Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Chapter: 6
Goddesses of the present and the past: a probe into the general
question of continuities and changes in. religious practice
Historians and archaeologists have pointed out that the traces of goddess
tradition appeared for the first time in India in primitive society in upper
palaeolithic age. 1 Since then, this tradition has continued in India with
certain "rise and fall." At the time of Indus valley civilization, goddess
tradition had assumed a marked growth and had become strong, elaborate
and established tradition. Numerous terracotta figurines of women of Indus
Valley are found and in one of the figurines a plant is shown growing out of
embryo of a woman. Probably this image represents the goddess of earth,
and was intimately connected with the origin and growth of the plants. The
Harappans, therefore, looked upon the earth as a fertility goddess. 2 But
Harappan civilization had, at one time, come to an end and its established
norms of goddess tradition were destroyed. After the decline of Harappan
Civilization, a new phase of historical growth in India, that is Vedic period,
with the advent of Aryans, came into being and Goddess tradition began
afresh and continued hereafter with a chronological and successive growth.
Goddesses of the past and their relevance in the present
In Rig Veda, Aditi and Usas were supposed to be important goddesses.
Besides them, other goddesses referred to in the Rig Veda are as follows:
Usas, Ratri, Sinivali, Raka, Ganga, Aditi, Prini, Diti, Swasti, Revati,
Purandhi, Anumati, Apadevis, Sarasvati, Sindhu, Aranyani, Indrani,
1 D.P. Sharma, S.K. Singh, Madhuri Sharma, in Palaeolithic Age, Pre-historic Art and Archaeology of
south Asia Series -1, Vol. 1, Bhartiya Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 2005, has dated upper palaeolithic period
from 6000 years old to 10000 years old. In this period mother goddess is noticed in rock paintings in the
caves ofBhim Betka. Green paintings ofBhim Betaka can be dated to upper palaeolithic period. Mother
~oddess figurines of bone are also found at Belan valley grave III (Allahabad) in this period. pp. 190-92
John Sir Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and theIndus Civilization, Vol. 1, 1931, London, p. 52,PI. XII & R.S.
Sharma, India's Ancient Past, Oxford Univ. Press, 2005, p. 82
- 319 -
7 Ibid. p. 44
8 J. Gonda, Change and Continuity in Indian Religion, Munshiram Manoharial Publisher Pvt. Ltd. 1997, p.
85
9 Madhu Bazaz Wangu, 2003, op. cit. p. 44
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local festivals and has advertised its ware on calendars. Thus, the economic
surplus of wealthy merchants has given impetus to artists. The mass
production of urban art is notable in the cities and towns in particular due to
the increasing middle-class population. II Even the folk art now in India is
bifurcated into two branches - as Village craft and as Urban art. The Urban
art includes making the temporary professional goddess images in unbaked
clay and printed calendar pictures. 12 James Preston has observed that the
new trend is flourishing in modern urban India. Orissa's largest cities have
exploded with street festivals involving large number of temporary clay
images. Preston goes on to say that these popular extravaganzas are also
found extensively and that business or image-makers is particularly intense
during festivals of goddesses such as Durga, Sarasvati, Kali and others. 13
Mass production of icons of female deities and its distribution
unquestionably reveals the increasing popularity and prominence of goddess
tradition in modem time.
Alterations and additions in the features of iconic presentation of female
deities in modem days need to be examined. The iconic outfit of female
deities in modern time has become somewhat different to early time. In early
time, as discussed in chapter three, the statues of goddess Durga consisted of
two important attributes: one, she is presented as a single independent deity
and second, she is aggressive, trying to kill demon Mahisha in presence of
lion, her vehicle. The changes, in present time, in the style of statue making
of goddess Durga are as follows: the image of goddess Durga, in the festival
Waghorne and Norman Cutler with Vasudha Narayanan (eds.), the Gods of Flesh/Gods of Stone: The
Embodiment of Divinity in india, Columbia University Press, (1 51 published, 1985), 1996.
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of Durga Puja, is presented along with the images of other male and female
deities such as Ganesh, Karttikeya, Lakshmi and Sarasvati. Another obvious
change is in the presentation of expression of the goddess. In the north India
such as Punjab, Haryana, Jammu, goddess Durga is presented in a motherly
posture, not in a martial pose. 14 Her expression is lenient and affectionate.
She is addressed in these areas with Mata Di or Seranvali Mata and her
image is shown sitting on the back of the tiger, not lion. For example, the
Vaisnava devi of Jammu, originated as local goddess, manifested in a from
of Durga, is holding an independent image, free from association with any
male deity and is worshipped in the form of an unhewn stone. But, other
than this, at Vaisnavadevi, a huge brass image of goddess Durga, placed
outside the central shrine, posing in motherly affection, sitting on a tiger,
reflects a lenient motherly depiction of the goddess.
Rituals of goddess worship: Changes and Continuity
The goddess worship early days was performed within a definite frame
of rituals. Virat Parvan 15 of Mahabharata states that the Mother Goddess
takes delight in spirituous liquor, flesh and sacrificial victims. Naramehda,
the human sacrifice is also pointed out not less than four times in the epic as
part of ritual to invoke and honour the deity.16 Yet, the addition in
continuing practice of rituals of epic time for goddess worship was made
when the Puranas came into being. Skanda Purana consists of a list of two
panels of Yoginis, the folk-goddesses: one consists of forty-eight names the
while other is having sixty-four names. Purana states that these fearful
14 Kathleen M. Erudl, Seranvali The Mother Who Possesses in Hawley and Wulff(ed.), Devi Goddesses of
India, 1998, pp. 173-194; Madhu Bazaz Wangu, Images ofIndian Goddesses: Myths, Meanings and
Models, New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 2003, p. 97
15 Mahabharata, Satvalekar, (ed.), IV. 6-17; VI. 23 & Tranlated version by lA.B. Van Buitenen. 3 Vols.
Chicago, Univ. of Chicago Press, 1940
16 Ibid. lll, 81.33 ; IX. 28.89;
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23 Ibid. p. 46
24 Ibid. p. 43
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25 Badva may be a contraction of Balavadi and that the modem humble village may have been once a
flourishing capital-founded by the Mahasenapati Bala, who may have been the founder of the Maukhari
branch in Kotah state. The portion above the ground of the three Yupas at Badva is octagonal; the
underground shaft of two of them is, however, square.
26 A.S. Altekar, op. cit. E.J., Vol. 23, No.7, p. 46
27 Ibid.
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the unappeased hunger of the goddess at last needed the head of the old king
himself, is a very popular legend. 30 In the Malatimadhava of Bhavabhuti,
human sacrifice before the goddess 31 was perpetrated. Kuvalyamala depicts
that Arya or Ajja was propitiated with offerings of slices of human flesh. 32
The community of Mers in Rajasthan used to perform sacrifices quite
strongly and religiously. Tradition says that the Mers used to sacrifice their
first son to the goddess. It was a customary for them. With passage of time,
buffalo sacrifice replaced the human sacrifice. Buffalo, after the touch of
consecration by the priest before the shrine used to be let loose, and the
people, each armed with a knife or a sword, cut them alive into pieces. "The
barbarity continued till 1865, when on the representation of Mr. Robb, the
co-missionary at Todgarh, it was put to stop, and orders were issued that the
animals should be first killed with a sword. Before the famine there were
some forty or fifty animals yearly sacrificed, and in 1874 there were
eighteen buffaloes thus offered to the goddess. The officiating priest first
strikes the animal on the neck with a long sword; it is then dragged away and
cut into little pieces in a few minutes. Under the influence of the headman of
Todgarh, the Rawats in 1874 entered into an agreement to abstain from the
flesh of kine and buffaloes and to excommunicate all transgressors. In that
year for the first time, Mers took no part in the dismemberment of the
buffaloes sacrificed to mata, leaving the work to be done by Bhils and
Bulahis.,,33
28 c.A. Baylay, The Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II, Jaipur, 1879, p. 161.
29 D.R.Bhandarkar, PRASWC, 31 st March, 1909, p.42
30 H.H. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Calcutta II, 1981, p. 267[[
31 N.N.Bhattacharyaya, The Indian Mother Goddesses, Manohar, 1999, p. 64
32 R.G. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism & Minor Religious Systems, Poona, 1928, p. 223
33 J. Digges La Touche, The Rajputan Gazetteer, Vol. II, Ajrner-Merwara, p.47.
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Brubaker analyzes the pattern of bloody sacrifice that puts up the right
expression for the tribe action in sacrificing animals. Sacrificial victim was
acknowledged as the enemy of the goddess who was not only killed but,
rather, humiliated and then presented to the goddess. Buffalo was beheaded
its leg was pushed to his mouth and the fat taken out of his stomach was
smeared on his eyes. Also, the candle was lighted on its head and then
presented to the goddess. This clearly reflects that the victim is not only
killed, he is humiliated also. 34 V.K. Srivastava postulates that for royal
castes and warriors the ideal of the martyrs was central, which was coupled
with blood sacrifice as well as meat eating. Their supreme deity granted
them valour and strength was the goddess (their Kula Devi) and they
sacrificed blood, sometimes of a male buffalo but usually a he-goat. 35
Jiwanmata and Burmanidevi of the Meenas, Khajoorimata and Bangamata
of Kanjars wanted bloody sacrifice in return for well being of concerned
individual and for the community as a whole.
In the later part of twentieth century, practice of goat sacrifice in
Rajasthan became a popular practice and was widely practiced on the
occasion of Dussehra. Village Survey Monographs of Rajasthan, edited by
C.S. Gupta (1961 )36 serves detailed information regarding sacrifices made in
the name of the goddess on Dussehra festival. It was the most common
practice and was performed with great jubilation by various clans and
communities. In the village of Bhandwasi (p. 28), situated in the district of
Nagaur of Jodhpur, the goat was sacrificed on the final day of Navarata to
34 Richard Brubaker, "The Ambivalent Mistress: A Study of South Indian Village Goddeses and Their
Religious Meaning" Ph. D. diss. University of Chicago, 1978, p.338
35 V.K. Srivastava, Religious Renunciation of a Pastoral People, OUP, 1997, p. 124
36 This paragraph deals with the practice of sacrifice performed in various villages of Rajasthan on the eve
ofDussehra. Facts are collected from separate booklets prepared for each of the villages. In is compiled
under the supervision of e.S. Gupta, (ed.), 1961, Village Survey Monographs o/Rajasthan
- 328-
he-goat was sacrificed in her shrine. The head of the sacrificed goat was
hung on the Khejara tree in front of the shrine of Jog Maya and they deserted
its head to dry and wither-out. The meat of goat was distributed in a way of
prasad to the people. In the areas of Ramnagar (pp. 32-33), on the day of
Dussehra, devotees offered worship to their arms and preferred to go for
hunting as to celebrate the festival of Navarat. In the evening when they
returned home after hunting, the hunted animals were cooked by them and
were then eaten with liquor. In the village of Sanswara (p.33), the
community of Sahariyas followed the ritual that was different to the rituals
followed by other living communities to celebrate Navarata festival. As the
people of other community offered flowers and incense to the goddess,
Sahariyas sprinkled few drops of liquor before the goddess. After offering
liquour to the goddess the left over of it was consumed by Sahariyas
themselves.
Over the years, some visible changes have occured in the form of
sacrifice in Rajasthan. New pattern of sacrifice is introduced according to
the convenience of individuals and the communities. Amongst tribes, royal
castes and the warriors of Rajasthan the long-standing tradition of human
sacrifice have come to an end, though, the importance of martyrs, animal
sacrifice and meat eating keeps continuing. 37 Amongst Mers, the tradition of
human sacrifice continued till nineteenth century, but after the nineteenth
century, instead of son, Mers started sacrificing buffalo. Even sacrificing
buffalo in course of time came to an end and goat replaced buffalo. Mers
thus adopted some standardized rituals to perpetrate sacrifice. Pure water is
sprinkled on the head of the goat to purify and the neck of the goat is
supposed to be cut off in one stroke with a sword. If failed, it is considered
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inauspicious. The head of the goat is then offered to the deity and is later
taken away by the Bhopa.,,38 Gradually animal sacrifice is accepted as the
best substitute of human sacrifice for female deities. 39 Later Bhils and
Bulahis also followed this tradition. 4o Meenas for Jiwanmata and
Burmanidevi, Kanjars for Khajoorimata and Bangamata also adopted animal
sacrifice.
In the Siladevi temple in Rajasthan, there is a visible change in the olden
practice of sacrifice. Human sacrifice in the name of the goddess was a
patent practice in early time. Kachvahas used to perform it in the open field
of the temple. The chopped off head was carried running to offer to the
goddess. In course of time, buffalo sacrifice replaced human sacrifice, and
thereafter, sacrificing goat became a practice. Change in the pattern of
sacrifice, from buffalo to goat, people say, was not acceptable to the deity.
Therefore, the deity, it is believed, tilted her head to express regret. 41 At
present, within the campus, performing bloody sacrifice in the name of the
goddess is prohibited, but the practice of symbolic sacrifice held on "lamon"
is followed.
In recent Rajasthan, the attitude of people is changing towards bloody
sacrifice. Temples that are supervised and patronized by the members of
high caste do not allow sacrfice in its campus. If anybody of the same high
caste wants to make sacrifice in the name of the goddess, is free to do but
anywhere away from the temple. For example, temple of Silladevi, as
discussed earlier, being supervised and patronized by Kacchawahas, does
37 V.K. Srivastava, Religious Renunciation o/a Pastoral People, OUP, 1997, p. 124
38 C.S. Gupta (ed.), 1961, Goriya, p.37
39 J.Digges La Touche, The Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II, Ajmer-Merwara, p. 47.
40 Ibid. p.47.
41 C.A. Baylay, The Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. II, 1879, Jaipur, p. 161; Detailed information is given
Kalyan 'Tirthank' year 1957, pp. 214, 216
- 331 -
not allow bloody sacrifice in the temple campus in recent time. If at all,any
one wants to make bloody sacrifice in the name of the goddess, he is allowed
to perform it away from the campus of the temple. Such kind of prohibition
is becoming visibly applicable in most of temples supervised by the
members of high caste. Eating of meat on the eve of Dussehra by high caste
people has also declined to a greater extent.
Non-sacrificial practice has influenced to some extent to the members of
low communities and tribes also and they too avoid sacrificial offer to their
female deities. Female deities like Jamvaimata of Meenas, Kamidevi of
Bikaner, Arbadadevi 42 <?f Bhils are vegetarian female deities. These female
deities feel offended if they are offered with bloody sacrifice. But in Bhairav
temples that generally are taken care of by the members of low castes, the
sacrificial practice is strongly followed. For example, in the temple of
Kodam Desar in Bikaner, dedicated to Bhairava, affiliated with low castes,
sacrifices are performed at great length.
In South India high caste members do not follow the tradition of meat
eating on the eve of Dussehra. The goddess temples, patronized by the
people of high caste, do not allow sacrificial practice. On the eve of certain
yaznya, named Somayaznya and Atiratrymyaznya, organized by the people
of high caste, bali is performed and sacrificed animals are given away to the
people of low caste. Usually bloody sacrifice in South India is organized by
the people of low communities at their temples in the name of female
deities. Members of Paraya community belonging to low caste sacrifice
chicken in the name of female deities. The goddesses affiliated to the low
43 Dr. Narayanan, born and brought up in Kerala, is at present lecturer in Sanskrit Department, Dyal Singh
Evening College, University of Delhi, has supplied this information.
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On the occasion of Durga Puja various parts of the states of Bengal, Bihar
and Iharkhanda, follow a uniqe tradition of symbolic sacrifice in front of the
image of Mahishasuramardini. This is rather an event of public celebration.
It is performed at the mid-night ofNavmi in which a Bhatuakumhra (white-
pumpkin) is chopped off from the middle and its slit-faces are coloured with
rori (bloody form of vermilion) to envisage as if it is a bloody sacrifice.
Such a tradition is never found earlier; it is rather incorporated in recent
time. It is related to tamshi tradition.
In Rajasthan, the pattern of sacrificial practice is wrongly assessed and
that creates an impression that this tradition is on the verge of decline. As
evidenced that only the members of community of low caste seem keen to
observe this tradition and high caste people do not allow it to perform in .
their temples. But in true sense of the term, this tradition is still very much
alive and prevalent in Rajashan. It still holds the Hindu psyche. The
religious significance of it still stands out. For example, Silladevi temple of
Rajaputs does not permit for bloody sacrifice, but symbolic sacrifice held on
the piece of lemon is a regular practice. Even outside the campus of the
temple, bloody sacrifice is permitted to do in the name of the goddess.
Jharula (called Mundan - tonsuring ceremony - in North of India) is a
popular ceremony in Rajasthan in which the ritual of tonsure is performed
and a goat is sacrificed in the name of the Kula Devi. 45 High caste people
observe Jahrula, together with symbolic and bloody sacrifices, religiously
and significantly.
46Madhu Bazaz Wangu, Images of Indian Goddesses: Myths, Meanings and Models, New Delhi: Abhinav
Publications, 2003, p. 18
- 335 -
were just their companions whom they collaborated. 47 But woven story
made them their wives.
In recent time, Lakshmi and Parvati are known purely as spouse
goddesses. Lakshmi is projected sitting near the feet of sleeping Vishnu
under the hood of cobra and Parvati, sitting always beside Siva along with
Nandi. The spouse goddesses Shri Lakshmi and Parvati are manifested as
mediators between devotees and their husbands/gods, brought the high gods
closer to the devotees and, thus, domesticated and brought them into the
circle of Hindu religion. Although, at the outset, Shri Lakshmi was an
independent goddess before she gained the position of a spouse deity.
Moreover, Parvati was not a benign spouse goddess who suffered quietly but
was resolute and defiant. 48
Matrkas, including all female deities, in recent time, are perceived as
biological mothers. Parvati, in particular, gained a very distinct image of
nourishing mother and is presented with two of her sons - Kartikeya and
Ganesha. In fact, manifestation of biological mothers of female deities is a
later development, concocted and spun with the intention to humanize them.
Along with female deities, male deities are also humanized. "Ganga, as
Lakshmi, Kali, Parvati or Sarasvati, the goddesses, have, time and again,
spumed mother-hood and often preferred to bring up deviants and strays
instead: a baby with the head of an elephant, a swan, even bulls.,,49
The goddess Sarasvati, as referred to in Rig Veda, originated with an
independent identity. With the processs of historical development, her
identity came across with various alteration and changes. For the first time in
Puranic age her independent identity was transformed and she was then
47 Ibid. p. 97
48 Ibid. p. 97
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49 Ibid.
50 Pushpendra Kumar, op. cit. p. 3
51 Michael W. Meister, M.A. Dhaky (edit.), Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture North-India
Period of Early Maturity, Text, C. AD 700-900, OUP - 1991, p. 252
- 338 -
With the passage of time, by the initiative of Dahima brahmanas who are
the real patrons and caretakers of this temple in present time and for whom
the goddess is their Kula Devi,52 have made so many changes in and around
the natural worshiping stone of the deity. Around the stone, a platform is
constructed that is called sthana in local term, and is considered a sacred
platform. The whole stone is embellished with silver, dressed with colour
and flowers and is decorated with ornamentation. Mask and silver canopy
are recent introduction. 53
By the ninth century varied changes were introduced around the sthana
of Dadhimatimata. A well-structured stone temple was constructed near the
sthana. 54 With a lapse of time further additions were made in the temple. A
fifth court of a larger space for dharmsthan was created in late twentieth
century in which an icon of Dadhimatimata, near the natural stone of the
goddess, clothed in the fashion of Brahmanic goddesses was installed in the
temple. Along with the image of Dadhimatimata, images for other goddesses
have been given a due place. On the frontal part of the temple is an image
resembling goddess Durga depicted in the fashion as slaying a buffalo
demon. At the entrance door of the temple is installed a sitting image of a
goddess together with an image of Siva. Image of Siva is placed above the
image of the goddess. On the lintel of the sanctum is an image of a female
deity depicted as slaying of the buffalo demon. Image for male-god Ganesha
is created on the south, Durga in the form of Kshemankari is on the west and
Parvati, sitting in yogic posture, is on the north. Below the sikahara is
52 Sukhvirsingh Gehlot (ed.), Rajasthan Ke Pramukh Abilekh, Jodhpur, Hindi Sahitya Mandi, 1988, p.235
53 Michael W. Meister, M.A. Dhaky (edit.), Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture North-India
Period of Early Maturity, Text, C. AD 700-900, ouP - 1991, p. 252
54 Art historians mark it as the construction of the ninth century.
- 339
created an important and interesting scene from the Ramanayan. 55 The main
sanctum of the temple contains a decorated palanquin in which the image of
Dadhimatimata is placed encircled with images of the other female deities.
Religious rituals of the temple of Dadhimatimata that came into force in
19th - 20th century are very much based upon the brahmanic tradition.
Devotees tie colourful threads in the pillars of the temple with the hope that
pillars will provide them ample benefits. They believe that pillars have
magical power. Colourful threads decorate the temple. On important
occasion like spring N avaratri, a palanquin held in the main sanctum is
boarded upon the horse-drawn chariot to move out along with a big
procession mounted on a jeep. A temporary form of the goddess is placed in
the palanquin and is brought down to the bank of the tank. Here an artificial
fountain is created to show that the goddess has sprung out of the earth.
After completion of celebration, the palanquin is re-installed in the temple.
The origin of Dadhimatiniata as perceived out of mythical narration is
found linked to a herdsman, but with passage of time, the goddess, directly-
indirectly, got linked to Dahimabrahmans. Then, Dadhimatimata got linked
to sage Dadhichi who is an important character of Brahmanical tradition.
Dadhichi is believed to have donated his bone to Indra to make vajra to
vanquish the threatening demons. Association of Dadhimatimata with
Dadhichi came into shape possibly because of Dahima brahmans, the patron
of Dadhimatimata. In fact, Dahimas, themselves, were linked to Atharvan,
the lineage of sage Dadhichi.
At present, in Mangol, apart from Dadhimatimata temple, temples for
other male-female deities have come up. These temples belong to Siva,
55 Michael W. Meister, M.A. Dhaky (edit.), Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture North-India
Period of Early Maturity, Text, C. AD 700-900, OUP -1991, p. 252
- 340-
56D.R. Bhandarkar, AS] Annual Report, 1908-09 pp. 100-03 & PAS]RWC, 1907, pp. 36-37; K.S. Singh,
(Gen. Edit.), 1998, p. 720
- 341 -
prasad for deity was stopped. Upon this Sachiya mata got offended and
cursed Oswals, the original residents of Osia. People started running away
with the premonition of looming danger of calamity. As to please the
goddess it was accepted as a ritual that on the eve of marriage, the concerned
parties are liable to visit the shrine of Sachiya mata and make some offering
to the deity. It is also added as a new tradition that no Oswal can pass across
the temple of Sachiya whether it is the night or the day until he pays homage
to the goddess. Out of fear of being over taken by some calamity or another,
everybody visit the shrine without fail. In due course the goddess had been
worshipped with saffron, eatables, flowers etc. She had been denied to offer
meat, wine and any sort of red flowers. The issue of conversion of goddess
to a non-vegetarian and non-ferocious deity has been pointed out in
Kharataragacccha Brhadgurvavali.
The origin of Sachiyamata is presumed to have come up under the
patronage of the Tantriks. In the Gupta period there was a strong hold of the
Tantriks on most of the parts of Rajasthan. The Gangadhara Stone
Inscription of Kumaragupta-I refers to the impact of Trantriks in the Osian
areas. Many of the Jain female deities being worshipped in the temple are
supposed to be adopted from the Tantrik tradition. Conversion of vegetarian
food as prasad from non-vegetarian, denial to offer wine and any sort of red
flowers indicate a cultic conversion of the goddess and impact of Jain
tradition.
After twelfth century A.D. saints and pilgrims often stated coming to visit
this place and many more changes came nto shape. Once one of the
merchants of Abhanagari (modem Abanri) said to have established a Sanga
to Osia in honour of the Sachiyadevi. Celebration of tonsuring ceremony is
an important ceremony began as started on her temple. Her worship during
- 343 -
62 Ibid. p. 13
63 Ibid. p. 13
- 344-
64 Ibid. p. 13
65 Ibid. p. 29
66 Devi-Mahatmya, Guru Mandai Series, 1962, Calcutta, 1. 64-66; Translated version by Vasudeva S.
Agrawala, Varanasi, All India Kashiraj Trust, 1963
67 Mahabharata, Satvalekar, (ed.), IV. 6.20 & tranlated version by l.A.B. Van Buitenen. 3 Vols. Chicago,
Univ. of Chicago Press, 1940
68 Ibid. IV. 6. 19
- 345 -
projected unitary, independent and free from affiliation with the male
deities, neither as power of Siva nor consort of Visnu. She is both fearful
and benign. But Sa iva Purana viz. Skanda Purana, Siva Purana, Kurma
Purana and Linga Purana present Shakti as power of Siva or consort of Siva
and thus do not separate Her from Siva. In Vaisnava Purana like Bhagavata
Purana, Visnu Purana and Vamana Purana. Shakti is called the power of
Visnu. She is considered a pure consciousness, power of Siva and Maya of
Visnu. She produces Sattva, Rajas and Tamas. She is Prakriti, the primeval
root. 69 Matsya Purana, Kurma Purana, Siva Purana, Skanda Purana reveal
the philosophical concept of Shakti70 which became prominent and is
remembered with devotion. 71
72 Subhashini Aryan, op. cit., says that the festival is dedicated to Gauri also. Her images on the days
festival is gaily decorated with red and gold garments and is borne on the patki for procession composed of
fully caparisoned elephants, camels and horses. P. 11
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Delhi for ten days. On the tenth day of Dussehra, as evening approaches, an
elaborate procession leads to the Ramlila grounds where crowds congregate
to watch actors dressed as Rama shooting flaming arrows at giant effigies of
the 10-headed demon Ravan, along with his brothers - Meghnath and
Kumbhakama - symbolizing the triumph of good over evil. This is followed
almost in every locality of Delhi and has continued for over decades. In
recent time, continuity of goddess tradition in Delhi has rather gained a new
dimension. Additions are made in the on-going practices of Dussehara
tradition of Delhi. Installation of images in decorated Pandals, coming of
people to visit images and to enjoy entertaining programmes in the pandals
itself, following extensive puja rituals to invoke the female deity and
immersion of the images on the tenth day of the festival are some new
practices, added and incorporated in Dusshera celebration in Delhi.
Up in the parts of deep north of India in Kashmir, Kashmiri Pandits visit
the temple of Kheer Bhawani during Dusshera. Punjabis observe Navratras
and follow fasting and feeding the poor. They worship Sheranwali Ma (the
female deity who rides the tiger). In Kulu, in Himachal Pradesh, the
celebration has a different flavour. Villagers wear colourful dress, bring their
local deities from little temples in procession to a tree where everyone
assembles to pay homage to Kulu's reigning deity, Raghunathji, a
manifestation of Lord Rama. In the course of procession dancing and
singing in praise of deity is performed. The villages hold the palanquin of
the deity aloft during the endless week-long festivities.
In West Bengal, Dussehra, popularly known as Durga Puja, is celebrated
with intense fervour and zest in West Bengal. Images of Durga (they
73 c.s. Gupta, (ed.), 1961, Malar, informs that Parvati and Durga, along with Gauri, are worshipped in the
festival. p.39
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generally call "Ma Durga"), embellished with crown an:d ornaments, are
installed in festooned pandals. Ornaments for the goddesses are made from
tinsel. Elaborate rituals, like offering flowers, fruits, sweets and making
symbolic sacrifice under the stewardship of a well-versed priest, are
followed to worship female deity. In the evening, at the time of Aarti, both
male and female devoted to the female deity perform dance to the tune of
drums. They wear new clothes, entertain with music, dance and drama and
roam around to get the glimpse of the images of Durga. It is followed
extensively both in towns and villages. Every locality wishes to project the
best of its attraction and excellence and also to compete to outdo other.
In Meghalaya, like West Bengal, Dussehra is known as Durga Puja. At
Nartiang, Puja is an important event and is celebrated with much vigour and
seriousness. It is celebrated in a temple dedicated to goddess Durga. The
temple was constructed by Jaintia king after converting himself to Hinduism
in the 16th century. The temple resembles a typical Khasi house with· a
central wooden pillar and roof, steeple in shape, and is made up of
corrugated tin sheets. Here on the eve of festival some temporary special
arrangement is made. A plantain trunk covered in white shroud and marigold
flowers, symbolic of the goddess is installed. Not after nine days, but just
after four days, the trunk is immersed in the river Myntang. Nartiang's
Durga Puja is a blend of Khasi and Hindu beliefs, and a fitting tribute to
Meghalaya's cultural diversity.74
Gujarat celebrates Dussehra at enthralling note. People enjoy endless
nights of dancing. Dance garba in particular is performed in public squares,
open grounds and in every street. Dancers attire themselves with dazzling
clothes, swing dandia sticks in disco tunes, clap to garba beats and sing
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gods - Brahama, Vishnu and Mahesh - failed to defeat the demon, the male
gods sat and meditated upon to discover an impregnable and un-
surmountable Pure Power. From the collective thought of the gods, the great
Shakti was born. Gods then lent all kinds of weapons and attributes to Shakti
and they surrendered themselves to the effulgence of female power. The
goddess then moved to fight with the demon. She assessed the situation of
battle and then produced female army from within. The army of Shakti was
well armed and trained for battle. Shakti, along with female army,
successfully killed the demon and then female army re-entered the Goddess.
The story of goddess Durga narrated in Ramayana is also remembered.
Devotees of Lord Rama performed Chandi puja for nine days to invoke the
help of goddess Durga to defeat Ravan, the demon king, who had abducted
his wife, Sita. Pleased Durga divulged to him the secret of slaying the
demon.
Goddess temples in present-day India are suggestive of the growth and
popularity of goddess tradition in India. India has many famous temples for
female deities. In Northern India, Vaisnavdevi temple is an exceedingly
important goddess temple, located on the hills of Katra in Jammu. In two
decades, it has achieved the status of a great pilgrimage centre and the
goddess has become a household name. Vindyavasini temple in Uttar
Pradesh, Aranyadevi temple in Bihar, Dakshineswar Kali temple and Kali
Ghata in Bengal are important goddess temples of north India. In South
India in Kamataka Kollur-Mookambika and Chamunda hill temples
dedicated to goddess Sarasvati and Durga, respectively are located. In
Kerala, there are following goddess temples: Panachikkad Dakshina
Mukambika temple at Kottayam is dedicated to goddess Sarasvati and
Chottanikkara temple at Eruakulam is dedicated to goddess Durga.
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Chottanikkara temple helps to drive away the evil spirits. Malabar region of
Kerala is famous for Kalari - a single, simple rectangular room. It is
attached as part of goddess temple dedicated to Bhadrakali or Bhagavati.
Such goddess temples are called Kalari temples. These temples are the
places for training. One famous temple of this category is in the north of
Kothakulangara known as Mukkannur Kuttala Bhagavati temple. The
goddess was tutelar deity of the Cherampilly Karthas who were great
gymnasts and once the chiefs of the locality. Karthas constructed this temple
for teaching the art of fencing to the local inhabitants and also for
worshipping Devi. 76 Tamil Nadu consists of two important temples: one,
Kamakshi temple at Kanchipuram and the other, Meenakshi temple at
Madurai. Meenakshi temple is known all over India for its beauty and
artistic design.
76 Phillips B. Zarrilli, When the Body becomes all Eyes, OUP, 1990, p. 62