PoC Bane \en Aen ate} ECONOMIC POLITICAL & SOCIAL ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT The Journal of Development Studies VOLUME 14 JANUARY 1978 Olaju: A Yoruba Concept of Development J.D. ¥. Peel Research and Productivity in Wheat ia Israel Yoav Kislev and Michael Hoffman Food Grain Marketing in Northern Nigeria: HLM. Hays: ‘Spatial and Temporal Performance and J. H. McCoy Farm Tractorisation, Productivity and Labour ‘Shyamal Roy and Employment: A Case Study of Indian Punjab Melvin G. A Positive Interpretation of the Expansion of Albert Berry Urban Services in Latin America, with some Colombian Evidence Aspiration Wagos, Migration and Guy Standing Urban Unemployment } evi Arle ‘ \p- i, Book Reviews ISSN 0022-0388 Published by Frank Cass & Co LtdGla~ ye ye bh jot) - niyan - by pelews — Shikan Okey opeusiyan ela -e- OE ale — ~-as Olayers pla g aways ye Gahran : 7 \ Ol je — Hey He _ wele eae | : 7 wb PS pn he fo | We. ; Ya have yes ne 1 iz lgrerectol Ea (abe bag echo. Lf y Ow Ayo Qos gt on Qmoy = RG EEE: eQlaju: A Yorba Concept of Development by J.D. Y. Peel* ‘The key indigenous concept of development among the Yoruba of esha, glaju (‘enlightenment’), is specified and some tspical contemporary referents illustrated. Its shown to entail a particular system of metaphors and to be related to some traditional ideas ‘about the provenance of pawer, and the relation of knowledge and power. Olaju—variously associated with education, the world religions, external trade and travel—has had relevance both 10 individuals and communities, and is traced through several historical phases from the late nineteenth century to today. It became progressively more linked with Western education and underlay the ‘major place of education in Nigerian social policy since 1945. The traditional esoiericism of Yoruba knowledge, hoarded by the powerful as a key resource, gave way to a more open conception in the early twentieth century, linked with conversionary religions Latterly, education being again commended because it confers ‘power in a zero-sum situation, a new scarcity iscreated by raising the Critical level of qualifications. Though this has occurred widely inthe Third World, its specific conditions are important in Nigeria 1 ‘A rather surprising thinness in the contribution of the “softer” social sciences (sociology, history and social anthropology) to the analysis of development is in their treatment of the concepts and theories of development held by its subjects, the peoples of the Third World. Despite the important advances made by anthropology in the study of indigenous systems of classification, the concems of ‘cognitive anthropology’ have tended to be devoted to traditional cosmologies rather than to how these peoples have cast their experience of modern social change itself. “Applied anthropology’? even when dealing with cognitive ‘impediments’ has been characteristically restricted in its scope. There has, itis true, been some consideration, mostly by historians, of how indigenous rulers or local modernising elites have sought to control the impact of the West and to evelop their societies by deliberate, selective innovation.3 Such actions and events tend to be considered in relation to, at once, very particular ‘Charles Booth Profesor of Sociology, University of Liverpool Tam gratelul to Dr. Akinsola A. Akiwowo of the Department of Sociology ané Anthropology, University o Ife, Nigena or his very helpfulcommentsin several discussions re of this paper: and to the members of the Sociology Departments of the Chivers of Liverpool and Lancaster, to Whom an carer version of this paper was reid “The research on which its based was financed by a grant from the Bish Social Science Research Council,140 “THE JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES pressures and purposes, and a rather general view of the situation (@B Tapot power and technique that isso enormous and objective that seems Be etate the appropriate and or actual response of the dominated peop\e)- What is usually absent is a crucial middle term: the criteria of judgment. cantained in some kind of indigenous sociel theory, which must underlie Soy action and which therefore cannot be omitted from an adequate 30) anation of it. These criteria, while responsive to new extermal demands serrate part ofa cultural system, largely to be interpreted in terms of the oncral chavacter of such external demands over a longish period, ist Feneravesantedate any particular new demand —such as, say, the politica i hbordination and sense of cultural inadequacy which befell most AfFican societies when they were colonised in the late nineteenth century. Sines Fees es are expressed in the idiom of a particular language and aarpare, they must also relate to features of that society's experience Which sae relatively independent of external pressures and likely to be unique toit Sf ubis i admitted, at east as a possibility, the ‘universalism’ which is so prevalent a feature of development studies may Be seen as a hindrance, Ht PrevaleMyoe. to our understanding of the actions of the subjects of eeSiopment. By ‘universalism’, I here mean two related doctrines: (1) tat cercoRevelopment/underdevelopment is a function of the single Suistionship between the pre-industrial periphery and the Euro-Americat aaeeecmual prescontact features of peripheral societies, have small soar eco our understanding oftheir present situation; (2) that, whatever reat be our belief about the causes of underdevelopment, the real Ets of wekopment. are the stme everywhere—national independance a5¢ dee cruness high levels of individual welfare and living standards, and the sivetion of gross inequalities, With some aspects of these doctrines 1 do veeeysh to engage here—c.g. whether development/underdevelopment ro ld te seen fundamentally as one lobal process, or whether the Ends of Geeetopment are in fact universal, (As to the latter, my own view is thet; ety generally held as these Ends ae, they are very often eld within the se eork of more particular ends, such as the desite to perpetudle OF saree a certain religio-politcal order).* My concern here is with the TeaSoptions that people—even very ordinary and inarticulate ones “have seen development asa process: the means by which t hascome about or is aoe Ghieved, Those are less predominantly ‘evaluative’ than conceptions vike proper Fad of development, since they are the theorisation of Piensa! experience: general beliefs about the causes and conditions of social change. si ides merit careful consideration for at east three reasons, Firstly, “undertanding how people see the process of their own development is ane hough altrmately nota privileged, way tothe understanding of raise process has actually been. Secondly, people's ideas, which are eee terlly the fruit of a cultural tradition, must, in any but the most aera ajc sociology, be considered an element in the determination of rrechartions and iaence ofthe overall process of development. (i his were aa acetal be herd to find any justification fos the whole juggernaut of seeNepment studies) Thiedly, ifthe development expert wishes to affect Gagotng processes in any novel way, is these ideas of the actors with 6 \ f f f ‘RNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES eral view of the situation (e.g., a ormous and objective tha: it scems response of the dominated people). ile term: the criteria of judgment, ocial theory, which must underlie ot be omitted from an adequate sponsive to new external demands y to be interpreted in terms of the ands over a longish period, must femand—such as, say, the political lequacy which befell most African he late nineteenth century. Since ym_of a particular language and of that society's experience which ssures and likely to be uniqueto it. lity, the ‘universalism’ which is so jes may be seen as a hindrance, in the actions of the subjects of ean two related doctrines: (1) that is a function of the single periphery and the Euro-American peripheral societies, have small resent situation; (2) that, whatever \derdcvclopment. the real Ends of re—national independence and ifare and living standards, and the me aspects of these doctrines I do development junderdevelopment nal process, or whether the Ends of o the latter, my own view is that, ey are very often held within the ch as the desire to perpetuate or 4 My concern here is with the inary and inarticulate ones—have ns by which it hascome about ors, ntly “evaluative” than conceptions nce they are the theorisation of out the eauses and conditions of for at least three reasons. Firstly, ss of their own development is & ed, way to the understanding of condly, people's ideas, which are tion, must, in any but the most clement in the determination of cess of development. (IF this were cation forthe whole juggernaut of velopment expert wishes to affect is these ideas of the actors with OLAJU: A YORUBA CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT 141 which he must engage: to invoke the criteria implicit in them, to synthesise them with his own or to overthrow them as invalid and inappropriate. Ta this paper 1 wish to examine some such ideas prevalent among the Yoruba people of south-western Nigeria. The material is largely drawn from a socio-historical study of one Yoruba community, llesha, a town of ‘over 150,000 inhabitants (called Tjesha), the capital of a pre-colonial kingdom and, in this century, a major centre for the production of cocoa, the main agricultural export erop of the region. It will take the form of an analysis of what I believe to be a key concept in Yoruba ideas of development, considered in close relation to the experiences which have validated it and the structural contexts of both experience and concept. ‘This concept is plgju, or ‘enlightenment’ 1 Qlaju (sometimes, rendered ilaju) is not the only word regularly used by Yoruba to characterise modern social change in goncral terms. AC least three others are in very common use. The first is ilosiwaju (lit: “going forward’), which can be rendered, with little difficulty, as ‘progress’, since it always carries. positive evaluation. A variant of itis tesivaju (it: ‘stepping forward’) which means roughly the same thing, though with an extra corinotation of purposiveness. Then there is idaghasoke (lit ‘rising to be an elder’ or ‘growing up’), which as with ‘development’ in English implies an analogy between the maturation of human beings and the growth of societies and communities, often conceived of in aggregate terms.* A chief speaking of the idagbasoke of his village meant its acquisition of a tarred road, court-house and dispensary, and hence the retention and increase of its population. A fund-raising body in esha translated "economic development’ as idagbasoke oro-aje (ie. *. . ..of matters of profit’) in a Yoruba language publicity leaflet. A further term is acunluse (it: ‘remaking of.the town’), usually translated ‘improvement’, The Egby Atailuse (Improvement Society’) in Hesha is a body of public spirited men who raised funds for the Grammar School, lobby the authorities for public amenities, mediate in chieftaincy disputes ete. The word is ambiguous to the extent that, as far as T could determine, itcan refer both to the renewal ofa town to its former state (ie. without any necessary idea of progress) oF toa renewal in which (as with most of the Egbe Atunluse’s projects) the final state will be novel. Despite the differences in the concepts of these three ‘words, they can often be used fairly interchangeably and taken to refer concretely to the same kind of things. ‘Plaju is 2 more profound notion, since it carries with it a definite theory ‘about the causes of social change, though it can often share the common references of the other words. Itis helpful first to consider the word in use. ‘The following examples are all answers to certain questions about social ‘change put to a random sample of male household heads in Tesh in 1974, The questions were asked, in Yoruba, by local student interviewers who wrote down the answers, as near verbatim as possible, in Yoruba:® the translations are mine. I should emphasise that they are nor answers to leading questions: at the time when I dzew up the questionnaire I did not attribute to plaju the significance T now do. and the phrasing of these142 ‘THE JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES particular questions did not include any of the above general terms. The Wwords used for ‘change’ in the questions were the quite neutral and general words ivipada or ivatp. What struck me when 1 began to analyse the [answers was that ofthe general words that can characterise modern social change, plaju was far more often spontaneously used by respondents than any of the others (22 times, followed by dpsiwajujitesiwayw 3 times). The actual answers were as follows: {@) What have been the most important changes in Isha since you werea boy? 256: Ko si gdun ibile mo, 0 ti npari nitori olaju ‘There's no real Town Festival any more, it’s finished because of olaju. 283: Gbogbo aye un'un gaan iti yipada Vorisirisi, olaju ti dode ‘There's all sorts of changes everywhere, olaju has eome to the town. 312; diye nlaju si nipa Igbagho ‘The word (or, the age] is becoming more enlightened through Christianity. (i) What changes have been for the better? 50:_ Tera ti po si, olaju ti po si. A ti ngbe ile o dara. We've become healthier, and more enlightened. We used to live in poor houses. 82: Qlajunipa ine fun awon omo wa... ve ofe so 9p9 omo di enia nla. ‘Olaju through education for our children... free education has made many children great men. 102: Qlaju nif aye dara ju ti atijo; awon enia nse irn ajo gbogbo ohm fi awon si ri Fohun ni nwon mu wa sibi Tes plaju makes the world better than it was before, People travel, and everything they see abroad, they bring bere. 113: Qlaju wa, ina, om, titi oleda. laju has come, electricity, piped water, tarred roads. 129; Ie tide. a sito lajusi. Hobaba wa se it oleda, ero ghohungbohun, ina ijgba ati bebe lo. Education has come, we've become more enlightened, The government's helped us achieve tarred roads, radio, cleetricity and so on. 312; Olajer'ogb'ode ti je Ki awon enia wa mo pe agidi ope mo, afi sur ati ggbon ort ‘The plaju which has come over the town has let our people know that stubbornness [reckoned an fjesha national vice—or virtue!) is no use, rather calm and good sense, 314: Qlaju ero redio. ‘The plaju of the radio. 328: @) moto oju gna. Gi) ola nipa dws. 1, Vehicles on the roads. 2. Qlaju through trade. 348; Ona wa tobi si, olaiu npo si. Roads are more substantial, olaju is growing. OLAmU: 351: 354: 381: 435; 4q7 489 The use ler ott wit/RNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES y of the above general terms. The "were the quite neutral and general me when 1 began to analyse the hat can characterise modern social neously used by respondents than y ilosiwajuitesinaju 3 times). The anges in Ileshasince you werea boy? i nitori olaiu | any more, it's finished because of ada Vorisirist, ola ti d’ode, verywhere, glajic has come to the coming more enlightened through er? ti ngbe ile o dara. more enlightened. We used to live a... we oft so op0 om di enia nla ur children ... free education has awon enia nse irin aig gbogbo ohun 9a sibi or than it was before. People travel, ad, they bring here. iped water, tarred roads. wase titi oleda, ero gbohunghohun, become more enlightened. The ve tarred roads, radio, electricity nia wa mg pe agidi o pe mo, afi suru the town has let our people know n Ijesha national vice—or virtue!] od sense, pa awe. Olaju through trade, plaju is growing. OLAJU: A YORUBA CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT 143 351: Kosi wipe ange iwofa mp. Olaju nipa dwd—lilo kakiri lati se 6w0, ey Fo mu ows wa. ‘We don’t use pawns any more [a form of debt-bondage, entered into to raise capital or pay fines]. Qlaju through trade—going about to trade, that is what brings money. 354: Olan de sit. Olaju has come right up 381: Olaju tia ri bere tt dara ju ti tele fo, sugbon o ti ku die ko 0. ‘The plaju we know is already better than what there was before, but there's still a little way to go before it’s complete 435: Qlaju wa fun awgn enia wa, dw po si oju gna dara ju ti aj Io ‘Olajwhas come to our people, trade has developed, the roads are better than they were. 477: Enia o kumg bi tiatijo nitori hospital to wa bay. Qlaju isin Imale ati Iebagho de, People don't die like they used to, because of the hospitals we have now. Qlaju of Islam and Christianity has come, 489: Qlaju dipo okunkun nipa ekg, idajo ododo dipo ti babareagbe, ko si ‘run nipa omi mim. Olaju instead of darkness through education, proper courts instead of the old chiefly judgment, no mare sickness through dcinking water. (ii) What changes have been for the worse? 129: Awon pmo wao gbp ibawisiwalenumo, gegebia tise siawon baba wa Caio ‘tort glaju ive tode-ont. ‘Our children don’t listen to our rebukes lke we used to listen to our fathers’, because of today’s book-paju. 253: EB. ibg’p fn ian agha mo bi tatijo—ian pmo ria 1 laju ata od ‘There's no respect for us elders as there used to be~ our children are ‘enlightened’ beyond measure. 281: Oyeki Uleeya ria a tidaa si, sugbpn in'in kin iwi naj maa 0 ku st oo. Our Hiesha should be better, but it's up to you who claim to be ‘enlightened’ to do something about it. (N.B. addressed to a university student) 436: Olaju ti awon Ovinbo mu wa tim lat awon enia ti ko dara si iwa Isedale. The Europeans’ plaju has turned people immoral, away from our traditional customs. It is evident that the word glaju carries some definite associations. “Though most respondents used it to convey a positive evaluation, some used it nogatively. Either way itis associated with the once alien religions of Christianity and Islam (312 i, 477) and with the abandonment of some clements of traditional ocal culture 256, 312i, 489, 129, 253, 436). Many other answers to Question (i) were on the lines of complaints about the ‘contemporary prevalence of ‘wronging the ancientry and getting wenches ‘with child’. 1s manifested in the acquisition of development goods: better144 ‘THE JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES roads, houses, health and amenities Tike piped water, rediffusion and Hcteiity, Ie is inked with education (82, 1291, 489, 1291), and with trade Gnd travel (102, 328, 351, 435). As we shall see, the links between these aeenotations are not arbitrary. When English-speaking Yorubas talk of “enlightenment” and of ‘enlightened’ people, as they frequently do wher “Geseribing, say, the pioneers of the cocoa economy or of local edueationst provision, this is the concept they have in mind.? Titeraly, the verb laid means to open the eyes’ (Ua = open, at = ey). it ina word pregnant with meaning, which we can best unravel by examining its verbal root, 12, Like many such monosyllabic verb root's in Yoruba, 1} carries a spectrum of references, of which the basic one is £6 “pli or divide’ * And as with some Indo-European languages, this ies of salitingis related to one of knowing, diserimination or discernment.© Thus pecaualgo mean ‘cut a boundasy'—for cutting the bush was the main way by which the King's messengers would mark a bourcdary inthe fores—80 Py Mfodtees aala (= "boundar’), that which declares the ownership of & Tr oftand. la (= “tribal mark’), that by which a person's social dentfy wae rown, is 2 further noun made in the usual Yoruba way. from the eae ese Ta, even though itis used with the transitive ver Ko Cut). A Turther usage of [ais simply to ‘explain’, (0 “make plain’, an act sometimes ieompanied by the speaker holding his closed hands infront of his chest dnd expressively opening them, palms upwards. ‘But olay in our sense is metaphorical: enlightenment’, a social state of proons of increased knowledge and awaceness, which is a condition of areaer effectiveness and prosperity. Now asthe individual, unmetsphor arrh pocomes ‘enlightened’ by opening his eyes, a society does so through Spening itel to experience of the outer word, It is impossible to say bow seein uch a usage sift was coined to refer tothe modern enlightenment riers associated with experience of Europe or if it was ever explicilly went store -Yorubas had dealings with Europeans. A wholly different UStgpective led missionary and trading interests nthe nineteenth centr V0 pepei2o frequently of opening up’ Arica. Yet in the Yoruba contest ere sree fim cultural foundations for the telling impact which such aGge, and favourite missionary metaphors of ‘replacing darkness by Tight (of Respondent 489 above), ‘opening te eyes ofthe blind’ ate. Co sty wa Ue of that potent early evangelistic device, the Magic Lantern) bed Deuce the semantic range of /4, and its various mutually suggestive ceaeetves there was. set of strongly-beld and weil-validated beliefs about the importance of knowledge (0 power m1 ‘Yorubu knowledge may be considered uader two generat headings, Firsty, TepRbnloage af nature, giving a degree of control over the natura} aoe rents whose. basic "theoretical idiom’, to use Robin Horton's hase. was that of personalised deities"? The technology of iron, Ws Phrtant throughout Yorubaland, but especially inthe forest kingdors sre Titaha, where the cult of Ogun, god of iron, was paramount, equally vMenifcant for military and agricultural purposes, The cult of Ogun Was sees pound in with kingship: in lesha the Ogun Festival—the gdun (ile OLAIU: A ‘mention the roya govern with his survival ‘gods wh wasa sy both pu learned of these quarter lagbede festival: marked Ase claim a throug meant lineage prerog largely much: of the ex-offi peopl know! know! office to thi oun revea forty| know real Yor thin, disp econ color erm that pre part and com defi the chiRNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES ke piped water, rediffusion and , 129i, 489, 129i), and with trade shall see, the links between these rnglish-speaking Yorubas talk of ople, as they frequently do when a economy or of local educational in mind.? the eyes’ (ld = open, ojtt = eyes) which we can best unravel by y such monosyllabic verb roots in nces, of which the basic one is to o-European languages, this idea of crimination or discernment. Thus cutting the bush was the main way ark a boundary in the forest—and which declares the ownership of a by which a person's social identity the usual Yoruba way, from the ith the transitive verb kp (‘cut’). A to ‘make plain’, an act sometimes ‘closed hands in front of his chest upwards. | “enlightenment’, a social state or wareness, which is a condition of yw as the individual, unmetaphori- his eyes, a society docs so through ‘world. It is impossible to say how refer to the modern enlightenment Europe or if it was ever explicitly ch Europeans, A wholly different nterests in the nineteenth century to ca, Yetin the Yoruba context there r the telling impact which such staphors of ‘replacing darkness by ing the eyes of the blind’ ete. (tosay device, the Magic Lantern) had. d its various mutually suggestive eld and well-validated beliefs about under two general headings. Firstly, sgree of control over the natural V idiom’, to use Robin Horton's es.!° The technology of iron was especialy in the forest kingdoms d of iron, was paramount, equally I purposes. The cult of Ogun was a the Ogun Festival—the gdun ibile OLAJU- A YORUBA CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT 145 mentioned by Respondent 256—was linked with the commemoration of the royal aneostors and the worship of Orisa Onifon, the deity of good government, and was the occasion for the king's reassertion of his compact ‘Nith his people Of equal importance were the other arts of physical Survivalrmedicine, knowledge of animate nature and of the will of the ipods who were its controlling forees—associated with the eult of Ma, This twas system of divination whose priests exercised very great influence over both public and private affairs, and constituted, in the fullest sense, 2 iarned profession of cadre of technical experts.!? The public importance of these two forces was acknowledged by the practice, in Hesha, when a new quarter of the town was established, for 2 household of blacksmiths Caghede) and one of diviners (babalawa) to be located there, Their to festivals, that of Ogun in December-January and that of fa in June-July, marked the two turning-points of the Ijesha calendar. 'A second kind of knowledge was that deemed essential for anyone to claim and exercise the authority of any office, from the Owe (King) down through the various chiefly title-holders to family heads. Above all this neant ‘history’ (dan), accounts which attach to every dynasty, state, ttl Tineage, village or quarter community, telling how its privileges, prerogatives and distinctive attributes came into being, This history, being fargely of the nature of ‘mythical charters’ (though ne doubt incorporating ‘uch valid information about the actual past) was especially a possession Of the elderly and those in positions of authority. Thus the Owa is deemed. Cxoffcio, to be the greatest expert on his town's history, even when suck people as knowledgeable amateur local historians know that his actual nowledge is defective and bas been derived from real experts. While some knowledge is a prerequisite for office, much is acquired as a function of office. Contestants for many chiefly offices (especially titles which are open to the members of very large, segmented and dispersed lincages, the houndaries of whose membership is im doubt) support their claims by revealing validating knowledge e.g. their father attended Chief X’s funeral forty years ago and was told by contestant C's father, who, as everyone knows, was the son of X's chief slave that...) against their rivals. The very real power of palace chiefs and royal messengers, even slaves, in any Yoruba kingdom, lay in the fact that, being constantly at the centre of things, they acquired incidentally a great deal of the accepted history of disputed offices, rights and lands. Thus in a multitude of ways, political and economic action in Yoruba kingdoms (2s no doubt in most other pre- colonial African kingdoms) was deeply affected by what some Marxists {erm “ideological dominance of the social formation’. What this means is that any account of relations of production, or political relations, already presupposes @ community constituted ina particular way, that is @ particular culture. The acquisition of such key material resources as slaves ‘and trade goods depended on the power of the community vis-d-vis other ‘communities, and hence, for individuals, upon the ovcupancy of culturally defined office. Knowledge and power reached a kind of fused pinnacle in the person of the King: he was the fount of social honour, the giver of chiefly office, and the point of interrelation between the mundane social world and that of the deities who control the natural environment._ ero 146 qe 1OURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES ouam: Two further dimensions of his knowledge areto be noted. Sines a conser scares resource, especially 18,15 Mal aspects, Those WhO possessed it bestrods Hinded it, only Fetting i oUt soci owes, not alfowing it to BSc Yoruba i boat property. Chand, ot the Ome Raed, another major productive phaoniet | compuree, was available in the precolonial period 1p 8 60a ‘quantities a8 ot t resee was ableto work) Know ia ro exist a two levels: 8 VEE ‘Snce tk ‘ aya twas ecessacy FOF EVIE, ee timow about thelr society King’s vet oad tecniquess and a” 6801 Ae Jewel (ia ils) whic Europe H prve tse in possession OF ED rte over those who did nt (A TET real ‘Anglc i BToblem for the sociologist the erating, Yoruba historia! & religious ‘Owes 4 Prcptions ist gain surioientresPost ating Nriousness and ints) °F throws raged access to that “deep” Fevel et for i gecond nore fF its Ne ‘aie allowjans to Keep io themselves) He Wis nerally esoteric KnowleEe ‘0 custoiet wielded by the corporations ri tiviners, Whose very NAME My a Wee ba (babalawo) means “TaIRErS oi caeoret things”. APPSORTSNE!Y ‘Thus auth f Yetmation is aways properly Gone i goa ous, never im the OPT A : wanation er dimension of Knowedis, por especially of powerftl u eonwedge, wasitseonnection Wi distant places Thus kno Lingdom which stood baw sfatwen the Jarger power Contr of yo. in the savanna wards (Me ‘Niger, and Benin, i the Oye gadion atributes the mos Sowertul ase (medicines oF charms), the which the royal dynasty hag most pao the good relations Which oF Ay ings had with Ovo ancl BAT respectively. This is Ot ‘unconnected cath the fact of Hesha’s position. Thermain Oyo-Benin wade tou" and Waa pes of her two senior heres he mal ole and Ogbont ts ofc Mrerons at esha of Oyoand Hove 1 es respectivey. In thus ota Patel power tothe emote, pation eypica ofthe Yoruba, of het ‘african peoples, or ever pre-industrial peoples Very generally. But at Least in Africa this Was in dish. ‘The key material reso ‘rig royal and chiefly power Were oullandiyeraed fromm outside, ant ‘the explanation of those BF te iiom of religion, TTS ne wealth which the Oba of Beit couchet rom the Atlantic trade FO saison na belief ofthe Edo Sees a special relationship #8 ad Ar god ofthe sea-—and sings 1 lation. 14 Not merely wealth 1 techniques and sixteen cee. writing, ut) WRC greatly facilitated pollen, ‘control, Te was thus essential for reecn Aftica tohavea dstine external orig tenets vo cornet; 28 (at 8 ON cre mations with outsiers an thee that outsiders’ knowledge WS oat used to support constitaled authority gnouldinterpretthemannerin wich tnerulersof isin this ight that we he various Yoruba Kingdoms Hinged to te curly FeDTESENN of ihe waoan culture. They had ie Cpaiest respect for the potenc} of eerobean technique and wanted © appropriate 2s much of ft as Rey cout Europes indexing theit WD POSES tis fed them to try to Keep its wither gms ents and (0 GaP ons Neal Knowledge, as fa 28 SY bearer rom suc acmmpanving wo meaisianity und Free Trade Sean was difficult, since the Poweney “i nfien technique was, prima facie Jrgument for the value oF HE epeernatural beings associated swith it The laiURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES sledge are to-be noted. Since it was a al aspects, those who possessed it I doses, not allowing it to become er hand, another major productive nial period in as large quantities as tended to exist at two levels: a vuigar ryone to know about their socicty's ic or ‘deep’ level (imo jinle), which over those who did not. (A very real ting Yoruba historical or religious or his seriousness and integrity to be ch it is second nature for its chiefly s most generally esoteric knowledge s of diviners, whose very name in | the secret things’. Appropriately de a house, never in the open air. dge, and especially of powerful ant places. Thus at flesh (a middle- tween the larger power centres of er, and Benin, in the forest towards owerfil ase ‘medicines’ or charms), I, to the good relations which two pectively. This is not unconnected e main Oyo-Benin trade route and hiefs, Odole and Ogboni, as official ionals respectively, In thus crediting otuntypical of the Yoruba, of other peoples very generally. But at least on of natural amazement at the s for royal and chiefly power were explanation of that power was the wealth which the Oba of Benin pression ina belief of the Edo that kun, god of the sea—and since the t merely wealth, but techniques and reatly facilitated political control, ermal origin. Itwas thus essential for could, relations with outsiders and. only used to support constituted ret the manner in which the rulers of ded to the early representatives of cliest respect for the potency of ropriate as much of tas they could ns. This led them to try to keep its echnical knowledge, as far as they nes as Christianity and Free Trade. alien technique was, prima facie, an ural beings associated with it. The OLAJU: A YORUBA CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT. 47 ‘conservatism’ of such peoples as the Ijebu-Yoruba (whose kingdom bestrode a major trade route (rom the British bridgchead of Lagos to the ‘Yoruba interior) in attempting to keep out Europeans really amounted to no more than the natural desire of human beings to have their cake and eat it If Buropeans were to be admitted—or Muslims from the savannah, since they were in a comparable position—they would be kept under the King’s eye, and regarded by the people as his dependents. Thus the first Europeans to visit llesha—two missionaries, an American Baptist and an Anglican, separately in 1858—were lodged in the house of Chief Odole, the ‘Owia's senior palace chief, and hardly permitted to contact anyone except ‘through him.’* One of them recorded the song of welcome that the people "Oibo Owa 0 ma gun, ave gum rebere “The Qwra's European has come, now the world will come straight."!? Thus are acknowledged both the potency of the outside, and the authorities’ desire to control and restrict his circulation Vv ‘Plain was first definitely used —though, as I have indicated, it might have been used earlier—to refer to the cultural package brought from outside by, above all, the missionaries. It did not immediately become widely regarded as the desirable and necessary motor of social progress. The carly missionaries could only operate as the clients of powerful kings or chiefs, with whom they sought to ingratiate themsclves by offering a range of technical, medical and clerical services. Olaju was thus known first by its fruits. The first English words to enter the vocabulary of general Yoruba tend to be related to these skills: kafinta (carpenter), birikila (bricklayer), tela (tailor), petesi (storey-house, cf. ‘upstairs’. In return the missionaries wore given ‘the opportunity to accumulate small numbers of converts, initially from slaves and other displaced people. From the 1880s conditions became much more favourable for their mission. There was now a substantial body of Yoruba clergy, catcchists and teachers, who expressed ‘olaju in their communities, and upheld it as a social, as well as a personal goal. At the same time the kings and chiefs came to need these self-styled enlightened as advisers and negotiators, especially in dealings with the British. Above al the ever-growing political and commercial magnet of the Colony of Lagos was drawing more and more individuals into its orbit, The biographies of many men converted to Christianity at the end of the century both reveal the kinds of experience which validated the ideal of glaju and the sorts of activity which followed. Consider the career of Peter Fariogun Fajemisin (d. 1954), a veritable paragon of the ‘eni glaju’ in esha:!® ‘A member of the Heshe royal lineage, he became a warrior in the stormy years Of the late 19th century, a close follower of Ogcdengbe, the leader of jesha resistance to Thadan. Demobilized in the early 1890s, he saw service a8 ‘mercenary in the British foree which subdued Ijebu in 1892. For the next decade he traded—in cloth, gunpowder, imported metal goods, coral, potash, bbeads—between Tlesha, Lagos, Benin and Bida. He became a Christian in Lagos, later teaching himself to read Yoruba, He learnt, and practised for & while thenewiy feshionable kil of ailoring. In 1905 he was amonga group of148 THE JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES ; traders who agitated unsuccessfully, against the opinion ofthe Owa and chiefs, aie forthe railway to be allowed to conte through esha. In 1908, he joined with a i friend who was a layreader of the church, Daniel Kujembola, to establish a ie new settlement in the nearly virgin forest seventeen miles south of esha, 10 fw cocos, and was thus one of the local pioneers of commercial agriculture. exo {In 1923 he became leader of the Farmers" Association, whose actions were : both educational, 10 ‘enlighten’ the farmers about cocoa growing and the me ! proper preparation of cocos for sale, as well as about the conditions of trade, ac : land practical, o provide an altemative marketing network tothe middlemen At He educated allhis children, not just one or two, or only the boys or one child his from each wife, ata time when clerical employment was les plentiful and cre ! sceute than it ater became. Atmong his sons he counted a tailor turned farmer, oe ‘Methodist catechist,an Anglican canon, adoctor, lawyer. the fist Nigerian fr film-maker, a large trader at Kano, railway and commercial clerks... several 7 of whom have played a very prominent role, as politicians or chiels in local an publi ie fe Such men, more than their contemporaries, drew from their experience of of { Public affairs atthe end of the century something like a rounded diagnosis ki | of the situation of powerlessness of their communities, as well asa solution: co | laju, oF the acquisition of the knowledge and techniques of Europe, th through the ‘opening up’ of the country. The solution had implications for 1k action at both individual and communal levels though, as we shall see, i ‘only found general acceptability when it came to be validated in individual experience. ' Olaju was closely linked with ekp (education) and iwe (books, book- learning), but not till after 1920 did education, because of the well-paid careers it made possible, recommended the whole glaju-syndrome to the Al | general public. Before then, the fact that education meant the withdrawal kr of children from agricultural labour and their becoming the effective clients ia of the schoolmaster, acted to deter parents from sending their children to B school. The clergy did indeed urge the value of education in all kinds of sa ‘ways, but they still had to ‘sell’ it by enticing children with presents, or sc | cashed in on the endemic dissatisfaction of young men with paternal : | authority; or, as in Mesha, they made it part of the compact they concluded | ‘with the chiefs (in return for clerical and mediating services) that the latter should send some of their numerous children to be educated (and incidentally, butinescapably, become Christians). In the main it was not the | case (as it may have been at this time in Tboland)!® that education was so fe ' attractive for what it conferred on those who received it, that it could be b used as a selling-point of Christianity. Rather it was more often other {i features of the olaju-syndrome, such as Christianity or the widened m i horizons of the trader, which’ recommended education. We should f | distinguish the significance of the school and of education. The school was q | indeed valued by the clergy since it gave near captive audiences for 3 fi socialisation into Christianity; but education in basi literacy was deemed a essential for the conscientious practice of evangelical Christianity: fe it ABD was the gateway to Bibeli Mimo. The ‘enlightened’ minority also valued education independently of its ¢ close link with Christianity, for what it would contribute to the general well-being of the community: an educated population, they felt, would |JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES y. against the opinion ofthe Owa end chiefs, me through Ilesha. In 1908, he joined with a church, Daniel Kujembola, io establish a forest seventeen miles south of lesha, 10 1 local pioneers of commercial agricultore Farmers’ Association, whose actions were he farmers about cocoa growing and the le, as well as about the conditions of trade, tive marketing network to the middlemen st onc or two, or only the boys or one child lrical employment was les plentiful and his sons he counted a tailor turned farmer, canon, a doctor, a lawyer, the first Nigerian railway and commercial clerks... several inent role, as politicians or chiefs, in local oraties, drew ftom their experience of ry something like a rounded diagnosis eit communities, as well asa solution: owledge and techniques of Europe, (ry. The solution had implications for unal levels though, as we shall see, it m it came to be validated in individual ? (education) and ive (books, book- education, because of the well-paid ded the whole olaix-syndrome to the that education meant the withdrawal nd their becoming the effective clients arents from sending their children 10 he value of education in all kinds of y enticing children with presents, ot Action of young men with paternal it part ofthe compact they concluded nd mediating services) thatthe latter ous children to be educated (and Christians). Inthe main it was no the in Bboland)'® that education was $0 ose who received it, that it could be ty. Rather it was more often other ch as Christianity or the widened ommended education. We should pal and of education. The school was it gave near captive audiences for ucdtion in base literacy was deemed ice of evangelical Christianity: Jwe 0 lued education independently of its it would contribute to the general veated population, they fell, would OLAIU: A YORUBA CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT 149 respond more readily to all kinds of schemes of social improvement (e.2., better communications, novel public health measures, cultivation of cash crops). Hesha was exceptional in that for afew years, from 1896 to 1901, it had an Owa, Ajimoko I, alias Frederick Haastrup, sometime Lagos ‘merchant, who strongly upheld these ideals. (Most Yoruba kingdoms only acquired educated rulers from the 1930s, and Ajimoko's successor, Ataiyero, was quite unenthusiastic about giaju.) Ajimoko put pressure on his often reluctant chiefs to send their children to school, attempted to create through customs posts reliable source of public finance and, most remarkably, launched an unsuccessful scheme to open up a river-route from Hesha to the Lagos lagoon, to encourage trade and commodity production.?” Qlaju was thus part of an offical programme of development—a novelty in Yoruba politics, though one that was firmly harnessed to statectaft of a more traditional kind, such as attempts to fend off British overrule and to extend Tlesha’s hegemony over the smaller Fk kingdoms to the East.?" Twenty years later, the relevance of olaju for ‘communal aggrandisement was even more manifest. As one Ekiti put it, in the course of a public interchange of letters about the relations of Ekiti and Tesha:?? -Enyin om lesa issyi tig nfe te Ekiti mole patapara,nitori ou won ko la 101) yin. Liagbara Olgran, ofc om Fkiti i la! “Youtfeshas of nowadays who want to crush Exiti completely underfoot, since ‘they are not as enlightened as you. By the power of God, the eyes ofthe Ekits will be opened" Although the concept of olaju had roots in some traditional notions about Knowiedge and power, there was one crucial difference. Traditional knowledge. as we have scen, was something to be hoarded by the powerful But the new knowledge, linked as it was with a conversionary religion, was something to be spread about: the eyes of the Ijeshas had to be open, if their society was (o be transformed. The generous idealism of this vision needs emphasis quite as much as the self-interest of the party that advocated it.23 Owa Ajimoko was a man ahcad of his time, and is revered by the Ijesha in retrospect more than he was emulated by his contemporaries. His ideas found their time twenty years after his death. Qlaju became a popular ideology once it became grounded in the conditions which made for individual career advancement. Cocoa production had so far advanced by the 1920s that, through taxation, it permitted the Government of Nigeria greatly to increase its bureaucracy, and it required a whole marketing structure to link the farmers and the expatriate firms. There was thus a great demand for clerks, and the Government poured much more money into educational subsidies. Despite Government grants, education still had to be paid for, and so it was the children of the early cocoa farmers and the more enlightened traders who were most able to take advantage of it, though the net was still cast socially very wide. A structure of ‘opportunities was set, the Government taking the lead, such that employments requiring education were more attractive than any other for young men, Government and commercial clerks were atthe pinnacle of this petty salariat, mission teachers at the bottom, being lowly-paid since the churches were driven by the pressure of evangelisation to spread their150 ‘THE JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES resources as widely as, possible. A clerical job (especially that of schoolteacher) was not regarded as a final destination, however; ideally, with luck and patronage, it would become the’ springboard for entrepreneurial activity or training to be an independent professional, like a lawyer. ‘Olaju was thus a precondition for individual advance, and for communal advance principally as an aggregated effect of that of successful individuals. And a further shift in its content is to be noted. Traditional knowledge had a component which related to the technique of production and one which was more to do with the distribution of the social product, according to various culturally-defined political statuses. The early Euro- Christian knowledge had directly productive implieations (cocoa and new technical skills from carpentry to book-kecping), and the plaju of Owa Ajimoko was directed towards raising the whole level of social production. But the individual p/aju of later decades took people away from agriculture, antisanship and directly productive occupations, to administration, trade ‘and teaching; and the content of the kp, the education which conferred the olgju, was almost entirely academic, governed by criteria intrinsic to the educational system (and hence easier to provide), rather than by criteria of general social value, Few issues united educated Nigerians of all shades of opinion in the late 1930s as much 2s opposition to the proposal that Yaba “Higher College in Lagos should be ‘practical’, rather than academic, in the orientation of its courses. For the central criterion of educational worth had become its contribution to the ascent of the pyramid of power, wealth and prestige created by the British. Power now defined what should count as knowledge. 7 Parallel to this increasingly academic-bureaueratic conception of plaju, ‘embodied in the careers of those who passed through primary schools in the 1920s and 1930s, there has run another one, which equally has its roots in some pre-colonial notions about the sources of power and a validation in a Widespread popular experience of the constraints and opportunities of colonial rule. It relates glaju to trading relations outside the community, and it is a conception which must be particularly significant to the Ijesha and the Tjcbu, among the various Yoruba sub-groups, being most conspicuous for their dispersal as entrepreneurs.2# Like knowledge, trade implies relations with the outside world and was, critical for political authority in the pre-colonial Yoruba kingdoms. The proceeds of trade were much more significant, as a material support, than any levies on local agricultural production (which was overwhelmingly for subsistence), being equalled only by slaves acquired in wars with neighbouring communities. In these two respects, the internal political arrangements of the polity presupposed external involvement in a regional hierarchy of polities. Before the mid-nineteenth century the objects of trade, apart from cloth and some European goods, were mostly raw or slightly-worked materials produced in one ecological zone and traded to another, whose ratio of value at point of sale to that at poirt of production was high. In a town like Tlesha, situated only 20 miles from the savannah-JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES A clerical job (especially that of a final destination, however; ideally, ould become the’ springboard for o be an independent professional, like individual advance, and for communal gated effect of that of successful ts content is to be noted. Traditional related to the technique of production the distribution of the social product, 1ed political statuses, The early Euro- oductive implications (cocoa and new yook-keeping), and the glaju of Owa g the whole level of social production. les took people away from agriculture, occupations, to administration, trade -ko, the education which conferred the , governed by criteria intrinsic to the to provide), rather than by criteria of educated Nigerians of all shades of opposition to the proposal that Yaba ractical’, rather than academic, in the n of educational worth scent of the pyramid of power, wealth ower now defined what should count v ic-bureaucratic conception of olaiu, passed through primary schools in the et One, Which equally has its roots in sources of power and a validation ina he constraints and opportunities of ing relations outside the community, articularly significant to the Kjesha s Yoruba sub-groups, being most trepreneurs.24 tions with the outside world and was pre-colonial Yoruba kingdoms. The gnificant, as a material support, than ction (which was overwhelmingly for by slaves acquired in wars with Iwo respects, the internal political ed external involvement in a regional d-nineteenth century the objects of uropean goods, were mostly raw ot n one ecological zone and traded to of sale to that at poirt of production ed only 20 miles from the savannah- OLAJU. A YORUBA CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT isi forest margin, midway between Oyo and Benin, entrepér trade, loosely linked to local production, must have been of paramount importance. It scems that the chiefs did not participate in the trade as entrepreneurs, bUL derived wealth and prestige goods from offering protection to traders and from tolls and market dues. (A significant exception occurred in the second half ofthe nineteenth century when guns became available. Such a strategic trade was naturally of direct concern to chiefS and warlords, who arranged for their own supplies. often through wives and kinsmen.) The major markets were Qja’ba (King’s Market’, situated in front of the Owa's palace), and those on the frontiers, such as Oke Ibode (north-west, to ‘Oshogbo), Iperindo (south-east, to Ondo) and Itagun (south-west, to Ife) Few early enactments of the British created as much resentment among the Ijesha authorities as moves against their right to levy tolls, and as late as 1924, when much cocoa was being grown locally, traders had to petition that the Owa permit markets to be established in outlying villages. Again, the concern of the educated was to ‘open’ social relations.25 It is impossible to know the scale of Hjesha trade before the late nineteenth century, though itis certain that the opening up of the ‘Eastern Road’ in 1870 running from lesha through Ondo to the Lagoon, greatly stimulated it.24 This route was vital for the supply of guns to the interior and Ijesha settlements grew up at Iicbu and Ayesan on the Lagoon. Later Ijeshas frequented the great market at Bjinrin, much further west towards Lagos, along the Lagoon, as well as Badagry and Porto Novo west of Lagos itself. ‘The greatly enhanced commercial opportunities throughout the whole Lagos Protectorate after 1900 created a major social revolution in Ilesha, They enabled young men in very large numbers to earn money incomes by trade or labour outside llesha, and thus to marry and become independent political agents much sooner than had been the case traditionally.2” Personal independence and prowess were thus intimately linked with ‘going out’ as a trader—an experience that was often also associated with the other side of pla, through Christian conversion (asin Fajemisin’s career, outlined already). Before 1910 or so, the favourite venture was the round trip to Ejinrin; but thereafter, as the railway revolutionised commercial patierns throughout Yorubaland, the typical career-pattern of the ambitious and capable young Ijesha was to become an asomaalo, an itinerant trader ouside Ijeshaland, selling cloth on credit. This is what is implied in Respondent 351’s phase “going about to trade’, As many as 177 out of my total sample of 443 household heads in Tlesha Were, in fact former osomaalo.28 Although, as several informants commented, the osomaalo phenomenon is now largely a thing of the past and though it has never been the sofe form of jesha trade, the osomaalo has achieved fame throughout Yorubaland as the type of the Tjesha, noted equally for guile, boldness and persistence!2? Forsaking his father’s farm, the young Ijesha, with litle if any capital, would begin as the apprentice of an established trader. Within a few years he would be on his own, or in loose partnership with a friend; and in time might have apprentices of his own. The osomaato would usually base himself for several years ina particular town or village, and work that area The great majority went to Oyo, Hlorin and Kabba provinces, or to Ekitipcre ee eee 152 “phi JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES and Akko divisions, 228 Tt spare sosaly fess developed 1 esha and mostly outside the area belt.38 Attera few Year: They would normally ang mo. aoaher pitch, TRE atten of trace Wes: AT to buy cloth Mpatesale from big deAlers Fattgean of Syrians a LAE Ibadan of wotsbo, places on the I ean fp establish corgi ‘elations, if ing presents, With tot chiols whose sanction Rapport might tater DE en hen, our OURS advance clot OF Suppo buyers, especialy Before ea os and tbe MUSE TE noting cron their names; then, (BEES Corba six ments Ie eoitect the do Fe was a Form of {a or Petter) igh commeret fisks for the ¥ malelves iterate of 80t Wee neste founders of Ege Acunluse Clanprovement Soiety) eceatly 1920s—ho8e ma object, achieved