Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Historic Nantucket
A Publication of the Nantucket Historical Association
Spring 2009
Volume 59, No. 1
350th
Anniversary
of Nantucket’s
Early Settlers
Nantucket’s Native
Foodways
Nantucket’s
“ImmemorialHighways”
Nantucket
RealEstate: 1659
Indian
Placenames
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NANTUCKET
HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
Board of Trustees
Historic Nantucket
A Publication of the Nantucket Historical Association Spring 2009 | Vol. 59, No. 1
E. Geoffrey Verney, PRESIDENT
Janet L. Sherlund, 1ST VICE PRESIDENT
4 Nantucket’s Native Foodways
Kenneth L. Beaugrand, 2ND VICE PRESIDENT
Thomas J. Anathan, TREASURER DEBRA MCMANIS
Melissa C. Philbrick, CLERK
Nature’s gifts provide tasty fare and
C. Marshall Beale foreshadow the great Nantucket
Robert H. Brust
clambake.
Nancy A. Chase
Constance Cigarran
William R. Congdon
Nancy A. Geschke
8 Nantucket’s
FRIENDS OF THE NHA REPRESENTATIVE “Immemorial Highways”
Georgia Gosnell, TRUSTEE EMERITA
FRANCES KARTTUNEN
Nina S. Hellman
Hampton S. Lynch Jr. Indian trails and cowpaths were given
Mary D. Malavase
names that remain on maps today.
Sarah B. Newton
Anne S. Obrecht
Elizabeth T. Peek
Christopher C. Quick
10 Nantucket Real Estate: 1659
David Ross MARK AVERY
FRIENDS OF THE NHA REPRESENTATIVE
Historic Nantucket welcomes articles on any aspect of Nantucket history. Original research; firsthand accounts; reminiscences of
Elizabeth Oldham island experiences; historic logs, letters, and photographs are examples of materials of interest to our readers.
Copy Editor ©2009 by the Nantucket Historical Association
Historic Nantucket (ISSN 0439-2248) is published by the Nantucket Historical
Eileen Powers/Javatime Design Association, 15 Broad Street, Nantucket, Massachusetts. Periodical postage paid
at Nantucket, MA, and additional entry offices.
Design & Art Direction POSTMASTER: Send address changes to Historic Nantucket, P.O. Box 1016,
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Nantucket’s Arrivals
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N a n t u c k e t ’ s N AT I V E
“RICH IN DIVERSITY BUT SCANT IN WHAT WENT INTO A POT AT ONE TIME” WOULD SIMPLY,YET
APTLY, DESCRIBE THE CULINARY PRACTICES OF THE WAMPANOAG PEOPLES LIVING ON NANTUCKET
ACQUIRING AND PROCESSING WHAT WENT INTO THAT POT WAS HARDLY SIMPLE.IN NEW ENGLAND,
THERE WERE MORE THAN A HUNDRED VARIETIES OF HERBACEOUS PLANTS, FRUITS, AND NUTS IN
COMMON USE BY THE WAMPANOAG, AS WELL AS THE CULTIVATED CROPS OF MAIZE, BEANS, SQUASH,
THESE NATURAL PRODUCTS WERE UTILIZED FOR FOOD, MEDICINE, AND TRADITIONAL ARTS BY THE
A GIFT FROM ALICE AND JAMES BREED IN HONOR OF ALICE ROGOFF RUBENSTEIN SUPPORTS THE PUBLICATION OF THIS ARTICLE ON WAMPANOAG CULTURE.
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Fish,fowl,and game supplemented by roots, nuts, the island. Wild leeks en-
fruits, berries, and other natural foods formed the diet of Nan- hanced fish prepara-
tucket’s ancient proprietors. On island, the menu frequently tion, and
tended toward fish, mollusks, eels, and the occasional seal or perhaps wild
whale, with probably more than one type of each served during a garlic, although
single family meal. Deer and wild game, whether hunted on-is- direct evidence of
land or traded for on the mainland, offered the menu some vari- that is found only on Cape
ety and valuable protein, but by the time of English settlement, Cod. Early corn, prized for its
the native population density was reaching its peak, and wild milky quality, was available in
game—such as the deer, raccoon, rabbit, and shrew—were in- limited quantities in July. The
creasingly difficult to come by. More numerous were the various corn harvest peaked during
water fowl that took flight over and around the island during sea- the “Ripe Corn Moon” in Sep-
sonal migrations. Cranes, loons, quail, geese, ducks, and the pas- tember. Roger Williams observed
senger pigeon (now extinct) were some of the many birds that that corn porridge, or “samp,” was the
rotated seasonally throughout the native Nantucket diet. most common ground-maize dish
In 1662, Mary Starbuck in her “Account Book with the Indians” among the natives and considered it the
recorded “fish and feathers” as commodities exchanged for pay- “wholesomest diet they have.” In sea-
ment by the Indians for such items as ammunition, flints, nails, son, “pumpions” and squash were often
iron pots, molasses, and cloth. Fish and down (the English made mixed in the samp and other cornbreads. Indian bread “pone”
beds with the feathers) served as currency for at least fifty years (similar to johnnycake) was the most popular corn dish and was
until those things bargained for and desired by the Wampanoags prepared by “pounding corn fine, sifting it, adding water . . . cover
began to cost significantly more, and, consequently, the bargain- with leaves and bake it in hot ashes.” This cake, or pone, could
ing power or weight of those “feathers and fish” no longer satisfied sustain a male Wampanoag all day and was usually carried in a
the exchange. The price exacted would soon require heavier small sack hung around his neck or waist. Although popular his-
stakes in whale shares, which the Wampanoag successfully ex- tory often repeats a handful of well-known corn recipes prepared
changed for English commodities upon their return home from by American Indian tribes, the impressive volume of culinary
whaling voyages. variations applied to corn might have gone unnoticed by the Eng-
In pursuit of food commodities, Indian dogs were useful during lish. Many recipes have certainly been lost today; however, a
island hunting expeditions and helped to flush out migratory woman of the western Iroquois tribe is on record as having “de-
flocks, particularly in wetland areas or dense thickets. But beyond tailed to an inquiring anthropologist a hundred and fifty recipes
their hunting skills, the English observed “great affections” dis- of various kinds without exhausting her mental cookbook of
played by the natives for their “small dogs.” Not surprisingly, the maize dishes.”
family dogs received scraps during mealtime much as dogs do Traditionally, maize was considered the sustaining “mother”
today. Although the practice of consuming dog meat was by no crop for all the farming tribes in North America, thanks to the
means customary, as a last resort family pets were at times sacri- abundance of its carbohydrates. Yet, the two bean plants, consid-
ficed during a village food crisis. ered by the English as “properie,” or native to New England be-
“As the fowl decreases the fish increases,” observed an English- cause they grew with such proliferation, were the common green
man recounting the hunting and fishing ways of the Wampanoag. bean—which includes many varieties such as the kidney, pinto,
Native fishing “followed the spring, summer and the fall of the leaf and white bean and has edible leaves— and the scarlet runner
. . . for lobsters, clams, flouke, lumps [limpets], bean. Bean plants were literally just a step removed from the
or plaise [plaice] and alewives, afterwards “Maize Mother” plant: bean seeds were planted next to the corn
for bass, cod, rock, bluefish, salmon, lam- after the stalks had begun to grow so that the bean tendrils could
preys, and such.” The men and older attach to them; and the bean’s overall nutritional value, whether
boys fished along the shore and in eaten as green pods or as fresh or dried legumes, was of equal im-
the ponds while the women and portance to early tribes as the carbohydrates found in corn. Culti-
children collected shellfish, crabs, vation of these crops was carried out by the women, and,
and snails by the sea and turtles according to early observer William Wood, “wherein they exceed
near ponds. our English husbandmen, keeping it so clear with their clamshell
During spring and summer, hoes, as if it were a garden rather than a cornfield, not suffering a
the Wampanoag diet was en- choking weed to advance his audacious head above their infant
riched with the addition of fresh
Opposite (clockwise from top left): Jerusalem artichoke, rose hips,
greens, such as the tender shoots
mixing bowl, wild strawberry, gathering basket, ground nuts.
of marsh marigold, fiddle fern, At left: Vitis labrusca (fox grape); above: Fragaria virginiana (wild straw-
cattail, milkweed, and rose hips berry), watercolor illustrations by M. J. Levy Dickson from Nantucket Wild-
growing near ponds throughout flowers (2001), Nantucket Garden Club, (2001).
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corn or an undermining worm to spoil his spurns (roots).” The re- added to the diet in all their many variations. Crop cultivation
lationship between maize and beans extended into the cooking and the gathering of roots, fruits, and plants were necessary to
pot when they were prepared together as “succotash,” because supplement the nutritional needs of the densely populated vil-
the combination added variety and produced even more protein lages of Nantucket.
when cooked together. The cyclical relationship between the Wampanoag’s day-to-
Squash seeds were planted with restraint by the native women day diet and their highly concentrated efforts in gathering,
because the vines tended to take over the entire garden. Strategi- hunting, and harvesting seasonal food resources is at the root of
cally positioned between the corn mounds, they kept the weeds appreciating all native foodways. If a particular berry, seed, root,
down and the soil hydrated. The varieties considered proper to plant, or meat was in season, it was by all accounts eaten, either
New England were the Boston Marrow and the Autumn Turban, consumed fresh or dried for later use. Fortunately, most of the
although there were said to have been many types grown. The fruits that supplied Nantucket natives grew wild and abun-
squash meat was often cut into small pieces and added to chow- dantly. Evidence suggests that wild vines were often manicured
ders, breads, or consumed green when “immediately put on the to encourage growth by the squaw. Strawberries, red and white,
fire without any further trouble.” Wild groundnuts “as big as hen’s were highly esteemed (as reflected in the naming of the
eggs” grew in swampy areas near ’Sconset, and their seeds, simi- Wampanoag “Strawberry Moon”) and “is the wonder of all the
lar to a pea, were “very delicable.” Roots, growing in the marshes, fruits growing naturally in those parts.” An Englishmen ob-
were higher in minerals than plants grown upland because min- served, “The Indians bruise them in a mortar, and mix them
erals seep down into the subterranean swamplands (this healthy with meal and make strawberry bread.” When strawberry sea-
source of naturally occurring minerals is lost in most upland son was over, the children went on to pick blackberries and
farming techniques today). The edible roots of the water lily were blueberries, followed by fox grapes, beach plums, and other
also gathered, perhaps even cultivated in some areas of New fruits, until finally it was the season for cranberries, the last wild
England, and the English likened them to the taste of sheep liver. berry to ripen. The succession of ripening periods for all the
The Jerusalem artichoke (a relative of the sunflower) was also wild fruits and berries determined not only the bread-of-the-
gathered, although it is actually a root and not an artichoke. It day but also the task at hand: fruit drying for later use. The
was favored by the Wampanoag because it stored much better berries were preserved by placing whole fruits or mashed pulp
than the potato. On Martha’s Vineyard, the Jerusalem artichoke, “with as much juice as the mass would hold” on bark slabs or
sunflower, and watermelon were grown in “Indian gardens,” and stones. The native women took great care in removing “interfer-
this could have also been the case on Nantucket. Surprisingly, ing shrubbery” to ensure consistent dehydration. Apparently,
wild mushrooms to do not seem to appear anywhere in the tra- fresh grapes were also processed into juice by many
ditional Wampanoag diet. Wampanoag tribes, even though the English likened New Eng-
According to Nantucket’s land’s indigenous grape “to a taste of gunpowder.”
preeminent archaeologist Eliza- Another fruit recipe favored among the Wampanoag was the
beth Little, a comparison of the high-energy food, often described as “[Indian] emergency food,”
foodways of all American Indians called cranberry pemmican. Preparation consisted of pounding
living during the late woodland roasted deer meat into a powder, adding equal parts deer fat (in-
period registers the Nantucket cluding bone marrow), and mixing the entire batch with some
Wampanoag about midway along dried cranberry powder. Nuts were also shelled and sun-dried,
a spectrum, with purely fish- and often ground by mortar and pestle into meal or flour, to be stored
mammal-eating tribes (like the in “underground cupboards” along with all the other baskets and
Inuit) at one end, and committed sacks of preserved food. The grinding of corn was an on-going
maize-eating tribes (like the Aztecs) at event for the women of the village.
the other. The healthy bones and teeth of Fish and wild game were also dried for wintertime use. The
Nantucket’s Wampanoag testify to a diversi- English observed that “[The natives] in this manner they dry
fied diet consisting of roughly equal parts basses and other fish without salt, cutting them very thin to dry
meat and vegetation—fish, mollusks, and sea suddenly . . . and having special care to hang them in their smoky
mammals being the primary food source, fol- houses. When lobsters be in their plenty they were dried . . . erect-
lowed by water fowl and wild game, then sup- ing scaffolds in the hot sunshine, making fires likewise under-
plemented by crops of maize, beans, and neath them, by whose fire the flies are expelled, till the substance
squash. Fruits, nuts, roots, and greens were remain hard and dry.” Clams and oysters were also strung, sun-
dried and smoked, either eaten by the family or used as a com-
Homarus americanus
(American lobster)
modity during trade.
Flavor enhancers, such as processed salt and sugar, were not
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HistoricNantucketSpringFinal:Layout 1 3/27/09 11:26 AM Page 7
used by southern New sciously chose steaming and roasting over boiling because of the
England tribes until dearth of firewood is uncertain, but their cooking methods were
after English contact. congruent with their natural environment.
Although salt occurs Today, the Wampanoag’s original feast, now known as the Nan-
naturally in the liver tucket clambake, continues to bear witness to the island’s ancient
and fat of wild game, in foodways. In Samuel Jenks’s 1827 article “Legend of Mudturtle,”
sea plants, and in the he describes how the “[Nantucket Indians] excavated the ground
juice of shellfish, it was to the depth of about three or four feet . . . within this subter-
not used as a ranean oven they kindled a fire and heaped on fuel until the
processed additive, stones became duly [hot]…they threw in promiscuously their re-
and there is no word spective contributions, gathered from the sea, the [beach], the
for salt in the Algo- ponds, and the [soil]; overlaid the whole with a thick lid of sea-
nquian language. weed. When this medley was thus sufficiently seethed, the cover-
Sugar was also absent ing withdrawn, and the feast ensued.” Hence, the Nantucket
in the ancient Nan- clambake.
tucket diet (the pro- In the beginning, the Wampanoag foodways might have ap-
Phaseolus coccineus (scarlet runner bean) cessing of maple sap peared simple by English standards and customs, so much so that
into sugar was tradi- the early arrivals took for granted that they would be able to
tionally a custom of maintain a livelihood in the same perceived manner as the na-
northern New England tribes living among maple trees). Even so, tives—that is, “with small labor and great pleasure.” It did not take
natural sugar was consumed by all maize-eating tribes through long for the English to realize that they lacked what it took to sur-
the process of roasting corn, which turns cornstarch into sugar. vive in those conditions: an intimate understanding of their new
Additional additives, such as oils and greases, were obtained from environment and the ecological awareness required to harness
whale blubber, fish liver, the fat and bone marrow of wild game the “profits and fruits which are naturally on this lland.” Because
and fowl, and from nuts, such as the white-oak acorn, which ren- New England’s famed “strawberry time,” or “time of plenty,” did
ders a butter when processed. not last year-round, there was a lot to learn and to profit from the
“The crystalle drink,” or water, stored in leak-resistant gourds ancient foodways and traditions of the Wampanoag, the island’s
and consumed fresh or heated over a fire, was the chief source of original settlers.
hydration. The water might have been infused with flora, fruit,
bark, or herb, which was customary for many native tribes. How- DEBRA MCMANIS is an independent writer and researcher and the recipient
ever, any fish, meat, or vegetable juices that remained after food of the NHA’s 2007 E. Geoffrey and Elizabeth ThayerVerney fellowship. She is
currently writing a book about the history of Nantucket farms and rural life.
preparation were used either as a broth in the next meal or con-
sumed as a warm snack. For the most part, milk and butter were
never appreciated nor embraced with the same fervor exhibited by
Select Sources
the English, even when made readily available through barter. In-
stead, early corn in the milky green stage provided a delicious sub- Cronon, William. Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the
stitute for making a creamier chowder or extra-moist bread (the Ecology of New England. New York: Hill and Wang, 2003.
Spaniards actually mixed chocolate with their milky green corn). Gookin, Daniel. Historical Collections of the Indians of New England.
Traditionally, native children gathered wild-bird and turtle eggs, Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, Series 1, 1674.
which their mothers dried and used as a thickening agent in soups Hedrick, U. P. A History of Horticulture in America to 1860. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1950.
and chowders.
Little, Elizabeth A. Nantucket Algonquian Studies. Nantucket:
On Nantucket, steaming and roasting were the observed meth- Nantucket Historical Association, 1976–86.
ods of cooking food. Philbrick, Nathaniel. Abram’s Eyes. Nantucket: Mill Hill Press, 1998.
The English noted that Nantucket natives did not know how to
The Plymouth Archeological Rediscovery Project (PARP), n.d.
boil. Perhaps not, but steaming and roasting might have been in-
tentional as cooking methods because they require less fuel than Russell, Howard S. Indian New England before the Mayflower.
Lebanon, NH: University Press of New England, 1983.
boiling, and with few trees growing on-island, fuel efficiency
Schneider, Paul. The Enduring Shore: A History of Cape Cod, Martha’s Vineyard,
would have been a concern for the Nantucket natives. In Abram’s and Nantucket. New York: Henry Holt, 2000.
Eyes, Nathaniel Philbrick cites Peter Gow’s mention of the roast- Worth, Henry B. “The First Whaling Merchant of Nantucket, as
ing/steaming method’s fuel efficiency, which he compares to the Shown by the Starbuck Account Book.” Nantucket: Proceedings of the
tandoori cooking methods of India, where firewood is also ex- Nantucket Historical Association, 1915.
] ]]
NANTUCKET’S
“Immemorial
Highways”
BY FRANCES KARTTUNEN
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During the presidency of John Adams, all the towns of the If there were such marked trails on Nantucket, they have
young United States of America were required to submit to been lost, along with Nantucket’s Wampanoag population,
the federal government a list of the streets in each town. which fell victim to a lethal epidemic in the mid-1700s. With
Here, there was little enthusiasm for the task. According to a no one left to maintain them, any markers that may once
visitor to Nantucket, “Such is the simplicity of this primitive have existed were obliterated by weather, trampling by do-
place, and so small the resort of strangers, that the streets mestic animals, and clearance for agriculture.
which have branched out had never any names given to A few Nantucket Indian deeds from the 1600s mention
them, until the assessment for the direct tax under Presi- paths, but they also mention cart tracks and even a “high-
dent Adams.” In 1799, Isaac Coffin, Nantucket’s assessor, be- way” in Quaise. The wheeled vehicles of the English settlers
latedly submitted a list of exactly one hundred streets in the probably followed earlier Indian footpaths.
Town of Nantucket. In the process, he had to invent names
for some hitherto nameless streets. Most of the 1799 streets I n NHA Bulletin 4 (1906), Nantucket attorney and histo-
still exist and their 1799 names have survived with them. rian Henry Barnard Worth concurred: “Quite likely the old
Indian trails were adopted as roads.” He went on to state
A copy of Isaac Coffin’s list was placed in the Nantucket that “Many streets were opened by owners and adopted by
Registry of Deeds in 1818 and was available when a lawsuit the public by actual use. The unfenced tracts on the island
was brought in 1837 that had the almost inadvertent effect were crossed by travelers at will, and roads to outlying points
of finally establishing the town’s streets as public ways were changing from year to year.”
within the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Which brings up the vexed issue of the Proprietors’ Roads.
Benjamin Worth had come upon seventeen sheep loose These were laid out in 1821 to guarantee livestock unre-
in the streets with no one looking after them; in his capacity stricted access to grazing land and fresh water. In addition to
as field driver, he rounded them up and impounded them. roads from the town to outlying places, the Proprietors’
The owner of the sheep, Walter Folger, brought suit against Roads included strips of land along the shores and around
Worth. Folger’s position was that the entire island, with the the island’s ponds and swamps. Though designated for pub-
exception of lots that had been set aside to individuals, was lic use, the Proprietors’ Roads were not public ways; they
common, undivided land belonging to the Proprietors. were private roads owned by the Proprietors of the Com-
Since the streets had never been set off to any individual, mon and Undivided Land. Over many years, efforts to turn
the Proprietors owned them, and Worth had no right to im- them over to the Town of Nantucket were rebuffed because
pound sheep roaming loose in the streets. acceptance of them would have made the town responsible
The Supreme Court of Massachusetts saw it otherwise. for their maintenance. In 1911, Worth wrote, “How extensive
Field drivers in Massachusetts were authorized to impound a burden this could be can be appreciated by estimating the
livestock, including sheep, “going at large on public high- circumference of these ponds and the lengths of adjacent
ways.” The question was whether there were public high- shore lines, when it would become apparent how many
ways on Nantucket. While acknowledging that there was miles more of roads the town of Nantucket would be obliged
“no record of laying out of any highway in Nantucket,” yet to maintain, than at present.”
highways did exist “established by long continued use and Now, nearly a century later, it seems next to impossible to
enjoyment.” In fact, the opinion continued, “the streets of retrieve the Proprietors’ Roads, however attractive they
the town have been used as highways, from time immemo- would be for public access to the island’s beaches and
rial.” Hence, the Proprietors’ ownership of streets and high- ponds.
ways was subject to perpetual easement for the public.
Although there was no longer any doubt that the 1799 frances karttunen, a twelfth-generation Nantucketer, is a re-
streets were public ways, a difficult question remained, tired professor of linguistics from the University of Texas at Austin and
namely, “which and how many of the various tracks, which author of many articles and several books, including The Other Is-
traverse the island, have been so much, so long, and so un- landers: PeopleWho Pulled Nantucket’s Oars, New Bedford: Spinner
interruptedly used, as to show them to be highways.” Publications, (2005).
On the nearby mainland there still exist some trails that
date from before the arrival of the Mayflower Pilgrims.
These are known as “ancient ways.” One of them was used
by the Mashpee Wampanoag and is said to be “still dis-
cernible among the maze of contemporary housing devel-
opments.” Points along these ancient ways were marked
with prominent stones, upon which passersby piled more
stones or small branches.
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As the bow of their heavily laden boat hauled up named Daggett, who agreed to guide them across the treach-
on the beach at Madaket, an overwhelming sense of relief erous shoals. Finally, they headed east to Nantucket Island, ar-
must have embraced the travel-weary landing party. Safe de- riving sometime around the end of October.
liverance from the sea and the comfort of arrival in a home Standing on Nantucket after that ordeal, the travelers
port are universally understood sensations, and were no must have taken pause, to survey the mostly barren, mildly
doubt experienced at this journey’s end, but here in this dis- rolling landscape just beyond the curved ribbon of white
tant haven, “home” was yet to be secured. sand beach.
The crossing, according to tradition, was not entirely calm, The view was not much different from what we see today
which, owing to the lateness of the fall season, seems plausi- in the area now known as Warren’s Landing—a few clusters of
ble. (The journey and arrival were romanticized in John diminutive trees scattered about to the north; a large wet
Greenleaf Whittier’s poem The Exiles.) Their vessel was most meadow just to the south; to the east, endless hummocks
likely an open, utilitarian type of craft called a shallop. About covered in golden grasses and green underbrush. A necklace
twenty to thirty feet in length, shallow-draft, and having of dark-blue ponds, running north to south, occupied many
both a sail and oars, it was common transport in coastal of the low points in the undulating terrain. For their intended
New England throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth purposes, Macy and Starbuck must have hoped this distant
centuries. The shallop was designed primarily for use in pro- land would be perfect. They had come to settle, to build a
tected inlets, bays, and rivers, not the famously rough At- new community, to farm, raise livestock, to fish, and make an
lantic waters beyond. entirely new life for themselves and their families, a scene re-
Stepping gratefully onto Nantucket sand that day, now 350 peated countless times throughout the seventeenth century
years ago, were Thomas Macy (51 years of age); his wife Sarah all along the coasts of New England. As in most instances, the
(47); their five children (ages 4 through 13); Thomas’s partner location chosen for this new settlement was not entirely un-
in this endeavor, Edward Starbuck (55); Isaac Coleman (aged occupied, and when they arrived, Nantucket was already
12); and by some accounts, James Coffin (18), the son of Tris- peopled by more than a thousand native inhabitants.
tram Coffin, as well. The voyage began at Salisbury on the Indeed, the English settlers and their families had been
Merrimack River—then part of the northern reaches of the through a similar course before, some twenty-four years ear-
Massachusetts Bay Colony—through Cape Cod Bay and lier, as part of the “Great Migration” to America. Departing in
around the Cape over Nantucket Sound to Martha’s Vineyard, 1635 from Chilmark, part of Wiltshire County in southwest
where they were joined by another passenger, a Vineyard man England, Thomas Macy became one of the first settlers of
Newbury, in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, and a few years
later, one of the founders of Salisbury just to the north, across by them sold unto Mr.Thomas Mayhew of Martha’sVineyard these
the Merrimack River. Starbuck originally came from Leices- after mentioned Did purchas of Mr. Thomas Mayhew these rights;
tershire in the West Midlands. He immigrated to America in namely the pattent Right belonging to the Gentleman aforesaid &
the same year as Macy, settling about twenty miles farther also the piece of Land which Mr. Mayhew did purchass of the Indi-
north, in Dover, on the true frontier of the colony. Dover is ans at the west End of the Island of Nantucket as by their grant or
now part of southern New Hampshire, on a branch of the bill of Sale will largely appear with all the privileges and appurte-
Piscataqua River. From early records, both men appear to nances thereof—the aforementioned Purchasers are Tristram Cof-
have been successful and key members of their growing fin Senr., Thomas Macy, Richard Swain, Thomas Barnard, Peter
communities. Coffin,Christopher Hussey,Stephen Greenleaf,John Swain,William
By the end of 1658, however, it appears that both Macy and Pile [or Pike], had the whole and Sole Interest Disposal power, and
Starbuck had come into some conflict with increasingly op- privilege of said Island and appurtenances thereof.
pressive Puritan authorities; both had been summoned to ap-
pear before the court for unrelated reasons, and both had been On the same date, the second of July 1659, a deed was
fined for what were called “great misdemeanors.” Whether as a granted by Thomas Mayhew, in which the now famous pay-
result of this friction with local power, a search for better eco- ment sum of “30 pounds sterling and two beaver hats” was
nomic opportunities, or simply chafing at the swelling popula- agreed. Mayhew also reserved for himself “the neck of land
tions of their towns, Thomas Macy, Edward Starbuck, Tristram called Masquetuck”(Quaise), “or the Neck of land called
Coffin, John Swain, and several other friends and relations en- Nashayte”(Polpis), and a “twentieth part of all lands and privi-
deavored to purchase the island of Nantucket from Thomas leges” in the affairs of the island.
Mayhew. Mayhew had purchased the islands of Martha’s Vine- On October 10, at just about the same time the Macy clan
yard, Nantucket, and the Elizabeth Islands in 1641 from James was making its way to Nantucket, Thomas Mayhew deeded
Forrett, agent to William, Earl of Sterling, and had moved to the island of Tuckernuck, a small island just west of Nan-
Martha’s Vineyard shortly thereafter, founding the town of tucket, to Tristram Coffin Sr., Peter Coffin, Tristram Coffin Jr.,
Edgartown. (He also had to purchase it again from the gover- and James Coffin, for the sum of five pounds.
nor of Maine, Sir Fernando Gorges, after he had made a claim At another meeting, held at Salisbury in February of 1660, it
of ownership of the islands, and a third time from most of the was agreed that each of the ten owners should take a partner,
local Indian sachems.) and that these ten partners should have all the rights and
It is unclear how the island of Nantucket became the focus benefits of the original ten. At that meeting it was voted that:
of interest for the Salisbury/Dover group. Thomas Macy was
probably related to Mayhew, having described him in a letter Tristram Coffin Sr. partnered with Nathaniel Starbuck,
a few years later as “my honoured cousin,” and may have Christopher Hussey partnered with Robert Pike,
heard about his interest to sell. Although fifteen years older Thomas Barnard partnered with Robert Bernard,
than Macy, Mayhew was born in the adjoining Wiltshire Stephen Greenleaf partnered with Tristram Coffin Jr.,
hamlet of Tisbury, and documents recently discovered show Peter Coffin partnered with James Coffin,
that at age 27, Thomas Mayhew completed an apprentice- Richard Swain partnered with Thomas Coleman,
ship for a man named Richard Macey, also of Chilmark, Eng- John Swain partnered with John Smith,
land. Richard may have been Thomas Macy’s great uncle. William Pile [Pike] partnered with Thomas Look,
In the spring of 1659, Tristram Coffin, Edward Starbuck, Thomas Mayhew Sr. partnered with Thomas Mayhew Jr.,
young Isaac Coleman, and others not named, set out to visit Thomas Macy partnered with Edward Starbuck.
Nantucket and inquire about the possibility of purchase, sail-
ing first to Martha’s Vineyard to meet with Thomas Mayhew. Obviously, some of these men were not present at the
Terms were negotiated, and the party then sailed to Nan- meeting; we know of course, that Thomas Macy, Edward
tucket, bringing with them Peter Folger, to act as an inter- Starbuck, and James Coffin were on Nantucket that winter,
preter and to negotiate an agreement with the local Indian and the Mayhews were presumably on Martha’s Vineyard.
population. Apparently, a survey of the island proved satis- This arrangement may have been made through discussions
factory, and upon returning to Salisbury in the summer, they the prior summer, but not recorded until February.
held a meeting that resulted in the following agreement: English title to Nantucket now assured, a separate deed was
sought from the local Nantucket sachems Wanackmamack
These people after mentioned did buy all right and Interest of the Is- and Nickanoose. Although negotiations had taken place the
land of Nantucket that Did belong to Sir Ferdinando George previous summer, a deed was granted to Thomas Mayhew by
[Gorges] and Mr.James Forrett Steward to Lord Sterling,which was
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the sachems, and a separate deed for the twenty proprietors Vineyard. It appears that Daggett had returned to Martha’s
was obtained on May 10, 1660, at a meeting on Nantucket. In Vineyard by then, and James Coffin left for Dover shortly after
it, the sachems agreed to sell to the English the portion of the his father and other family members had settled on the is-
island described as follows: land, though he returned to Nantucket several years later.
After that first winter, it became obvious that Madaket was
All yeWest end of ye afores’d Island unto ye Pond commonly called not suitable for a permanent settlement, and the families
Waquitttaquay, and from ye Head of that Pond to ye North Side of began to relocate at a more hospitable location on the north
ye Island Manamoy; Bounded by a Path from ye Head of ye afore- shore at Capaum.
said Pond to Manamoy: as also a Neck at ye East End of ye Island The growing need for homes and services was addressed by
called Poquomock. the new group of proprietors, who engaged Peter Folger, Tris-
tram Coffin Sr., Thomas Macy, and Edward Starbuck to meas-
Today, this would be described as all land west of Hum- ure and lay out all of the land, and ordered that new owners
mock Pond (Waquittaquay), and all land north of a line, from choose their house lots within the limits of the plantation,
Head of Hummock Pond to Nantucket Harbor, at the Creeks other than those already chosen. Each of the lots was to be
in Monomoy, and the Pocomo Neck, at the east end of Nan- sixty square rods in size (22.5 acres), and the areas that were
tucket Harbor. Also included in the deed was the right to best left as common land were to be determined. Land held
graze, hunt, and gather from the rest of the island in the non- in “common” ownership was popular in New England as a
planting seasons. way of allowing all owners equal access to the land area,
It is clear that at the time that document was written, many mainly for grazing animals but used in some cases for grow-
more English were present on the island. The original group ing crops, cutting timber, access to ponds, etc.
of arrivals from the previous fall had apparently fared well It was also decided that the proprietors would sell ”half-
over the winter, due in part to the assistance and cooperation shares” in the interests of the island to needed tradespeople
of local Indians. Shortly after landing, they set about con- and other laborers (or mechanics, as they were called) re-
structing shelters for themselves, possibly making use of ex- quired by the community, such as carpenters, fishermen,
isting dwellings built by the Indians or by Vineyard men who millers, weavers, and so forth. The first of these was granted in
had been sojourning on Nantucket intermittently for a num- 1662, to William Worth, a sailor. Over the next few years an-
ber of years to preach, trade, hunt, and graze livestock. other fourteen of the half-shares were granted, including
Thomas Macy installed his family just to the south of their those to Peter Folger, Captain John Gardner, and his brother
landing point, where he had found a good spring. Starbuck Richard Gardner. These men and their families were required
located some distance away, perhaps sharing accommoda- to reside on Nantucket for three year as part of the contract. In
tion with James Coffin and Daggett, who stayed the winter to due course, many fairness issues arose from this arrangement
hunt game, which was plentiful. References were made in of power and financial sharing, and tensions did threaten the
later town records to “the cellar built by Edward Starbuck,” harmony of the island, quite famously in the mid-1670s.
which indicates that his early abode may have been a partial Early relations with the Indian population, however, were
dugout with a peaked wooden or thatched roof above. This generally cordial and respectful. Some of the community’s
type of dwelling was quite common in the early years of the leading individuals—Edward Starbuck, Thomas Macy, Tris-
Massachusetts Colony, usually a temporary structure until tram Coffin Sr., John Gardner, and especially Peter Folger—
lumber could be obtained and a proper English timber- were very well thought of by the sachems and their people. In
framed house could be erected. (In Boston, at about the the early years of the English settlement, cooperation be-
same time, and only thirty years after its founding, records tween the two groups is well documented. Over the next few
suggest that the many abandoned early abodes and dugouts years, some of the original twenty purchasers passed on their
dotting the town presented problems that needed urgent at- interests to relations or sold them on Nantucket, and some
tention.) Just as the first settlements of New England bor- never relocated to the island. Within a decade, about a hun-
rowed place-names from their hometowns, the houses the dred and fifty English called Nantucket home, and the new
pioneers would build for themselves were based entirely on community was fairly well established and continued to grow.
designs and construction methods that they brought with The new town, named Sherburne, was incorporated in 1671.
them, slowly evolving variations in their techniques, adjust- It would remain part of New York until 1692, when at the re-
ing to different materials and climatic conditions. Still, even quest of the proprietors it was formally made a part of Massa-
in the mid-eighteenth century, a hundred years later, house chusetts by an act of Parliament.
construction in the colonies had changed very little. Beginning around 1700, what had been an open harbor at
Edward Starbuck left Nantucket in the spring of 1660, trav- Capaum Pond, began to silt up and the settlers set their
eling back to Salisbury and Dover to report on conditions on course eastward for the shores of the Great Harbor, where
the island, and returning to Nantucket with his family and at Nantucket Town would be founded, and so named in 1795.
least ten other families, before the May 10 meeting with the
sachems. mark avery is the NHA’s manager of historic properties. He has prac-
Among others present were Tristram Coffin and family, with ticed architecture and preservation on Nantucket for over two decades,
Thomas Mayhew and Peter Folger having come from the and served on the Historic District Commission for twelve years.
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AN ENDOWMENT GRANT FROM THE JOYCE AND SEWARD JOHNSON FOUNDATION SUPPORTS PERIODIC ARTICLES IN HISTORIC NANTUCKET ON TOPICS OF DIVERSITY.
TheWheres
Wherefores
&Whences
of INDIAN
PLACENAMES
BY FRANCES KARTTUNEN
[Note that for the Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of
America and for Bright, there is no space or hyphen in “placenames.”
This usage is followed in this article—Ed.]
A
while ago, a query was sent to the Nantucket
Historical Association about the word
Naumkeg, which the inquirer thought to be
a Nantucket Indian placename. I was able to tell
him that Naumkeg (or Naumkeag) was, in fact, the
Abenaki name for the area where Salem was
founded. Further research revealed that the word,
said to mean “a peaceful place,” had been appro-
priated for a house and gardens in the Berkshires,
an inn in Nashville, Indiana, and as the street ad-
dress of a wildflower retreat in Atlantic Mine, Michi-
gan. Naumkeg, as some might say, has legs. [Note
that, below, Green and Sachse use the form “Abnaki,” which is an
acceptable alternative spelling.—Ed.]
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Queries about Indian placenames are almost always about Historical Map of Nantucket, by the Rev. Ferdinand C. Ewer, D. D.,
locality (where is it or where was it?) or meaning. Somewhat 1869.
more rarely the question is “What was the language it came
from?” Here on Nantucket, the placenames are of Eastern Al- placenames per square kilometer.” Clearly, Nantucket offers
gonquian origin. William Bright, in his reference book, uses plenty of names for inquiry.
the abbreviation “SNEng. Algonquian” as a cover term for the Available from the Nantucket Historical Association are a
regional varieties of this indigenous language of Southern number of resources for pursuing such inquiries, ranging
New England. from the placenames mentioned incidentally by Zaccheus
The language specific to the Cape and islands has been Macy in his late-eighteenth-century “Account of the names of
variously called Massachusett, Natick, and Wampanoag. It the old sachems” (reproduced for ready reference in #7 of the
is recognizably the same language as that of the Bible NHA’s Nantucket Algonquian Studies series); to Ferdinand C.
translation by John Eliot that was printed in Harvard Yard Ewer’s 1869 map of the island; to an unalphabetized list of
and published in 1663. Writing a century later, J. Hector St. names sent to the Inquirer and Mirror by Myron S. Dudley
John de Crèvecoeur mentioned the presence of copies of and printed on August 11, 1894; to a list in Henry Barnard
this Bible on Nantucket and, indeed, the Congregational Worth’s Nantucket Lands and Land Owners, published in 1901
Society Library in Boston holds an Eliot Bible from Nan- (reprinted in 1992); to a 1914 list extracted from R. A. Douglas-
tucket with considerable annotation in the language writ- Lithgow’s Dictionary of the American-Indian Place and Proper
ten into the margins. Names in New England; to Dr. Little’s publications in the 1980s
Not only are the Indian placenames on Nantucket uni- and 1990s. What is more, in 1996 the Nantucket Island Cham-
formly from this language, the number of them surviving to ber of Commerce offered the public a list of twenty-seven
the present is unprecedented even in New England. Writing items (three sachems’ names, twenty-three placenames, and
in Historic Nantucket in 1997, Dr. Elizabeth A. Little re- a phrase) “compiled from a variety of sources from the Nan-
marked that “Eighty-six recorded Indian placenames on an tucket Historical Association’s Research Library.”
island of one hundred and thirty square kilometers is a den-
sity of 0.7 names per square kilometer. By contrast, the In addition to these homegrown sources, the NHA
whole of Connecticut has a density of 0.04 recorded Indian Research Library has two published books about placenames
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not restricted to the island. One is Names of the Land: Cape comet” with the gloss “pond field” (which certainly fits the
Cod, Nantucket, Martha’sVineyard, and the Elizabeth Islands, chain of ponds from the North Shore to the North Head of the
by Eugene Green and William Sachse (Chester, Connecticut: Hummock), but Worth corrects this to Wannacomet with the
The Globe Pequot Press, 1983), and the other is Native Ameri- gloss “fine or beautiful field.” In addition, he mentions that
can Placenames of the United States by William Bright (Nor- Madaket is said to mean “bad land,” but expresses some skep-
man, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004). ticism by remarking “but why this should be applied here is
These various resources offer different things. The Ewer not clear.”
map of 1874 (NHARL MS 1000) situates the placenames but Soon, Douglas-Lithgow weighed in with an alphabetical list
provides no meanings (or glosses, as a lexicographer might of ninety-one Nantucket placenames, many with multiple
say, enclosing them between single quotation marks). On spellings. For the most part he concurs on meanings with
the other hand, even though it was not his primary purpose, Worth and with Macy before him, repeating Madaket as “bad
in describing the limits of various sachems’ authority on the land,” but backing off to “meeting place” for Miacomet and
island Zaccheus Macy did provide meanings for some of the apparently compromising between Macy and Worth by gloss-
placenames he mentions—notably, for Miacomet (“meeting ing Wannacomet as “beautiful water or rock.”
place”), Tuckernuck (“loaf of bread”), Wesco (“white stone”), Green and Sachse’s little book is obviously for popular
and Weweeder (“pair of horns”). A childhood bilingual who consumption, with little drawings and anecdotes scattered
spent his whole life in close contact with Wampanoags, among the entries. Some of what they purvey as fact is far
Macy speaks to us from firsthand knowledge. His placenames from it. At the beginning of the Nantucket section, in their
and the meanings he attached to them have been passed entry for Abram’s Point, for instance, they state that Abram
down through a great many generations of English-speaking Quary’s father killed two men in 1769 and died on the gal-
Nantucketers as accepted wisdom. lows by Nantucket’s Newtown Gate. This is fiction derived
Dudley sent his list of seventy-nine names (a mix of from Joseph C. Hart’s nineteenth-century novel Miriam
placenames and personal names) to the newspaper hoping Coffin, or The Whale-Fishermen.
that others might offer meanings beyond those eight he knew
(which were handed down from Zaccheus Macy more than a Given such an inauspicious beginning to their al-
century earlier). phabetical list of Nantucket placenames, it comes as a sur-
Worth offered an eight-page list of seventy placenames, prise that for the twenty-eight Nantucket Indian placenames
providing glosses for some, but by no means all of them. He they offer not just glosses but Algonquian etymologies.
included Macy’s glosses, but offered expansions and correc- Some go astray, such as deriving Hummock Pond from
tions. In the case of Miacomet, he changed the gloss from tètoukèmah “possibly related to Abnaki teteba ‘level’ +
“meeting place” to “Meeting House,” making reference to the kamighe ‘place’” when, in fact, the pond was named for the
historical existence of a Christian meetinghouse used for wor- minor sachem Wannanahumma, whose name was short-
ship by the Wampanoag residents of the village of Miacomet ened to Nanahuma (as in Nanahuma’s Neck, the land that
in the eighteenth century. Macy had offered the name “Water- divides the two arms of the pond) and then again to
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Humma, which was used by the sachem’s descendants as a once located there, but is
surname in the seventeenth century. derived from an Algo-
Another howler is their explanation that the Poot Ponds nquian construction
were named for “hornpouts that local fishermen catch.” meaning “where we
Their take on Madaket is completely different from Worth’s. meet to fish.” For sure,
They derive it from mat’uhtugh ‘without wood’ + auke people have been fishing
‘land.’ For Wesco they offer the following explanation of the off the beach at the end
reference to a rock: “The shores of the village were rocky, es- of Miacomet Pond for
pecially close to the moorings of what is now Straight much longer (before and
Wharf.” (This is news to me, since rocks had to be imported since) than the interlude
from the mainland to build the wharves and cobble the when a meetinghouse
streets of sandy Nantucket.) was located in the vicinity.
This book by Green and Sachse is a fount of misinforma- Like Little, Bright doesn’t reach to provide an etymology
tion, yet many of their glosses, complete with etymologies, or a gloss if there is scant or questionable evidence for
do agree with Macy, Worth, and Douglas-Lithgow before one. Despite our tradition of Nantucket as “far-away is-
them. Despite its misleading ways, the book is rather inter- land, land far out at sea,” he will only commit himself to
esting for what it ambitiously attempted. “of obscure origin, perhaps meaning ‘in the midst of wa-
Elizabeth Little put together a list of seventy-seven Nan- ters.’” There is considerable, and to my mind healthy, use
tucket placenames for the 1983 Algonquian Conference. of “possibly” and “perhaps” in this book.
In 1997, she expanded it to eighty-four entries and pro- Bright’s main authorities for what he writes about Nan-
vided two maps. The intellectual polar opposite of Green tucket placenames are John Charles Huden’s Indian Place
and Sachse, Little was scrupulous to the point of eliminat- Names of New England, published in 1962, and Elizabeth
ing from her lists a number of names that are clearly of in- Little’s article as it appeared in the 1984 Papers of the Fif-
digenous origin but for which she could not account to teenth Algonquian Conference, edited by William Cowan of
her own satisfaction. She also refrained from providing Carleton University. Bright only learned about her Historic
glosses she was unable to vouch for. This makes both her Nantucket article with its documentation of seven addi-
conference article and her 1997 Historic Nantucket article tional Nantucket placenames after his book had gone to
frustrating for someone who just wants to know what a press. It is a little frustrating to find that a half dozen or so
particular placename means. Little, who provides in ex- common Nantucket placenames are missing from his
quisite detail the variant spellings of Nantucket placenames book, although Bright’s omissions do not exactly corre-
and their early documentation, would insist that there are spond to the additions to Little’s 1997 list.
no easy answers.
The late William Bright, professor emeritus of linguistics While the Nantucket-generated placename lists
and anthropology at UCLA, was more sympathetic to peo- are strictly local, and Green and Sachse don’t look beyond
ple who want to know what a placename means and why the Cape and islands, Bright’s book provides national cover-
a place came to be called that. For years he was in charge age and puts our local placenames in a larger context. In
of the “placename department” of the newsletter of the using this book, the inquirer trades some kinds of informa-
Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the tion for other kinds, such as the migration of placenames
Americas, providing explanations that are succinct, lin- from their original locations to faraway places. Naumkeg
guistically well informed, and engaging. In 2004, the Uni- could have been a case in point. I would have thought that
versity of Oklahoma Press published his Native American had Bright’s book been at hand when I received the query
Placenames of the United States. As a longtime fan of his about Naumkeg, I would have been able to look it up and
SSILA columns, I was delighted by the publication of this instantly trace it to its Abenaki source. To my surprise, how-
book, and as a Nantucketer, I was attracted by the Univer- ever, Naumkeg/Naumkeag does not appear in Native
sity of Oklahoma Press’s advertisement in which the word American Placenames of the United States.
Madequecham was part of the design. Multitudes of other fascinating names with locations,
meanings, and sources do appear within the pages of Na-
In the End the dust jacket for the book does not
, tive American Placenames of the United States, however,
feature Madequecham, but Madaket occupies the upper and I hope that the big red book in the reference section of
left corner of the back cover. Inside, Bright offers for the NHA Research Library finds many readers.
Madaket a derivation from matahquadt “cloudy, overcast.”
For Siasconset, which has previously been glossed as “at the frances karttunen, a twelfth-generation Nantucketer, is a
place of the large bone,” he suggests instead a derivation retired professor of linguistics from the University of Texas at Austin
that adds up to “at the place of many small bones.” An in- and author of many articles and several books, including The Other
triguing suggestion by Bright is that Miacomet, as a meet- Islanders: People Who Pulled Nantucket’s Oars, New Bedford: Spin-
ing place, does not refer to the Christian meetinghouse ner Publications, (2005).
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C U R AT O R I A L Ben Simons
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NANTUCKET
HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
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May 23–December 31
Views from the South Tower:
Unitarian Church,1809–2009
The exhibition celebrates the 200th anniversary of the Unitarian
Church on Orange Street through artwork, posters, historic
photographs, pamphlets, and other artifacts, including a scale model
of the historic structure. Opening Reception, May 23, 4:00 P.M.
Whitney Gallery in the NHA Research Library, 7 Fair Street
Exhibition is open during Library hours.
May 31–August 31
Landmarks of Nantucket!
A student-curated photography exhibition. Thirty Nantucket
schoolchildren photograph what they consider their favorite
“island landmarks.” Funding provided by the Nantucket Golf Club
Foundation.
Hadwen & Barney Candle Factory, Whaling Museum
13 Broad Street
July 2 to November 2
Harbor & Home:The Furniture of Southeastern
Massachusetts,1710–1850
Winterthur Museum & Country Estate Traveling Exhibition;
see exhibition preview on page 19.
Peter Foulger Gallery, Whaling Museum
September 4–November 8
Camera’s Coast: Historic Images
of Ship and Shore in New England
The Whaling Museum will host Historic New England’s traveling
exhibition of classic views of New England maritime communities,
including Nantucket, based on the book of the same title by
William H. Bunting.
Hadwen & Barney Candle Factory
Whaling Museum, 13 Broad Street
Wine Festival by Eaton Vance Investment Counsel, and will be held Thursday, July 30, 6–9 P.M.
The August Antiques Show hours are Friday and Saturday, 10 A.M.–5 P.M. and Sunday, 10 A.M.–
4 P.M., Bartlett’s Farm, 33 Bartlett Farm Rd. To learn more about the 32nd August Antiques Show
or to reserve tickets, please call Stacey Stuart at the Nantucket Historical Association (508) 228
The NantucketWine FestivalWine Auction 1894, ext. 130, or visit www.nha.org.
Dinner will take place Saturday, May 16,
2009. “This dinner auction is an important
one, because all of the proceeds benefit the
Nantucket Historical Association,” said NWF
president and founder Denis Toner. “This
Early American Arts
year we are presenting by far the greatest
combination of food and wine in the history
and Crafts Classes
of the NWF. We are fortunate to have guest
chef Daniel Bruce of Meritage—at the at 1800 House
Boston Harbor Hotel—who is celebrating his
twentieth year of presenting food and wine Art inspired by history
pairing dinners at the Boston Wine Festival,
and has achieved national recognition for The educational programs at the 1800 House are dedicated to
his skill in this difficult culinary art form. celebrating and reviving Nantucket’s rich tradition in historic
“The auction will feature the best selection decorative arts and crafts. Two-thousand and nine marks the fifth
of wines ever showcased—including a rare successful season for the Early American Arts and Crafts classes
and exceptional bottle of 1870 Chateau Lafite at the NHA’s historic 1800 House, 4 Mill Street.
that is in impeccable condition and referred Beginning on May 26 and running through mid-October, over
to by Robert Parker as the greatest pre-phyl- fifty courses are being offered in centuries-old techniques taught
loxera Bordeaux he has ever tasted. All in all, by artisans from Nantucket and throughout New England. Some
this promises to be an evening that will rock of the classes include: Sailors Valentines, Carved Whirligigs on a
the tent rafters at the White Elephant and do Whale, Découpage Under Glass, Bentwood Willow Chair, and
a lot of good for the NHA. Don’t miss it; seat- Theorem Painting. This year, the 1800 House is offering a number
ing is limited.” of new courses and instructors, as well as one-day and holiday
You may still purchase tickets to the May 16 workshops.
Wine Auction Dinner directly from the NHA. If Class size is limited in some instances and reservations and pre-
you plan to attend the Wine Auction Dinner payment must be made in advance. Discounts to NHA members;
and would like to reserve your space early, course fee includes all class materials.
please contact Stacey Stuart at (508) 228 1894, Please go to www.nha.org/1800house for full course listing and
ext. 130. registration information.
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MAKE THE
GIFT OF
A LIFETIME
in 2009 with a tax-free charitable IRA
Join the members of the Nantucket Historical Association who are
taking advantage of the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of
2008 which allows you to make a tax-free transfer of your excess
retirement assets to the NHA only in 2009.
If you are age 70½ or older,you can rollover up to $100,000 from a
traditional or Roth IRA directly to the NHA.This amount would be
excluded from your income and taxes and count toward your
mandatory IRA withdrawals.In addition,your heirs would not be
burdened later by the substantial taxes associated with inheriting
an IRA.
Making a gift to the NHA during your lifetime lets you see the
results of your philanthropy.Gifts may be directed to the permanent
endowment,the Annual Fund,or to a specific area of interest,such as
Greater Light,theWhaling Museum,the Research Library,
1800 House,or educational programs.
Periodical