Risks in the use of robust interview tactics range from the
political through to the psychological. The political risks rest upon two distinct factors. It is arguably the case that robust and aggressive approaches are inconsistent with the liberal democratic traditions and standards of ethical conduct the West claims to be defending. Indeed, some have argued that the use of aggression makes the interviewers no better than the terrorists (Sands, 2008). In addition to this, such activities may reinforce terrorists’ criticisms of the state and justify their use of violence against it, perhaps serving to legitimize and encourage others to become involved in terrorism (Rejali, 2007). An individual suspect’s perceptions of the police are relevant as these are strongly affected by their experiences of interacting with police officers. An individual’s negative experiences during an interview can have profound consequences not only upon their cooperation with the police but potentially upon a community’s engagement with police in their fight against terrorism and upon their perceptions of the quality of policing. Relevant here is the body of knowledge referring to the procedural justice expectations individual’s hold about interactions with authorities such as the police (Tyler, 1989). Tyler (1989) identified four classes of procedural justice expectations individuals hold concerning how they expect to be treated by authorities. These are a need to perceive that, they have a: 1. Voice in the interaction, that is they can express a viewpoint and feel their information is valued; there is. 2. Neutrality in the interaction, that is an absence of bias in their treatment by the authority; they experience. 3. Respectful treatment in the interaction being treated in a manner that protects their rights; and that they feel. 4. Trustworthiness of the authority being treated in a sincere way where there is concern for their needs and their needs are addressed. The extent these expectations are met has a powerful influence upon the perceived legitimacy, trust and confidence in the authority, and ultimately the likelihood that the individual will cooperate with the requirements of the authority (Tyler, 1989; Tyler and Blader, 2003). In addition, Skogan (2006) has shown that negative encounters with the police have a much greater impact upon an individual’s confidence in the police than do positive encounters, where negative encounters appear to significantly reduce confidence whereas positive encounters appear to have a more limited impact, but certainly do not reduce confidence. What police officers do or do not do during an interview is, therefore, a crucial determinant of a suspect’s perception and potential for cooperation. An individual should be subjected to a robust or aggressive interview style their procedural justice expectations are likely to be compromised – the approach challenges expectations of trust, fairness and voice – with an attendant negative impact upon perceptions of police legitimacy and future cooperation with the police, including cooperation during the suspect interview. Some might argue that this is a small price to pay should that person be convicted of terrorist charges and further attacks are prevented. However, not all persons who are interviewed for terrorist offences are charged and they are likely to be released back into their communities. Following release these individuals are highly likely to report their experiences to community members who themselves will carry procedural justice expectations akin to those of the suspect. Any reports of negative experiences will challenge these expectations with the risk that the community itself begins to lose a belief in police legitimacy. This could have profound consequences; the police rely upon intelligence and information from all communities in their attempts to prevent terrorism, robust and aggressive police interview tactics could, therefore, negatively impact upon police attempts to engage with communities. PAGE 128 j THE BRITISH JOURNAL OF FORENSIC PRACTICE j VOL. 13 NO. 2 2011 It is also noteworthy that a key performance indicator of policing today is public confidence in the police (United Kingdom Home Office, 2009). It is known that public confidence is strongly related to the extent procedural justice expectations are met (Tyler, 1989). So robust approaches to terrorist suspects may have an impact way beyond the immediate effects upon the suspect impacting potentially upon judgments of overall police performance. Finally, individuals who would make political capital, either to support terrorist activities and/or to damage the reputation of the police, may seize upon any reported negative experiences. At a psychological level, there are risks to the reliability of the information obtained using robust or aggressive approaches to interview (Gudjonsson, 2003). An aggressive interview style from the interviewer can give rise to heightened anxiety within the suspect. Increased anxiety raises the risk of confabulation where a suspect’s account of events may be based upon information provided by interviewers, through suggestibility where suspects begin to incorporate into their accounts suggestions made by the interviewer. This situation can be exacerbated, following: B a suspect’s arrest experience; B a suspects mental state – he or she may be experiencing fear, anxiety or shame; B as a result of an extended period of detention where dependency might appear; and B a result of miscommunication due to language and cultural misunderstanding and/or challenges to beliefs. Together, this can result in at best unreliable information and at worst a false confession (Gudjonsson, 2003). This has risks for the integrity of a police investigation providing as it does a chance of a miscarriage of justice should the case proceed to court with the attendant damage to the reputation of the police and criminal justice system as a whole. Whilst it may be possible to find justification for aggressive tactics, the risks to the integrity of the police investigation coupled with the risks to the perceived legitimacy of the police mean that this is perhaps a price not worth paying. How then might the police carry out these difficult suspect interviews in ways that reduce these risks?