.孔子曰.延陵季子之於禮
也.其合矣乎.See Wang Wenjin 王文錦, Liji yijie 禮記譯解 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
2001), p. 148.
107
The “luminous kings” (mingwang 明王), being a class of deities in esoteric Buddhism, are the
messengers and manifestation of Vairocana’s wrath against evil spirits. See Muller, Digital Dic-
tionary of Buddhism.
108
This means that, while the wisdom of Zhuangzi beating a basin upon his wife’s death does not
even compare to the laws of a luminous king, the true enlightened essence of the Buddha’s
teachings would even be much deeper than this.
109
I.e., Laozi. Zhushi 柱史 is an official title translated as “archivist.” See Charles O. Hucker, A
Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Taibei: SMC Publishing, 1985), no. 1423.
110
I.e., Confucius. Sikou 司寇 is an official title translated as “minister of justice.” See Hucker,
Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, no. 5671.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 31
111
The term “nameless” (wu ming 無名) is an expression taken from Laozi, chapter 1. There it
says: “The nameless is the beginning of heaven and earth” Wu ming tiandi zhi shi 無名天地之
始. See Lau, Tao Te Ching, pp. 2f.
112
The term “remaining inactive” (bu zuo 不作) is an expression taken from Liji, “Yueji” 樂記.
There it says: “The people remain inactive (i.e., they refrain from uprisings). The dukes obey
(i.e., they follow the emperor)” Bao min bu zuo. Zhuhou bin fu 暴民不作.諸侯賓服. See
Wang Wenjin, Liji yijie, p. 531.
113
Chaofu 巢 父 and Xuyou 許 由 were hermits living during the days of Yao 堯 . See Aat
Vervoorn, Men of the Cliffs and Caves: The Development of the Chinese Eremitic Tradition to
the End of the Han Dynasty (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1990), pp. 161f.,
213f.
114
Boyi 伯夷 and his brother Shuqi 叔齊 were sons of the duke of Guzhu 孤竹 and belonged to the
nobility of the state of Shang 商. Just before the invasion of the Shang state by the Zhou 周,
Boyi unsuccessfully attempted to persuade King Wen of Zhou not to invade Shang. After the
invasion was carried out Boyi and Shuqi hid on Mount Shouyang 首陽(山). Since they did not
want to nourish themselves from the agricultural products of the Zhou empire, they died of
starvation. See Zhongguo lidai renming da cidian 中國曆代人名大辭典, ed. Zhang Huizhi 張
撝之 (Shanghai 1999), vol. 1. p. 1097; Kongzi da cidian 孔子大辭典, ed. Zhang Dainian 張岱
年 (Shanghai 1993), p. 117.
115
The “ten powers” (shi li 十力) are the supernatural powers of the Buddha. See Soothill, Dic-
tionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 46.
116
The “four currents” (si liu 四流) are (1) wrong views ( jian 見), (2) desire ( yu 欲), (3) exist-
ence ( you 有), (4) ignorance (wu ming 無明). See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist
Terms, p. 178.
32 THOMAS JÜLCH
117
This means one despises the secular way of life which does not recognize the concept of
śūnyatā.
118
This means that one rejoices in the understanding of śūnyatā, in which there is no attachment to
anything or anybody any more.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 33
求之故實備有前聞 If you seek the reasons for this, they have accurately
been presented in what one hears from previous ages:
所法自殊 Since the methods [of monks and commoners] are dif-
所法已別 ferent, what they follow must also be different.
是謂第六.服不可亂者 This is the sixth thing: Demeanor should not allow for
也. confusion.
119
This means that even though the emperor may be of sublime nature, he is after all still a human
being.
120
The term “black robes” refers to the monks’ robes.
121
The term “dark gates” refers to the gates of the monastery.
122
This means that the bodily demeanor should make clear whether a person is a monk or a com-
moner. A commoner should be recognizable in his bowing to the emperor. A monk should be
recognizable in his not bowing to the emperor.
34 THOMAS JÜLCH
金輪既轉 the golden wheel will already be turned, 127 and the
珠寶復懸 jewel treasury will again be sent down.128
123
The term duoluo 多羅 functions as an abbreviation for xiuduoluo 修多羅 being a Chinese trans-
literation for Skt. sūtra.
124
The four “kinds of faith” (si xin 四信) are: (1) the faith in the bhūtatathatā (zhenru 眞如), (2)
the faith in the Buddha, (3) the faith in the dharma, (4) the faith in the saṃgha. See Soothill,
Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 179, entry 四種信心).
125
The “ten kinds of goodness” (shi shan 十善) are the avoidance of the ten evils (shi e 十惡): (1)
avoidance of killing (bu shasheng 不殺生), (2) avoidance of stealing (bu toudao 不偷盜), (3)
avoidance of adultery (bu xieyin 不邪淫), (4) avoidance of lying (bu wangyu 不妄語), (5)
avoidance of harsh words (bu ekou 不惡口), (6) avoidance of speaking with double tongue (bu
liang she 不兩舌), (7) avoidance of worthless chatter (bu qiyu 不綺語), (8) avoidance of greed
(bu tanyu 不貪欲), (9) avoidance of anger (bu zhenwen 不瞋恚), (10) avoidance of perverted
views (bu xiejian 不邪見). See Muller, Digital Dictionary of Buddhism.
126
These are descriptions of the blessings that will appear to those who have offered to the Buddha
and served the saṃgha.
127
This means that one will be born into a world where the dharma has already been expounded by
a Buddha.
128
This means that one will be able to come into contact with Buddha, dharma, and saṃgha.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 35
始開五常之術 The art of the five constants will start to open up, and
終弘八正之道 the path of the eight correctnesses will be popularized
till completion.129
129
These, too, are results the emperor can attain by offering to the Buddha and by serving the saṃgha.
130
The “strength of the thunder” and the “strength of dragon and tiger” are metaphors repre-
senting the power of the emperor.
131
This is a reference to Lunyu, 12.19. There it says: “By nature the gentleman is like wind, and the
small man is like grass. Let the wind sweep over the grass and it is sure to bend” ( junzi zhi de feng,
xiaoren zhi de cao, cao shang zhi feng bi yan 君子之德風,小人之德草,草上之風,必偃). See
Confucius, The Analects, pp. 114f.
132
To “unfold the scales” (lin zhang 鱗張) is a threatening gesture shown by animals when they
are about to attack. Here the term is used as a metaphor referring to monks insisting that the
teachings of the Buddha would have to be respected. The statement is that, if intimidated by the
emperor, monks would not dare to defend the teachings in such a firm way any more.
36 THOMAS JÜLCH
是謂第七.因不可忘者 This is the seventh thing: The causes may not be for-
也. gotten.
竊以昧隱神路隔絕人 I think that the dark and hidden way of the spiritual is
境 separated from the world of humans.
133
This is a quotation from Xici zhuan, part 1. See Jin Jingfang, Zhouyi quanjie, p. 462; Lynn,
The Classic of Changes, p. 53.
134
This is also a quotation from Xici zhuan, part 1. See Jin Jingfang, Zhouyi quanjie, p. 464;
Lynn, The Classic of Changes, p. 54.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 37
仰信冥道 [So nowadays] the religion of the deep path (i.e., Bud-
全涉幽神 dhism) exclusively deals with divine beings that are
not around any more.
季葉凡夫.薄言迴向. Common people of this late age easily talk about dedi-
共規閒逸.相學剔剪. cation. They share the rule of evading [civil service],
and learn from each other to shave [their heads].
纔觸王網.即墜民貫. When they just came in touch with the royal regula-
既同典祀.詎合稱寶. tions, they immediately pervert the customs of the
people. If they were in agreement with the sacrifices
described in the statutes, how could they, taken to-
gether, be referred to as a jewel?138
135
Taichang 太常 is an official title translated as “Chamberlain for Ceremonials.” See Hucker,
Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, no. 6137.
136
Taizhu 太祝 is an official title translated as “Great Supplicator.” See Hucker, Dictionary of Of-
ficial Titles in Imperial China, no. 6152.
137
The term of “demonic matters” here refers to the practices of ancestral worship.
138
The third of the “three jewels” (sanbao) is the saṃgha, being the collective of all monks. The
issue addressed here is that the monks challenge the authority of the emperor by referring to
their own community as a “jewel.”
38 THOMAS JÜLCH
宋氏舊制其風不遠.惟 Their manners [should] not deviate from the old sys-
應相襲.更欲何辭. tem of the Song emperor.139 They [should] just leave
things as they were. Which excuses do they still want
to present?
S3
客知其一 You may know the first thing, but you have no idea
未曉其二 about the second thing.
139
The term “the old system of the Song emperor” (Song shi jiu zhi 宋氏舊制) refers to an order
decreed by Song emperor Wudi 武帝 in year six, month nine, of the reign period of Daming 大
明, according to which monks and nuns had to bow to the emperor. See Liang Shenyue 梁沈約,
Songshu 宋書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008), vol. 1, p. 130.
140
In the guest’s previous statement, the term “demonic” (gui 鬼) refers to practices held in “an-
cestral temples” (cifa 祠法). The Confucian practice of ancestor worship refers to the afterlife
of the ancestors.
141
This means that, according to the Buddhist teachings, after death the numen (i.e., the soul) will
leave the body, and will either become enlightened or reborn.
142
Here the term “demon” gui is re-interpreted in a Buddhist way. In Confucianism, the ancestors
are referred to as demons who can benefit their family members if satisfied, but also harm them
if not soothed by offerings. In Buddhism, however, the term refers to the pretas, also known as
hungry ghosts (egui 餓鬼), being one of the three bad spheres of existence. See Soothill, Dic-
tionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 454. So while for the guest demons deserve to be wor-
shiped, for the host they are just very low creatures.
143
Spirituality here refers to the realization of śūnyatā, which is the ultimate truth beyond form.
See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 277.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 39
144
For the guest the spiritual sphere is “separated from the world of humans,” meaning he does
not believe that humans could access it through their personal efforts. The host here develops
his counterargument saying that the spiritual sphere can in fact be accessed by means of Bud-
dhist spirituality.
145
This means that different characteristics of personality – like motion and stillness, yin and yang
– can all be traced back to one singular life force (i.e., qi 氣), which can, however, not be per-
ceived by means of the six senses. The argument is that the Confucian approach as based on the
Zhouyi would be too shallow to grasp this deeper truth; the only way to get hold of it would be
the spiritual practice of Buddhism.
146
Hereby it is pointed out that Confucianism, as represented by the guest, misunderstands the
term of the spiritual by applying it to demonic matters. The host subsequently sets out to explain
what the term really refers to.
147
This is a reference to the fact that each living being comes into life through his father and moth-
er and through the hexagrams of qian 乾 and kun 坤.
40 THOMAS JÜLCH
未曾 This has never been felt in qian and kun and has never
感之於乾坤 been received from father and mother.148
得之於父母
根之莫見其始 At its root one cannot see its beginning.152 At its ex-
究之豈覿其終 haustion one cannot see its end.153
148
This means that one is brought into the world by father and mother, by qian and kun, while the
spiritual and mental development one takes from there depends upon oneself.
149
The sentence must be read as shi han yu taizang 識含於胎藏. The term garbhakośa (taizang 胎
藏, i.e., “womb treasury”), also garbhakośadhātu (taizang jie 胎藏界), refers to a universal
source from which all things are produced. See Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms,
p. 312. The argument is that sensation (i.e., the six senses addressed above), having its root in
the garbhakośa, is unable to penetrate and fully recognize it.
150
The sentence must be read as mi gen yu xukong 彌亘於虛空. Here it is argued that universality,
which Confucian materialism would regard as all-comprising, still does not grasp the ultimate
truth of śūnyatā.
151
This means that thoughts erupting from seeds in the human mind are applied to reality and thus
shape the world.
152
This means that birth is just the beginning of one lifetime, not the beginning of one’s
beginningless way through the cycle of rebirths.
153
This means that death is just the end of one lifetime, not the end of one’s endless way through
the cycle of rebirths.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 41
賴此僧徒 one should rely on the monks and disciples and accept
膺茲佛付 [how the teachings of] the Buddha are handed down;
154
The term of “true body” (zhenshen 真身) is a combined reference to the dharma-kāya and the
saṃbhoga-kāya being the true manifestations of the Buddha, as opposed to the nirmāṇa-kāya.
See Muller, Digital Dictionary of Buddhism.
155
The term of “those who are born blind” (sheng mang 生盲) is a reference to people being de-
luded in saṃsāra, as opposed to the true body of the Buddha as a representation of the highest
truth. See Muller, Digital Dictionary of Buddhism.
156
I.e., to wander in the footprints of the Buddha.
157
This means that one longs to be acquainted with the dharma that had been taught by the Buddha.
158
The term of “holding the transmission” refers to holders of the lineage, which are referred to as
vidyādharas in the Indian tradition.
159
The essential miracle is the teaching of the Buddha.
160
The term of the “mysterious manners” (xuanfeng 玄風) here refers to Buddhism which came to
China from India.
161
The “three times” (san shi 三世) are past, present, and future. See Soothill, Dictionary of Chi-
nese Buddhist Terms, p. 57.
162
The “four classes” (si bu 四部) are four different stages of development in hīnayāna-spiritu-
ality. They are: srota-āpanna, sakṛdāgāmin, anāgāmin, and arhat. See Soothill, Dictionary of
Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 183. The text here suggests that practitioners should aim at the ul-
timate goal of buddhahood, instead of aiming at the inferior hīnayāna-attainments.
42 THOMAS JÜLCH
163
The argument here is that even though monks may not always possess complete enlightenment,
they do represent the dharma through their robes. Hence they deserve respect, and only laypeo-
ple should be asked to serve the emperor.
164
This is a reference to the sacrificial rites of Confucianism the guest had spoken about.
YANCONG’S TREATISE “FUTIAN LUN” 43