Professional Documents
Culture Documents
INTRODUCTION1
The term 'inculturation' is becoming increasingly fashionable in church,
and in particular Roman Catholic, mission circles. The popularity of the
term is due to a heightened Christian self-understanding of the necessity
of adapting the Christian message to its cultural environment. There is
recognition that the implantation of European values in Africa, or in other
parts of the world, is not necessarily desirous or successful as a mission
strategy. African and other non-western criticisms of colonial hegemony,
including a rejection of Christianity as currently taught and practised,
have come from both within and outside the church, to the extent that
some African Christian theologians are rejecting the 'Christ figure' alto-
gether.2 Christianity has failed to take root, often after centuries of evan-
gelisation, if one is to judge from phenomena such as the absence or
scarcity of candidates for the priesthood, or the rejection of monogamy. A
perceived threat to mission churches from African Independent and
Western fundamentalist churches, as well as from Islam, also contribute
to a sense of urgency in the search for new solutions.
In this article I look first at some of the ways in which inculturation
is being defined and at what have come to be regarded as some early
experiments in inculturation, whether well received or finally rejected by
church authorities and local Christians. The relationship between the
Roman Catholic discourse on inculturation and the politics of religious
synthesis, and some of the problems involved in moving from the level of
theological speculation to mission praxis are also discussed. The rhetoric
of inculturation implies that here is something which can be recognised
and defined as 'true Christianity' and a local culture onto or into which it
can be in some way grafted. The models underlying this assumption tend
68 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY
INCULTURATION OR SYNCRETISM?
Current debates within anthropology over the nature of religion and
culture contact are relevant to mission theorists and practitioners in their
examination of the political dimensions of religious synthesis. The term
'syncretism' has been reclaimed by anthropologists as a neutral concept,
indeed, as a useful analytical tool with which to focus on the dynamics
of cultural and religious change. Shaw and Stewart, in an important
contribution to this debate, have also coined the term 'anti-syncretism'
to describe 'the antagonism to religious synthesis shown by agents con-
cerned with the defence of religious boundaries' (1994: 7). When two or
more cultural systems meet they do not necessarily merge or borrow from
one another in predictable ways, and issues surrounding authenticity, for
instance, can centre on a particular synthesis, or on an appeal to tradition
and 'purity'. Within Roman Catholic discourse on African Christianity
the term 'syncretism' has been pejoratively reserved for a perceived
distortion of Christian truth, often associated with nativism or apostasy.
African independent churches and various non-western practices in
The Inculturation Débate in Afrìca 69
The statement continues with a quotation from Pope John Paul II's 1985
encyclical Slavorum Apostoli: 'Inculturation is the incarnation of the
Gospel in the hereditary cultures, and at the same time, the introduction
of these cultures into the life of the Church' (ibid.).8 This latter definition
may hint at what Bishop Joseph Blomjou (in 1980) termed 'intercultura-
tion', the recognition that inculturation is not a one-way process, and that
the Christian faith, or the particular form of it transmitted to a given
culture, will itself undergo transformation (Shorter, 1988; 13).
In practice, however, Pope John Paul II appears excessively wary of
African cultures and doubtful of their ability to embody the Christian
faith, let alone make a genuine contribution in their own right to Western
or universal Christianity The statement above was in fact made with ref-
erence to the Pope's own Slavonic culture and its christianisation by Saints
Cyril and Methodius in the ninth century. In Nairobi in 1985, John Paul II
referred to the 'theological culture' and 'theological patrimony' of the
Universal Church in which African's bishops and theologians must be
solidly grounded (Shorter, 1988: 234). Whilst a knowledge of the contexts
in which Christianity developed would be accepted by many African and
other non-western Christians as desirous, the Pope seemed to infer that it
was precisely this European, rather than African, cultural basis which was
to form the benchmark of any authentic expression of Christianity. The
process of inculturation, like that of liberation theology in South America,
is apparently full of dangers and in need of close monitoring by those in
authority.9 It is no secret that Cardinal Ratzinger, head of the Congregation
for the Doctrine of the Faith (the former 'Holy Office'), has little time for
African cultures, preferring to stress what he calls 'the universal signifi-
cance of Christian thought as it has evolved in the West'10 (Shorter, 1988:
237). At the very least there is a tension in current Roman Catholic
thinking, as represented in official Vatican statements, between a desire
to see Christianity take root in non-western cultures and a lack of trust
in those required to incarnate this process in the local churches.
Recent ecumenical statements from the World Council of Churches go
much further than their Roman Catholic counterparts in stressing the
mutuality of the missionary enterprise, although the term inculturation
is seldom used. These ecumenical documents do not have the same
authority or status as encyclical letters, being merely recommendations
from assemblies to member churches, many of whom might legitimately
72 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY
had previously been the principal figure' (Gulbrandsen, 1993: 44). These
rulers were equally ready to abandon social practices deemed 'savage'
by the missionaries, and to take leading roles in missionary churches,
'attempting to attach them to the royal court as a kind of state church'
(ibid.). Gulbrandsen argues that, 'precisely because Tswana 'religion' was
an intrinsic aspect of the polity, there were many ways by which the
spiritual force of kingship could be reproduced, even if some of its ritual
externalizations were transformed in order to satisfy the missionary
dichotomization' (ibid.: 45). The Tswana rulers judged that Christianity
could be used to serve rather than undermine traditional cultural and
religious mores.13
Birgit Meyer, in her study of Bible translation in the Ewe mission in
Ghana, also emphasises the need to see African Christians as 'active agents
in historical processes' (1994: 45). The Protestant missionaries of the
Evangelical Presbyterian Church (EPC) selected one deity, Mawu, from the
Ewe pantheon to translate the term 'God'. The remaining deities were
collectively associated with 'the Devil' or 'Satan'. The term Mawu retains for
the Ewe the sense of a spiritual being both within the reach of human beings
and simultaneously distant from them. The failure of the Christian notion
of 'God' to displace traditional Ewe concepts of Mawu, is evidence, Meyer
argues, in the secret nocturnal consultation of tro priests by Christians,
when prayers and church-going fail to yield results. The term chosen by the
Bible translators for 'the Devil' was Abosam, an Akan word, cognate with
the Ewe Sasabosam, a bush monster associated with witchcraft and hostile
to human beings, especially priests. The Ewe made a strong connection
between the feared evil power of witchcraft and the Devil. Members of the
EPC in Ewe, including many pastors, conceive of witches as agents of
Satan, while the missionaries dismissed witchcraft as pagan superstition, a
heathen survival that could be expected to die out with the coming of the
gospel.14 An unintended consequence of the Bible translation was the
reinforcing of the link between Christianity and witchcraft. Meyer quotes a
female member of the EPC, who stated (in 1989) that, 'If you are a good
Christian, you must believe in the existence of Satan. And if you believe in
Satan, you must believe in witchcraft. And when a person behaves
abnormally, he is an agent of Satan, a "witch"' (1994: 58).
These studies all, in different ways, highlight the unpredictability of the
indigenous response of African converts to Christianity, depending as it
does on a variety of political, religious, linguistic and other social factors.15
The example of the Kingdom of Kongo allows us to look not only at an
African reaction to mission teaching, but reflexively at the dynamics of
76 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY
power within the central organs of the Roman Catholic Church, and at the
shift from a pre to a post-Tridentine understanding of mission.
are two parishes in the Bangwa area, at Menji and at Fonjumetaw, and
between them the priests cover the scattered outstations throughout the
Division. The Focolare mission is untypical as the Movement is primarily
lay, and does not see itself as a missionary organisation. The foundress,
Chiara Lubich, was invited by the former bishop of Buea, Mgr Jules
Peeters MHM, to open a mission in his diocese, when he visited Rome at
the time of the Second Vatican Council.24 The examples given below
illustrate the difficulties involved in defining the success or failure of the
missionary enterprise, the problematic nature of attempts to decide who is
to be defined as a Christian and what constitutes Christian behaviour.
The term 'baptised pagan' is used by Cameroonian Christians to refer
to those who have been baptised, often as children in mission schools,
who show little interest in the church (Protestant or Catholic) and who
certainly do not obey church rules. They may be former teachers of
Catholic schools who marry a second wife when their school is taken over
by the government and adherence to the teachings of the Roman Catholic
Church is no longer a condition of employment. They include the many
young men who have been baptised but who, despite promises to marry in
church, fail to follow up the traditional marriage with a church wedding
(thereby maintaining the option of a polygynous marriage at a later date).
Whether this indicates a superficial and instrumental view of Christianity,
or points to the inappropriateness of Western social regulations and
church teaching in a polygynous society is open to debate.
'Pagan Christians', on the other hand, are those people who are often the
pillars of the local church, its office holders and animators, but who are
ineligible for baptism. They may be women who were betrothed as infants
or as primary school girls as a second or subsequent wife of a chief
or notable, or a man who is named as his father's successor, inheriting his
titles, ceremonial duties and widows. In a new mission outstation the first
catechumens will almost certainly be men or women in polygynous
marriages who, despite holding offices in the church, cannot be baptised.
These pagan Christians fill the pews each Sunday, and often commit their
time and energy to the evangelisation of their neighbours, actively
supporting the church in a number of ways. They will not, however,
appear in a census of Christians or be included in the annual collation of
church statistics, based on baptisms, marriages, and communicants.
A third and quite substantial category of'hidden Christians' or Christian
sympathisers are those who have been baptised and who continue to take
an interest in church affairs, but who are permanently excommunicated.
Chief Fobellah Nkeng, a sub-chief of Lebang village with a compound and
The Inculturation Débate in Africa 83
He also received the last rites from the Catholic Church before his death
and was baptised, or re-baptised, into that church. Convenience, tact,
expediency and a desire to take advantage of any supernatural benefits
accruing all seem to play a part in church allegiance. Only some African
Independent Churches, which are common in neighbouring Nigeria but
which have made little inroad in Cameroon, accept polygyny as consonant
with Christian teaching.
CONCLUSION
The current Roman Catholic discourse on inculturation reflects a Post
Vatican II recognition that the Christian Church now has its centre of
gravity, numerically, if not administratively, outside Europe. A genuine
desire to see Christianity take on the shape and flavour of local cultures is
accompanied by anxiety on the part of the hierarchy concerning authority
and orthodoxy. There are continual impassioned pleas from around the
world for the Vatican to trust local churches. At the 1998 Synod for Asia
meeting in the Vatican, for example, the Franciscan Bishop of Naha in
Japan, Berard Toshio Oshikawa argued that despite 'frequent exhortations
to root the Gospel in local cultures 'the norm for Christian life, for church
discipline, for liturgical expression and theological orthodoxy continues
to be that of the Western Church' (The Tablet, 2 May 1998: 565). At
the same synod Bishop Francis Claver SJ from the Philippines stressed
bishops' suspicion of the laity, the people entrusted with the task of bring-
ing together faith and culture. In relation to liturgical language, for
example, the bishop asks, 'Why do we have to send vernacular translations
of the liturgy to Rome for approval?' implying as it does that the people are
not trusted to speak the language of orthodoxy. The need for 'internal
dialogue' in the Church is stressed 'if the inculturation process is to be
successful' (ibid.). Similar criticisms of the Roman Catholic Church's
westernised agenda, which often appears imperialistic and insensitive to
local conditions, are frequently voiced by theologians and church leaders
in other parts of the world.
These comments make clear the political dimension of any discussion of
inculturation. It is not just a question of 'drawing out the seeds of the
gospel' to be found in non-western cultures, but above all a question of
authority and interpretation. The historical and contemporary examples
given in this article are intended to illustrate some of the cultural and
political complexities of the conversion process, and to illustrate the
cultural adaptation of Christianity in various settings. The term 'syncret-
ism' has been used pejoratively by Christians, but a greater appreciation of
86 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY
the syncretic nature of all religions could lead to a more fruitful examina-
tion of the dynamics of religious synthesis. The Cameroonian case studies
make the further point that even deciding who is and who is not a
Christian is problematic in many cases. Local churches are made up of a
variety of people with degrees of adherence to traditional religion and
culture, and different attitudes to mission (or other forms) of Christianity.
A simplistic dualism that opposes paganism and Christianity has little
heuristic or epistemologica! validity. Individual Christians are active
agents in interpreting and practising their faith within changing social
and cultural contexts. Whether they do this from within the Roman
Catholic or other mission churches, or as members of Independent African
Churches, may well depend upon the extent to which the Vatican and
other ruling bodies are able to respond to the experience of local believers.
The success or otherwise of the current Roman Catholic project on
inculturation will rest on two key pillars - an understanding of the socially
and historically contingent nature of western Christianity, and a will-
ingness to embrace local variation. The latter implies a paradigm shift in
thinking, with decentralisation of power and an optimistic attitude to the
workings of the Holy Spirit in the people of God. The tension, which may
or may not be creative, between orthodoxy and heterodoxy will, of course,
continue to be played out by the hierarchy and lay Christians everywhere.
NOTES
1. An early version of this article was presented at the Decennial Conference of the
Association of Social Anthropologists in Oxford, July 1993, in the Associate Section on
Christianities Outside Europe, convened by John Peel. I am grateful to John Peel and to the
other participants for their discussion and comments.
2. Cf. Shorter (1994) on the comments of African Christian theologians and other
intellectuals meeting in Nairobi, including their vehement defence of African culture and
African traditional religions.
3. Cf. Pato, 1990: 25-6.
4. The family is a frequent theme in Pope John Paul IFs Apostolic Exhortation Ecclesia in
Africa, which was issued following the Special Assembly for Africa of the Synod of Bishops
in 1994. On pages 44-5, for instance, we read, 'In African culture and tradition the role
of the family is everywhere held to be fundamental. Open to this sense of family, of love
and respect for life, the African loves children, who are joyfully welcomed as gifts of God.
The Inculturation Débate in Africa 87
"The sons and daughters of Africa love life. It is precisely this love for life which leads them to
give such great importance to the veneration of their ancestors. They believe intuitively
that the dead continue to live and remain in communion with them. Is this not in some way
a preparation for belief in the Communion of Saints? The peoples of Africa respect the life
which is conceived and born. They rejoice in this life. They reject the idea that it can be
destroyed, even when the so-called progressive civilizations would like to lead them in this
direction. And practices hostile to life are imposed on them by means of economic systems
which serve the selfishness of therich".Africans show their respect for human life until its
natural end, and keep elderly parents and relatives within the family.' Similarly, on page 65,
The Synod Fathers acknowledged [the Church as Gods Family] as an expression of the
Church's nature particularly appropriate for Africa. For this image emphasizes care for
other, solidarity, warmth in human relationships, acceptance, dialogue and trust'; and on
page 88, Tn Africa, in particular, the family is the foundation on which the social edifice is
built. This is why the Synod considered the evangelization of the African family a major
priority, if the family is to assume in its own turn the role of active subject in view of the
evangelization of families through families'. The valorisation of the African family is
tempered (one might say contradicted) by the statement that The Synod deplored those
African customs and practices 'which deprive women of their rights and the respect due
to them' and asked the Church on the Continent to make every effort to foster the
safeguarding of these rights' (p.89). The idealised nature of the Pope's view of an intrinsic
African respect for life can by illustrated by the irony that while the Opening Mass of the
Special Assembly for Africa was taking place (10 April 1994) Hutus in Rwanda, with the
involvement of the local Roman Catholic clergy, were slaughtering Tutsis who had been
encouraged to take refuge in a church 'Chaplains to the killers', Amelia French, The Tablet,
2 May 1998: 573-4).
5. Cf. Bowie, 1993 for a description of attempts by the Mill Hill Missionaries to reform
the African family in the Mbetta area of South West Province, Cameroon and Booth, 1994,
for a comprehensive account of the Mill Hill Fathers in West Cameroon.
6. See also Peel 1968.
7. Paragraph 67 (pages 69-70) of the Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation, Ecclesia in
Africa deals with the Roman Catholic Church's attitude to traditional religion. It states that:
'With regard to African traditional religion, a serene and prudent dialogue will be able, on
the one hand, to protect Catholics from negative influences which condition the way of life
of many of them and, on the other hand, to foster the assimilation of positive values such as
belief in a Supreme Being who is Eternal, Creator, Provident and Just Judge, values which
are readily harmonized with the content of the faith. They can even be seen as a preparation
for the Gospel, because they contain precious semina Verbi which can lead, as already
happened in the past, a great number of people "to be open to the fullness of Revelation in
Jesus Christ through the proclamation of the Gosper'.
8. Cf. Luzbetak, 1988. For an enthusiastic account of John Paul II's writings on
inculturation see Udoidem, 1996.
9. It is also true that the Roman Catholic Church is wary of the influence of secular
culture in the West, as evidenced in the Modernist debate and since.
10. Ratzinger, J. (with Messori, V.) 1985. Cardinal Ratzinger would, perhaps, have
approved of the Bachelor of Philosophy dissertations currently produced by Roman
Catholic seminarians at the Saint Thomas Aquinas Major Seminary of Bambui in
Cameroon. In keeping with their eponymous patron, the seminarians measure aspects
88 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY
of their own traditions (from which some are distanced by one or more generations of
urban life outside their 'home' area) against the yardstick provided by Aristotelian and
Thomistic thought (and find the former wanting). The intellectual training necessary to
produce a generation of Roman Catholic theologians versed in their own culture and
traditions, confident of their values, and able to reflect upon their Christian faith in the
light of these traditions, appears to be wanting. Cf. Richard Gray's description of African
priestly training in the early years of the twentieth century: 'Cut off for almost ten years
from their families, forbidden to speak their vernacular languages, provided with Cicero as
recreational reading, regularly required to pass the standard examinations, few among the
seminarians survived to take up their career of life-long celibacy' (1990: 162).
11. The Lausanne Covenant, Lausanne (1994). That some participants at Canberra found
the practice of inculturation rather harder than the rhetoric is evidenced by the controversy
surrounding Korean feminist theologian, Chung Hyun Kyung's opening dance. The
performance of a Christian theology that incorporated shamanistic, Buddhist and Australian
Aboriginal themes was denounced as syncretic (i.e. non-Christian) by some of the delegates.
12. See, for instance, Marshall W. Murphree's study of Christianity among the Shona
(1969, Wendy James' account of the Ukuk of the Sudan/Ethiopian border region (1988),
and the wide-ranging studies of conversion and cultural adaptation in Hefner (1993).
13. I am not suggesting that individual converts were not sincere in their adoption of
Christianity, but conversion never takes place in a vacuum, and religion is as much about
economics and politics and social structures as it is about personal piety. Indeed, personal
religious sensibilities are embedded in wider social and cultural formations.
14. We can see a parallel between the attitude of the EPC missionaries and the
churchmen of early medieval Europe. Village witchcraft or maléfice was dismissed by
the Church as fantasy (and consequently witches could not be persecuted). In the later
middle ages and early modern period witchcraft became fused with notions of heresy and
Devil worship, and witches (mainly women) were recast as agents of Satan. The
unintentional linking of witchcraft and the Devil took place among the Ewe as a direct
consequence of Bible translation. (For an interesting collection of essays on early European
witchcraft which stresses the elite dimension of the Devil-worshipping witch stereotype see
Ankarloo and Henningsen, 1993).
15. See also Beidleman's (1982) study of the Kaguru response to CMS (Anglican)
missionaries in East Africa, John Peel's comments on the value of archival material in
drawing out the role of individual reactions to Christianity (1996), and Stephen Neill's
comments on the inappropriate translation of Christian terms in to Japanese, which caused
unforeseen difficulties for the missionaries (1964: 155-6).
16. See Thornton, 1984; Shorter, 1988: 145-8; Baur, 1994: 55-73.
17. Christian self-image and praxis in the West must also be seen, at least in part, as a
response to Islam. The sixteenth century saw Ottoman rule extend to new areas of Europe,
coinciding with European Christian expansion overseas and increased centralisation at
home. The European expansion was motivated by, among more economic considerations, a
desire to claim new territories for Christ, rather than leave them to fall into Muslim hands.
There was the search for the legendary Préster John in the East, stemming from memories
of Christian communities to the East of the Muslim world.
18. The most famous missionary to sixteenth century Japan was Francis Xavier, who
maintained a considerable respect for the Japanese despite the mission's lack of outward
success (Neill, 1964: 145-162).
The Inculturation Debate in Africa 89
19. The Danish Halle Mission, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, sent German
Lutheran missionaries to southern India, where they adopted a similar method. Bartho-
lomew Ziegenbalg realised that he needed to ground himself in Hindu philosophy and
religion if he was to evangelise successfully (Beaver, 1992). In the twentieth century the
Christian ashram of the late Father Bede Griffiths, a Roman Catholic Benedictine, is
probably the best known, but by no means the only attempt to create an authentically
Indian form of Christianity.
20. Individuals within the Roman Catholic tradition, such as Padre Pio, the Italian
Franciscan stigmatist (1887-1968), used similar language and had not dissimilar experi-
ences to those of Milingo. Padre Pio, like Archbishop Milingo, retains a considerable
popular following (cf. Wilson, 1988).
21. See Bowie 1985 and 1993. The Bangwa use the term Nweh to refer to both the people
and the language spoken. The term 'Bangwa' was coined by the Germans, who first made
contact with Nweh speakers around the turn of the century (Bangwa = Ba Nweh). There are
nine Bangwa paramount chiefdoms of varying size and importance. The largest chiefdom
or Village' is Lebang, where Fontem, the main site of my fieldwork, is located. Fontem is
sometimes taken to refer to the smaller area in which the Roman Catholic mission is
situated, but also used synonymously with Lebang village. During the 1980s this area was
part of Fontem Sub-Division, but is now included within Lebialem Division. The name
'Fontem' derives from the title of the paramount chief (Fon or fua), Fontem. I mainly use
the ethnographic present for the 1980-1 period. If speaking of later or earlier periods this is
indicated. This usage is in no way intended to prioritise these particular years, merely being
a stylistic device to avoid repetition. (But see Hastrup, 1995: 9-25, for a defence of the use
of the ethnographic present).
22. Mill Hill missionaries included brothers (and less often sisters), but as non-ordained
people they could not perform the same sacramental duties as the priests.
23. T.A. Beetham (1967: 15-16) attributes the success of Roman Catholic missions in
Africa to various causes, including the ability to learn from the mistakes of their Protestant
predecessors, increased control over tropical diseases, and the concentration by different
missionary orders on relatively discrete areas, which allowed for a concentration of
resources. While this was undoubtedly the case, European missions were still spread very
thinly and relied heavily on the native catechists to prepare the ground and to maintain a
Christian presence in areas often remote from the central mission station. In Lebialem
Division there are numerous small Christian communities who, especially in the rainy
season, will only see a visiting priest a few times a year. The catechist is the main
representative of the church in almost all villages.
24. For an account of the Focolare Movement see Edwin Robertson, 1978. The workings
of the Focolare mission in Fontem are discussed in Bowie, 1985.
25. The administrative territory encompassing the Bangwa and Mundani is known as
'Lebialem', after an impressive waterfall at the confluence of two major rivers on Bellen
land. The waterfall is also a sacred site (fuandem) at which sacrifices for the fertility of the
land are offered, although some regard the site as too dangerous to approach. It was named
by a forebear of Chief Fobellah, a hunter who came across the site and exclaimed that this
was indeed a 'terrible' or 'fearsome' hill ('lebialem').
26. There was a period at the beginning of the twentieth century when Fontem Asonganyi
was forced into hiding, and was then exiled to the north of the country by the German
military. For afictionalaccount of this period, based on historical accounts, see Brain, 1977.
90 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY
27. I was unable to determine the exact number and status of wives, as at any one time
some are living outside the compound on a permanent or temporary basis.
28. Fobellah probably has over 100 children of his own, but with an age gap of some sixty
to seventy years between his oldest and youngest children, one can appreciate the
difficulties involved in trying to keep track of one's kin and extended family. Fobellah's
standard response to the question, 'how many children do you have?' is 'over fifty sons'.
29. Father John Distelberger and Father Celso Corbioli, the former parish priests of
Fontem and Fonjumetaw, kept a record of these non-baptised Christians, but this is an
unofficial practice. The Buea diocesan Sacred Returns from Fontem parish for 1994 list a
total of 273 Catholic families, 3,610 baptised Catholics, 300 Protestants, and 42,000
Pagans. The estimated total population was 45,910. The accuracy of the population figures
is questionable, but it is clear that baptised Christians remain under 10% of the total
population of the parish. Fontem parish covers some two thirds of the Bangwa area, and
part of Bayang territory to the west, an area of (very approximately as it has not been
surveyed) of 900 square kms.
30. Personal communication from one of Defang's daughters, Madam Elizabeth.
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