China 89' at The Roots of Events

Uniwersytet Warszawski
Wydział Dziennikarstwa i Nauk Politycznych
Kamil Nowak
Nr albumu 239032
Chiny '89 rok: U źródeł wydarzeń
Praca magisterska
na kierunku stosunki międzynarodowe
w specjalności studia pozaeuropejskie
studia stacjonarne
Praca wykonana pod kierunkiem

Prof. dr hab. Jana Rowińskiego
Zakład Studiów Pozaeuropejskich
Instytut Stosunków Międzynarodowych
Warszawa, luty 2012

Summary
China as a country with a long tradition of heritage should be seen in the legacy of ancestors. Its
cultural context is reflected in the contemporary communist ideology of Mao Zedong and his
comrades. The period from the establishment of the Republic of China to Mao's death is a time of
totalitarian rule, not the first in the history of China, and experiments in the manipulation of the
public and the abrupt development. The political struggle within the government has its
postponement to a later period after the death of Mao. His legacy is so strong that in the course of
drastic reforms of the economic system, it is not possible to abandon ties with Maoism, which is a
contradiction of the system and promotes social unrest. Events of 1989 were an explosion of such
negative sentiments growing during a decade of reforms.
Key words
China, Beijing Protests 1989, Communist Party of China, "reforms and opening", Chinese pro-
democracy movement
3
Tabel of Contents
Introduction 8
Rozdział I: Tradycja polityczna – pomoc w zrozumieniu współczesnych Chin 14
1.1 Pojęcie „państwa” 14
1.2.1 Konfucjanizm, Mencjusz i Mandat Niebios 15
1.2.2 Legizm 17
1.2.3 Konfucjanizm imperialny (synteza konfucjanizmu i legizmu) 18
1.2.4 Daoizm 19
1.3 Miejsce rola i funkcje państwa 21
1.4.1 Elity 22
1.4.2 Lud 25
1.5 Tradycyjne powstanie 26
1.6 Legitymizacja władzy komunistycznej 27
1.6.1 Linia mas 29
1.6.2 Proletariat 31
1.6.3 Chłopi 32
1.7 Kategoryzacja społeczeństwa 32
1.8 Instrumenty sprawowania władzy i stosowane środki 33
1.9 Konkluzje 35
Rozdział II: ChRL Za życia Mao Zedonga 37
4
2.1 Specyfika rywalizacji politycznej 37
2.2 Maoistowska koncepcja budowy potęgi państwa 38
2.3 Bilans eksperymentu „trzech czerwonych sztandarów” 1958-1960 47
2.4 Bilans „rewolucji kulturalnej” 1966-1976 52
2.5 Nieuchronna konieczność zmiany kursu 59
2.6 Konkluzje 62
Rozdział III: Okres przejściowy (IX 1976 r.-XII 1978 r.) 64
3.1 Sytuacja ChRL po śmierci Mao Zedonga 64
3.2 Ponowna rehabilitacja Deng Xiaopinga (1977 r.) 67
3.3 Spory o model rozwojowy, walka o władzę i przejęcie sterów przez Deng Xiaopinga 68
3.4 Konkluzje 73
Rozdział IV: Bilans pierwszej dekady reform i otwarcia na świat 76
4.1 Zarys kierunku reform wewnętrznych 76
4.2 Zmiany w polityce zagranicznej i ich wpływ na kurs reform 86
4.3 Podstawowe wyzwania i napięcia, spory o wizję przyszłości 88
4.4 Konkluzje 90
ROZDZIAŁ V: Pekińska wiosna 1989 r. 92
5.1 U źródeł niepokoju i napięć (sytuacja polityczna, gospodarcza, społeczna);

Zaostrzenie sporów w kierownictwie 92
5.2 Zmiany w układzie sił na arenie międzynarodowej i rozpad bloku wschodnioeuropejskiego 97
5
5.3 Geneza i przebieg „pekińskiej wiosny” 99
5.3.1 Narodziny ruchu i jego przyczyny 99
5.3.2 Zaostrzenie walki o władzę w kierownictwie i sporu o kierunek transformacji 103
5.3.3 Radykalizacja stanowisk władz i protestujących, eskalacja napięcia 106
5.3.4 Stan wyjątkowy 108
5.3.5 Tragedia na Placu Niebiańskiego Spokoju 111
Zakończenie 114
Bibliografia 118
6
Introduction
This work is dedicated to the protests that swept through the Chinese People's Republic in
1989 and above all, their principal theatre, which was Beijing, and student's revolt, which
caused protests in mid-April of that year. Speaking about the sources of the events, I mean
the number of processes that have contributed to the boiling point among the intelligentsia
(including students) and other social strata, but also ideological and cultural heritage prior to
1989 times. Not only about a decade, but also hundreds of and even thousands of years.
The analysis of this problem consists of the following main thematic components:
presentation of the basics of the Chinese political tradition and their relationship with
modernity, impact of the Maoist era to the situation of China, exploration of the challenges
associated with the Maoist attempt to reform the system, scratches towards reform and related
adversities, description of the crisis leading to the events of 1989 with the discussion of
previous thematic components.
The primary objective of the research is to prove that the decision to use force against
students and residents of Beijing in the spring of 1989 at the time when it was made, was an
inevitable consequence of the preceding period of internal conflict on many levels. This is, in
my opinion, of great importance in organization of important topic of the Chinese
transformation, firstly because of the lack of current works in Polish language, which take
into account the knowledge that comes from the diary of Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang1, and
secondly for a closer understanding of the processes guiding the Chinese political life.
This paper is primarily a study of political science, with a degree of sociological support, not
aimed at a complex report of events, but rather at comprehensive presentation of the main
factors leading to the course of events in 1989.
The work is divided into five chapters. The first concerns the legacy of the Chinese political
tradition and its evolution in the realities of the People's Republic. It is a country with a very
rich history, relatively unwavering continuity of civilization and the idea of its statehood, and
hieroglyphics written language having its origins several thousand years ago. Hence, in this
chapter the new ideas brought by the communist ideology are discussed, showing how they
were adapted to the Chinese worldview and associated with its tradition2. Even if the
antiquity is the only object of manipulation to achieve today's goals, it must be know what
was the original, and if what is said today, preserves anything, and if yes, how much from the
original.
The second chapter concerns the time of the Republic of China (PRC) until the death of Mao
Zedong. It describes the main policies of that era showing the struggle within the Chinese
1
Z. Zhao, Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Zhao Ziyang, Pocket Books, London 2009
2
Even if under the influence of new standards emerges an opposition towards old values, it is still an element
of the new identity. The act of opposing the old is in a way a relationship with it.
7
Communist Party (CPC, Zhongguo 中国共产党 Gongchandang3), the gradual elimination of
the opposition in society and the ruling party by Mao, a total subjugation of the population
with very brutal methods. It also gives expression to nearly three decades of repeated mass
campaigns that are later a model for an organization of the different protests. The failure of
achieving the objectives laid by Mao Zedong and the crisis which this failure brought
together becomes the main impetus for major changes.
The third chapter discusses the transitional period after the death of Chairman Mao, which
took the radical Maoists basis for their legitimacy in the eyes of the CPC members loyal to the
supreme leader, but not necessarily to all of his concepts, and to followers wishing further
implementation of these ideas. Discussed here is the transition of decision-making to the
hands of leaders who wanted to change the economic objectives of state's policy with an
emphasis on the issues of rivalry inside the CPC.
The fourth chapter outlines the nature of the course and direction of "reforms and opening up"
movement, which definitely moved away from the centralized model of development of Mao
Zedong. Challenges created by the transformation are results not only of objective factors,
but also of the inexperience of people performing it in a completely new system of
management, overrating patience and tolerance of the society for the problems affecting their
daily existence as a result of the reforms, imposing high pace (with still deeply internalized
habits ankle era of development discussed in Chapter II). What is very important, if not the
most important, are the troublemaking moods, which were brought with an attempt to
reconcile the former communist rhetoric and belief in its rightness of CPC members with a
new course, completely contrary to the old ideals. The consequent bending concepts,
concealment of certain issues, failure to acknowledge the validity of different concepts
actually implemented just for the sake of the official ideological line and the crisis of ideas
and morals, along with corruption, the party-state apparatus (facilitated internally
contradictory compromise politico-economic system) formed the base for hazardous tensions.
Chapter five gives expression to mentioned before negative sentiments, directly refers to the
boiling atmosphere in 1989 not only in China, but also paying attention to events in other
parts of the world, particularly in the countries of the socialist bloc. Discussed here are the
beginnings of the protests and their further course, with a particular emphasis on their
reception by the leaders and internal debate turning into a dispute over the treatment of
protesters. Mutual misunderstandings, errors and disputes (both in the public authority, as
well as among students) lead to mutual radicalization, which at some point crossed the point
from which it was still possible to withdraw and save face4. This chapter ends with a
3
Chinese Communist Party (Communist Party of the Central State) - 中国共产党, in short 中共( Zhonggong) or
simply Communist Party (共产党 Gongchandang). Surprisingly in Western publications the Chinese name is
very rarely found, whereas the name of the Nationalist Party 国民党 is almost always given in Chinese
phonetic transcription - Guomindang or more often Kuomintang (KMT).
4
"Face", outised layer, Chinese .面子 mianzi, is an important element of the Chinese culture (as well as
Japanese, Korean etc). It could be compared to the idea of personal honor, pride, and a good name in our
tradition, however it is still not the same. A man would keep his good image, and as long as he can properly
8
description of the hesitations of the leaders towards the actual use of force, as well as full of
negative emotions military action of take control of Beijing.
The sources which I used and which were the basis writing this work, in the case of compact
and collective studies are predominantly in Polish language, where in the first category the
vast majority of books are translations of foreign authors. In matters concerning the
theoretical side of this dissertation, Etienne Balazs' Chinese Civilisation and Bureaucracy and
Peter Richard Moody's Moody Tradition and Modernization in China and Japan , have
proven useful, as well as Specyfika tradycje państwa w Azji Wschodniej na przykładzie Chin
by Polish researchers Jan Rowiński and Józef Pawłowski, which relate to the heritage of
Chinese tradition and its relation to contemporary China. It is very important for the
theoretical frame of the subject is the publication of The Power of Tiananmen: State-Society
Relations and the 1989 Beijing Student Movement by Zhao Dingxiao, a Chinese researcher
working in Canada. The big advantage is his nationality, and thus understanding of the
cultural context, unlimited use of the sources available in Chinese, and just as importantly, his
education in sociological approach to the subject. He recognizes and approaches the
discussed issue, shows the evolution of the perception of the legitimacy of the Chinese
government, changes that were brought by communism, totalitarianism of the days of Mao
Zedong compares with the authoritarianism after his death, provides a very valuable
knowledge about the dynamics of changes in consciousness of intelligentsia and successive
generations of students and meanders of Beijing government's policy on the fundamental
issues for the future of the country over the 40 years of existence of the PRC. In addition to
the theoretical support, it also provides a lot of technical knowledge, sometimes wider, giving
a more objective and complete picture of the situation than the most known in Poland work
devoted to the protests in 1989 by Bogdan Góralczyk Beijing Pekińska wiosna 1989: Początki
ruchu demokratycznego w Chinach. It was written as an essay, so this is not a scientific work
in the strict sense. Góralczyk explains the adoption of such a form. for the sake of personal
emotions that connect him with the student movement. Trying to focus on the democratic
movement, he does it in a bit pathetic and romantic way (cited student poetry is nevertheless
a valuable and enriching perception of those events). Because of this approach, Góralczyk's
work makes it difficult to carry out a detailed and more objective vivisection course of events
and critical evaluation of mechanisms driving the protests and their weaknesses
Other Polish authors, although express opinions on the 1989 events trying to objectively
assess them, do not do so in the context of comprehensive monograph. Only with different
works on Chinese politics, one can found few articles about the events. On an example of
Chińskie elity polityczne w XX wieku by Łukasz Gacek, one can see how, despite the rich factual
knowledge, it is sometimes difficult to make a thorough analysis of the beliefs and behaviors
of participants in the most important events of Chinese 20th c. history, without delving into
their traditional, cultural and civilization background.
represent himself, nobody would try to undermine his position or ridicule him. It is also important to behave
accordingly with expectations of the rest of the society, as these social expectations are determinants of what
is right, not the abstract concepts of good and evil.
9
Very valuable, substantive and rich in factual material are works of Andrzej Halimarski,
written from the perspective of support to MArxist ideology. In his opinion, (I do not fully
agree with it) decisions of CPC were reasonable, indeed even essential for the then newly
formed People's Republic of China (they included ensuring effective control of the central
government over the Chinese mainland, creating a new apparatus of power,estimation of the
degree of war damage, fighting with economic backwardness, reconstruction and
industrialization of the country (the original accumulation), etc.) this is particularly true in the
years of reconstruction in 1949-1952 (Chinese NEP) and basically the first five-year plan
(1953-1957), although not without serious distortions and errors of this, thus, Halimarski
adopted a a critical perspective towards voluntarist, wishful political and economic policies of
Mao Zedong. China by Jakub Polit is a synthetic historical work and thus an important
source of factual knowledge about the Central State5 the 20th century. Mao: zwycięstwa,
nadzieje, klęski by Waldemar Jan Dziak and Jerzy Bayer give an overview of the activity of
Mao Zedong, political realities in China during the life of the leader, which is important for
understanding the heritage of this era for the later period of reforms. I used also publication of
my thesis supervisor, which proved to be essential to look at these events from an
international perspective.
Publications by foreign authors, whether published in the Polish language or in the best case
available in English, are also very important. It worth to mention here A Bitter Revolution:
China’s struggle with the modern world by Rana Mitter, which measures specifically the
legacy of May Fourth Movement6 to the subsequent fate of China. Very rich because of the
factual material and some opinions on realities is also an extensive publication by Jonathan
Fenby History of Modern China: The Fall and Rise of a Great Power, 1850 - 2009.
It is also impossible not to remember about the memories and documents from that era. Very
important was the diary of former Prime Minister and General Secretary of the Communist
Party of China, Zhao Ziyang released not only in Hong Kong in Chinese, but also in English
under the title Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Zhao Ziyang. He was a leading
figure in the ruling team of reformers in the PRC in the 80s, during the tragic events of the
Beijing spring of 1989 he revealed his unusual personality, courage and honesty and ... paid
for it so high price. With all due respect to his attitude, which is so close to us, we should
read his memoirs maintaining the necessary caution, keeping in mind the risk of bias. The
diary shows an interesting picture of a conflict, chaotic atmosphere in the leadership of the
CPC, the differences between the various factions and disputes on issues of reform and
personal rivalries. Another source, The Tiananmen Papers by Liang Zhang sparked
controversy in the world in terms of authenticity and uniqueness of the documents contained
therein. There is no doubt, however, the overall picture presented in this study corresponds
with many other publications, and can therefore be used with caution. The reaction of the
Chinese authorities and the draconian sentence on the person of its author, who had to
revealed them gives them credibility, but also to the material should be approached with
5
The Central State, or The Middle Kingdom are literal translation of the Chinese therm of 中国Zhōngguó
6
The May Fourth Movement took its name from the Student demonstrations and protest that were held in
Beijing on 4th of May 1919, and led to the patriotic and reformatory modernisation in China. The control over
the protest were soon taken over by the Kuomintang.
10
caution as far as possible trying to give an objective course of events and decisions among the
leaders.
An important component of the work are online data sources, which make it easy to access to
official Chinese documents for example the text of the Constitution or other statements,
reports from conferences of CPC etc. There are also among them illustrations, pictures,
posters, films or documentaries containing testimony of participants in the events of over 22
years, including some student leaders and intellectuals. It is impossible not to appreciate a
number of scientific papers that are available just in the global network. All coming from
online sources quotes have been translated into Polish by the author of this work.
Gathering of the bibliography for this work was made possible mainly thanks to the
collections of the University of Warsaw Library and the Polish Institute of International
Affairs. Several of the publications were purchased in bookstores, both in Poland and abroad
using the Internet.
I would like to express my gratefulness to Prof. Jan Rowiński, Dr. habil., the supervisor of
my thesis, for his time, patience, substantive support during the writing process, sharing and
identifying helpful publications, as well as the possibility of honest conversation, given
advices, understanding and support. Without this my thesis would never be completed.
I also thank my wife for loving attitude and patience during the prolonged process of writing
this paper, as well as the opportunity to better understand the Chinese mentality, language,
customs, and many Chinese, who also expressed their views on the topics of the subject of
this paper.
Chapter I
Political tradition - help in understanding contemporary China
Currently in China, people say proudly about five thousand years of civilization, and although
it may be exaggerated, despite many changes over the millennia, we have to deal with a
greater continuity and consistency of this country over the centuries than in the case of
European civilization. Of course, such long history is followed by a tradition dating back to
the beginning of very ancient times. Therefore, considering the events of recent history, the
context of Chinese tradition it should always be taken into account, to better understand the
evolution of identity in contemporary China, the source of social tensions and ways to
discharge them.
11
The first chapter I devote just presenting the Chinese political tradition, in which the turning
point and the beginning of many lasting phenomena dating back to the end of the Warring
States Period (475-221 BC). Discussed here are the mechanisms of the state, its legitimacy,
the relation of state and society, as well as the characteristics of the movement who showed
opposition to the government. There is also a comparison of the legitimacy of modern China
after the fall of the Manchu (1911.), Chinese communist thought and the system of the
People's Republic of China, with special reference to its characteristic features inherited from
the centuries-old tradition.
1.1 The term "State"
The vocabulary used today has its origin in ancient times, although current understanding
does not necessarily coincide with the meaning of the original. It is important to pay attention
to this issue, particularly in the case of the Chinese language, for thousands of years based on
pictograms.
The very concept of the state, the country, similar to what today we understand this term,
appeared in Chinese literature at the turn of the eras of Spring and Autumn (770-476 BC) and
the Warring States (445-221 BC)7, in the form of character 國 guo8.
The fact that influenced subsequent political tradition in China was also the conviction of the
superiority of the population of the state of civilization in 中原- Zhōngyuán,, understood as
the Central Plains9. On this basis characters 中國10 -Zhongguó were created, understood as
Central District. During the conquests and unification of the country in the crucial for ancient
China period of the Warring States in the years 403-221 BC11 the character was slowly
becoming understood as referring to a single, one unified Middle Kingdom12. This happened
thanks to the ruler of 秦 Qin state, named 嬴政 Ying Zheng. His brief reign as ruler of an
empire, lasting only a decade (although before unification, he ruled his Qin state much
longer)13, pushed China to a whole new direction. It was the first totalitarian state recorded in
the history of the world. Through a total control of the people by efficient, centralized
bureaucratic apparatus, which a modern state would not be ashamed of, Prince of Qin wanted
7
J. Rowiński, J. Pawłowski, „Specyfika tradycje państwa w Azji Wschodniej na przykładzie Chin” [w:] M. Sułek, J.
Symonides, Państwo w teorii i praktyce stosunków międzynarodowych, Wydawnictwo UW, Warszawa 2009,
s.298
8
In this character is included a meaning of a certain territory limited by the borderlines, which has to be
protected along with people living there, among which there is a need to keep public order. This character also
shows the relationship between the state and agriculture. The sole pictogram "state", "land" in traditional form
of 國 consist of 囗, 戈 and 口 - which symbolize, in order of appearance, "border", "halberd", "mouth" and
"Earth". Nowadays in PRC, this character took the form of 国 where inside of 囗 - "borde,"r, is 玉 -" jade"
9
More or less the central basin of the Yellow River.
10
中華 (中华)，華夏 (华夏) Zhonghua, Huaxia connected with uniqness and central location.
11
. J. K. Fairbanks, Historia Chin. Nowe spojrzenie, Gdańsk 1996, s. 49
12
In Chinese language there is no plural form so the difference between the Middle Kingdom and Central
States would be understood thanks to the context.
13
J. K. Fairbanks, op. cit., s. 57
12
to build an empire a lasting thousands of years. Following the example of the naming of the
mythical Chinese rulers reigning two millennia before him, took the title of 始皇帝 Shǐ
Huangdi, or as European know him- the First Emperor,one and only undisputed master of the
known to him civilized world (天下tiānxià, what's under the dome of Heaven14).
Chinese state created by Qín Shǐ Huángdì according to historians was already a political
organization, a global, territorial, coercive, hierarchical and sovereign 15. Although things did
not go emperor's way, as his young dynasty fell soon after his death, and the country plunged
into chaos again, the next 漢 Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD) drew from the legacy of the
totalitarian regime of Qin, as well as rich in ideas legacy of Warring States period. This gave
rise to a political tradition, that although been a subject to changes over the centuries,
however, has survived to this day16.
1.2.1 Confucianism, Mencius and the Mandate of Heaven
The name that is an icon of Chinese tradition, is undoubtedly Confucius, or in Chinese 孔子,
孔夫子 (Kǒngzǐ, Kǒngfūzǐ), who lived from 551-479 BC He did not achieve in life anything
special, he was not important official in the state of Lu (魯國 Lǔguó), now in the western
province of Shandong (山东). Although Confucius did not create a coherent ideology and left
no writings, his considerations of morality, state government and family gave the beginning
to an important current of the Chinese intellectual tradition17 and is still believed to be a Great
Sage.
In Confucian thought, a mythical ruler, the Duke of Zhou (周 Zhou)18 played an important
role. Confucius regarded him as the ideal ruler , a man of all virtues, who opposed the corrupt
elites of his day. It is possible that because of Confucius' critical attitude to contemporary
politics, he was not able to make a career. This idealistic thread, referring to the character of
an ideal leader-hero, even if only in symbolic form, returned during the student movement of
1989.
Confucius teaching exist in the wider public consciousness thanks to his disciples, who wrote
down his words, especially thanks to Mencius (孟子 Mèngzǐ), who lived in the years 372-289
BC. Mencius, like his master, believed in the goodness of human nature and shared many of
his views, but much more important is that his teachings already can be called an ideology.
Some researchers are of the opinion that he, more than his master, should be considered as the
founder of Confucianism, Confucius being only an inspiration and an icon of this school of
thought.
14
P. R. Moody, Jr., Tradition and Modernization in China and Japan, Belmont, California 1995, s. 58
15
J. Rowiński, J. Pawłowski, op. cit., s. 299
16
J. K. Fairbanks, op. cit., s. 62
17
P. R. Moody, Jr., op. cit., s. 41
18
Ibidem, s. 45
13
Mencius is so important, because he developed from the concept of legitimacy of the power,
government by Heaven (天 Tiān). In this concept, the ruler is called the Son of Heaven (天子
Tiānzǐ), and in theory his authority and power is absolute, however the ruler must adhere to
the noble path in accordance with the will of Heaven. If he acts contrary to morality, harm his
subjects, he offends Heaven from which come his legitimacy, or Mandate of Heaven
(Tianming 天命) and risk its loss. Although the legitimacy comes not from ruler's subjects,
Heaven are not indifferent to their sufferings, and the ruler has to fulfill certain moral, ritual
and material tasks, thus showing his responsibility and love towards his subjects. Serving the
people and following customs are two major tasks of the Son of Heaven. The legitimacy of
such kind emphasize results that can be measured. An indication of the possibility of losing
the Mandate of HeavenD are natural disasters, like so common in China floods, frequent
earthquakes, droughts, and any other anomalies that threaten the safety, health and lives of
people. However the direct cause of loss of the Mandate would be the rebellion, actual fights
or revolts, that are response to the social unrest caused by the Son of Heaven not fulfilling his
duties . When the ruler loses Mandate of Heaven, the people have the right to overthrow him
and thus open the way for the next Chosen by Heaven who would sit on the Dragon Throne19.
This traditional way of legitimacy of the Chinese government endured under the name of the
Mandate of Heaven for over two thousand years, and still has an impact on the identity of
China.
Mencius also created ideas that affecting the formation of an elite group of scholars-officials
(mandarins), specific social group in the Chinese society, whose nobility was based, at least in
theory, on their education. Those who labour with their minds govern others; those who
labour with their strength are governed by others ̶ as is said in one of the most famous
quotations from Mencius. Only noble, educated, full of virtues people could govern well the
state. The ruler should follow what is just and right, because if he cared only for his wealth,
alls his subjects and officials would follow his steps. This would bring nothing good to the
state. Therefore it can be seen clearly that Mencius selects a group of people who have the
privilege of ruling, but also has a duty to follow the path of virtue and welfare of the people,
whose fate is not indifferent to Heaven. Mencius clearly believed in the goodness of human
nature and in the person of a noble ruler, he saw a guarantee of good and successful
governance. In practice, the assessment of whether Huangdi (Emperor) acts in accordance to
the will of Heaven, was dealt with a whole mass of scholars-officials who limited his freedom
of action, and were advising what is right and not according to the Confucian teachings20.
1.2.2 Legalism
The second school of thought, which co-founded the Chinese political tradition, and was
developed during the Warring States Period (722-479 BC), is the Legalism. Thinkers called
19
Ibidem, s. 47; D. Zhao, The Power of Tiananmen: State-Society Relations and the 1989 Beijing Student
Movement, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago i Londyn 2001, s. 40, 218
20
Cyt. za P. R. Moody, Jr., op. cit., s. 60; D. Zhao, op. cit., s. 40-41
14
further Legalists had a different idea about people, whose view was a product of cruel times
during which they had to live.
Origins of Legalists thoughts can be traced back to at least the Spring and Autumn Period,
when the First Minister of the state of Qin was Shang Yang (商鞅 died in 338 BC). He saw
the strength of the state in the centralization of the power in the person of a king. Shang Yang
broke the power of the feudal nobility of Qin, promoted private farming and had a big
contribution to the concept of equality of all before the law21.
The most prominent legalist was Han Fēizǐ (韩非子), who died in 233 BC and was probably
the only aristocrat among the most prominent philosophers of the period. The guarantee of the
social order, Han Fēizǐ saw in severe law, before which all people should be equal, no matter
of their functions and roles in the society. People, whose emotions usually lead to crimes, can
be stopped only because of the threat of an inevitable punishment. This ideology was a basis
for the foundation of the first totalitarian country in the world under the rule of the Qin
Shiguangdi22.
Interestingly, Han Fēizǐ had no direct impact on the creation of a specific state apparatus, as
he was only the messenger of the state Han to the state of Qin, where he was imprisoned and
poisoned by Li Si, before the Prince of Qin could meet him. The same Li Si of his, the chief
court counselor and chancellor of Qin, implemented the Legalism in his way, which is
documented more by his exploits than theoretical considerations in the style Han Fēizǐ23 .
The totalitarian machine of Qin's legalism fought for 20 years against any attempt to
undermine the primacy of the ruler, led to the burning of many works of philosophers, and
followers of Confucianist school were persecuted. However all this had its end with the civil
war that erupted after the death of the First Emperor and a difficult and yet intriguing
symbiosis of Legalism and Confucianism emerged from the ashes of war along with the new
dynasty.
1.2.3 imperial Confucianism (206 BC-220 AD the Han era)
The founder of the Han dynasty (ruling during years 206 BC-195 BC) was the leader of
peasant uprising by the name of Liu Bang 刘邦, known since 202 BCby his the name of
Gāozǔ 高祖, was far more uncouth warrior than noble man or a "gentleman" from Confucius'
dreams. Although he despised paper pushers, the entire class of scholars-officials, he knew
that such warriors as him are not enough to control the country, and for that he these educated
men. In the same way behaved next winners of the wars for the Dragon Throne, both those
who were peasant leaders or came from the nomadic tribes.
21
22
Ibidem, s. 56
23
Ibidem, s. 58
15
The new Huangdi (Emperor) found himself scholars-officials who glorified his name and the
fact that he received the Mandate of Heaven. This noble ruler overthrew the wicked
predecessor, whose cruelty was condemned, restored to favor Confucian thought, which has
since become the official ideology of the Middle Kingdom and which entered into symbiosis
with legalism. The new dynasty appreciated the effectiveness of the bureaucratic state of Qin
and simply took its mechanisms over24. Since then silver-tongued Confucianists were the
voice of the state, and he who opposed their laws had the dubious pleasure of experience
legalist practice of terribly harsh penalties, among which death could be one of the mildest.
Legalists in their theoretical considerations wanted absolute equality of all before the law, and
what has been changed under the new dynasty was the relaxation of the punishment towards
the educated mandarins. There existed already foundations for the emergence of an elite
social group that in theory had all the knowledge of the known world and represented the best
values of their civilization25. Another ruler, Wu Di of the Western Han Dynasty (漢武帝
Hànwǔdì) ruling in the years 141 BC-87 BC officially proclaimed as a state ideology imperial
Confucianism also known as Neo-Confucianism, which variously interpreted continued in this
role until 1911.
For the existence of the state was required a development of an effective doctrine, connecting
multiple proven ideas of Confucianism and Legalism. Although both doctrines seemed to
contradict in theoretical assumptions, their key elements were compatible or complementary.
The common was a belief of the existence of a common Central State (中国) under the dome
of Heaven (天下), which being above the law, yet subjected to rituals and customs (divine
laws) ruler was the Son of Heaven (天子) who had their mandate (天命). Both schools saw
society as a hierarchical system of subordination and control, and the state should be
centralized and managed by a selected bureaucratic elites, who were fully dependent on the
ruler. Subjects should be kept in full obedience, according to Legalists by force and terror,
according to Confucians and by the impact of moral and ethical norms26.
Ruthless and cynical form of legalism was rejected, while its essential ideas were kept .
Confucianism symbolized cultural refinement 文(wén), whereas Legalism the strength of the
apparatus of state compulsion and unquestionable authority of the ruler (武 wǔ). Their
symbiosis apparently occurred in the sphere of politics, administration and governance. These
two aspects of governance have already been defined in the literature as legalist armor
(symbolizing strength apparatus of coercion) and concealing silk robe of Confucianism
(indoctrination with reference to virtue, morality, harmony and respect for hierarchy27). This
"silk robe" in contemporary China was replaced by "Mao suit"28.
24
Ibidem, s. 59
25
E. Balazs, Chinese Civilisation and Bureaucracy, Forge Village, Massachusetts, 1972 s.16
26
J. Rowiński, J. Pawłowski, op. cit., s.306
27
Ibidem, s. 312
28 This suit is well known in the Western world as Mao suit, however the Chinese call it Zhongshan suit
(中山裝), as it was Sun Yat-sen (Sun Yixian 孙逸仙, in fact Sun Wen 孙文), who introduced it to China as a
uniform of bureaucrats. It later became a standard uniform of Kuomintang amd Communist Party
16
1.2.4 Daoism
Daoism was a current of thought very important for the people, strongly associated with its
aspirations and beliefs, and stood in opposition to the Confucian thought. 道 Dao means
"way" or "path", and in a broader sense the way which the reality follows, the principles of
being, which according to Daoist philosophers of this movement actually cannot and should
not be discussed. Daoist idea of "dao" was in contrast to Confucianism, in which "dao"
refered to the Way of Heaven, the moral order of the world, the principles of which should be
known, proclaimed and implemented29.
Daoism as discussed at the beginning of chapter Confucianism and Legalism, is the fruit of
Warring States Period, and the two major thinkers, with whom are connected origins of
Daoism, were 老子 Lǎozǐ (supposedly 6th century BC) and 莊子 Zhuāngzǐ (369-286 BC)30.
The first was from an area called Chu, which in his contemporary times was the southern
border of the Chinese cultural circle (nowadays includes territories of Hubei and Hunan
Provinces). Residents of lands were the Chinese culture originated spoke with arrogance
about Chu as the land of barbarian. This attitude is reflected in the sense of superiority, which
remained very clear in Confucianist relation to the subjects and Daoism.
Confucians believed that the world degenerated from a high level of civilization and wanted
to return to that state. For Daoists the trouble was civilization itself, imposing artificial
values and boundaries. To find happiness, one should follow the nature, go with the flow and
not try in vain to improve themselves or society. One should be like water (a key metaphor in
Daoism) - passive, always seeking the lowest point, avoiding all obstacles31.
Morality and all Confucian virtues were developed because man has fallen, in the natural
state they were not needed by anyone because people simply followed the flow of nature..
Teachings of Daoism affects many areas of life, not surprisingly including politics. Daoism
recommended to let things exist in accordance to the nature, and the events should run as
they run without any interference or without imposing anything (无为 wúwéi). According to
Laozi worst rulers are those who are hated by people, second worst are rulers praised by the
people. The best leaders are those that people do not notice, they fulfill their goals in a
manner , so their subjects would believe that they managed to do that on their own . The
recommendations to fill empty stomachs and minds one could find advices on how to
exercise despotic power, but it is rather an expression of the utopian ideals of the society
(Gongchandang共产党).. Sun Yatsen was known under a nickname Sun Zhongshan (孙中山, from the Japanese
town Nakayama 中山), hence the name "Zongshan suit". This uniform was popularized in 1949-76, especally
during the Cultural Revolution (1966-76) and had its origins in Bijings uniform, that was adapted by the
Japanese. Source: http://www.cuhkacs.net/~benng/Bo-Blog/read.php?505
29
30
They are known also by the names of李聃Lĭ Dān and 莊周Zhuāng Zhōu
31
17
itself, without thinking following of the Way. Just that requires a tremendous confidence in
the Way, which is neither simple nor natural behavior, and the longing for such a state
express primarily the minds of highly advanced and civilized men32. Daoism remained
inseparable from the folk religion. Although it is common to separate its religious forms from
its philosophical side, this would be met with rejection of Daoists themselves. Religious
Daoism and some of its philosophical currents of the time after the Warring States Period
were associated with magic, superstitions, alchemy and the pursuit for immortality. Perhaps
that could give the beginning to a development of a modern science, as similar practices had
done in Europe, but Confucianism, probably prevented such a process33.
Very important is the relationship of religious Daoism with revolutionary ideologies. Daoism
promised to abolish divisions, build everything anew, the total overthrow of the order of state.
But, as history has proven, those few uprisings that have been successful, cooperated with
representatives of the Confucian elite scholars-officials or their leaders themselves sided with
Confucians34.
On the other hand, in the modern history, the similarities to the symbolism of Daoism can be
found in Maoism, eg. a total transformation of the system, Chairman Mao as a "red sun" in
the hearts of men, the negation of the traditional order of things. This means that individuals
who are shaped in society under the influence of ancient ideas were under the indirect
influence of the ideas associated with Daoism, and certainly did not seek in it inspiration for
the modern revolutio, which involved "struggle with Heaven and Earth."
1.3 Place, role and functions of the State
Traditional country was defined by its population as the sum of their local regions within the
framework of a common civilization, as well as the structure of the sacred after of
Confucianism adopted religious character, focused on the essence of the state.
Quoting the organizational base of the Chinese state by researchers Jan Rowiński and Józef
Pawłowski (with commentary based on other sources) one can identify35:
formalized hierarchical system, which was founded on family as the basic entity;
collectivist conception of the individual;
perception of freedom in the context of the internal ̶ which an individual sought by self-
improvement trying to overcome his own ego (Freedom of individuals in the name of social
good could be reduced, the State had the duty of limiting luxury and exploitation.36);
32
Ibidem, s. 51
33
Ibidem, s. 52
34
E. Balazs, op. cit. s. 156
35
J. Rowiński, J. Pawłowski, op. cit., s. 299-300
36
K. Gawlikowski, „Maoistowska koncepcja rewolucji społecznej”, [w:] Leninowska teoria rewolucji: historia i
współczesność, PWN, Warszawa 1977
18
no tradition of law as a fundamental mechanism for controlling the social and political life
(although there existed rituasl and moral law subordinating the ruler to the Law of Heaven37);
very low level of political aspirations of society.
Leaving the voice to the same authors the roles and functions of the Chinese state should be
mentioned :
Confucian idea of sovereign responsibility for the peace and prosperity of the people (and
consequently, the legitimacy of power is inextricably linked to performance by having the
results of its tangible impact on the quality of life of subjects38);
wide autonomy of local power structures "local" intermediary between ruler and subjects;
managing the entire social and economic life ̶ was the logical consequence of state
intervention (freedom of individuals in the name of social good could be reduced, the State
had the duty of limiting luxury and exploitation39).
1.4.1 Elites
Scholars-officials their undisputed position as a group used by all means to ensure the well-
being of their families, the better they were situated, the easier it was for them to put their
relatives in the state structures. People less familiar with writings than themselves, like
peasants and the rest, mandarins treated with arrogance, scorning both folk superstitions and
not virtuous motives that drove their lives. They demanded the subordination of other classes
to them as well as requested to show them respect due to their positions in society. They were
the backbone of the whole coordination of countless rural communities in China, mandarins
managed the irrigation system, without them such highly advanced agricultural state would
not survive.40
The state apparatus was all-powerful. The law regulated the obligations of emperor's subjects,
but did not regulate the rights and limits of authority of the administration towards them.
What could most effectively defend against the government apparatus, was the knowledge of
the people who were part of it, and the greatest indulgence could expect scholars-officials
accused of misconduct. They were judged by members of their own class, who remembered
that one day they themselves could fell victims of the system, which resulted in leniency in
delivering harsh punishments . Of course mandarins were not untouchable. Huangdi was free
to sentence any individual bureaucrat to the worst tortures, so long as He did not contest the
bureaucracy as a whole. The mandarins who were the official voice of the state could then
37
D. Zhao, op. cit., s. 40
38
D. Zhao, op. cit., s. 40, 218
39
K. Gawlikowski, Maoistowska koncepcja rewolucji społecznej, [w:] Leninowska teoria rewolucji: historia i
współczesność, PWN, Warszawa 1977
40
E. Balazs, op. cit., s. 154
19
begin to loudly question the Mandate of Heaven of that Huangdi41. This limited the freedom
of emperors, subjected to rituals and customs interpreted by sages, and only few emperors in
China's history were brave enough to oppose this elite group of scholar and officials. In
modern China, Mao Zedong was supposed to be the leader, who objected to the usual
standards, and he subjected the "new communist ritual" to himself, and in opposition to the
Son of Heaven, Mao was not a subject to the higher laws.
Unique in the entire world was the way of how one could join the elite group of scholars-
officials, which was the system of state exams. Although it was riddled with nepotism and
corruption it was in all ways sanctioning the idea of ruling class that had skills and
knowledge to govern, refined by years of training. People of any social background could take
the exam. In spite of the fact that most people taking exams were members of officials'
families, and an outsider had to be rich enough to afford required level of scholarly
knowledge, yet at that time it was still the best way to choose the most qualified cadres of
state administration. This was the beginning of the first civil service in the world42.
In realities of Chinese civilization, the only career path that could guarantee a stability and
prosperity was the career in the civil service43. The state may at any time put an end to a
lucrative business of private entrepreneurs, particularly merchants despised, by Confucians
merchants. A merchant could feel safe only when he had friends inside of the state's
administration, with whom he had to share a good part of his income. No wonder that Chinese
entrepreneurs as soon as they could afford it, send their children to good schools, hoping for
them to take part in state exams. This, in the long run, meant a gradual transition of the
merchant's family into the one of mandarins, and possibility to invest savings in the purchase
of land and gradual abandonment of trade as a career44.
The impression of mandarins' omnipotence complements their control of official state records,
documents, chronicles, calendar, etc. The story was written by people more or less connected
with the government45. No wonder that every founder of a dynasty, was described by loyal
historians as a great hero, sent by Heaven to overthrow the tyrant, the ruler of the previous
dynasty, whose conduct was definitely contrary to the will of Heaven, and thus lost their
Mandate.
History thus focused mainly on the government and omitted the richness of life of subjects.
We discover the most about the life of the privileged, who had almost a monopoly on a
written language, as it took years of patient training to master it. A historian proved his skills
when to describe the reality he was using ancient proverbs and sayings from other books,
rather than creating something new46.
41
P. R. Moody, Jr., op. cit., s.60
42
E. Balazs, op.cit. s. 150
43
Ibidem, s. 151
44
Ibidem, s. 41
45
Ibidem, s. 129
46
Ibidem, s. 135
20
The specificity of the Chinese bureaucracy is probably to a large extent responsible for the
destruction of Chinese ingenuity. because centuries after the "Four Great Inventions"
(printing, compass, paper and gunpowder), nothing momentous has appeared. Moreover,
these inventions were the work of independent men. The more progressed the development of
the bureaucratic apparatus, the more the state prevented the emergence of such people, seized
their achievements and profitable enterprises, thus limited the economic freedom47.
The examination system initially had more advantages than disadvantages, however after
every reform it was the best example how specific it was, as it was all in all its key element,
and a ceremony of entrance to the elite society of bureaucrats. . Stagnation of this system is
best seen in examiners preferring examined to quote right fragments from the classical
literature cannon. With time this took the form of writings consisting of eight verses and
specific numbers of characters. Ages of influence of this increasingly archaic and dogmatic
system brought courses of passing exams and in fact meant that one had to obtain the
knowledge that in practice was worthless. This system was so deeply rooted in the Chinese
tradition that the falls of dynasties and rebellions were not able to fundamentally change it,
and any bigger or smaller attempts of reforms failed. Students spend years on learning to pass
the exam and join the elites. Even if they came from peasant craftsmen or merchant families,
the closer they were to join the privileged class, the farther away they were from the realities
of the society. Mencius idea of ruling those who work physically was quickly engraved in
their minds. As young men, candidates were probably full of ideals, took all Confucian
virtues to hearts and wanted to make a better life for heir countrymen. They read books
written by other scholars-officials for the people of their ilk. In exploring citations from
centuries ago they seemed to see the solution to the problems of modernity. There were more
candidates for state exams than potential positions in the administration, thus the requirements
were very high, and the process of learning - exhausting. This all required great amount of
work and money (the less friends among bureaucrats , the bigger amount of money was
required), however even if one did not get the high result in exams, to be appointed, and yet
was good enough, he was still awarded a pension from the government, that allowed him to
continue his studies and to take exam next time48.
If someone passed his exams top of the class, he immediately was taken under the wings of a
more experienced official, and thus his career started in the world of intrigues, connections,
mutual contacts and coteries fighting each other. The young graduate, his head full of ideas
he got from all the books he read, he faced the reality, where a promotion required to forget
some of them. If he would be as steadfast in his beliefs as Confucius himself, his career as one
of mandarins would be all but short49.
1.4.2 People
47
Ibidem, s. 56
48
P. R. Moody, Jr., op. cit., s.79
49
Ibidem, s. 80
21
Discussing the exercise of power and its legitimacy one thing cannot be overlooked: how the
subjects perceived those who ruled them, what were their relations with them and with the
Son of Heaven, and how their views differed from the views of the mandarins. The idea of
rebellion against the order of things is thus inseparable from this discourse50.
The simple people, as the social elites called them, lived in the belief that the extrasensory,
spiritual world has a great influence on their daily life. Different beliefs, superstitions about
all sorts of things marked certain standards of conduct. In times of peace the Son of Heaven,
when his Mandate of Heaven has not been challenged, enjoyed widespread respect. People
could hate individual officials, but they believed in the virtues of Huangdi, hence the way of
dealing with evil done by the local administration, was sending a petition directly to the
capital. This part of the Chinese tradition is still alive, the people of the province, if not in
person, then through a letter address to the Beijing's attention their problems and inform about
dishonest officials.
The peasant society was in the vertical dimension ruled by mandarins, and in the horizontal
plane united by their secret societies. In a time of social unrest, these secret societies were
often a major force initiating uprisings, as they possessed a suitable potential due to their size
and well-rooted organizational networks51..
1.5 Traditional uprisings
Throughout history, widespread peasant revolts were common in rural China. Very often in
those event Daoism fulfilled a role of a mystical support of sort, as many frustrated
individuals leaned to that religion. Its basic ideals were spontaneity, non-intervention, non-
functioning (无为 wúwéi), return to nature, Absolute nature, spontaneous, unlimited, original
self-sufficient community, inseparable from metaphysics, mysticism and meditation, the
opposite of man-made civilization, order, state and rationalism. All these was in conflict with
the Confucian duty to the State, regulations, decency and moral imperatives52.
Opposition to the state was not only limited to the opposition to an idea. It took also a form of
popular uprisings that could even lead to the collapse of the whole dynasty. The simple folk
were never a part of the life of the state, and the central government never had an access to
subjects lower than certain level of local administration or that of the local clans53. When this
lack of access was combined with the unbearable pressure from the bureaucracy, when
people's patience reached its limits, then it was possible that riots and social unrest would
start, leading even to revolts. As a direct cause of every social rebellion many factors could be
listed: lack of land good for farms, because of floods, droughts, overpopulation, fiscal
exploitation, or actions of moneylenders. When injustices exceeded all limits, a leader would
appear who gathered a bunch of peasants and led them to the uprising. And then they steered
50
51
D. Zhao, op. cit., s. 40-41
52
Ibidem, s. 156
53
In fact it was the CPC that was able to changed lives of these that were out of control and the sphere of
interest of the Huangdi.
22
their hatred, lust for revenge towards all symbols of the government, starting a civil war.
Destruction and depopulation caused the leaders to calm the public mood by promises of tax
cuts, parceling and redistribution of land, which allowed to return to the (fragile) balance.
A typical peasant revolt expressed social aspirations through religion and their leaders often
gave themselves titles referring to the historical states existing before in the areas of their
actions. This reference to the ancient times was an integral part of Chinese tradition, as
examples of ideal societies, countries, and utopias many thinkers, both Daoists and
Confucianist, were looking for among the legendary Three Dynasties spanning twenty two
centuries BC54 or even further back in time. Peasant movements were "soaked" by the
dreams of idyllic past, and this at the same times was limiting them, as there was no place for
new ideas55.
Each uprising that deposed the old dynasty and put on the throne a new Huangdi, quickly
abandoned their revolutionary ideas, entered into cooperation with the class of educated
people, which had all the necessary knowledge to effectively govern the state and all returned
again to the point where the power was in hands of privileged scholars-officials
(mandarins)56.
1.6 The legitimacy of the communist regime
War with European powers (and with Japan) in 19th c. revealed the weakness of China, which
up to that point was convinced of its civilization's superiority over the rest of the world. The
concept of power based on certain principles and oriented on maintaining the traditional
governance and prosperity has been questioned. Humiliation Chinese had suffered, had an
impact on the emergence of the concept of national reforms, initially under the slogan
"Chinese essence and Western tools,"57 which turned out to be mutually contradictory. Since
learning foreign technology led inevitably to creation of new ideas in ideologies or culture.
The reforms implemented by the imperial government led to significant transformations, but
still could not ensure the safety from foreign powers. Failure of less radical changes provoked
more extreme actions58. The overthrow of the emperor was only the beginning of a painful
period of attempts to modernize China. The dream has become a strong state that would allow
the uplift the Chinese civilization to its rightful place. It has become a primary goal, which
led to a change in the perception of legitimacy. Whoever would provide the power of the
country, would be worthy of the Dragon Throne.
Among the thinkers of this new wave, was a group of young intellectuals of the modern
industrial cities, who believed in the new utopia, based on the ideals of equality, social justice
and all that is associated with created in Europe, socialism and communism. Many of the
demands of communism had much in common with the ancient Daoists dreams of anarcho-
54
J. K. Fairbanks, op. cit., s.31
55
56
Ibidem, s. 159
中体西用 (以中为体，以西为用) zhongti xiyong (yi zhong wei ti, yi xi wei yong)
57
58
D. Zhao, op. cit., s. 41
23
communist paradise. As an answer to the problems of China, these young idealists planned to
introduce the socialist system in the country, with the prospect of a communist future. It
became later a goal that justified all means. People and customs standing in the way would be
sacrificed in the name of a greater good59.
Initially, the Communist Party of China was a small organization of an elite group of educated
representatives of the urban intelligentsia and the working class, which meant nothing among
masses of peasants and farmers living in China. History turned out in their favor, because in
the end a son of a wealthy farmer led the masses of peasants to fight, defeating all adversaries,
wicked and corrupt enemies from the ruling Nationalist Party (Guomindang) and finally sat in
triumph on the Dragon Throne giving rise to a new dynasty (though of course using an
entirely new communist nomenclature). It was Mao Zedong surrounded by a group of trusted
friends and advisors.
The last great peasant revolt in the history of China, despite the new position of China in the
world and ideological influences from abroad, still corresponded to the model of a traditional
peasant uprising60. This uprising however, was distinguished that on its head was a Leninist
party, focused on a specific goal, and which legitimacy was of ideological and charismatic
character61. The newly formed People's Republic of China has provided a strong central
authority, has realized the dreams of many Chinese people who have experienced the misery
of a century of humiliation beginning with the Opium Wars (1839-1842). Mao in 1943 at the
meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC proclaimed that Marxism-Leninism is needed in
China, but should be it had to be adapted to national, purely Chinese needs and conditions. To
control the Middle Kingdom, the Central State, much more important than the knowledge of
Marxism-Leninism ideology was knowledge of China, its needs and habits62, but they could
be modified, if such a necessity would be expressed by the ruling party.
Still, it was a common belief that the Chinese ruler personified the State, was the father of the
country (祖国 zŭguó, country of the ancestors), to whom one should be obedient and loyal,
due to all laws and a morality. The State created a great family, in which the mutual
responsibilities of the government and subject were strictly defined and hierarchical, where
loyalty and allegiance to the state were inseparably connected with loyalty to the emperor -
the personification of the power63.
The CPC wanted to make a number of innovative changes, because as Rana Mitter pointed,
Mao drew a lot of European romanticism, a very important trend during the May 4th
Movement (which in the end was under to the control the Guomindang)64. "Romanticism
strengthen the faith in the transcendent hero, a character able through his willpower to pull all
the people in the future. The element of personality in romanticism also helps to understand
59
D. Zhao, op.cit., s. 41-42
60
E. Balazs, op.cit., s. 160
61
D. Zhao, op.cit., s. 41
62
63
W. J. Dziak, J. Bayer, Mao: zwycięstwa, nadzieje, klęski, ISP PAN, Collegium Civitas, Wydawnictwo Trio,
Warszawa 2007, s. 18-19
64
The May 4th Movement - look to the footnote number 6 in the introduction
24
why frequent comparison of Mao to the emperors, is not quite useful. In his case, it was about
the personality cult which roots were not the traditional rituals (liek the cult of emperor in
China). To create a cult of Mao was necessary a modern concept of the self [...]"65. Still, in the
person of this hero can be seen references to the rebellious Daoism of old days, and the
awareness of the rural masses, already mentioned before, that usually ignored the political
discourse of cities, hardly captured the subtle characteristics of the cult's European origin.
Mao as the Chairman of the PRC, and then only the CPC was still the highest authority in the
country, who like the former emperor would protect people against injustices made by local
authorities66.
Mao Zedong more than adherence to specific principles of an ideology, appreciated

charismatic individuals such as Joseph Stalin and even mentioned repeatedly the first emperor
of the Qin Dynasty. The ideal ruler according to Mao, was a ferocious leader, endowed with
great authority, strong, adamant, having a direct impact on the lives of every man under his
rule. He wanted to lead the masses of people, yet at the same time fully subjugate them67. He
was also characterized by an aversion to the institutionalized politics.
In relation to a human nature, Mao Zedong seemed to share the Legalists' opinion, enriching it
further with a concept of class struggle. Evil, personified by a flexibly understood
bourgeoisie, had to be fought by all possible means. He, therefore, believed that it is possible
to change the human nature, clean the society from "exploiters", or to minimize their activities
in the future through continual revolution realized by repeated at regular intervals propaganda
actions and mass campaigns.
1.6.1 The line of masses
The Communist Party of China brought theoretically something new, but even considerations
of Mao Zedong about Marxist contradiction evoke associations with the Chinese concept of
yin-yang68. So, in proclaimed by Chairman Mao's theory of the line of masses is also reflected
an echo of the Mandate of Heaven. One of the fundamental differences between Chinese and
Soviet communism is the postulate of mass criticism and campaigns. As mentioned Mencius,
also Mao Zedong spoke about mutual ties between a leader and those led in the pursuit of a
higher political morality. While Stalin leaned on the secret police in forcing submission of
the society, Mao called for a bottom-up integration with the class struggle. Of course, the
secret police, as effective as NKVD, was watching Chinese, but the requirement of an active
mass participation in campaigns organized by the state was unprecedented at such a large
scale in other communist countries69. The importance of the secret police was lower than in
Eastern Europe, for the supervision of society was within the framework of internal control
65
R. Mitter, Gorzka rewolucja: zmagania Chin z nowoczesnym światem, Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy,
Warszawa 2008, s. 221
66
J. Rowiński, J. Pawłowski, op. cit., s. 300
67
W. J. Dziak, J. Bayer, op. cit.,
68
69
E. J. Perry, Challenging the Mandate of Heaven, New York 2002, s.X
25
exercised by a number of lesser activists, subjected to verification by the local structure of the
CPC. This way was a natural approach to the Chinese culture70. What also differed the
Chinese revolution was its peasant character. The revolution was carried out by the peasants
and for the peasants as a response to the agrarian and national crisis.
The line of the masses meant that the Party must maintain a strong bond with the said masses,
ie the representatives of the people remaining outside of the structures of the Party. Politics
comes from the masses and is addressed to them. Those in leadership positions in the Party
should examine the problems faced by the masses, so the Party could later determine what to
do about it. Then the Party must convince the masses to their solutions, and when they do not
work properly - modify them. At the same time the task of the Party is to educate the masses,
develop in them a proper worldview. The initiative is therefore on the side of the Party, but its
job is to care for the masses71. When "democracy" established itself in the statements of the
leaders of China in the 70s, for many it meant little more than the above obligations resulting
from the line of the masses. For Mao Zedong, that was the "great democracy" (大民主
daminzhu), expressed in the four liberties: the great debate, broad discussions, a full
presentation of views and hoisting posters of large hieroglyphs72.
The concept of the line of the masses opens the door to criticism of leaders (often
anonymously through the wall newsletter)73 who do not listen and do not implement universal
reforms. Criticized have the right to explain and correct their conduct, and any threats to
people in power is the last resort. Theoretically, there is a space for far-reaching
decentralization of the decision-making process74, but de facto rule was criticizing the persons
designated by the chief. It was simply used as an instrument to fight political enemies.
Communism is in power, because this are the laws of history, however that does not mean the
communist party would be ruling eternally. Each regime can break away from the masses,
give in to demoralizing temptations and privileges, connected to the exercise of power. The
consequence in the end would be the deposal of that government.
There is a similarity here to the role of rulers and officials in the concept of the Mandate of
Heaven and Confucianism. The difference is that the power of Maoism is not from Heaven,
but from the masses. The basis for action and the legitimacy of the CPC's power is the
communist ideology, rather than the traditional morality, but the effects of social discontent
can lead to similar consequences in both cases. Whether Heaven take pity on the people and
70
71
大呜、大放、大字报、大辩论 (Dawu, dafang, dazibao, dabianlun (Wielkie bębnienie, wielkie otwarcie, gazetki
72
wielkich znaków, wielkie debaty). Source: http://www.360doc.com/content/07/0615/15/31242_559918.shtml

73
大字报 dazibao - the newspapers of big characters (hieroglyphs), hand-drawn and put in public spaces (walls
etc) to express opinions, to protest, manifest propaganda materail etc. Their origins are traced back to the era
of the Empire.
74
J. Gray, Rebellions and Revolutions. China from the 1800s to the 1980s, New York 1990, s. 36
26
take back the Mandate from the ruler, or not, it is still the people who depose the bad ruler
with their own hands75.
1.6.2 The Proletariat
Although in theory of the line of the masses the far left of Maoism has progressed to a certain
point where it desired to overthrow the privileged state-party elites76, but it was not the will of
Mao Zedong. The new system assumed the existence of a group leading the masses- the Party.
Liu Shaoqi77, who was among other things, the Chairman of the PRC, Vice-President of the
Communist Party of China (before he fell out of Mao's favor), quoted Mencius when talked
about the training of members of the Party. He compared the nature of Party members to the
wise men (the educated elite Confucian scholars-officials) who, through self-improvement
could harmonize their thoughts, desires and actions to the will of Heaven. Likewise, anyone
can develop the proletarian consciousness, through self-improvement consciously surrender in
thought, word and deed to the Party's discipline giving up any personal gains78. Proletarian
therefore does not mean someone who necessarily must be the factory worker, but a noble
person by the standards of the Party. The Heaven were thus replaced with the man-created
Communist Party of China as the highest point .of reference.
1.6.3 Peasants
An important issue which divided the ideologists of communism in the world, was the
approach toward peasants79. Communism in Marx's concept was originally meant to be,
however, the system built in an industrial society. The Communist revolution in industrially
undeveloped Russia already deviated quite a lot from the original Marxism, and even more in
strongly agricultural and rural China. A good example of such deviation from the original
ideology is the described before specific concept of a proletarian.
The Chinese Communist Revolution emerged on the wave of peasant uprising under the
banner of the liberation of the People- no novelty in the Chinese history. Poorer peasants were
for Mao a befriended class, allied with the proletariat and recognizing his leadership, that is,
de facto, leadership of the Communist Party of China. The peasants, however, were not
passive, and only in exchange for help in solving specific problems were ready to support the
Party, which also limited the freedom of action before the Communists gained full power80.
The poorest considered communist program as serving their interests, the possibility of
75
Ibidem, s. 362
76
It refers to the most anarchistic participants of the Cultural Revolution, 省无联 Shengwulian, Ibidem, s. 362
77
Liu Shaoqi - born 1898, from 1921 in the CPC, from 1927 member of the Central Committee, from 1932 in
Political Bureau; 1943 - 1966 second person in the communist hierarchy after Mao; 1959-1968 the Chairman of
the People's Republic of China (head of state),; the main victim of Cultural Revolution
78
79
Ibidem, s. 178
80
Ibidem, s. 179
27
modernizing the country, more just and strong state government. They also had faith in the
middle classes, thus were willing to copy with certain austerity and repressions81.
After the victory of "their revolution" and the proclamation of the People's Republic of China
in 1949 the Party showed its true face to the peasants, firstly pushing the land reform, then
increasingly tightening loops of collectivization, reaching the absolute level of its
communization in 1958. All in accordance with the adopted by the CPC ideology with
communism as the ultimate goal. The peasants had to wait another three decades, until the era
of Mao Zedong passed, to be able to enjoy the rights which were proclaimed by their
revolution.
1.7 Categorization of the society
In traditional Chinese society, according to the thought of ideals proclaimed by the

Confucians, existed a division to few social groups. At the top was a narrow group of people
who based their position on a high level of education, but in the official propaganda of the
state it were peasants who were the most respected group, as they constituted the vast
majority of subjects of the Son of Heaven. From their hard work in the field came all
prosperity, they have struggled the elements and were the basis of the society. Educated
officials were needed as managers and they were worth as much as their knowledge could
serve the rural people. Less respected were gifted artisans, performing auxiliary work for the
working peasants. Merchants, however, as people themselves not producing anything, and
only earning their living from trading the goods, created by the hard work of others, in
theory, were deprived of noble qualities. In fact due to their financial resources they were in a
privileged position , when it came to paid education and consequently to official posts that
ensured the protection of the family assets82.
The actual valuation of social strata varied depending on the era. In the spirit of the
communist revolution was adopted the terminology of Marxism-Leninism, in which the
working people of town and country were the support of the revolution and in their interest
was to pursuit communism, which was opposed by capitalist class, such as landlords or
people living from trading. Noticeable here was some similarity with the official
interpretation of Confucius.
The issue of class inequality and class struggle was subject of many campaigns after 1949. In
the era of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) semantic context of each social class was
watered down and took the form of labels of political appropriateness, and words like
"bourgeois" or "capitalist" were insults rather than bore a descriptive sense83. After 1949 to
power came a lot of people from the lower classes, the so-called "red" classes replaced at the
helm of representatives attacked and oppressed "black". On the other hand, during the
Cultural Revolution among its fiercest fighters were often children of previously marginalized
81
J. Rowiński, J. Pawłowski, op. cit., s. 314-315
82
E. Balazs, op. cit., s. 153
83
R. Mitter, op. cit., s. 226
28
side "blacks" and objects of their persecution were "red", who pleased with the stability and
social progress, which were guaranteed to them job obtained thanks to their class origins.
1.8 The instruments and the measures of governance
Like many of the historic uprisings, also the Communist Revolution had its ideals and virtues,
which many participants in that revolution was faithful to, and thanks to them have won the
support of the people who rejected the corrupt system of the Republic of China. And just like
after the founding of many ancient dynasties, also in the People's Republic of China, the
promised paradise on earth, this time a communist, turned out to be still somewhere on the
horizon.
As in the past, the new government at the beginning acted brutally and applied mass
repression. Mao Zedong expressed many times his fascination with the first emperor of the
Qin dynasty, even telling that his repressive methods are much more severe than that of his
predecessor two thousand years before.
The era of Mao was a time of shortages, restrictions and overgrown bureaucracy. This was a
time of a Maoists totalitarianism, that was quite similar to Qin models in their way of
governing the state . In both systems were large-scale public works and state monopolies, as
well as forced labor. Central planning of the economy , still compatible with the tradition,
fought with any attempt to undermine the exclusivity of the state. The documentation was
falsified to fit in the plans imposed from the top, to keep the "face" in the eyes of the
superiors. It was done as well to not expose the same supervisors to a risk of losing their face
when they set unrealistic goals84. In the end it was also a chance to gain some personal
favors. State companies had too many employees, and many of resources were simply wasted.
Even the formation of state farms, based on Soviet sovkhozes, the first of which was founded
in Xinjiang by soldiers repeated models of army-farmer colonies founded by previous
Chinese dynasties on the western borders of the Chinese Empire85.
Strong control of public and private life of the early PRC has gone further than the historical
model, the state and the ruling party wanted to transform life of the whole society. The Party
undermined the authority of the family over the individual through organizing a system of
militarized rural communities or factories (单位 danwei)86. Government and party officials
followed in the footsteps of mandarins taking over their position as a privileged group looking
from the top on the rest of the society. They believed themselves to be those "who certainly
know better." Confucianism was replaced with communism, but sill a group that inherited te
authoritarian mentality of the old times survived and had a monopoly on governing the
country87. Still there were many traditional elements that the communist government has
84
Look back to the footnote number 3 from the Introduction
85
86
87
Ibidem, s. 169
29
inherited from the previous system, distancing itself from them verbally, yet using them in
practice.
A new thing used in the People's Republic of China was a skillful use of propaganda,
agitation and other methods that subdued the social masses and made sure that their grass-
roots participation in the class struggle proceeded in a controlled manner. In China, the
Communist, policy has become part of everyday life, because people had to gather at
demonstrations, marches, rallies, meetings of committees and public processes, as well as take
part in theatrical performances, dances, social games. It was a complete change of everyday
life for many people. To all that we should also add newspapers, leaflets, posters etc. All of
this was done in order to put in the heads of people the slogans proclaimed by the government
and influence people to change their beliefs and worldview (to the correct one of course).
Under the influence of all this, the masses of people awoke from their slumber and joined the
political life that for so many centuries was so indifferent to them. One should though ask
himself if that awakening was a conscious one, or was it just an act of imitating the actions of
the Party88 . Thanks to modern media the cult of Mao made the Chairman close and familair
to every Chinese in opposition to the emperors of the past, mysterious, seen only by the
chosen, and at the same time not willing to completely control the whole life of an average
subject.
The mentioned before right to criticize members of the ruling Party was used as an
instrument, a tool to strengthen policies defined by the leaders, as well as their interpretation
of the ideology. It is worth mentioning deportations, as a system of a collective
responsibility, or even forcing confessions through torture, where even a suicide was as an act
of mercy.
Still an unofficial arrangement of connections and powers remained very important in life. A
great problem in times of the Chinese Empire was deeply rooted in the culture importance of
having contacts in right places (关系guānxi) and the use of public positions for solving
private problems of friends and relatives, even if a strong stigma of such corruption was
constantly present in Legalism and Confucianism. After the transfer of power into the hands
of communists traditional patterns of governance gradually resurged assuming alarming size
in every new generation of government. At the same time the official propaganda condemned
nepotism and use of public office for doing favors in the name of guānxi. High levels of
corruption and continuing stigma of this phenomenon seems to be an inherent attribute of the
traditional Chinese authoritarian model of government.
1.9 Conclusions
In this chapter I have tried to show how important is the legacy of the Chinese political
tradition and especially its influence on the Chinese communist thought and practice. Foreign
ideologists have joined the ranks classical cannon, rather than fully replaced it. The influence
88
Etienne Balazs, op. cit., s. 169
30
of Western thought taken through the prism of reform movements of 1920s and 30s was
experienced almost exclusively in cities. Certain concepts, ideas for change replaced Daoism
as a catalyst for rebellion within the intelligentsia. Eventually the winning foreign ideology
was Marxism-Leninism, which is usually said to be adapted to China by the CPC (Mao
Zedong), but one can risk an opinion that what happened was rather adapting Chinese
tradition of authoritarian politics to Marxist-Leninist standards.. Customs and habits of the
ruling elite, were similar to those from the past, even totalitarian ambitions of modern
Leninist party had its prototype in the first totalitarian regime recorded in human history
created by the First Emperor of the Qin Dynasty. Even if in the leadership of the party were
present ideologists who actually were under the strong influence of foreign inspiration still
most of the cadres of the Party derived from the countryside did not understand the nuances of
ideological disputes of previous decades brutally interrupted by Japanese aggression. They
also barely knew even the message of Chinese classics. The new apparatus of power, willy-
nilly, still struggled with the question of cultural identity of the New China aw well with
burden of traditions and beliefs of previous generations.
A specific feature of Chinese political tradition ̶ could also be noticed - times of turbulent
attempts at radical reforms were often, but the situation in the end always headed towards a
more balanced approach. Examples of this could be seen in the era of the First Emperor of
Qin Dynasty, as well in China after the death of Mao. Attempts at drastic transformation of
the society for good never fully succeeded, even leading to results different from what was
intended. An old Chinese proverb says that "the Japanese take extreme choices, either right or
left, but the Chinese (Man from the Middle Kingdom) chooses the middle ", he compromises,
even if it means joining together ideas that are seemingly mutually contradictory. These
combined contradictions, however, may lead to a conflict and instability.
31
Chapter II
PRC during the lifetime of Mao Zedong
2.1 Specificity of political competition
The proclamation of the People's Republic of China on October 1, 1949 was just a beginning
of the turbulent changes that were brought with the rule of the Communist Party. Among
party members were people representing different views on issues of development and social
structure, although theoretically they believed in the same ideology of Marxism-Leninism.
The activists were from different backgrounds. Although the majority came from peasantry,
they still could be from families with different levels of wealth, had various levels of
education. Some knew foreign languages and were abroad, others never left their country.
They varied in their approach to introduction of European socialism in China. On the one
hand there were groups in support of Soviet patterns, on the other hand groups trying to
develop different models of implementation socialism. This variety among the new
communist elites in China had not only a great impact on the country but also had echo in the
events of 1980s.
Over the years, between the so-called radicals and moderates (or pragmatists) was growing a
division, although the line between these two groups was not clear. and identification with
one faction was often more a result of guanxi, rather sharing the same beliefs. The radicals
can be identify with the idea of perpetual struggle. After the defeat of Japan and the National
Party they wanted to sustain war sentiments and use that militarized enthusiasm of the masses
in achieving their own goals. The leader of this movement was Mao Zedong, romantic
believer in the possibility of abrupt changes in both the nature of an individual and a society
as a whole. The moderates were not a homogeneous group. What united them was that they
did relay on rational and empirical beliefs. They were looking for support for their decisions
in economic and social studies as well as in experiences of other socialist countries. This
group included many various factions, with variety of approaches toward the idea of
socialism. They also preferred slow and careful methods of introducing their ideology to
Chinese realities. A model of a collective leadership was a concept closer to them than the one
forced by Mao, although various obligations could lead some of moderates to support people
from radical faction. That rivalry between trends inspired by Mao and pragmatic ideas of
moderates dominated Chinese politics until Zedong's death.
The highest good, the overarching objective was to Mao the revival of the power of the
Middle Kingdom, of course with accordance to his ideas. Everything else could be
subordinate to this goal, regardless of cost, be it material, environmental, or human. Mao
32
Zedong pursued systematically and persistently his vision of China. Skillfully climbed in the
hierarchy of the Communist Party of China rising to leadership roles. During the fight with
the Japanese and the National Party won control over the armed forces of the CPC, he
survived the Grand March, together with other activists he preserved and restored the
potential of the Communist Party. Mao was able to collaborate with other participants in the
political game, only to outmaneuver them, whether it was the National Party, or activists
within his own party organization. It was Mao who gained fame as the winner of the war with
Japanese and nationalists. He had a big influence on the army, which only grew with the next
political campaigns in new China. Even if he had to temporarily withdraw from pursuit of its
political vision on the CPC forum, he still strengthen loyalty to his person in the army.
Controlling the military arm of the Chinese state and the Communist Party allowed Chairman
Mao to return, each time bringing more and more powerful shock.
2.2 Maoist concept of the construction of state power
Mao never stopped to take pride in the fact that the Chinese revolution was an inside
revolution, and not imposed from the outside. Turning China towards the USSR after 1949
was associated with ideological and political option, as well as with lack of choice in the
contemporary world order. Refusal to recognize the PRC in any form by the United States of
America and their support for the National Party regime89 meant that there was no other
reasonable alternative to an alliance with Moscow90.
The period of 1950-1957 was, however, a time of almost mechanical copying of the USSR
model of economy under the slogan "Soviet today is China's tomorrow." However after
Stalin's death Moscow failed to impose unfair treaties and deals on Chine and thus make it
another Soviet "vassal state". Despite a certain degree of dependence, Chairman Mao was
able to largely oppose Stalin if depended on it vital interests of the country and the ruling
party. Thanks to the cooperation with the Kremlin in the first half of 1950s China managed to
gain a lot in the field of economic and politic as well as in military (nuclear umbrella)91.
Relations with the Soviets, however, did not properly work out all the time. After Stalin's
death, Khrushchev, new leader, began the process of de-Stalinization, was therefore
considered by Mao a traitor of ideology92. Still Khrushchev was looking at the Chinese for
89
Wsparcie dla Partii Narodowej nie było jednak aż tak znamienne, jak się temu przypisuje powszechnie
wartość, bowiem chociażby pomoc udzielona w sprzęcie wojskowym dla sił zbrojnych Republiki Chińskiej w
latach 1937-1949 było o połowę mniejsze, niż amerykańska pomoc dla Związku Sowieckiego na poczet walki z
Japonią. Ten sprzęt został następnie podarowany przez Kreml chińskim komunistom. Amerykańscy komuniści
mający swoich przedstawicieli w łonie administracji czynili starania, by reżim narodowców widziany był w jak
najgorszym świetle, podczas gdy chińscy komuniści prezentowani byli jako wiejscy reformatorzy, bez konotacji
komunistycznych.
J. Perloff, China Betrayed Into Communism, witryna internetowa:
http://thenewamerican.com/history/world/1464
90
91
W. Dziak, J. Bayer, op. cit., s. 31
92
Mao nazywał Chruszczowa „trockistą”, co miało związek z jego własną koncepcją i apsiracjami
33
approval of his policies. The Kremlin's policy of post-Stalinist era, has strengthened a belief
in Beijing that Russians lacked strong leaders. Criticism of the cult of personality as a key
element of Khrushchev's policy, launched at the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in February 1956 was as the main target of attacks of Chairman
Mao, whose personal aspiration was to build a cult focused around his person. That trend in
policy of Moscow gave countries of the socialist bloc a new impetus. Part of the Chinese
leadership wanted to take advantage of changes in the atmosphere of their great neighbor and
introduce reforms in their own country. This strongly resembles the situation of the 1980s
and reforms identified with Mikhail Gorbachev. Mao Zedong defended the role of Stalin, his
ways of governance, and also tried to limit the influence of the Kremlin on China by forcing
the native Chinese pattern of development.
China in 1950s tried to act as a leader of newly emerging Third World countries in Africa
and Asia. The years 1953-1955 were a turning point in international relations for the PRC,
because then China took the position of the most active player in the communist bloc93,
although Rana Mitter believes that this role China has not been able to meet. According to
him Chinese approached their new role without conviction, and Mao, despite encouraging
"wars of national liberation," was not feeling too well in the field of foreign policy. But what
is striking, he could take advantage of the opportunity that presented itself later in the days of
the Nixon administration in the United States in 1970s.
China became involved in the Korean War in the years 1950-1953 year. and it for good set
them apart from the United States. The army of Chinese volunteers94 suffered losses close to
a million dead and missing soldiers from the 2.3 million involved in the war. In the wake of
the Korean War, the National Party government in Taiwan has grown in importance in the
foreign policy of the United States. In the course of the war confusion, PRC managed to
annex Tibet.
The three-year war had a negative impact on the Chinese economy, because the expenses
associated with it led to a reduction in the standard of living of its population. This involved,
taking loans from the USSR for the purchase of arms and ammunition, also of the Soviet
production. Sole rescue of Gim Ilseong's (Kim Il Sung)95 regime was not a special
achievement, because only a few years later he became independent from Moscow ,and
shortly after from Beijing.
The Korean War had an impact on the internal policies of the state, in fact it contributed to the
further coarsening of political life, more extensive persecution of political enemies indicated
by the CPC, which were intended to lead to a total transformation of society. It was also a
good impulse to the militarization of social life in the context of a mass campaign under the
slogan "Resist America, help Korea." A "massive internal fight with counterrevolution" had a
place with the participation of urban population. The scale of repression exceed even the
93
94
We should remember that officially it was an army of volunteers.
95
Transkrypcja według poprawionej latynizacji (romanizacji) zapisu języka koreańskiego zatwierdzonej przez
Ministerstwo Kultury i Turystyki Republiki Korei w 2000 r.
34
ambitious targets of the campaign against political reactionaries, criminal gangs and secret
societies of large landowners96. At the same time in the years 1951 to 1952 two other
campaigns were undertaken: "san fan" 三反 against three crimes (corruption, wastage and
bureaucracy) and "wu fan" 五反 against five crimes (bribery, evasion of taxes, theft of state
property, improper exercise of state procurement and obtaining secret state economic
information)97. Also as additional help were created camps of "reform through labor" (laogai)
劳改98. At the same time transformations took place in the countryside, which were related to
the land reform. Its foundation was a partition of big land estates, often already rented by its
owners, into smaller plots, which were later distributed among poorer farmers There is also
happened with repression towards a specific group of landowners, as a part of a mass
campaign mobilizing masses of the rural population. Party apparatchiks organizing violent
action against landlords urged acts of violence targeting the wealthier inhabitants of villages
and the plundering of their belongings. The flexibility of the new government in the process
of social and economic structures reforms in the country, however, contributed to the overall
growth in agricultural production99. Another campaign in 1951 was associated with the
thirtieth anniversary of the PRC. For subsequent events it was the more important as it
showed Mao Zedong as the main symbol of the party and the guarantor of the Chinese
revolution. His ideas were surrounded by a particular admiration and were assigning a
universal meaning100. It was a contribution to the emergence of the cult of Mao which grew
until its climax in the time of the Cultural Revolution.
Difficulties, problems and errors in the realization of the Five Year Plan constituted a threat to
the relatively pragmatic program of development based on Soviet patterns 101. Group
dissatisfied with the reform, increased the power of radical changes, according to the
instructions of Mao Zedong. In 1955 he initiated a political and ideological campaign,
starting with criticism of a group of intellectuals and writers102, and then transformed it into
"sufan" 肃反 against "counter-revolution"" movement. Mao was able to finally push to
accelerate the pace of collectivization of agriculture, exerted increasing pressure to realize his
grand plan of "building socialism in 10 years." There has been actions to accelerate the
transformation of craft, trade and industry, which amounted to implementation in one year a
96
A. Halimarski, „Chińska Republika Ludowa” [w:] Jerzy Ciepielewski (red. naukowa) Dzieje państw
socjalistycznych. PWN. Warszawa 1986, s.401-463. s. 404
97
A. Halimarski, „Powstanie i rozwój ChRL (1949-1957)” [w:]. Kraje Socjalistyczne, Wrocław; Łódź, Zakład
Narodowy im. Ossolińskich 1987, tom II 1986 nr.1-4, s. 159
98
99
A. Halimarski, „Chińska Republika Ludowa”, s. 407
100
Ibidem s. 410
101
Opracowanie tematyki chińskiej autorstwa Andrzeja Halimarskiego napisane jest z perspektywy aprobaty dla
koncepcji marksistowskiej. Autor tej pracy (Kamil Nowak) nie chce polemizować na temat słuszności
marksistowskiej koncepcji gospodarczej, niemniej jednak mianem pragmatycznego w tym kontekście używa do
określenia nurtu polityki KPCh próbującego opierać się o naukowe wytyczne, ekspertyzy, doświadczenie innych
państw i własne obserwacje, co nie znaczy, iż nie popełniającego błędów i nadużyć. Ten pragmatyzm stoi w
opozycji do nurtu określanego mianem radykalnego, czy też lewackiego, który nad teorie ekonomiczne
przedkładał wiarę w siłę mobilizacji ducha mas.
102
Krytyk filozof Hu Shi oraz lewicowy pisarz i krytyk literacki Hu Feng
35
plan originally stretched across 15 years. This rapid development after the first year had a
negative impact on the economy, leading to deficiencies and disorders. It affected badly the
farmers, consumer of goods and services, and in 1956, there were even protests against
reforms103.
Dissatisfaction with the adopted course also had its resonance within the party. It could be
noticed the begging of a cycle of changes in the official Party's line . Alternately dominance
gained the pragmatic, moderate faction or the one which believed in rapid changes initiated by
Mao Zedong. The failure of the "small jump" enabled, transitory as it turned out, return to
power of moderates, which was evident during the first Session of the seventh Congress of the
Communist Party of China (15-27 September 1956), which according to its main architects,
ie, Zhou Enlai104, Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping105, would direct the economy, politics and
ideology of Chins towards pragmatism. The first Session has expressed a critical evaluation
of the Maoist concept of the accelerated pace of development of the country, particularly
denouncing "leftist" tendencies to a rapid build of socialism, disposal of the national
bourgeoisie, lack of understanding of the need for a gradual transition to socialism and
disbelief in peacefully achieving objectives of the socialist revolution106. Of course it was a
toned down criticism, and no names were given. Congress also recognized that socialism has
prevailed over capitalism in China, and a basic contradiction lies between the growing needs
of society, the requirement of rapid economic and cultural development and the weakness and
backwardness of the economy. A new five-year plan for the years 1958-1962 was created in
accordance with principles of the gradual development107.
Officially in PRC there was no cult of Mao, yet a criticism of it served well to weaken the
dominant position of Zedong. In addition, line stating that ideas of Mao Zedong were the
theoretical and ideological basis of the party was removed from the official CPC's statute. The
VIII Congress tried to limit the influence of Mao on the state apparatus. Four positions of
vice-prresident of the Central Committee were created, on which were appointed Liu Shaoqi
as the first Vice-President, Prime Minister Zhou Enlai, Marshal Zhu De108 and leading
economic expert Chen Yun109. They all were either acting against Mao's policies or were
supporting opposition toward him. The position of secretary general of the Central Committee
was brought back to life and entrusted to Deng Xiaoping. Also, a new post of a honorary
chairman of the Central Committee was created, probably to allow Mao retreat from main
politics and save his face and dignity110.
103
A. Halimarski, „Chińska Republika Ludowa”, s. 414-416
104
Zhou Enlai – ur. 1898 r.; współzałożyciel KPCh; od 1949 r. premier ChRL; w l.1949 – 1955 minister spraw
zagranicznych
105
Deng Xiaoping – ur. 1904 r.; od 1924 r. członek KPCh; od 1945 r. członek KC; 1956-1966 sekretarz generalny
partii
106
107
A. Halimarski, “Powstanie i rozwój ChRL (1949-1957)”, s. 172
108
Zhu De – ur. 1886 r.; od 1922 r. w KPCh; w l. 1928 – 1949 współtwórca i głównodowodzący wojsk KPCh
109
Chen Yun – ur. 1905 r.; od 1925 r. w KPCh; czołowy działacz gospodarczy KPCh, odegrał ważną rolę w
przezwyciężaniu skutków „wielkiego skoku”.
110
36
Mao perfectly understood the purpose of these moves, seemingly kept calm and publicly gave
an impression that he fully accepted the new state of things. No one, however, attacked him
personally and his dignity, as a hero of the revolution remained untarnished. From the
beginning, however, he was planning a revenge on political opponents. It was much easier
due to the fact they did not form a uniformed group, but were rather a conglomeration of
people with different views and complex structures of loyalty and familiarity. Already in
November during the second plenum of the Central Committee, Mao decided to act openly,
calling for the introduction of "Chinese methods of building socialism", to break with the
"uncritical imitation of the Soviet solutions, ignoring the Chinese tradition and specificity."
Mao also criticized the five-year plan, accusing it of too slow growth rate, not using in full the
potential of the Chinese people, as well as neglect of enthusiasm of cadres and the masses.
Mao wanted to return to the revolutionary ways from the yan'an111 period and the Long
March, to return to simplicity, modesty, poverty and collectivism. Even appealed to all
officials, part cadres and directors of companies and educational institutions to have moved
from their homes to the barracks112.
This was the beginning of a series of speeches, until in April 1957. the Central Committee
accepted some of Mao's points and adopted a Resolution to expand the campaign "repair
work style," which included introduction of a wide freedom of discussion among
independents and criticism of the mistakes made by the authority. Generally, it captured the
tone and content of the term "shaving system errors, not shear its head" (yes to socialism, no
to distortion). It was an action specific to the subsequent actions of Mao Zedong, who would
use many times mass campaigns officially postulating freedom of criticism to fight his
opponents. Similarly an idea to send senior staff of the party, administration and military to
manual labor alongside farmers and workers was appearing in many future campaigns started
by the Chairman Mao113.
That political game Mao led with his opponents was made even easier due to the international
situation of his times. On the wave of criticism of Stalinism, different satellite countries of
Moscow, witnessed political changes that could jeopardize the Soviet hegemony in the
Communist bloc. The authorities in the Kremlin encouraged Mao Zedong to participate in the
process of restoring the unity of the socialist camp. The criticism of the personality cult had to
give way to actions restoring Soviet power.
Mao used events of October in the Polish People's Republic to build his position in China and
abroad. He supported the Polish leadership as a people devoted to socialism, proclaiming that
they have the right to develop their country by adapting socialism to local conditions. On the
other hand, he defended the leading role of Moscow. During the events in Hungary in 1956
Mao's stance was that the riots were opposing the system, thus Moscow's military intervention
111
Yan'an – główna baza KPCh po Długim Marszu, w latach 1935-1947, do III wojny domowej, gdzie panował
duch wojskowej dyscypliny, a także położone zostały zręby pod przyszłą tożsamość partii. Tam okrzepła KPCh,
przeprowadziła pierwszą masową kampanię, tworzyło zręby silnie zdyscyplinowanej ideologii organizacji
politycznej i wojskowej.
112
113
37
was justified. Example how Chinese approached Polish and Hungarian crises showed that the
fate of these two countries was treated instrumentally in the sole interests of the PRC, which
on the one hand has managed to strengthen its position as a major international political
player and spread outside of China ideas of socialist development adapted to local conditions,
and on the other hand helped to maintain power and the prestige of the USSR as an important
and useful ally114.
Mao criticized the XX Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU),
believing that they not only rejected Stalinism, but also crippled Leninism, thus harming
socialism and revolution. Continuing to follow the Soviet patterns at this point, according to
Mao was a threat to China and could threaten to stability of the new political order. To
achieve its objectives, Mao accepted the thesis that the only consequence of Khrushchev's
initiated de-Stalinization, is an increase in social unrest, open rebellions and anti-system fight
in countries where they mimicked the new Soviet political line115.
Mao knew that the greatest opposition to his ideas represented the old party cadres. To them
his ideas were too radical, suitable to time of war, but not to time of peaceful recovery.
Therefore, he decided to ask young people for their support. Although Mao went a step
further towards greater control over the party, still his faction remained in the minority, and
the current situation in the CPC was very complex and confusing. For important and
influential enemies of Mao problematic was fact, that they were not a cohesive group not
connected by structures or by informal common political program. They acted passively
trying to stop Mao with a hope that he eventually would discredit himself. Meanwhile, Mao
was determined, prepared to fight, knew his capabilities and systematically planned next steps
in the struggle with his opposition116.
Another campaign from 1956 that helped forcing ideas of Mao was launched under the slogan
of "Let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred scholars compete with each other", known
also as the Hundred Flowers campaign, or 双百 "shuang bai '(two times a hundred). It meant
a loosening of censorship of literature and art, as Mao tried to tighten the relationship of
intelligentsia with the revolution. The campaign was successful, even when it faced reluctance
from the party circles . "Shuang bai" had also an international side, as was meant to show that
China is a country of greater freedom, tolerance and pluralism than the Soviet Union. In the
period between January and March 1957 Mao requested to extend that campaign and include
in it politics and ideology. The Chairman advised to not be afraid of possible disturbances,
114
J. Rowiński, „Słowo wstępne” [w:] Polski Październik 1956 w polityce światowej. Red. J. Rowiński, PISM,
Warszawa 2006, s. 9-10
J. Rowiński, „ChRL a wydarzenia październikowe 1956 r. w Polsce. Czy Chińczycy uchronili nasz kraj
przed radziecką interwencją?” [w:] Polska-Chiny: Wczoraj, dziś, jutro (w 60-lecie stosunków), red. B. Góralczyk,
Wyd. Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2009
Z. Shen, D. Li, „Kryzys w Polsce 1956 roku i stosunki polsko-chińskie widziane z Pekinu” [w:] Polski
Październik 1956 w polityce światowej. Red. J. Rowiński, PISM, Warszawa 2006, s.71-108
115
W. Dziak, J. Bayer, op. cit., s. 51-52
116
Przewodniczący jako znawca literatury klasycznej, dobrze pamiętał słowa Sun Zi z jego „Sztuki wojennej”, że
aby wygrać zmagania z wrogiem, należy dobrze znać zarówno siebie, jak i przeciwnika, i Mao zdawał się być
właśnie najlepiej rozeznany w ówczesnej sytuacji politycznych intryg na komunistycznym dworze.
38
strikes and demonstrations. He said that it is necessary to reveal contradictions and conflicts,
listen to reasonable demands, and fight the ones deemed unreasonable with adequate
arguments117.
Freedom of political debate was meant to give to Maoists the opportunity to openly express
their views, that were contrary to the official party line. Mao wanted to liberalize public
debate calling to tolerate criticism and dissent. The period from January to May 1957 as a
result of these political decisions was a time of quite violent, but in fact marginal verbal
attacks against the communist regime, to a lesser extent on its ideological foundation, and
much more on its actions. Of course also appeared opinions that questioned the whole system.
The debate had come to a stage, where intellectuals wondered whether the CPC is in fact
needed, and whether there was a possibility of its removal from the power or change its role
in a pluralistic society. The result of the Hundred Flowers campaign was quite different from
the original intentions of Mao. It showed that he was unaware of sentiment among people.
Face the failure of his original plan, the Chairman began to say that the campaign was a form
of provocation aimed to expose the enemies of the revolution. Thanks to this change, the
campaign become Mao's success, and he himself gave an impression that everything was pre-
planned by him from the beginning. The freedom of speech came to a quick end in June 1957,
and began persecutions of those who put their trust in Mao and revealed their doubts. At the
same time the repression associated with the Hundred Flowers Campaign coincided with the
campaign to improve the work style, starting times of terror and various pressures put on
citizens. This schematic of a campaign was repeated many times when ruling politician
allowing some sort of freedom of speech and later, after obtaining his targets, repealing it,
even if that meant repressions, especially when the criticism considered his own actions . Mao
allying himself with his rivals within the party against intellectuals attacking the CPS with
their demands led to a launch of a new campaign against right-wing supporters, which swept
over the country, all regions of the province-level districts and villages, reaching almost every
state institution, workplace, school, university etc. People hanging out newsletters of large
hieroglyphs accused others, and even themselves of sometimes a completely imaginary
offenses. 3-5 million "rightists" were revealed in the society, that is, about half of all educated
Chinese at that moment. More than 500,000 people were deported to labor camps, dome were
executed. In the CPC as rightists were considered mainly those who during the campaign of
repair of work style were accused of "dogmatism, opportunism, detachment from the masses
and rightist deviation", who were often in opposition to Maoists. Mao wanted to unification of
the whole society in a single program trying to eradicate any form of opposition. One was
guilty, whom Mao considered as such118. This action alienated intellectuals and again
established among them distrust towards the authorities. This was accompanied by extensive
purges in the party, and administrative repressions, which allowed Mao Zedong to paralyze
the opposition creating the conditions for a revision of assumptions of "the general party line
of the transitional period" and resolutions of the Eighth Congress, as well as rehabilitate the
policy of "small jump" from the years 1955-1956119. The VIII Congress turned out to be only
117
118
119
39
an episode, which failed to prevent the implementation of plans of Mao. In one year "new
course" was sanctioned by the Third Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPC (20.09-
9.10.1957)120.
To control intelligentsia and academic communities (especially students), a system of control

and monitoring was created, planned both at the macro and micro level - from placing
universities in the same city districts, to a system of surveillance and control on campuses,
both in the classroom, as and canteen and dormitory. All universities in China are built
according to a similar scheme. Most of them are separated from the rest of the city by a wall.
On the campus are restaurants, canteens, cinemas, hospital, post office, hairdresser, shops,
sports and leisure centers etc., so that students can even do not go beyond the walls of the
campus. Most of them live in the dorms, in one room even from 6 to 8 people placed together.
Students working on MA and PhD can count to get a four- and double rooms respectively121.
This made invigilation and peer surveillance much easier. In times of Mao a large group of
apparatchiks was responsible for overseeing the affairs of students. Each university had its
Committee of the Communist Party, which deputy secretary served as chairman of the
Committee for Student Affairs. Under him were the Department of Youth (or Student Affairs)
and the Office of Student. Each university department had the Student Affairs Committee,
which consisted of deputy secretary of that department's branch of the CPC , vice-president of
the department and the department secretary of the Communist Youth League. Under them
were classes tutors (班主任 bānzhǔrèn) and political instructors (辅导员 fǔdǎoyuán), many of
whom were professionals. They dealt with the indoctrination and supervision of students at
the core of their daily lives, not only in the classroom but also in the dorms. Political
instructors had the help of several volunteers from among students who reported to them
about their colleagues. The student volunteers expected to be rewarded in the form of
membership in the party, granting of a good job, or managerial positions. On the other hand,
the penalties meted out for inappropriate beliefs and attitudes represented a real threat and
acted effectively enough to the imagination. A sole threat of sending the guilty student to
work in the countryside - as in force was employment order tended to be convincing
argument to obey the rules, because it was the university that was responsible for finding jobs
for its graduates. This system of mutual surveillance of students demanded a strong
ideological foundations, cooperation with state surveillance in faith that is a right and
profitable choice. all of this was supported by the atmosphere of large collective community
of students122.
2.3. The balance of the experiment the "three red flags" 1958-1960
As far as relations with the USSR were deteriorating on one hand, and on the other hand
relations with the United States were still blocked, in the late '50s China entered a period of
isolation, and its government was increasingly focused on its internal affairs. In the spirit of
120
121
D. Zhao, op.cit., s. 244-246
122
Ibidem., s. 102-106, 88
40
finding their own path of development and outrun other countries, Mao pushed decisions
which aim to lead to a sharp growth of economy123.
Mao also sought ways to totally control the CPC. A special aura was created that enshrined
Mao (not without his own inspirations), and made very difficult to criticize his ideas and
actions. Paeans in his honor were written, everywhere were pictures of the Chairman, but still
this level of praise was far from how he was worshipped during the "cultural revolution".
Three ideas called "three red banners": a new general line of party, a great economic leap and
people's communes were intended to help in implementation of a national development plans
that aimed to transform in record time the Middle Kingdom into a socialist superpower with
modern industry, agriculture, science and culture in record time. This concept of development
was different from the one from years 1949 to 1956, which was modeled after the Soviets.
The new concept was also far from Khrushchev's promises of material wealth to the citizens
of the USSR, however, it had much in common with the "little jump" from 1955-1956. The
new "general line" meant nothing less than the subordination of CPC policy to radical ideas of
Mao Zedong, the other two standards were therefore somewhat derivative of that "general
line." Mao predicted that thanks to the strategy of "three red banners" China will overtake the
Soviet Union on the road to communism124, in 15 years will catch up and overtake Britain125,
reached the position of an independent power and Mao would become a true and respected
international statesman.
Chinese executives giving in to Mao wanted to catch up with the other powers to which China
represented an underdeveloped, backward country. They seen their strength in demographics,
in a great potential of over 600 million citizens. Their poverty and illiteracy were would be a
better motivation to sacrifices and obedience towards authority126. Mao saw in them the
strength to realize his most ambitious and boldest concepts.
Of course, the Chinese leadership did not entirely agreed with the policies advocated by Mao
Zedong. Chairman having no clear support for his policies in the Political Bureau of CPC and
the government, initiated grassroots action, continuing initiations of mass campaign to
strengthen his position in relation to the rest of the party. In the spring of 1958. a campaign
was unleashed criticizing "pessimistic views" and "shattering of blind faith in authorities" It
was aimed to break the resistance of experts opposing to the drastic increase in planned tasks.
In the end, the second session of the Eighth Congress of the CPC (5-23 V-1958) taking place
in a completely different atmosphere than the first session, changed the plan of establishing a
new line of party general compatible with the demands of Mao and the slogan "more, faster,
better, economical"127. Second Session of the Eighth Congress adopted significant in
consequences program of local industry development, mass primitive smelting of steel, the
123
124
125
A. Halimarski, „Chińska Republika Ludowa”, s. 418 We wrześniu 1958 r. Mao skrócił ten okres do 7 lat
126
127
41
development of small industrial plants, mines, but all without the use of modern methods,
relying heavily on faith in human fanatical zeal128.
In agriculture, the process of communization has expanded to the entire Chinese countryside,
99% of all farms existing in China joined communes. A single commune consisted on average
of 20-30 cooperatives, a 25-50 thousand farmers, and worked in five areas129. People's
commune was to become the nucleus of a future communist society. Old family structures
under the influence of land reform, collectivization and living in communes weakened, the
role of the leader of the clan and respect for elders diminished. The role of the family Has
weakened, the commune would be an entirely new, militarized unit of social organization.
The role of the armed forces increased as a model of conduct for the people and the support
system of governance130.
Utopian plans of communization of towns were completely rejected at the turn of 1958 to
1959 together with a rapidly deteriorating economic situation and supply, in the countryside
gradually abandoned the various "communist" solutions and restored the right to own plots of
land, pay for the work etc. In view of the failures of the slogan of "jump" transition to
communism, it was being replaced by the concept of gradually reaching it. An expression of
dissatisfaction with the direction in which China was heading were meeting of party bodies,
such as the first session of National People's Congress of the Second Term (IV 1959). It was
held when Mao left the position of President of the PRC, still keeping position of the
Chairman of the CPC. The Eighth Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPC in Lush (2-16
VIII 1959 r.) was a witness to a serious confrontation of a general lien of the party, mainly
due to Marshal Peng Dehuai's131 letter to the chairman of the Central Committee132. Mao has
been subjected to criticism for his economic experiments, as well as violations of the
principles of collective leadership of the party. Contradictions of the Eighth Plenum had their
expression in Mao's decisions to confess to some errors during the implementation of the
"great leap forward " program, but at the same times its general assumptions, the source of
Mao's policy, remained outside evaluation. Lack of unity within the party (split into 3
factions), left a situation still unclear, and Mao Zedong wanted to continue to push his ideas
using a mass campaign, this time "against right-wing opportunism"133.
128
129
These five arease were: industry, agriculture, trade, education & national defense. A. Halimarski, „Chińska
Republika Ludowa”, s. 419
130
131
Peng Dehuai – ur. w 1898 r., marszałek Chińskiej Armii Ludowo-Wyzwoleńczej, dowódca wojsk partii
komunistycznej w toku wojen z Japończykami, Partią Narodową, a także w wojnie koreańskiej. Witryna
internetowa: http://pwencycl.kgbudge.com/P/e/Peng_Dehuai.htm
132
List Peng Dehuaia krytykował ekonomiczne koncepcje Mao, odejście od zasady planowego
proporcjonalnego rozwoju gospodarki, forsowanie gigantycznych inwestycji bez uwzględniania realnego
potencjału, błędy w zarządzaniu, chaos, marnotrawstwo, itd., krótko mówiąc całą koncepcję „skokowego
rozwoju”. Osoby wyrażające aprobatę dla treści tego listu, wspólnie określono mianem „kliki Penga”, mimo że
nie łączyły ich często żadne wystarczająco bliskie powiązania, by móc ich zaszeregować jako jedną grupę.
Szermowanie „klikami”, „bandami”, czy „frakcjami” było typowe dla KPCh, gdy chciano osoby o odmiennych
poglądach potępić zbiorczo jako współpracujących ze sobą i planujących wspólnie spisek działaczy.
133
42
Policy of "three red banners" brought gigantic losses and extremely serious consequences.
Mao blamed for it ,opposing him activists, who deliberately badly fulfilled (torpedoing) his
right guidance. The pragmatists, in turn, looked for the main problem in faulty ideasof Mao.
The militarization of the economy had a devastating impact on the economic base, led to the
disappearance of economic incentives, inhibit technological progress and productivity. It was
accompanied by not following technological standards, shortages of resources, relaxation of
labor discipline. "Little metallurgy", ie action, to ensure an increase in the production of steel
by the use of small furnaces built by farmers turned out to be a total failure. Steel produced in
a primitive manufacturing process was of low quality, its production costs exceed the cost of
smelting in steel mills, often this steel was simply useless. Another problem was the
disruption of the ecosystem's balance caused by cutting down trees and shrubs for firing in
primitive furnaces134. Because of detachment from work in the fields of millions of peasants
who have been sent to the construction of roads, canals, dams, irrigation systems and mining,
agricultural production was much lower than the possible potential. Many of the projects have
been abandoned, and most have been implemented with the use of poor technology135. Food
shortages lead to diseases of malnutrition, indirectly contributing to the deaths, and worse,
directly to starvation. Number of people who died in this manner is assessed differently, from
a dozen or so (although there are men mentioning, "just" a few millions) million up to more
than forty million136. Even if these figures are very exaggerated, shortages of food and hence
failure of agriculture subordinated to the idea of communization, were perceptible. On the one
Because of the lack of worker, good crops were not fully harvested, which in combination
with other negligence led to disastrous consequences in the face of natural disasters137.
Another factors affecting the ecological balance was a campaign against the four plagues
(rats, flies, mosquitoes and sparrows). Killing most of the sparrows led to an increase in pest
populations exacerbating damage to the harvest of crops. utopian, voluntary approach to
science and education has led to the impoverishment of artistic and literary creativeness, and
the number of higher education institutions has significantly decreased138.
Social discontent was expressed in many protests. Throughout rural areas spread a wave of
people's unrest and even armed uprisings and murders staff officers. Mao Zedong finally
admitted that 30% of people supported the Communists, 30% against and 40% is just waiting
to see what would happen139. It was not easy to challenge the validity of the further
implementation of the policy of "three banners", as the facts were ignored, and false statistics
were strengthened the conviction of the rightness of the course.
Criticism of economic experiments within the party, although very brave and radical, was still
far from the condemnation of Mao Zedong, a symbol of the party, and a direct attack on his
person would undermine the authority of the whole apparatus of power. Mao's opponents
134
135
Mizerny poziom tam udowodniła powódź w prowincji Henan w 1975 r., kiedy puściły budowane kilkanaście
lat wcześniej tamy.
136
137
138
Zmalała z poziomu 1058 w 1958 r. do 227 w 1961 r. W. Dziak, J. Bayer, op. cit., s. 156
139
43
lacked decisiveness, were inconsistent, often guided by their opportunistic motives or simply
were afraid to criticize Chairman's ideas. Because of that not before January 1961 the Ninth
Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPC adopted a new "course of regulation,
strengthening, replenishing and improving of the national economic" while still formally
expressing an opinion on the fairness of the course of "three red banners". By then the failure
of the policy of the "great leap" was already obvious and social and economic problems
dangerously exacerbated, economic development was stopped, and production dropped
severely". Restoration of free-market practices in agriculture quickly led to make up of losses.
In 1965, agricultural production was already bigger than seven years earlier. It was also a time
for greater freedom of opinion, of appreciation of the qualifications and abilities, but also new
benefits for managers and researchers140.
The failure of the experiment the "three banners" was the reason for the next wave of
criticism within the party. According to Liu Shaoqi, "in three parts natural disasters were
guilty, and in seven a man." CPC General Secretary Deng Xiaoping also spoke critically. It
struck Mao and was contradictory to his assessment of the situation, which blamed mostly
unfavorable natural conditions and field personnel mistakes. Eventually admitted to the co-
responsibility and made a self-criticism, for the first time since 1949141. This had a bearing on
his later relations with Liu Shaoqi, had a huge impact on the future plans of mass campaigns
and fighting opposition within the CPC. It is significant that, in the face of subsequent errors
of Mao Zedong, his most important critics still have not spoken out expressly against the him,
did not specify the full source of the crisis, which probably was the result of the Chinese
mentality of maintaining a good image (face) of the whole group, in this case the CPC, but
also gave a chance to take revenge later. Criticism of Mao by people outside of the party was
even more difficult, but intellectuals, continuing Chinese tradition, expressed dissatisfaction
with rulers through parallels and historical allusions142. Still for most Chinese subtle political
games were unnoticeable, and the person of Mao was still in high regard.
"Three red banners" experiment not only stopped the development, but also backed China a
few years back, which with a growing population made it even more difficult to takea stable
path of growth. But, looking at the wider perspective, more meaningful from the point of view
of the characteristics of the PRC political struggle, the painful experience was still not enough
to overcome the party differences in the leadership and determination of a clear vision of
modernization. After the September Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee of the CPC (14-
18 January 1961) there was no certainty about the permanence of the new course of internal
policy. On the one side were hard pragmatists (Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Chen Yun, Deng
Xiaoping), on the other side, Mao Zedong who adapted to the new situation by proclaiming
the theory of the "wave of development of the socialist economy" and "cyclical nature of the
process of socialist construction143."
140
Do przywilejów należały m.in. specjalne miejsca w autobusach czy robienie zakupów bez kolejki. A.
Halimarski, „Chińska Republika Ludowa”, s. 423-425, W. Dziak, J. Bayer, op. cit., s. 188-189
141
142
Ibidem, s. 194
143
44
One more time a scenario of repairing damage caused by a small jump from the 50s was
repeated. This time the improvements of period of "adjustment" (1961-1965) also contributed
Mao Zedong, as a developing country could breathe freely for a while, and chairman of the
Central Committee calmly continued his policy of extending the scope of influence in the
Chinese People's Liberation Army. The situation in military was different than in the party.
Since the start of the PRC, Mao continually strengthened his authority in the army, while in
the party cyclically he suffered defeats. Similarly in the field of education, the role of ideas of
Mao Zedong, the prestige of his people, the idealization of achievements in the war with
Japanese and nationalists, constituted a vast field of immense support among the masses of
young people. The shortcomings of the pragmatists' reform program, difficult to immediately
terminate problems of e backwardness and underdevelopment (exacerbated by the Maoist
course "three red banners"), were further source of social unrest. These factors together
accounted for a dangerous mix, which China would witness as early as five years after the
IXth Plenum of the CPC's Central Committee, which decisions have proven to be as
impermanent as these of first session of the Eighth Congress.
2.4 The result of the "cultural revolution" of 1966 - 1976
The leadership of the CPC a conflict was still present, it was impossible to develop a
consensus on the vision of the modernization of China that would make it a world power
truly worthy of title of the Middle Kingdom. Mao Zedong, despite his advanced age, did not
succumb to adversity from the party members hostile to his romantic and voluntarist vision of
accelerated "jump" development. He wanted to continue to govern and did not like the way
the pragmatic Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun forced the end of "three red
banners". Mao was also worried by slow expiration of revolutionary fervor,. He still believed
that an individual can lead people to greatness thanks to the strength of willpower. He was
attracted to the vision of the masses as a revolutionary force and want to bring them back to
direct political life. The supporters of Chairman Mao wanted to push through Maoist program
of war communism (according to the Yan'an formula144), which eventually led to power
struggle and the "great proletarian cultural revolution145".
According to the opinion of Rana Mitter "Cultural Revolution in China was mainly caused as
a result of one man's obsession, afraid to lose both, the purity of his revolution, and his own
position. It was kind of the ultimate result of the darkest side of May 4th Movement, that is
obsession with youth, the destruction of the past, arrogance resulting from the conviction of
the superiority of their chosen system of thought, cosmopolitanism, putting critical questions
and universalism ". The Cultural Revolution as the May 4 Movement wanted to achieve
"awareness of the Enlightenment." by the rejection of the past146. Mao in his decisive battle
wanted to lead the young people who were already born in the People's Republic of China,
144
Patrz przypis nr 107
145
146
45
educated according to the new ideological standards, filled with youthful idealism and vigor.
Mobilization of the youth was also less burdensome for the economy than detachment from
the labor of the working masses147. The appeal to young people already had its counterpart not
only in the earlier campaigns of Mao, but also in mass movements, such as Taiping148.
Rhetoric of the juvenile revolutionaries quickly took vindictive and extremist character, which
was accompanied by the words of Mao, that "the revolution is not a dinner with invitations,
it's uprising, an act of violence149" . Moreover, Mao himself called his young followers "little
devils".
Mao began making preparations for a new spurt, since his "return to power" on the X Plenum
of the Central Committee of the CPC in 1962. Maoist success depended more on Chairman's
control over armed forces, than on masses of fanatical youth, that was easy to incite, but
difficult to stop. Therefore, between 1964 and 1965 new purges took place in the army. Just
after the start of the "cultural revolution" security services were subordinated to the military,
which also took control over the media and means of communication. The army became a
core serving implementation of Mao's plans. At that point he could initiate a campaign called
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. It was at the extended meeting of the Political
Bureau of the CPC's Central Committee in May, and at the XI Plenum of the Central
Committee in August 1966. The campaign's first stage was intended to last until IX Congress
of the CPC in April 1969 and was dominated by youth militias of Red Guards (红卫兵 Hong
Wèibīng) and the Revolutionary Rebellion (革命造反 Geming zàofǎn)150. Mao presented the
"Sixteen Demands" calling for the great revolution "in order to reach the soul of the people".
He said that the move is aimed primarily at people who are in power, who are "walking o nthe
capitalist way," and who are "a new class of red mandarins" with interests contrasting the
interests of the workers and farmers. He called for a revolt under the slogan "bombard the
headquarters151".
According to official slogans would be "the greatest revolutionary transformation of society

unparalleled in the history of mankind," whose idea it was to remove the four relics: old ideas,
old culture, old customs and old habits.152 Despite this, tradition played a large role in the
course of the Cultural Revolution153, the language of revolution was itself a kind of
mythology154. Organizers also referred to the traditional color of happiness ─ red. The
147
Ibidem, s. 206-207
148
Taipingowie – 太平天国 (Tàipíng Tiānguó , Niebiański Kraj Pokoju i Bezpieczeństwa), buntownicy opierający
się o synkretyczną koncepcję religijną mieszającą chrześcijaństwo z wierzeniami bardziej rodzimymi dla Chin,
którym przyświecało ustanowienie nowego porządku na obszarze Chin. Do wybuchu powstania doprowadziła
pogarszająca się sytuacja kraju po wojnach opiumowych
149
Cytat za J. Fenby, op. cit., s. 598
150
151
J. Fenby, op. cit., s. 604
152
Ibidem, s. 597
153
Czego przykładem byli choćby czyli młodzi czerwonogwardziści (红卫兵Hóng Wèibīng hungwejbini)
154
„Burżuazyjno-kapitalistyczni kontrrewolucjoniści” byli współczesną wersją tradycyjnych złoczyńców.
Sięgnięto po terminy tj. „niecne potwory i demony, jadowite skorpiony i bawole żmije”, i to jeszcze w toku
kampanii poprzedzających stricte rewolucję kulturalną. A. Halimarski, „Chińska Republika Ludowa”, s. 432
46
symbolic model for Mao was the Monkey King, a mythical hero, of the novel "Journey the
West" (西游 Xiyouji), who challenged the Heavens. Mao spoke of his intentions in a
language of pathos and pride155. The driving force behind the new stage of the revolution was
a cult of Chairman Mao. The Little Red Book written by him was treated like a sacred
writings, and his maxims as a belief system, At the end of 1966., when "Cultural Revolution"
took on a broader and more comprehensive nature, Mao gained the official quadruple title of
the (四大 "a possible" quadruple great): "great Teacher, great Leader, great Commander and
the Great Helmsman of China" (and also "Red Sun" and the "Messiah of the Working
People"); he was worshipped almost as a deity156.
Center directing "cultural revolution" was to be a group for. Cultural Revolution of the
Central Committee under the leadership of Chen Body and his deputy, Jiang Qing. Reported
directly to the chairman of the CPC Central Committee, headed the struggle against the
camera partyjnemu, as well as the activities of the Red Guards and Revolutionary Rebellion,
but beyond the general outline and passwords, the program lacked positive. The immediate
surroundings of Mao became part of the "Proletarian Headquarters" who has the real power in
the country and the party. Other organs of the state practically does not work, the National
People's Congress at the helm, the majority of MPs received mandates. In an atmosphere of
terror fired a number of administrative staff, which also hit the government of the PRC. The
peak of the attack in the state apparatus was appealed PRC chairman Liu Shaoqi without any
constitutional procedures. Epithets after Liu Shaoqi address such as "renegade chief of the
CPC and the capitalist derelict" was only the beginning of the persecution. Liu Shaoqi was
officially condemned as a "traitor, scab, highly poisonous renegade and unique scumbag".
Chairman of the PRC in the end he died deprived of medical care and brought to the terrible
state on November 12, 1969. Deng Xiaoping was released from all, title, although personal
liking Mao Zedong allowed him to survive. Xiaoping's younger brother committed suicide,
and his son dropped out of the building leading to permanent disability. Keeping alive the
person representing the views of Liu Shaoqi was an example of inconsistency chairman of the
Central Committee to come to a private voice over specifically pojmowanym sympathy "good
revolution."
The first incident involving young people from the magazine began the great characters
(hieroglyphics) (大字报 Big-character poster) at Peking University (campaign "hundred
flowers" was also associated with this place). The specificity of the Chinese universities,
dense clusters of mutually inwigilujących students favored mass mobilization of students.
There were rallies in support of the joyful atmosphere, which, however, has been
accompanied by the abandonment of moral brakes leading to the obscene behavior of young
people. The campaign quickly also reached Shanghai, where hoisted 88,000 newspapers great
characters, and demonstrations attended by 2.7 million people. Suspended classes in schools.
Discernment of the situation in the CPC was not clear, some leaders were convinced that
these events are just a replay challenge, as campaign "hundred flowers". Liu Shaoqi and Deng
155
Cytat za J. Fenby, op. cit., s. 603
156
The Mao Cult, Witryna internetowa: http://chineseposters.net/themes/mao-cult.php
47
Xiaoping denounced the event as a "counter-revolutionary", directed at the so-called
universities. crews working to resolve the situation. Ministry of Public Security police banned
while agitatorską interfere with the activity of the students. The actions of the Red Guards
intensified, abundance consecutive rallies gathering in Beijing on the Square Gate of
Heavenly Peace (Tiananmen Square, Tiananmen 天安门广场 Guǎngchǎng) reached millions
of people. It started kind of pilgrimages Red Guards around the country who are for them the
equivalent of the Long March. Engaging students elementary and secondary schools, streets
were given new revolutionary names, attacked the western style of dress, individuality and
fashion. They destroyed many forms of entertainment ie. To the poker cards, closed
restaurants and laundries, an important objective was also to destroy the family structure and
to make children denuncjowały parents (students have long been reported to his fellow
academics). Since the tragedy of the Great Leap Forward was previously a dramatic fall in
industrial employment, and young people entering the working age were coming, life was for
them tedious and subject to strict limits, and pushing for an attack on the "red mandarins" of
elite power apparatus as guilty they could win broad support. All this made for a very lively
start of the Cultural Revolution, during which the activities of the Red Guards (红卫兵 Hong
Wèibīng) and revolutionary rebellion (革命造反 Geming zàofǎn), it seems that exceeded
expectations and scared in the end even the instigator of the "cultural revolution" treats the
them instrumentally.
The victims of the revolution could become both victims and punishment of individual mass
murder. Most people behaved but life being exposed to brutal hatred séances during rallies
shame and condemnation. In fact, every act of daily activities properly interpreted by the Red
Guards could become the basis for the attack. Representatives of national minorities forced to
zuniformizowanego model Maoism, looted objects of worship, large-scale revolutionary
militias robbed of a cultural, gold, etc. In Beijing alone 72% of recognized objects of
historical value were destroyed, and the Forbidden City defended by Zhou Enlai's orders to
force armed arrived at the place and closed object. Were widespread attacks on teachers, there
were also torture and murder. Over time, the campuses of Beijing and Shanghai, and later in
other cities there were divisions between factions of Red Guards, which led in the spring,
1967. Fighting paramilitary organizations. "Diablęta" Mao also destroyed property, took part
in the clashes gangs, petty crime, acts of hooliganism, harassed girls and "very ugly to
express." Occasionally, but nevertheless, there have to cannibalism, especially in the region of
Guangxi Zhuang-.
Mao wanting to take advantage of "cultural revolution" to transform the CPC in a new, fully
surrendered his party was by no means a supporter of passwords getting closer to anarchism
flowing from the revolutionary militia. In the second half of 1967. CPC began the process of
rebuilding the new rules, and swell the ranks of its active supporters of the "cultural
revolution". Red Guards called for the return to their homes, and workers to maintain the
eight-hour working day. The management revolution did not want to let on the full flowering
of spontaneity "cultural revolution". When in January 1967. Trying to free themselves from
the shackles of rigid bureaucracy workers on the model of the Paris Commune of 1871.
48
Kolektywizując founded the Shanghai Commune local assets freeing up of capital, the central
government intervened by taking control of the movement.
Mao decided to use the army, which has always been the main instrument for its activities, to
partially control the situation. In March 1967, the Commission issued the CPC Central
Military okulnik to extend the competence of the Chinese People's Liberation Army
(Zhongguo Renmin Jiefang 中国人民解放军 Jun, halva) to the pacification of order and
stability. There has been a first attempt (next autumn 1968). Pacification of the various Maoist
groups that certain provinces of the country led to a situation of civil war. Mao Group on
Cultural Revolution decided that the army has gone too far, resulting in a "revolutionary
extremists' chance to counter-stroke. He decided to arm "workers and students" to the
revolution swept "more radical new force" to prevent "the progress of revisionism and
reaction." This meant a return to the situation before the military intervention, once again
battles occurred in many provinces and cities. Great Helmsman apparently feared the
domination of the "cultural revolution" by the armed forces and reached the very large range
of power, the more that were supposed to be according to the designs of Mao fully submissive
to him. It was only in 1968. Ordered to cease distribution of weapons and the return, and the
army was again to be a force that will restore order and will appoint his men positions in the
civil administration. As an excuse to pickup weapons was elected a non-existent plot. In total,
only in 1968. As a result of violence in China have killed approx. 650 thousand. people. Mao
again began the process of pacification and restore control. He said that the future belongs to
"the great Triple Alliance" of revolutionary masses, kadrowców and soldiers, which meant the
abandonment of the Red Guard as shock troops, and the new outpost of the revolution were to
be workers. 12 million young people were sent to the provinces, mainly in the communes in
the country, and sent to the factories to "download teachings" of the proletariat and the
peasantry.
The second phase of the "cultural revolution" began with the IX Congress of the CPC (1-24
April 1969).. At this stage clarified three factions in the Chinese leadership: the old
revolutionaries loyal Zhou Enlai Chairman Mao, which missed repression, relatively
pragmatic, but sometimes attacked by extremists, as well as internally unorganized; radical
supporters of the Cultural Revolution led to the GRK backed by the Ministry of Public
Security, Xie Fuzhi; occupying a dominant position in the military associated with Lin Biao
published in the Statute of the Party as the second person in the country, the deputy and the
official successor of Mao Zedong. According to the findings IX Congress of the CPC in April
1969. Army was supposed to be at the forefront of communism; RK Group on the Central
Committee had to deal with issues of ideology, culture and education, and the old political
apparatchiks and technocrats gathered around Zhou Enlai would correspond to the functioning
of government. IX Congress was to be "the exit of victory and unity", the beginning continue
to build an egalitarian society, intensive indoctrination in the spirit of Mao's ideas, as well as
the process of building the economy through another "new jumps forward." Unfortunately,
the action of Mao Zedong did not favor the stabilization of the political situation, as chairman
of the Central Committee with one hand while standing on the bench of the highest arbiter
and the final court of appeal, he tried to play the factions and to balance their influence, on the
49
other hand created situations troublemaking. There was also a consistent and constructive
recipes faced challenges.
Chairman Mao followed the principle of "divide et impera" (分而治之 Zhi Zhi Fen ér),
apparently to prevent the repetition of past events, when someone from management would
accuse him an error and force them to make concessions. The issue of the psyche of Mao
Zedong, what you really thought about what he wanted power and goes beyond the scope of
this paper, however, can be based on observed events aspiration "Great Helmsman" to secure
unchallenged position of the supreme leader. This in turn would serve to ensure the
implementation of its order to build powerful of the Middle Kingdom is home to a communist
society according to your prescription. Militarized society, the best or even the only value
(even religion) would be the good of the state. Three rival factions, repeated mass campaigns,
and hence periodic purges, were composed in the image of perpetual revolution. After three
years, the first phase of the Cultural Revolution, the economic situation was so bad, and the
country was threatened immersed in the chaos that in mid 1970. Began to revise assumptions
Maoist economy ("military industrialization", further collectivization of agriculture, the return
to practice of the "great leap" ). These challenges were addressed seriously in the summer of
1970. II Plenum of the Central Committee of the lush (initially as a working conference of the
Central Committee, and as a plenum on 23.08-6.09). There has been a dispute over the
election of a person Lin Biao as President of the PRC. Mao played again on the animosity
between the factions. First, he urged the military to exit from the massive criticism against the
supporters of the "cultural revolution", and then proceeded to attack the provoked their
military at a meeting of the Politburo, would eventually lead to the abolition of the office of
the Chair of the PRC. The uniforms were representatives 2/3 on the second plenum and were
close to dominate state policy, to which the Chairman could not happen. First, using the army
at the turn of 1969-1970 weakened Mao's radical faction leading to the departure of the most
extreme slogans years 1966 to 1969, and after the Second Plenum of the Central Committee
of the lush turned against the ambitions of the leaders of the military faction, which
culminates in the death of Lin Biao was a vague circumstances in September 1971. Mao was
evident in the growing paranoia caused by the progression of disease and excess you are
taking pills.
2.5 The inevitable need to change course
In the era of international isolation, "a combination of state power and ideology possessed
obsessed with news and extolling the dynamism and construed in accordance with the
directives-based class proved to be both strong and ruinous." "Cultural Revolution" for the
years 1966 to 1969 led to a decline in output growth gross national collapse of the local tax
system, a 4-fold increase in the number of fatal accidents in the industry, clashes in the mines
and factories, absenteeism at work. Coal mining has dropped to a size that threaten the
functioning of the whole economy; smelting of steel accounted for slightly more than 1/4 of
the planned output, decreased production of electricity, have been demolished street markets
and stalls denounced as class enemies. Heavy burden were also costs resulting from the
strategy of the third front, ie relocation, and the entire military-industrial infrastructure into
the central province, in the event of an armed conflict was far from hostile forces there.
50
The army was to be subordinated to the full leadership of the party, as it were started with the
same shift from the original assumptions of Mao Zedong as the "cultural revolution".
Economic policy also has reassessment returning to the principles of planning, profitability
and economic settlement, rehabilitation specialists, attention was applied again to the
standards in part returned or economic incentives. Again came to the fore practice "period of
adjustment". These changes in the years 1971-1973, Prime Minister Zhou Enlai realized, very
reasonably progressive policies by the standards of Chinese policy, because he could adapt to
each new parent in the management options remain faithful man Mao Zedong, and when the
opportunity presented itself, to implement the program based on an equally pragmatic and
realistic assumptions - within reason to do as much as the situation allows, and not to be
eliminated. Group Committee. Cultural Revolution at KC traditionally tried to work through
inspiring campaign of mass, ie., Lin Biao and the criticism of Confucius in 1973-1974 r .; on
the dictatorship of the proletariat in 1975 .; or "fight against right-wing wind revise the
verdicts of the Cultural Revolution" that same year, which intensified after the death of Prime
Minister Zhou Enlai January 8, 1976 r..
Return to the "radical" policy was intended Working Conference Finals in 1973., Which
underlined the validity of the Cultural Revolution and the concept of socio-economic Mao
Zedong and the X Congress of the CPC (24-28 August 1973;), who began the third stage
"cultural revolution ". The fight factional not fail, exemplified by the compromise
arrangements, which also glorified "cultural revolution" and include assessment against the
Maoist line. The meeting was also a time to return part of the former activists, which resulted
in a sense of necessity, as it purges to "remove a bunch of Lin Biao" necessitated the search
for people able to be appointed in the administration. The changes also meant the return of
Deng Xiaoping, who was restored to the position of Deputy Prime Minister. A similar thing
happened at the first session of National People's Congress fourth term in January 1975. (13-
17.01), which has adopted a new constitution legalizing illegal acts of the PRC in the times of
the "cultural revolution", but at the same time putting in the line of economic principles
"pragmatic ". The government's work also was evident this ideological dichotomy, which
accounted for the specificity of the third stage of the "cultural revolution". This situation is
tilted in favor of "moderate" is to "radicals". The situation was still embers of conflict and
potential threat to the political stability of China. Associated with social unrest, which at this
stage gave expression primarily dissatisfaction with the line, "radical", exemplified by the
strikes and protests by workers.
Bad situation in the country of expression gave protests from the 70s that were not inspired by
the Maoists as part of a campaign of mass struggle for the establishment of "radical" line, but
were the voice of opposition to the destructive voluntarist policy from the "cultural
revolution". Among the protesters were people who messed up on the promises of the first
phase of the "cultural revolution", making the appearance of a spontaneous rebellion of young
sincere. People were so desperate that he no longer tolerate the excesses of power and began
to organize themselves en masse expressing dissatisfaction, which had the approval of the
faction "moderate" who wanted to use the voice of discontent for forcing his political vision
and secure the widest range of power. Such instances were protests in Beijing in October
51
1972., During which demonstrators have dug the flowers planted around the monument to the
People's Heroes and pozabierali them home. The scale of the demonstrations and the ease
with which gathered a huge crowd of people outside the control of state services for power
was shocking. The discontent reached its peak during the celebration of All Saints (清明节
Qingming Festival) April 5, 1976 r., Where they were joined by the will of hundreds of
thousands of Beijing residents who want to pay tribute to the deceased in January, Prime
Minister Zhou Enlaiowi. First of all, it was a school youth and academic peacefully express
their outrage giving the situation in the country. It was probably the first in the history of the
PRC grassroots, mass movement, combining intelligence, youth and residents of the capital in
spontaneous speeches against the leaders of the country.
Before premier Zhou died a long time seriously ill, so that from February 1975. His duties, he
was Deputy Prime Minister Deng Xiaoping, who was also vice-chairman of the CPC and the
Military Commission of the Central Committee and the Chief of Staff of the Chinese People's
Liberation Army. He had four modernizations continue the program, which at the first session
of the NPC fourth term of office (January 1975). Zhou Enlai announced. Under the auspices
of Deng was founded in the fall of 1975. Realistic plan to organize and develop the economy,
have been prepared fifth five-year plan and a ten-year program (in order for the years 1976-
1980 and 1976-1985), Deng Xiaoping chose for himself the essence of its policy statement on
the Great Helmsman established stability unity and economic development. Unfortunately,
according to Mao really was still the essence of class struggle, what is more, he could not
admit to mistakes from the time of the "cultural revolution" and cut off from the "leftist
radicals". Deng Xiaoping, the wave of the campaign, "the fight against right-wing wind revise
the verdicts of the Cultural Revolution," and also in connection with the protests at
Tiananmen Square in Day of the Dead, which has been accused of inspiring removed in April
with yet performed any job.
The situation in the country was very unstable, because in the middle of the province
inhabited by 80% of the population were conducted internal strife, chaos prevailed and
anarcha. There were breaks in the production of goods, transport was paralyzed, food was
scarce, and the picture of unhappiness completed the two tragic earthquake on July 28, 1976.
In the northern part of the country, which according to official statistics led to 242,000 deaths.
Traditionally, such events have been received as a harbinger of misfortune at the top, the time
change of the Mandate of Heaven, despite the fact that the CPC struggled with the perception
of reality as superstitious. Nevertheless, even the same "Gang of Four" called on residents of
earthquake devastated Tangshanu, to deepen and broaden the criticism of Deng Xiaoping
clearly linking the person to the cause of earthquakes. Another blow was the death of the
Great Helmsman Mao Zedong, which came on September 9, 1976.
2.6 Conclusions
Quoting researchers Waldemar Dziak and George Bayer biggest mistakes you can point
characterized Mao Zedong ie.: Lack of contact with reality and formulate [...] false [...]
52
concept [...]; destructive attitude to science, education and cultural heritage [...]; intolerance
and oppression of the continuing repression of society [...]; striving to make the Chinese
society, "obedient robots"; visionary practice without counting realities; tributes imperial
ambitions of China and the quest for hegemony, initially in the international communist
movement, and then the [so.] Third World; financing of armaments at the expense of the
living standards of the nation; forcing autarkic economy model; promoting chauvinism and
lead to the isolation of China in the international arena during the peak of the "cultural
revolution".
"Great Helmsman" believed that mass campaigns to change human nature, somewhat in the
spirit of the First Emperor of the Qin Dynasty, but in contrast to most of the Sons of Heaven,
who should have to adhere to a particular age-old ritual and respect the natural "order of
Heaven and Earth." CPC in their assumptions, in turn, was struggling with "Heaven and
Earth". Mao presented a strong need to make changes and to join the attack. After each
temporary stabilization of returning chaos and extremism. He demanded the formation of a
monopoly on ideology, even if it meant changing the understanding of multiple "socialism",
"communism", "democracy", etc., In the end only the ruling party should be binding on
defining terms. Ideas of Mao encountered many voices of opposition, criticism flowed from
the intellectuals, as well as from his own party. The rivalry between different factions was an
integral part of the political landscape in China, many campaigns have mass and eradicate all
opposition to Mao's line, which culminated in the "cultural revolution" aimed primarily at the
camera rulers, so-called. new red mandarins of the CPC. To achieve the political aim of
creating a new fully subordinated Mao's party could devote all productive forces have
engaged in "class struggle", leading the country into economic disaster.
Level of faith in communist ideology and state socialism in society has fallen, especially
among intellectuals and students. At the same time madness "cultural revolution", the
confrontation of ideals with reality, utopian concept of selective and self-serving approach the
authorities proclaim it led to an increase in public awareness, including among the former Red
Guards. Beliefs about the need to change the old order have not disappeared, but verified by
errors "cultural revolution" appeared in mature form. The disaster of the last great spurt
revolutionary Mao Zedong could lead to a skeptical assessment of Marxism and the political
system of China even by persons previously committed communist ideology. Papers of great
characters (Big-character poster), which served to vilify the victims of the revolution, still
remained a tool to express their opinion. The Chinese know how the new system. Maoist
authoritarianism drew a lot from the Chinese tradition of governance, although relied on to
bring the communist utopia, but not the obligation equitable management of the country and
the people, as was the case in the Empire.
For subsequent student protests was the significance of producing the specific conditions in
the universities, which on the one hand, favored the control students and their mobilization for
a mass campaign organized by the authority. On the other hand, had only to weaken the
system of supervision and, in favorable circumstances could lead to an uncontrolled outbreak
of discontent on campuses, the more that the people of the PRC over the nearly 30 years since
53
the victory of the CPC has instilled a revolutionary method of organizing big rallies and
expression.
Chapter III
The transition period (September 1976-December r. 1978).
3.1 The situation of the PRC after the death of Mao Zedong
Yet for the life of Mao Zedong the new prime minister and the first deputy chairman of the
CPC was appointed Hua Guofeng. He hesitated as he should to keep, for the "radicals" was a
man from the outside, without "faith in the revolution." The members of the GRK feel very
confident, seemed not even realize that they lack support in the camera forcefield, which was
decided in having to play in the spring of 1976. Showdown between the faction of
"pragmatists" and "radicals" who with death "Great Helmsman "lost the support of which the
most important link for them to guarantee authority. Same funeral was an opportunity to show
the ideological continuity of the line of Mao, the radicals were the backbone of the delegation
of the Central Committee of the CPC while paying homage to the deceased chief, a party
official condolence statements often the occasion called for the "fight-reaching capitalist
road." First Vice-President of the Central Committee of the CPC declared that Mao's death
will not result in any changes in internal policy. On the anniversary of the proclamation of the
PRC, 1 October 1976. "Rennim Ribao" called for a strengthening of the dictatorship of the
proletariat and the criticism of Deng Xiaoping.
The party stood out, however, most of the "cultural revolution", Jiang Qing activities
and the company. Although they controlled propaganda apparatus, and had some influence
in the political-military Vertical ideological, it was not all able to prevail over hatred of old
cadres to the party of the deceased wife of the President. Representatives of the state
apparatus and the party had quite a decade of continuous fear, they wanted to ensure the basic
stability and good governance. Moderate party activists found within Halva like-minded
people and together they decided to make a "palace coup".
Jiang Qing wanted to continue the campaign against right-wing, organized a campaign to send
letters, which called on the widow to take over after the death of her husband in the CPC
leadership. Gained momentum, which began before the death of the leader, an attempt to
carry out a coup d'etat by the old government bodies under the command of Marshal Ye
Jianying, with the support of Deng Xiaoping. Conspirators were mainly military. The key to
the success of the conspiracy was to attend the security chief of the party leadership and the
government ("Chinese BOR"), a commander of a military unit 8341, a member of the
Politburo and hot for a long time supporter of the "radicals" Wang Dongxing. In the years
1966-1969 he was part of the Group for the Cultural Revolution in the armed forces, while
Deng Xiaoping accused of misappropriation of ideas of Mao and the revolutionary line of
54
action. "Jiang Qing, however, could not offer him any position ignoring its features and
significance, while preparing a coup Marshal Ye promised him the position of Vice-President
of the Central Committee of the CPC. The same was true of the anointed successor Hua
Guofengiem Chairman Mao, who seemed to be an ally of Jiang Qing. Despite the function
p.o. Prime Minister and the promise of the post of the first person in the CPC, he felt slighted
by radicals who see him as a man of few significant, for reasons not worth the endeavor. In
contrast, the part of the organizers of the coup met with a much better treatment matching his
high ambitions. Marshal Ye Jianying Hua Guofengowi promised that after the removal of
radicals that will keep not only the head of government, but also will be chairman of the CPC.
It was a skillful play on the vain side of Prime Minister Hua nature. According to one version
of events, October 6, convened a meeting of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau
to discuss the issue of a new edition of the works of Mao (fifth volume), and discuss the
construction of his mausoleum. When they arrived, Zhang Chunqiao, Wang Hongwen and
invited as an observer Yao Wenyuan, all three were arrested by officers of the unit 8,341th
They entered the residence, they also Jiang Qing. Regardless of how exactly these arrests are
carried out, it is important here capture the very fact of these four people. In Beijing
introduced a curfew, and troops blocked the road away from the capital. Army opted for
revolution, the whole operation was coordinated and supervised by Marshal Ye Jiangying.
The fraction of Jiang Qing, who seemed to be very powerful and influential, however, proved
to be a "paper tiger."
In less than a month after Mao's death ended "cultural revolution", the fate of four individuals
at its distortion was sealed, which seal had a show trial underway in 1980-81. On the dock
stood Zhang Chunqiao, Wang Hongwen, Yao Wenyuan, Chen Boda and Jiang Qing, who felt
extremely confident. During the trial, argued that meets only prompt a spouse, as well as
many others. Just place it before the court deemed "defamation of Chairman Mao." The
defendants were found with numerous offenses, for example. Lurks life of Mao Zedong,
actual and imputed them to persecution (which officially hit 727 420 people and caused the
death of 34 274). The breakdown of "Gang of Four" caused an explosion of great joy in the
society.
Person of Mao spared accusations of complicity in "crimes" Gang of Four. Even if you made
any mistakes, it is loaded upon them mainly those four people. Trying to stir the official Mao
in the responsibility for the tragedy of the period of "cultural revolution" was uncomfortable,
because for the past few decades gradually built increasingly strong personality cult
Chairman. The attack on him would be an attack on the symbol of power of the CPC, which
would undermine the basis of its ideological legitimacy, and the appointment of his successor.
Hua Guofeng Group wanted to preserve the legacy of the "Great Helmsman" cut off from his
missteps, and also a large part of the discredited moves Mao blamed others. The prestige of
the most esteemed figures in the country had to be respected. The very concept of the
"cultural revolution" also decided to breed from criticism, by any distortion blamed "vulgar
ultraprawicowców (sic) and the revisionists," as called "gang of four" in the process. They
were accused of also going to the "restoration of the capitalist system," "the establishment of a
fascist dictatorship" and "initiate a new feudal dynasty of Jiang Qing as the Empress." All
55
these charges were accepted by the XI Congress of the CPC in August 1977. The leadership
had a major role to play mainly two streams, neomaoiści Hua Guofengiem the head (the
beneficiaries of the Cultural Revolution) and the "pragmatists" Deng Xiaoping (often victims
of repression in 1966-1969), hence the position worked against the person of Mao Zedong,
"the revolution cultural "and Gang of Four was a compromise, as well as a typical example
for the CPC matching the official explanation for the current political needs.
3.2. Re rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping (1977).
Deng Xiaoping initially expressed support Hua Guofeng to elevate the position of leader of
the party and the government. Adopted a contrite and humble attitude made a self-criticism,
but it was skillfully conducted a political game. The party was divided, keeping the reins of
power by Prime Minister Hua and his supporters neomaoistowskich was not a foregone
conclusion. There are other factions, ie. Including three important commanders halva and two
deputy prime ministers with Marshal Ye Jianyingiem at the helm. Marshal Ye presented the
attitude of Hua Guofeng loyal to, but he was not opposed to the return of Deng Xiaoping to
the levers of power, it was acceptable variant for its factions. There was also another group
even closer to Deng Xiaoping - "activists rehabilitated," or those persecuted during the
"cultural revolution", which was allowed to attend the funeral of Mao Zedong and Deng take
place Xiaoping. These activists united with dengue long-term bonds from the period of the
revolution, the anti-Japanese war and the years of the PRC, a common painful experience, and
often a similar pragmatic views on economic issues. They were among them apparatchiks,
both civilian and military.
The supporters of Deng Xiaoping wanted to Hua Guofeng Deng recalled the words accuse of
belonging to a grid of traitors together with Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao. To express their views
used not the first time in the history of the PRC posters major characters (Big-character
poster). Their contents include the attack on Wang Dongxing and Wu De - the new mayor of
Beijing and member of the Politburo. The answer to share Deng's supporters were newspaper
articles advocating the concept of "liǎng GE FAN Shi" (两个凡是 "twice all") underlying
political strategy and Hua Weng, and they are expressed in the words "all the decisions it has
made Chairman Mao, we will vigorously defend; all lawful commands, obediently surrender.
"
Deng Xiaoping despite unfavorable circumstances, properly utilizing knowledge (关系

guanxi) could bring together trusted people, belonging to different small groups. The
relationship between dengue and them was based not as much on a common agenda, as the
bonds of loyalty. He was a member of the old leadership of the CPC was in power in the early
days of the PRC, was a protégé of Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai and, had had a glorious military
past participation in the Long March, inclusive, was experienced, reasonable and trustworthy.
One of the sharing of dengue painful experiences of persecution during the "cultural
revolution" was Hu Yaobang, deputy director of Party School of the Central Personnel whose
56
rector was Hua Guofeng. Hu promoted the doctrine of "finding the truth through facts" (shí
实事求是 Qiu Shi Shi) and the need to break the principle of "double everything".
The situation of the growing support for Deng within the party, was seen among others in the
party press, in which the young generation of journalists expressed support for the idea of
reforms of Deng. This meant that Hua Guofeng agreed to the occurrence of Deng Xiaoping at
the party plenum deliberative in July 1977. When it was restored to the position of Vice-
President of the Central Committee, member of the Political Bureau and the Standing
Committee of the Politburo, Deputy Prime Minister and Chief of the General Staff of halvah.
However, during the XI Congress of the CPC, on 12-18 August 1977. Made changes in the
statute of the party. The main body remained chairman of the Standing Committee, Hua
Guofengiem the head, and four Vice-Presidents (Ye Jianyingiem, Deng Xiaoping, Li and
Wang Xiannian Dongxingiem). More specifically analyzing the composition of the Standing
Committee can be seen that they were present in the main engine of the plot that overthrew
Banda Four, and the security chief of the party elite, without the participation of the coup
would fail, that Ye and Wang, while Deng and Li were among the victims of the Cultural
Revolution (although the latter, in fact, protected by Zhou Enlai - remained Deputy Prime
Minister. business - even though he was sharply criticized).
3.3 Disputes over model development, the struggle for power
and take over the helm of the of Deng Xiaoping
Still, it remained at the helm directing the party, the government and the armed forces of Hua
Guofeng, the fraction of the economy further promoted the old solutions referring to the
experience and Five-Year Plan (1953-1957) and ... a big jump in the international arena also
appeared as a follower of Mao calling United States and the Soviet Union as a "paper tiger."
Strengthening the party to serve Hua XI Congress of the CPC had (16-21 VII 1977 r.), Which
officially ended "cultural revolution" in defending its right and announcing its repetition. His
assessment gave expression differences in the leadership, but had had a spirit of praise of Mao
Zedong and his line as "the basic operation of the compass." Subsequent events of political
life in China gave further expression of divergences within the leadership, as the deliberations
of the first session of the NPC fifth term of office (26.02-5.03.1978 r.), When the constitution
was adopted PRC contains contradictory provisions. In the economic sphere Hua Guofeng
team set itself unrealistic guidelines, which wanted the end of the twentieth century, the plan
for the "four modernizations" Zhou Enlai. The opposite was substantial revision of
agricultural policy, still supported the model of collective activities within the people's
communes. The draft ten-year plan approved by the efforts of Hua in February 1978. Focused
against the advice of Deng on heavy industry and too ambitious economic plans caused chaos
on a large scale. Neo-Stalinist strategy of economic development also require more advanced
technology, therefore, in the late 70s and early 80s emphasized the important role of
intellectuals, professionals for the advancement of high-class Chinese. As we once again were
placed on the quality of education, there is a pressing need to rebuild the entire education
57
system was paralyzed in years "lost decade". He returned to college examination system,
dropped class enrollment preferences. Young people with great enthusiasm trying to get to the
university, hence the talk of a "fever of studying". Between 1977. And 1985. Sharply
increased the number of universities and their students, which in 11 years has added more
than three times (most in the social sciences and humanities).
Failures in the field of economy weakened the position of Prime Minister Hua, which was,
moreover, analogous to the situation with the implementation of the Maoist economic
concepts ranging from the dawn of the PRC. Every failure "jumping" concept of Mao
undermined his position, and Hua Guofeng errors were to be the last case where voluntary
unrealistic concepts of the "Great Helmsman" dominate the general line of the party.
Deng's supporters slowly manned important positions in the state. In the fall of 1977. Hu
Yaobang became head of the Organizational Department of the CPC Central Committee, and
economist Hu Qiaomu received the newly created position of Director of the Chinese
Academy of Social Sciences. At the beginning of 1978. Began dismantling the existing
system. Deng Xiaoping accommodating leaders wanted to focus on the modernization of the
economy by giving voice pragmatic tendencies, which had previously been repeatedly
stigmatized. The previous two decades had time to prove that the search Mao specific Chinese
road to modernity led nowhere. Now the clue was to be the experience in the outside world,
which respectively have studied and adapted to help indicate the proven path of development.
New leaders also tended to slow liberalization of culture and science, and foreign policy have
proposed a wide opening to the world. In March of 1978. Deng was appointed Chairman of
the People's Political Consultative Council of China. The main force that has for dengue and
decide whether to put his plans was halva, duplicate, therefore, an example of Mao Zedong's
army based on his undisputed position. Changed assumptions, the CPC program, an initiative
has been taken to reform the entire party apparatus. Party reform benefited from the press, the
long-proven tools of propaganda and political struggle in the PRC, where published articles
calling for changes, including increasing the role of controlled socialist democracy. The
rhetoric used in the challenge from party rivals could be turned against its authors. Those who
truly believe in the power of the reformist password could feel deceived and turn against the
leaders.
The real breakthrough, however, was only the third plenum of the Central Committee of the
CPC XI term of office, which was held on 18-22 December 1978. Citing the Chinese official
assessment of these events can be said that it was "a time of fundamental change." Sorted
general line, was broken dogmatism and cult of personality, criticized and negated a policy of
"double everything" Hua Guofeng; introduced the principle that "practice is the sole criterion
of truth", launched a line of seeking the truth through facts, but still insisting that Mao Zedong
had a great contribution to the effort of revolutionary China, his mind must be scientific
systematize, and its universal principles must serve socialist modernization. The most
important task of the party became the protection and development of the productive forces.
The old revolutionaries returned to management positions, wyklarowało the central nucleus of
the steering committee of Deng Xiaoping, the same ideological and political line got
organizational guarantee for durability. Issues discussed were the "cultural revolution" and the
58
legacy of the days before its start. Achievements Deng Xiaoping from 1975. Met with
approval; confirmed the validity of the fight against "Gang of Four"; revolutionary nature of
the speeches in Tiananmen Square on April 5, 1976 .; verified and canceled verdicts against
the activists rehabilitating Peng Dehuai, Tao Zhu, Bo Yibo, Yang Shangkun and others.
Plenum returned to the tradition of democratic centralism, raised the issue of strengthening
the socialist democracy and the legislative system, promoted the idea of collective leadership
and "democracy by proletarian character." Raised the issue of land reform as a basis for
improving the situation of the whole economy. Chen Yun was a member of the Politburo
Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee and Vice Chairman,
Deng Yingchao, Hu Yaobang, Wang Zhen members of the Political Bureau of the Central
Committee. Established the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the first secretary
was Chen Yun. Third Plenum made the turn moving away from the "leftist" line and
improving the guiding ideology and "liberated party cadres and the masses of the cult of
personality and dogmatism back to the correct line in the field of Marxist thought, policy and
organization." "It opened a new chapter in the history of the party and the state."
Plenum rejected neomaoistowską line and opened the way for pragmatic reforms. "The
Cultural Revolution" was condemned, some thesis Mao challenged Mao's criticism, however,
was muted and tailored to the interest of the party leadership. Proceedings Mao was evaluated
in the traditional way already for the CPC, ie, using percentages. 30% of the mean errors of
the President, and 70% of its merits. The total overthrow the myth of Mao, psychological
support system could meet with opposition from the broad masses of the party and steering
group (half of the members of the CPC as of the year 1977. Were people who joined her
during the "cultural revolution", were fully enlistment "lewackim and Maoist "), and very
likely also raised public worship in the spirit of the President. The great political and
ideological campaigns were to be suspended, the existing distortion settled harm repaired, and
the rule of law guaranteed. For the life was established Central Commission for Discipline
Inspection the Party. Also adopted new rules of inner discipline, making it easier to move
from performing important positions "leftists, anarchists, schismatics and robbers". Most
important for reasons of state have become "socialist modernization and economic front."
Reformist party leaders departed from class struggle to economic development. Reaching the
changes moderate criticism of Mao, the depreciation of the "cultural revolution" and the
process of removing leftist activists from the structures of power was a source of tension and
fighting a new course by some activists. Strategic development from the "four
modernizations" was modified for the new policy of reform and opening (改革雨开放 Gǎigé
yu Kaifang). The concept of "socialist modernization" envisaged decentralization,
rationalization, implementing a reward system efficiency and accountability of the
management sector.
In foreign policy, the place had a significant change, the so-called policy of "opening out"
(对外开放 duìwài Kaifang). Quietly rejected the Maoist concept of "three worlds", which
even in 1974. At the UN General Assembly proclaimed Deng Xiaoping.
59
An important issue in the field of ideology was the issue of democracy, which is also not
spared semantic manipulation. In the fall of 1978. Chinese newspaper has taken the theme of
"socialist democracy", noting the lack of staying power mechanisms against possible
distortions (ie. The cult of personality). Articles calling for political reforms even if they were
not directly inspired by the fraction "pragmatists", then enjoyed their approval, favored
because of their line, the press was indeed perceived by the public as expressing the official
position of the leadership of the country. A similar thing happened with the grassroots
movement often hanging out bulletins great signs calling for democracy, which has become a
symbol stuck often very courageous and provocative Big-character poster wall in Beijing
called the "wall of democracy". For developed on a compromise to settle the Maoist political
stability and consensus of the party grassroots criticism from her character could pose a threat.
Hence, the most important challenge for Deng Xiaoping just before the breakthrough III
Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPC was to call for a "fifth modernization" or
"democratization" other than "socialist democracy" and "democratic centralism" by the CPC.
The author of this code was Wei Jingsheng, who also criticized the promises and password
inciting enrichment, as well as the "four modernizations" as equally deluded and stultifying
people like communist utopia vision of Mao Zedong. It was an expression of doubt and
undermining the main points of the "pragmatists" and even the entire system and the role of
the CPC. To demands also included the rehabilitation of victims of the Cultural Revolution,
criticism of the bureaucracy, and even Mao Zedong. There was an atmosphere of defiance,
gave birth to a real opposition opposes the CPC's official ideological lines, still mostly located
in the mainstream of Marxist-Leninist rhetoric. Permission from the authorities to open
criticism created the impression that it may come to a step-change in the legal system of
guided freedom of expression, inclusive. Reassessment underwent assessment of past events,
an example of which was the change in the official evaluation (the "counter-revolutionary" to
"revolutionary") demonstration in Tiananmen Square in April 1976. And then release the
arrested persons. Bottom-up pressures affect the appeal of the first secretary (also mayor) of
Beijing Wu De. The situation was quite similar to the atmosphere during the campaign
"hundred flowers" twenty years ago. Unfortunately for road users "wall of democracy", the
behavior of Deng Xiaoping turned out to be analogous to the decision of Mao Zedong from
those years (when Deng also incidentally involved in repression of intellectuals). Initially,
spoke positively about expressing their views in the form of newsletters great characters. He
supported freedom of expression for people to vent their ills, "to channel his anger." Posing
for specific tribune of the people could cause Deng social support and serve the struggle
within the CPC, but later could degenerate into a source of unrest and confusion in the coming
years.
3.4. The conclusions
As a result of policies of Mao Zedong China were on the brink of collapse, but the specifics of
Chinese political relations on the basis of factional and personal loyalty was not conducive to
counter the plans of the Great Helmsman. As soon, however, it was missing, disappeared
inhibit members of the elite having a different view on the policy of the state. Those who in
60
the late seventies were faithful radical line of Mao perhaps even more than he became a
scapegoat pragmatists and their military allies. Hypocrisy accompanying przepychankom
within the party leadership has always been present, but the era of Mao was a policy of the
peaks of hypocrisy. The official rhetoric of the CPC deviated from reality, much closer was
wishful thinking.
Way to ensure loyalty to the broad masses of the party was to preserve respect for the people
of Mao. Deng Xiaoping wishing above all the question of the actual development of China's
ideological puns treated as secondary, so I could adjust the speech that despite the reversal of
party politics from the guidance of Mao, his person was still regarded with great esteem. Deng
wanted the ideological foundation put as a priority the development of the country also
wanted to have enough freedom to interpret the ideological program in accordance with the
need of the hour. Utilitarian ideology was to be subordinated to political needs. China had to
grow from strength to strength, enrich themselves and take care of their superpower ambitions
worthy place in the international arena. Modified message classics communism gave
arguments in favor of a holistic, collective treatment of the public in relation to Confucian
principles for which it was devoting good legitimate interests of the individual. Emphasize the
uniqueness of Chinese conditions were manifest in the newly established deadlines which
explain as much as left unsaid in the area and gave the widest possibility of interpretation.
Marxism had to be adapted to the Chinese, since its implementation in this country different
from that of developed capitalist economies already predestined to pass in the form of a
socialist economy. CPC still remained with the concept of ideological legitimacy, though
painful experience of the Mao era and the drastic change of the actual exchange rate led to a
shift of the population to a completely different, more traditional perception of legitimacy.
Communism by Deng was treated as unchecked means to implement the plan to build
powerful of the Middle Kingdom, in this respect, as Chairman Mao led primarily nationalism,
only recognized the superiority of other measures in pursuit of the same goal.
Only in case of extreme emergency decisions are taken that should be implemented long ago,
in order to ensure stable development of China. But it was hard to start in such a tragic
economic situation with the disposal of poorly or not at all uneducated staff, hence the initial
phase of the reform was a high demand for university graduates who can quickly make a
career in administration. At this stage, the students had very far-reaching aspirations and
ambitions and faith in the rightness of reforms. Peasant Deng reaching for power served by
methods very similar to the previous campaign, Mao officially calling for freedom of
expression and criticism of government. Young people, however, seemed to believe in the
good intentions of the leaders, who wanted to offer them something different than the current
policy. Few people were able to get out to reflect on the hypocrisy of the system, look a step
further beyond their horizons. Students, this idealistic young people brought up in the spirit of
Marxism-Leninism, and the ancient tradition of governing by virtue, readily gave to kidnap
emotions. Such an attitude full of hope, she could turn into a disappointment when let down
high expectations, particularly the changes that were associated with the transition from
concept development Hua Guofeng giving students a high prestige, the free market Deng
Xiaoping.
61
An ambitious reform and "opening to the world" had to bring further challenges. The
complicated situation divisions in the party did not facilitate the task. Still there was a risk
that, as it just did Deng, and for 20 years with a high efficiency Mao, someone to achieve their
political ambitions will try to use mass youth movements and social.
In terms of the Chinese mentality agreement may be subject to constant modification during
its duration depending on variable conditions, the initial findings are not binding, they are
only a starting point. A similar flexible attitude to the Chinese elite politics apparently.
Confucianism did not avoid biased interpretations, but this Chinese socialism went much
further in its liquidity ideological. In conjunction with the semantic manipulation of political
terminology, factional rivalries and social discontent, contributed to this instability the
country standing against enormous challenges to deal with its past and identify priorities for
the future.
CHAPTER IV
The balance of the first decade of reform and opening to the world
4.1. The outline of the direction of internal reforms
In the first decade of reform and opening to the world has become a priority for economic
development, poverty alleviation, industrialization and modernization of Poland. One of the
main politicians pursuing reforms of Deng Xiaoping favored by Zhao Ziyang, the CPC tried
to modify the rhetoric that it allowed for ideological reform modeled on the capitalist
countries (reproached him, moreover, that he learned too much "foreign things"). He wanted
to carry out reforms in many areas at the same time, continue the policy of "openness",
comprehensively develop the planned economy of the dominant role of the public property.
Zhao also talked about political democracy as a pre-condition to maintain stability and unity
in the country. Policies that for obtaining a wider margin of maneuver coined the phrase "the
initial phase of socialism," which were then placed China. This reasoning was to serve a
number of capitalist practices in the country officially socialist. Also promoted the slogan of
"socialism with Chinese specifics". Prepared by the phrase "one core, two basic points" (一个
中心, 两个基本点 yige zhongxin, liangge jiben diamonds), where the "core" was economic
development, and the points were the first four basic principles (announced in March 1979. 四
项基本原则 sì Xiang jīběn yuánzé) delimiting, which was to hold up the "four
modernizations": the socialist road, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the leading role of the
Communist Party, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong's ideas and, second, the policy of
reform and opening (改革与开放 Gǎigé yu Kaifang)
Practice the party has shown that a very popular keyword calling for democracy were initially
tool to combat Dengue opponents within the party, and later the troublesome part of the
official propaganda. The bill passed on April 4, 1982. New Basic Law provision appeared
62
proclaiming that "China is a socialist state of the people of the democratic dictatorship led by
the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants." Two years earlier,
however, the Constitution has been removed from the previous record of four great freedoms,
namely the freedom of the "great debates, extensive discussions, the full presentation of views
and the posting of bulletins great hieroglyphics," which initially supported Deng. They were
not supposed to need, because the political system has been designed to meet the needs of the
people. The reality was more complicated, because criticism of the state policy associated
with said Beijing's "Democracy Wall" allowed for even direct attacks on the person of Deng,
which helped get him to the arguments of opponents of these freedoms derived from the
concept of "great democracy" Mao Zedong. Beat the belief that further acceptance of
unrestrained pointing out errors and commenting policies can lead to a repeat of events
"cultural revolution". Deng preferred to secure a final right to decide how to implement the
will of "sovereign" to be safe by limiting the legal basis for the possibility of the outbreak of
spontaneous mass movements, indeed appropriate to arrange them by one faction of the party
or other organization. Mao Zedong showed quite clearly how to use the wide social action.
Ideological confirm the role of the CPC was accompanied by reforms within the framework
of state and party. The biggest problems were corruption, abuse, nepotism and too powerful
bureaucratic apparatus. Reduced competence apparatchiks at the same time exercising
sometimes several state and party functions was to serve the separation of many of these
positions between other persons. The plan also envisaged changes rejuvenation party cadres,
senior activists tried to refer to retire, which took place in both the camera civilian and
military. Reformers also want to raise the level of education of party members, many of which
joined after the "cultural revolution" and the majority were graduates of only primary and
secondary schools. Until 1981, failed to raise these rates to 1/4 of the party functionaries with
a degree in higher education, whereas in 1984. Higher education could already boast of 2/3 of
the members of the CPC.
For proper reckoning with the past was important to the rehabilitation of victims of earlier
purges (including 1955 and 1957.). She put a total of tens of millions of people, including
many of them posthumously. Most of the old cadres was re-incorporated in the structure of
power. Deng also promoted new men in civilian and military apparatus, thus expanding the
base of his support, and the favor of the party leadership to be changed in the provinces able
to convince offering them greater budgetary autonomy and administrative
Party reformers strengthened at the Fifth Plenum of the XI Congress of the Central
Committee in February 1980. When Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang promoted among the
members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee.
For the same group of four activists were excluded associated with the environment Hua
Guofeng and "meritorious" in the "cultural revolution", among which was Wang Dongxing.
People from surrounding Deng gained another position. Zhao Ziyang, Hua Guofeng was
replaced as prime minister, who remained purely titular vice-chairman of the Central
Committee and retained a place on the Standing Committee of BP, but in last place, lost it,
moreover, already at the XII Congress in September 1982. At the Sixth Plenum of the 11th
Central Committee of tenure in June 1981 r., Hu Yaobang was appointed to the position of
63
General Secretary of the CPC. The new constitution on 4 April 1982. Established the Central
Military Commission, elected by the National People's Congress (OPZL), which was
personally identical with the Military Commission of the Central Committee of the CPC. Also
reinstated the office of the President of the PRC, which in June 1983 became Li Xiannian, or
25 years after retirement, Liu Shaoqi.
Many of the current program assumptions, the CPC has been rejected, the reform affected the
whole party apparatus. In the press have appeared articles calling for reforms in the country.
On the one hand, Deng wanted to separate the many functions of the state party, to develop
self-government, decentralize the party and cut red tape, with but so that the last voice
belonged to him. On the other hand, decentralization in other areas does not mean the same in
the military, on the contrary, the full control of the armed forces guaranteed Deng means to
intervene if necessary, and also increased the strength of the argument in the supreme arbiter.
Deng remained the most important person in the country, although formally after 1987. Did
not hold the key functions, while maintaining a means to balance the effects of the various
fractions (researchers point to the 2 factions - conservatives and reformers in the eighties, but
the situation was more complex). This was specifically the Chinese model of power exercised
by the maneuvering between different factions in the hands of the whole complex was
theoretically collective power. As acknowledged by Hu Yaobang, Deng was "the most
important decision-maker in the CPC."
Changes were made gradually in accordance with the words of Deng Xiaoping about
"crossing the river feeling the stones [at the bottom of the river]" (摸着石头过河 Mozhe
Shitou Guohe), which was a practical approach, which has been criticized for the lack of
intellectuals theoretical basis. Deng put on utilitarianism, which found expression repeating
spoken yet in 1961. After the collapse of the "great leap" words Sichuan proverb "it does not
matter whether the cat is yellow or black, it's important to catching a mouse", for which he
once met him chicane. Deng hinted that the choice of method will depend on the management
of performance, if it is to mean market economy gleaned from the capitalist world, so be it.
Another famous quote Deng from this period were the words "Enrich yourselves ', or' get rich
is not a sin." Defending himself against charges of betraying socialism to capitalism, foreign
journalists explained that the wealth they have in mind is something other than what
foreigners think. In his assumption enrich themselves had all citizens, the Chinese reforms
had not allowed for the creation of the widening gap between the richest and the poorest. In
reality, however, the situation differed from Deng's intentions, and demoralized by the
"cultural revolution" people began to adopt an attitude even idolatrous worship of money
(wealth, material goods).
Deng did not want to repeat the situation of the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union, that is, Mao wanted to spare as far-reaching critique of which were
Joseph Stalin. In the middle of 1981. CPC announced the resolution on some issues the
history of our Party since the establishment of the Republic of China. The document stated
that Mao Zedong won his greatest achievement to mid-50s, and belonged to them, mainly the
merit of the war with Japan and the National Party. Way of understanding the history of Mao
64
was to bring together the United States. But to what led to the "cultural revolution" former
"subjectivism and utopianism" of the President. CPC need to respect the merit of Mao Zedong
as the leader of the revolution and the main architect of the PRC. Reform of the official
propaganda aimed at the revival of the idea of the true value of Mao Zedong, the elimination
of errors committed by him, but not "demaoizację".
Deng Xiaoping, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang in the matter of the reform of the Communist
Party held differing opinions, the two last thoughts ran much further than their protector, they
were ready to implement the changes that went much further than Deng Xiaoping could
afford, with the exception that Zhao wanted to make any changes carefully and slowly, Deng
preferred fairly quick pace, and Hu agitated and made various efforts to accelerate reforms
calling for "four times the planned crossing of the norm", seemed to be the same in its free-
market approach to reveal some Maoist tendencies. In the course of reforms' 80s, Zhao came
to the conclusion that economic reforms also require serious political reform, other than by a
vision of Deng Xiaoping, who in the political sphere, he wanted a more rigorous, disciplined
government, not expand civil liberties, democracy and the rule of law (including
subordination of the CPC law) or transparency (transparency) to pursue what he wanted to
Zhao.
Implementation of the reforms brought about fundamental changes in the existing

management system. Dekolektywizacja began farming, agricultural communes abolished, and
the peasants received land on lease. In fact, the absence of control by the authorities,
communes abolished the peasants themselves, as a leading example was the situation of the
local community of Xiaogang in Anhui Province in the years 1978-1979, in which the
peasants on their own initiative signed an agreement dividing the fields evenly between
households. Thanks to the initiative of farmers Xiaogang village hitched yet three
relationships - from government subsidies for grain, of financial assistance for basic
necessities and loans to contribute to the ongoing productions - generated a record harvest,
due to government sent grain and repay part of the debt. Then modeled in this village
"household responsibility system" has given new impetus to the transformation of Chinese
agriculture, which had put an end to top-down regulate agriculture through complicated
administrative mechanisms. The authority was limited only to impose a "family contract"
obliging to deliver a specified quantity of agricultural products in exchange for the use of the
land. This is what farmers produced outside the quota for the state, they could freely sell. In
January of 1983. The Central Committee endorsed the program dekolektywizacji the
countryside. During the Third Plenum of the Central Committee of the XII in October 1984.
Adopted new market mechanisms for transforming the existing structure of economic
planning. At the beginning of 1985. The Central Committee has implemented appropriate
mechanisms for further dekolektywizacji agriculture and dissemination of elements of
privatization in agriculture. Rural communities and miasteczkowym given the opportunity to
set up small businesses, which benefited from a lot of families. City dwellers a chance to see
for themselves this method of management, looking for a way to bend the rules and also set
up a company registered somewhere in the countryside. The authority can not long fight with
the momentum of the urban population to the business at the end of legalizing it.
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The new leadership of China has initiated a number of institutions of economic activity, ie.
Agency for Foreign Trade, or Chinese Business Association. The banking system has been
decentralized, emerging private companies could rely on loans for investment initiatives. The
main bank in the system remains the People's Bank of China. Deng was aware of the lack of
capital in China, where he could do more than campaign mobilized the masses. To obtain the
desired measures, he was ready to invite foreign investors and enrich themselves thanks to
their help, at the same time giving them an opportunity to earn. Deng wanted to stop party
colleagues to discuss in detail the issue of international cooperation, only took the job and
were willing to accept foreign partners in key areas ie. Coal, ores, crude oil, energy,
electronics, defense industry, transport, communications, raw material economy and the
construction of factories other industries while maintaining reasonable control over this
process. The central government has created a plan to attract foreign investment of 60 billion
US dollars, which was a huge sum compared to the 167 million Chinese foreign exchange
reserves in 1978. It was a plan with as much impressive as it is unrealistic, and quickly
verified the reality of it. Large corporations in the world then encouraged the Chinese plans
began to come to this new market, and one of the first Coca-Cola was one symbol of the
capitalist world, for which she had to follow the culture of the West. Soon, however, many
investors found themselves in a variety of barriers, whether bureaucratic, legal, technological
and mentality. Chinese factories were backward and mired in stagnation. Workers were
putting no effort into their work, they had to approach it very loose. Even one-fifth of the
crew of a company could occupy only political issues, ie. The ideological awareness of the
rest of the workers. Workplaces were rozrośniętymi organisms permanently guarantee its
workers a number of basic social services, housing, health care, childcare for children and
their further education. Regardless of the contribution of the craft in a job, her salary was
unchanged, and certainly no need to be afraid of ejection from work because of her bad
exercise or neglect. Despite earlier Maoist campaigns and the promotion of labor leaders, the
majority of the workers presented themselves just such an ambivalent relationship to their
classes, and the system was defined as "eating from the same pot" and "equitable sharing"
regardless of the results of the work. The most important was the mere fact of belonging to
the working class than actually good performance, and production. Getting used to the social
guarantees, "assurance of tomorrow" and little effort was not easy to overcome, and shift
workers living on the tracks of hard work, low social security and instability ("insecurity")
associated with the reforms at the macro level have become a serious cause social discontent
in cities.
To stay at home foreign investors seemed necessary to make a number of changes that would
be risky to enter immediately in the system throughout the country. Hence the National
People's Congress decided to create Special Economic Zones, as he called them, Deng, in
1980. Zones were to be a separate area where you can experiment was carried out with the
capitalist mode of management. Areas far from the capital has always stuck out from the
official line promoted in the capital, there were also a peripheral areas, so in the event of
failure of the program is not implemented there would be a large embarrassment. Coastal
location was the most convenient for foreign investors. The first Special Economic Zone was
established in the rural district of Shenzhen, which was located right next to Hong Kong. A
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number of privileges and facilities for foreign investors proved to be fast downloading of
Chinese compatriots subjects of the British queen. It started with the lease of the land that
supports even the works of Lenin's arguments permitting it. The argument from silence has
allowed the classic ideological opponents "selling off the country" and has led to an
unprecedented in the history of China's rapid development of rural areas in the modern city
full of companies and factories belonging to citizens of another country. Later joined the
group of companies including those established by officials from near and far provinces of the
PRC. Another open special economic zones to attract a lot of capital, talent, and simple
laborers arrived in pursuit of a better quality of life. Chinese Entrepreneurship showed itself
when the crowds of shopkeepers began to ride around the country in suitcases Driving goods
between places with the highest price range of a good. These were the beginnings of the "gray
zone", which could not be so easily recognized in the framework of the system as a new self-
governing community of farmers. State-owned enterprises have huge problems to compete
with private initiative. Shopkeepers capable to work several hours a day, 7 days a week, won
the state shops. Foreign investors in special economic zones demanded changes in labor law
in order to dismiss ineffective employees, reward for better performance, not seniority. People
who want to earn more resigned to the terms and conditions of employment less favorable
than in state factories, actually there was no alternative, because the state-owned companies
were doing badly himself, and the adaptation to the new conditions of limited social benefits.
Managers were given greater powers to staffing, preparation of promotional campaigns and
supply issues. There were incentives or internal competition in order to increase production.
The fate of the centrally planned economy because of the dynamic development of the "gray
zone" were called into question.
A decade of reforms has brought tremendous changes in the economy, and this is inevitably
associated with social change. Here, an important phenomenon was the increase in the
number of migrant workers. Against loosening control over the right to move and demand for
labor in special economic zones and, eventually, other cities, crowds of rural residents began
to leave in search of better wages. Were willing to work hard, live in poor conditions, if only
to be able to earn and try to break out of poverty. The influx of cheap labor fueled the
economy of special economic zones, but also had an impact on the situation in the mainland,
because the workers sends your loved ones part of the earnings.
Life in the cities took on the color returned consumerism and advertising products. Markets
prospered very well compared to the state shops, on the streets back diviners, healers,
peddlers and various shades of freeloaders. Once stigmatized by the system "capitalist
wykolejeńcy" and "the great landowners and kulaks", which managed to survive the period of
reform, they returned to a normal life without fear that someone will once again play on their
past. Over the decades, enterprising and hard-working people to come to a huge fortune from
a seller of ice cream after the owner of the company with annual sales exceeding one billion
US dollars; from traffickers eggs after market tycoons animal feed. Such stories evoking the
stereotypical capitalist "American Dream" was a huge number. Visible was a new revolution
of manners. Family ties loosened, women can count on further emancipation, there were
brave lady mimic the "profligate foreign fashion", ie. High-heeled shoes, skirts, hair and
67
makeup invested. The repertoire of songs tracks joined western music with the release of
Hong Kong and Taiwan. Returned to private restaurants and bars. Of course, most of these
changes involved initially largest cities, whether capital or centers most exposed to influences
from abroad. So how in the field of ideas, just and changes in lifestyle, fashion, directly
concerned only the smaller part of the population of China.
Clearly began to scratch the division between the richer and poorer, there is a layer of rich,
which you could easily compare the stereotypical nineteenth-century European capitalists use
to limit the work of rural migrant workers. In these new conditions, the problem of finding the
intellectuals had, which consisted of a representative group of academics and students. Their
pro-Western sympathies (often not built on any solid foundation of knowledge, but an
idealized image of the West) they tended to support reforms, but expressed dissatisfaction
with his status and marginalize their role in a market economy. They did not understand that
the market forces of the new economic order will lead to the degradation of their prestige and
privileges.
Power trying to gradually limit the role of central control had to face the issue of price
regulation. Bearing in mind the gradual transition from full regulation of the market valuation
of goods and services, a system initially three levels of industrial prices. The first was set to
ensure a minimum guaranteed supply, another could vary in a strictly defined limits, and the
third was completely released. However, failed to avoid serious confusion, how to implement
price reform had many consequences. On the one hand there was the state payroll system for
employees budżetówki, supposedly as an adequate system of value of goods produced by
state-owned enterprises and coming in first and second level. On the other hand, private
initiative working primarily in the third level of prices that have gone up dramatically. It was
to abuse, because many officials having access to goods sold at a price of first and second
level, they convey the free market by selling at a much higher price and earning a fortune on
the difference. Lost in this state enterprises and employees budżetówki who were to be the
recipients of goods seized by unscrupulous officials. Rising prices on the open market cost of
living (subject to market mechanisms products, ie. Food and other basic consumer goods)
were beyond the salaries of public sector employees even as prestigious as the most serious
academics, including professors. Some of them are trying to earn some extra something more
than academic salaries, they also sold food on the streets and grabbing the other classes.
Income of people working in the area of free market, for example. Businesses providing
consumer goods, do not feel the price increase, as their profits grow proportionally. This led
to disorder wage level, where well educated people considered elite ubożały and relatively
simple shopkeepers got rich. But there was a more serious problem, such as is illegal to make
a difference in price for the state and the market. People who have come to the officials, they
corrupted the or officials and apparatchiks themselves undertake such initiatives, quickly
reached the fortunes. This practice not gone unnoticed in public, he was reviled by the
columnists, but the CPC could not cope with this problem, the worse its activists protect
against stroke each other accountable. Press focuses on supporting reforms tried to publish
news about the corrupt relationship and malpractice representatives of local authorities, but
very often intervened in this case representatives of the central party-state apparatus whose
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proteges of the province were to be stigmatized in the article. Exerted pressure on journalists
to prevent compromising information is made public. Intellectuals drawing on the ancient
tradition of the group feel special, predestined to direct and advise the leaders of society and
therefore their economic situation could be a major reason for dissatisfaction. The leaders
focused on reforms misjudged adaptability, patience and tolerance in society towards the
obstacles to transformation.
4.2. Changes in foreign policy and its impact on the course of reforms
In October 1978, Deng Xiaoping went on an official visit to Japan, where he visited steel
mills, factories, cars, and also met with important figures of the Japanese industry. Earlier, in
July of the same year, the Chinese government has suspended aid to Vietnam, and also for
Albania. 1 January 1979. Established between the United States and the Peoples Republic of
China diplomatic relations at the level of embassies. Improvement and normalization of
relations with China was a strategic move to balance the Soviet Union. The rivalry between
Washington and Moscow has tightened again in the late '70s in connection with aggression in
Afghanistan. The White House stressed position against Taiwan admitting that it is an integral
part of China. Yet in 1976., After the death of Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping was on the cover of
the magazine "Time", and the second time in 1978., Then have a "Man of the Year", whose
"visions are the new China" devoted an extensive article.
United States have developed specific agreement in the area of trade in arms, as maintained
its embargo on China, but on the other hand encourage European allies to sell arms to the
Chinese, so that the American government does not have to be afraid of his public accusations
of selling weapons to the communist regime. The Chinese need the Americans, so they were
ready to compromise.
Further improve US-Chinese relations served fruitful visit of Deng Xiaoping in the late 1979
overseas. Signed an agreement on cooperation of intelligence services, which allowed
Americans to eavesdrop Soviets from the territory of the Chinese province of Xinjiang (East
Turkestan), and also gave the Chinese a chance to gain valuable information and specific
intelligence technology, which was fulfilled with the approval of President Carter on the sale
of military equipment to the Chinese "niewywołującego lethal", and regular visits to the PRC
takes the directors of the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States of America (CIA)
in 1979. Chinese American side presented their plans to attack Vietnam, which the Americans
responded by advising abstinence only, but not expressing opposition. In view of which 17
February 1979. People's Liberation Army attacked Vietnam. Was related to the conclusion of
the southern neighbor treaty of friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union and the
accession to the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, as well as with the Vietnamese
invasion of Cambodia, which led to the overthrow of the Beijing-backed Khmer Rouge
regime. Vietnamese armed forces were primed continuous buoys for more than three decades,
the defeated powers such as France and the United States, possessed a captured American
equipment as well as equipment sprezentowanym by the Soviet Union and its allies from the
camp. War of the de facto defeat by the Chinese ("nauczającemi a lesson", although officially
69
considered a diplomatic success, because m. Al. Showed the inability to fulfill the obligations
of the Soviet Union allied to Vietnam) after a month of fighting exposed the backwardness of
the Chinese command, logistics, communications, use of force aircraft, as well as the low
level of skills of commanders and soldiers. It was clear as the use of the military as a tool of
political struggle by Mao Zedong worsened the quality of the People's Liberation Army is
now capable of a maximum effectively suppress internal unrest. War confirmed as necessary
to modernize the armed forces, has also led to anger Deng Xiaoping, who treated it as a
personal failure. This may have had some connection to the repression of the movement
"Democracy Wall", because he commits himself to criticism of the Vietnam War.
With the warming of relations students from the Chinese could then leave en masse for
American universities, which on the one hand helped China to acquire modern knowledge,
but in the future could lead to a confrontation of young people under the influence of
American culture of the native system. American "soft power" operated by the universities
had a large impact on the weakening of the bloc of countries dependent on Moscow, as
pointed out by Professor. Edward Haliżak. On the other hand, as shown by Zhao Dingxiao,
the trip was often the only chance of breaking out of the difficult situation in the country and
allowed to reduce the level of social tension in China. Before the outbreak of the accumulated
discontent of students protected to a large extent their desire to leave behind Ocean. The more
difficult it got a chance to obtain a college in America, especially university students were
willing to participate in the protests because they did not see any prospects for themselves and
career development.
United States granted China the status of MFN (most favored nation clause in trade relations)
and quickly became one of the main economic partners of China as a source of investment
and goods, and sometimes the main export market for goods manufactured in China.
American economists have had a major impact on the economic reforms in the PRC, namely
the Chicago School of Milton Friedman at the helm, who visited China in 1980. To present
hundreds of top officials, professors and economists party foundations of the theory of the
free market. Friedman definition of freedom proclaims that political freedoms are secondary
to the freedom of unrestricted trade well gave the direction in which the Chinese reform
followed later.
A major achievement was the outcome of Deng's team in the mid-80s on the future of Hong
Kong and Macao, enclaves turn the UK and Portugal. London and Lisbon have agreed with
Beijing rules for their transfer to China, which took place at the end of the next decade
(respectively in 1997 and 1999.). It then set forth the principle of "one country-two systems",
as former colonies of the United Kingdom and Portugal to maintain its separate political and
economic system, at least for 50 years. It was a great diplomatic success of Beijing, since
managed to get a promise of peaceful recovery of the Chinese territory and normalize
relations with them. Thus additionally secured was the most important stream of investment
flowing into China through Hong Kong and, of course, not in these sizes, Macau.
The situation in Poland also had an impact if not, it is definitely related to the policy of China.
First of all, it was an important element of the weakening of the USSR, but he also had an
70
internal dimension. Labor strikes carried out by Solidarity in 1980. Has been "quietly" well
received in Beijing, because it was considered that show the danger implied by the older
forms of communist economic solutions, bureaucracy and corruption. Hu Yaobang analyzing
the situation in Poland was that the small degree of democracy can afford to avoid similar
incidents in China. Serve this project was the strengthening of legislatures, creation of an
independent judiciary and independent trade unions, a free press, peasant associations, the
introduction of democracy to corporate parties and a section of the government. But it was
also a time when the NPC abolished guarantees "four great freedoms". Party conservatives
looked unfavorably on Hu Yaobang and the movement centered around the wall of
democracy, and the events in Poland started to be a source of concern.
4.3. Key challenges and tensions, disputes about the vision for the future
Freeing the economy gave rise to a lot of political tensions and triggered an unprecedented
wave of corruption. Deng Xiaoping pointed out that the provincial party activists led
"bourgeois lifestyle" under the influence of associating with foreigners, and the sons of high-
ranking officials have used family connections to extort bribes from foreign businesses.
Combating Economic Crimes considered a prerequisite to the process of "modernization
worked and did not deviate from the socialist road", as shown by example, but shady interests
of children top party leadership, Deng could not be consistent in the fight against dishonesty.
Often, even if the parent was a conservative activist attached to the old centralist Maoist
economic practices, it's his child presented a completely different attitude. Descendants of the
most important dignitaries, not without reason called "książątkami". With the knowledge of
the position of the parents conclude with very influential people and assured himself
immunity from the police. In view of such an advance flowing from the authors slogans
condemning all these phenomena, the behavior of lower-level party could only be worse. One
might ask whether people not capable to raise their children to a vein in accordance with the
values proclaimed by the parents, they had even the moral right to lecture the entire nation,
indeed to teach the student youth between the ages of your children. It is certainly a
manifestation of human imperfection, which is hard to resist, and that usually escapes the
political debate. The issue of dissonance personal morality and political supposed to have its
share of student protests.
The issue of imbalances, reform policies and its distortions have become a major source of
unrest. At the very beginning of the reforms in 1980. Hua Guofeng was blamed for 11 percent
inflation, wasting resources, pollution, chaos to supervise wages, uncontrolled population
growth and the failure of a ten-year plan. However, his removal from power does not put an
end to these problems, which reasons were much incomparably more complicated. The
challenge for the CPC was a fair deal with the sources of degeneration, often ended up on
declarations, while the majority party of the status quo seemed to correspond to the most.
Similarly, in 1986. Hu Yaobangiem, which burdened with the blame for the student protests.
It was replaced by the position of Secretary General Zhao Ziyang by KC. Acting Prime
Minister in 1988. Prime Minister Li Peng was the (protégé Li Xianniana) having substantially
71
different than Deng's proteges point of view on the issue of reforms, particularly in the field
of freedoms. The party fared better with more people and accusing them moving away from
power, than with solving and preventing excesses.
Hu Yaobang from the threat could come for the internal stability of the party, because he had
a tendency to exceeded their powers, as was the case in 1983. When in the absence of the
Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang country, the general secretary Hu Yaobang devolution began to
push their yield management concepts of state-owned enterprises. Was accused of
unauthorized interference. Then Deng advised him to take his politics, and economic issues
left Ziyangowi Zhao and Chen Yunowi. Indeed, Hu tried to deal with issues outside the scope
of their official duties, his ambitions could therefore be disturbing, but it was not surprising,
because the highest position in the country and the ultimate impact on decisions in every area
of Deng Xiaoping was formally entitled only to decide the military field.
4.4. The conclusions
A decade of reforms Deng was a time of constant rivalry in the party, the great economic and
social changes. With the wrangling between conservatives and reformers emerged a specific
system. This country has a "shock therapy" of the Chinese characteristics of the indexing
economy on track Milton Friedman's free market, which led to many distortions, scams,
rozplenienia corruption in the state apparatus on an unprecedented scale in the history of the
PRC. The party tried to fight irregularities in its own way, but the imperfection of human
tainted leaders, whose families and other close, if not they themselves, were often involved in
serious scandals. Growing inequalities and injustices can be open and were a source of social
unrest. The freedom of speech, the right to criticize government failures could be a recipe for
problems that party structures themselves could not cope, but the view of the risk that could
lead to confusion with the time of the "cultural revolution" prevailed, the real concerns of
great propaganda used scare chaos. People party preferred to suppress criticism of their
actions, because they were convinced that they know better how to rule the country than some
young idealists, but many of them simply want to keep their private benefits of corrupt links.
State power was not able to work out a clear position, nor went to an open dialogue with
dissatisfied circles of intellectuals, nor has taken a wide repression and systematic action to
eliminate all possible sources of opposition. Not fully leaders also probably aware that the
legitimacy of their power ceased to be based on communist ideology and society adopted a
more traditional reception connected with moral conduct and concern for the Chinese people a
decent life. Indecisive attitude of the CPC, the practice of ad hoc solutions, inexperience on a
whole new field of market economy, the action in accordance with vested interests,
dishonesty, incompetence and inability to decrease the negative sides of reforms could not
bring anything good.
CHAPTER V
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Beijing spring 1989.
5.1 At the root of anxiety and tension (political, economic, social); Stepping up in the
leadership dispute
As already mentioned previous section, the main activists were pursuing reforms of Deng
general secretary Hu Yaobang head of the CPC and Premier Zhao Ziyang at the head of the
State Council (government). Over time, as the opponents of their vision more clearly put up
old activists themselves, ie. Chen Yun put economic policy on the pattern of the first five-year
plan from the 50s and Li Xianniana that the government was responsible for the economic
sector even in the sixties and seventies then until 1978 . Hua Guofeng in the government.
There were also other activists, propagandists, some closer to the ideas of Mao Zedong, the
other pragmatic politics, Liu Shaoqi, and combined them with signs of reluctance to reform
capitalism, people pushed through by Deng Xiaoping. Hinder their implementation, from
them emanated the greatest fondness for the central planning system and any fluctuations,
turbulence or crisis blamed the reform period liberalization favored a closer imitation model
of development before the "great leap forward". Lack of consensus in the leadership of Deng
prevented the full realization of their ideas. The search for balance in the party, trying to
preserve the wider stability of reforming the way in which, led to a compromise between
centrally planned and free market. The dichotomy in the party of power led to inconsistency
proceedings led to sending conflicting signals and did not allow to solve problems, not be able
to either fully implement the concept of reform or conservative. If one of them was fully
implemented, then it would be clear whether it is really effective and correct, while the state
of continuous wrangling only worsen the situation and not allow to develop a single party
line. Deng Xiaoping was more like a distant emperor, whose influence factions have tried to
win his decisions for your case. He supported the policy of reforms, but could not fully devote
her because he had to take into account the dissenting opinion of some of the older
companions. Implementation of reforms gave the his protégé, he did not take an active part.
He went on his way in the footsteps of Chinese Sons of Heaven surrounding the torn by the
intrigues of the court. His sometimes impulsive, ad hoc, inconsistent decision-making style
stopped to check in an increasingly complex economic environment and turbulent society.
Growing challenges at the interface of the party, the state and the business would face Hu
Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, whose ideas went beyond the concepts of administrative reforms
of Deng Xiaoping, the CPC by. Efforts to separate the party from the state to prohibit the
regional administration and the structures of the party the right to interfere in the affairs of
state enterprises, which would manage the independent directors, attempts to transform such
establishments in the company's treasury and this type of ideas met with very strong
resistance field party apparatus who would not allow the reduction of the scope of their
authority, as well as income from obscure relationships with entrepreneurs. Reforms of this
kind were part of a plan to gradually departing from the principles of central planning, and
therefore were blocked by the conservative party elders. Another remedy for the distortion of
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the economy of dual pricing policy were trying to eliminate state price, simply raising them to
the level of the market and the release of which were undertaken in 1987-1988, r., But not
without errors on the part of Zhao Ziyang team, including trying to quickly push through
changes that do not take into account the socio-market, to which he himself admits in his
autobiography. Another mistake was to inform the public about the plan to adapt to the
realities of the market price before it started to implement. Failure to understand certain social
and psychological behavior led to a banking panic, mass withdrawal of deposits and buying
up goods from the stores, which was associated with the desire to avoid the loss of time to
raise prices. Yes sharply raised the demand and so led to a rise in prices, which reached
several percent. The situation was not as serious as it might seem, the panic was exaggerated,
but it was an argument for opponents of market reforms that this type of farming system is not
conducive to economic stability and prosperity of society. For the conservative part of the
party leadership maintain full control over the processes taking place in the economy was a
priority, did not want to agree to limit the scope of authority for market mechanisms.
In a discourse touching the challenges facing China, various problems and proposed solutions
are actively engaged group of intellectuals associated with the CPC general secretary Hu
Yaobangiem, often derived from the Young Communist League of China, led by his time (on
the basis of trying to create your own faction). Hu Opponents complained that personally take
part in discussions, spoke freely, from the perspective of the stability of party life behaved
recklessly by saying too much about the problems of the party and their visions of reform,
often without consultation with Deng Xiaoping, for example. Opposed initiated in 1983, r.
"campaign to fight the spiritual contamination", realizing the nature of the ideological rivalry
within the CPC and desiring to force more open and liberal, in this case, contrary to the
intentions of the Deng, whose support in time lost. In view of the student protests in 1986.
Took a mild attitude, then upset heavily conservative apparatchiks, which eventually led Deng
to withdraw its support for the Secretary-General, who, in 1987. Has been revoked from that
position. Hu Yaobang was attacked conservative circles of the party, both proponents of
pragmatic economic planning in the spirit of the first five-year plan, as well as defending the
achievements neomaoistów ankle methods for years 1973-1978. After 1987. Retained a place
in the Politburo, but was removed from any significant impact on the policy of the party and
the state. The post of Secretary General of the Central Committee took over as the above.
Zhao Ziyang, the former Prime Minister of implementing the program of economic reforms
which enjoy the support of Deng Xiaoping and niewdający in political and ideological
disputes. Prime Minister Li Peng was the protégé Li Xianniana, but Deng Xiaoping took care
of it, but it would still Zhao acting chairman of the Steering Group of the CPC Central
Committee for Financial and Economic Affairs played a major role in the matter of economic
reforms. It was not the first time that an ad hoc fit to the will of the political system
management. This created a conflict, however, another field in which the division of powers
was unclear, and more than regulations count proceeds in a complicated balance of power and
knowledge. The law was an instrument subject to the will of the CPC, whose status is not
governed by any rules in addition to writing the Constitution of the "leading role".
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Social discontent was reflected in the media, which were experiencing a freedom of speech on
a scale unprecedented in the history of the PRC. Passwords for democratization and freedom
of expression promoted by Deng Xiaoping during his power struggle with Hua Guofengiem
proved to be more far-reaching effects. Intellectuals engaged in a debate on the issue of
reform, the press publishes articles which seeks bold thesis, television programs emitted by
the contents so controversial as "Elegy from the river," which suggested the rejection of
Chinese tradition, including the imperial legacy behavior of power in favor of the Western
cultural pattern. Intellectual elite was driven by idealistic image of western society, including
large was the merit of dissident professor. Fang Lizhi University of Technology of China in
Hefei, which his lectures at Beijing and Shanghai's universities during various informal
meetings called gained great fame. The most popular was living democracy, which met from
1988. At Peking University, where participants had to have during the protests in 1989. Its
participation in the establishment of the Autonomous Federation of Students. Intellectuals
were a party to this dispute wewnątrzpartyjnym taking the majority position of the reformist
faction.
Students who aspired to a group of intellectuals, they wanted to have their voice heard by the
authority acted on their traditional awareness of the duty of an educated man to take care of
the state, at the same time growing their dissatisfaction with dismal career prospects for
university graduates. Those with a university degree in the eighties, when received jobs in the
financial sector, the salaries were not worth much, many of the wykonywało simple physical
work. It did not meet the expectations of not only the graduates, but also their families who
invest in the education of their children associating with the far-reaching aspirations. In
Beijing functioned even saying "poor as a professor, dumb as a doctor" ("穷得像教授, 傻
得像博士" Qiongde jiaoshou xiang, xiang shade boshi). At the same time aroused jealousy of
people who came to the job and the money is not due to a good performance at the university,
and through knowledge and corrupt links. With the rise of discontent student groups with their
own perspectives, the situation in the country, corruption in the party, increased the chance of
giving vent to the manifestations of negative emotions. The State Board of Education
indicated the dissatisfaction of students from ideological constraints, low salaries of
intelligence, the rising cost of living, the policy towards the issue of foreign studies, as well as
negligent operation of propaganda responsible for this people. Special indignation aroused in
student circles proven or not the allegations of nepotism, the privileged position of children in
the field of business leaders. The official propaganda line media also conducive to frustration,
because after protests by students in 1985. Change in the evaluation of this group of
privileged, to the more critical. Also regretted the lack of channels to exchange opinions
circles of students with management. The State Board of Education also warned against
involvement of people associated with the former "Wall of Democracy" and other
intellectuals, ie. The already mentioned Fang Lizhi in the "inspiring ferment on campuses"
(so-called "small minority" 一小撮 Xiaoshe inspiring unrest), and also before "foreign
infiltration ".
Hu Yaobang was reputed to be the only honest man in the CPC, however, invited the students
to talk, he spoke openly about his views without regard to party conventions, as it happened
75
Environmental Youth League. In the crowds of students (especially after his death) saw an
idealized leader who struggled with deviations party and many hypocritical opponents in her
womb. Liu Xiaobo was noted that the specificity of the academic intelligentsia-student
movement involving the peeling themselves the heroes of the members of the political elite,
the pro-reform activists disregard for contesting the CPC, ie., Wei Jingsheng.
Difficulties touched not only intellectuals. Complications associated with economic reforms
also resulted in the situation of other groups. Depletion was seen in the military across the
country increased levels of crime, people stopped to feel safe, to the past passed leaving pet
door is not locked with a key. Economic crimes particularly threatened social stability. The
local party structures was growing criticism of corrupt practices, which were involved family
members of people with top management. Beijing was also accused of carrying out policies
unbalanced and unstable, which translated into the situation in the provinces.
In 1987,. Began a campaign "against bourgeois liberalization" initiated by the conservative

party. Zhao Ziyang was afraid that it may hit the achievements of reform and made all efforts
as General Secretary of the Central Committee, to compensate for its effects. Limited to the
ideological field, for which it was criticized that there was a situation in which people are
stigmatized, "talking about liberalization, and not realizing it." Repression also reduced to a
minimum, prevent arrests and violence. He did more to weaken the conservative wing of the
CPC, in fact led to the departure of Deng Liqun as head of party propaganda, and also closed
the letter "Red Flag" (红旗 Hongqi). He did what he could not do Hu Yaobang, thus
becoming an enemy worse for conservatives than the previous Secretary General of the
Central Committee.
5.2 Changes in the balance of power in the international arena and the distribution of
the East Block
In the new era of Deng's China opened up to foreign partners, a pragmatic account of national
interest has been largely freed from the ideological straitjacket of the Maoist era, which was
reflected in the fact that it is not moved immediately to the reevaluation of relations with the
Soviet Union, still called the state "social-imperialist ". Still remained between these
conflicting strategic flashpoints was the presence of Soviet troops in Mongolia, the
intervention in Afghanistan and support for Vietnam (prochińskim battling the regime of the
Khmer Rouge in Cambodia). More important, from the perspective of the evolution of the
student movement '80s, however, the situation was relatively free debate ideological and
political science in China compared to the previous period, access to information from abroad,
which gave a chance to spread the news about the unrest spreading in the countries of the
"socialist camp "Central and Eastern Europe, the biggest of which was the Polish People's
Republic, there is just developing a vibrant opposition movement based on worker activists
and supported by intelligence, or" Solidarity ".
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For change in Eastern Europe spoke reform program launched in China. Along with the
fundamental transformations in East Asian economies stand communism, grew a sense of the
need for reform in the countries of the Eastern bloc and economic reforms could not stand a
chance without a transformation of the political system, which defended its beneficiaries, ie
the ruling nomenclature of the Kremlin and its allies and clients who are at the helm of the
other Member block. Marazmowi and numbness of the deteriorating situation in the block
under the leadership of the USSR was to serve the rejuvenation of the leadership in the
Kremlin, when the Secretary General of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev
was chosen. His vision of reform differed substantially from the Chinese concept, primarily
because it has opted for glasnost and perestroika then on. Moscow-Beijing relations for
Gorbachev's tenure were warming up, then went for the official acts of friendship from
largely dependent on the Kremlin allies of the Eastern bloc.
The content of the debate in the countries of Eastern Europe reached China, Zhao Ziyang
Gorbachev praised the concept that transparency was the basis for the reform of the
governance style of the Communist Party of China. Intellectuals praised for developing a
scientific theoretical approach to reform before it was started, what Deng Xiaoping did not,
which reflected the growing desire of Marxism Chinese thinkers organize social engineering
on a large scale. On the other hand, the negative manifestations of changes in the Eastern Bloc
and alarmed the Chinese leadership gave argument to limit the freedom of the opposition,
even if, as in the case of the PRC was to be a "statist revival". Putting the Kremlin glasnoti in
the first place before perestroika was, however, the majority of the Chinese leadership
penalized. Anti-system of Czechoslovakia and Hungary, the whole atmosphere of ferment in
socialist bloc European countries, translated into intellectual discourse in China. But this
Chinese "democracy movement" differed from the situation in Central and Eastern Europe, as
Bogdan Góralczyk notes that "there was no developed for the organization in the style of"
Solidarity "and that it was not directed or controlled by any group from the outside" .
Depending on the position on the reforms, the representatives of the different factions of the
Chinese leadership differed in their assessment of Polish "Solidarity". Events associated with
it can be considered both as a warning against failure to reform, as well as a warning against
careless liberalization. Polish movement met with the sympathy of the liberal intelligentsia,
and the greatest testament to the reform wing of the Chinese leadership was a proposal put
forward in 1986. By the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC (Zhao Ziyang's tenure as
Prime Minister) to the Chinese official trade unions have invited the authorities of the
underground "Solidarity ", which was not accepted by the authorities. This situation shows
how the Chinese leadership was divided, and how open atmosphere prevailed there since the
environment Prime Minister of the State Council was ready to invite representatives of the
outlawed opposition organization in another country with a theoretically convergent system.
On the other side of the dispute in the CPC and the people were quite opposed to inviting
dissidents from other countries who were inspired action against the communist government
in which the opposition of the working force was so serious that to control the situation
martial law. The blame for the chaos in the countries of Eastern Europe and the undermining
of the "world communism case" Mikhail Gorbachev blamed. It weakened the Communist
77
Party of the Soviet Union and left the fraternal parties in power in the region, which struggled
with a political crisis aiming to lose power.
5.3 The origin and course of the "Beijing Spring"
5.3.1 The Birth of motion and its causes
Saturday, 15 April 1989. At the age of 73 years died Hu Yaobang became a student first and
foremost a symbol of the efforts of honest moral authority in the spirit of the old Chinese
tradition, and the extension of the scope of civil liberties, and democracy were not as highly
valued. The event is immediately triggered tension lurking in the academic community. Death
of former first secretary sparked a spontaneous willingness to express their grief, on the
occasion of identification with the views kept out two years ago from the post of General
Secretary of the Central Committee, support for his vision of reform in China, but in the end
was used as a pretext to present their concerns, dissatisfaction with the course of reform and
the attitude of the leaders, and report his concept of change, and simply acting out of negative
emotions, than support the political line Hu strict sense. Were visible patterns of events from
the turn of March and April 1976., When he died, Prime Minister Zhou Enlai.
She came to voice criticism of the poor condition of the moral elite of the CPC, which badly
led, not only by the standards of the Empire, but also the Marxist-Leninist virtues. Prepared
the ground for protests idealistic and radical intellectuals, which had a shape to a large extent
the rule of Mao era. As previously stated, mutually contradictory policy of reform and
opening period, on the one hand, belief in the leading role of science and technology in the
economy with a large emphasis on the prestige of education, on the other hand the actual state
of market-oriented economy in need first of all hands to the simple, absorbing work led to the
inability of millions of students to find a place of employment in their profession.
Mobilization encourage students to protest the conditions in which they lived and studied. It
started with a great character posters on the campus of Peking University, expressing the
majority of mourning, but partly attacking power. Area universities fenced from the rest of
town and not available to the police without the permission of the rectorate was a comfortable
environment for the mobilization of students. The area was limited, young people very
focused, student activity centers were few and relatively easy to reach thanks to a large group
of people. In a large student community could easily spread to the views of dissident friends
from the dorms created a network of contacts, and interaction, which was of great importance
for numerous participation in mass events.
The first demonstrations in Tiananmen Square Gate took place on April 17, starting from a
group of 600 teachers and students from the University of Political Science and Law. The
news of this had spread very quickly among the students of the capital, and also because of
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the atmosphere of competition between universities mobilized student midwives consecutive
close together universities and gradually columns were moving to the city center, but not at
this stage have any idea of the purpose of their demonstration. They were accompanied by
lively, or even joyful atmosphere, poetic works, revolutionary communist caresses, banners.
The organizers of the demonstration of mourning also reached Beijing schools whose students
also went in groups to the Gate of Heavenly Peace Square. The movement grew quickly, at
this stage, composed of learners and throughout the duration of the demonstration until the
beginning of June was to be dominated by them. Demonstrations quickly turned into a desire
to express the academic community dissatisfaction with the mass corruption of the party-state
apparatus, nepotism, abuse of positions for the implementation of the private (financial)
targets representatives of the nomenclature. There was also a minority who dared to raise the
issue of democracy and freedom of the press, while the marginal passwords were openly
hostile to the party or particular leaders. A large part took part in the early demonstrations that
do not participate in classes at the university and join the fun, we then looked at the whole
thing.
Despite the relaxed atmosphere and an unclear purpose, chanted password quickly began to
attack the attitude of the elite, by repeating certain patterns of "cultural revolution", ie.,
"Down with the bureaucracy." Students called for a change in the direction of socialism in
China with a greater degree of democracy, which meant primarily the CPC dialogue with the
public. Expressed opposition to the dictatorship, tyranny and argued for a law-abiding state
(法治 fǎzhì the rule of law, rule of law), which would imply a qualitative change in the
position of the CPC, which was so far above the law, as well as a complete novelty in the age-
old tradition of the Chinese nation and the status of power. It should be remembered that the
changes in the spirit of reaching previously told Hu Yaobang, favored them as Zhao Ziyang,
and standing behind the reform faction within the ruling party.
Hu Yaobang was created by intellectuals on the victim of the conflict within the party, and a
great statesman, great characters countless magazine gave the word hot personal emotions of
students. The position of the most vociferous, well-known public opinion leaders of the
student movement put forward by Wang Dan, at the end of April and Wuer Kaixi and Chai
Ling, all with a little over 20 years. Such young people managed the affairs of student life at
the Gate of Heavenly Peace Square, tried to give the movement an organized form.
Postulates that the demonstrators wanted to convey to the Standing Committee of the National
People's Congress on April 18, have been spontaneously developed the same day. It meant,
however, already transformed (at least partially) in a move designed political goals, and they
were: (1) re-evaluation of the assessment of Hu Yaobang and his achievements; (2) The
resignation of the previous criticism of the intellectual movements tępionych revive the
campaign to combat the "spiritual pollution" and "bourgeois liberalization"; (3) allowing the
publication of the unofficial press and the resignation of censorship; (4) the limitation of
wages and privileges of members of the party and the government and their families; (5) the
abolition of the rules governing the municipal authorities of street marches and
demonstrations; (6) increased spending on higher education and salaries of researchers; (7)
providing objective relationship in the media about the student demonstrations.
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Signs of an exacerbation of the situation were visible from April 17 under the seat of the CPC
at the Zhongnanhai complex next to the Forbidden City, the crowd of students gathered there
chanting password attacking the government and the leaders at the same time demanding a
dialogue with them. There was even throwing shoes and bottles at police. Evening, April 19,
students gathered in front of the Xinhua Gate of the same complex, to the pushing and
shoving of the police to start a protest, "sitting". It was embarrassing for the government and
the authorities assess student demonstrations in Beijing as hazardous. April 20, students were
forced by the police to use the substituted buses, which sent back to their campuses. Then
during scuffles someone cut his disjointed in the bus window, with what the students have
done a rumor, the police allegedly beat up strongly students, and the matter has adopted a
boisterous called "the Xinhua Gate Incident". This rumor quickly spread through the
universities, the great character posters proclaim that the police beating students. Then people
who are not yet outraged demonstrations alleged brutality services and dementowaniem fact
by the official media, joined the subsequent protests. It was also the beginning of boycotting
classes and experience a serious challenge to the political monopoly of the CPC to fulfill the
appointment of independent student organizations from 20 April starting. On the other hand,
other students have caused a positive impression. They sang internationale, captivated a man
who doused with paint portrait of Chairman Mao on Tiananmen Gate. They wanted it to show
up as a model communist-democrats, who were able to protect themselves so before planting
of activities against the state.
The movement initially fully spontaneous slowly organized. Demonstrators marched through
the city first, and then sat on the Gate of Heavenly Peace Square, where the unit of speeches,
etc. Square became the main theater of the events of that period, although the university
campuses have also been an important place where students discussed their plans and ideas,
created the structure new independent student union. In his attempt to establish contact with
representatives of the government and the transfer of demands written on April 18, acted
according to Chinese tradition hallowed practice, which they felt had a chance to overcome
ill-treatment by the state apparatus. Delegation of several people knelt on the stairs leading to
the building of the NPC petition holding high over his head, even though they were ignored,
tried in the same way too vain to reach the leaders on 22 April after the official funeral (when
many students behaved inappropriately) on which has collected an impressive number
peaceful demonstration, largely inspired by rumors about "the bloody incident, Xinhua Gate."
Three students kneeling before the building of the NPC would thus humbling exhort leaders
to advise them, to make it what they were obliged sages in ancient China. Although a direct
address to the emperor was punished, however, the students had hoped that the democratic
slogans of the Communist Party will provide the essential difference between the style of
governing people's republic and the empire, and therefore expected to adopt their demands,
indeed, at least listen. Many of the members of elite Chinese also at one time participated in
student movements (eg. In 1936.), Why were opposed to students in 1989., Was also the one
against which the representatives of the protesting once. As mentioned participants of the
demonstration, it was not them is to immediately solve all the problems of the country, but to
establish a channel of understanding and dialogue to sort out the issue with the authorities.
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Even if the government would not accept the demands, the same gesture receive student
petition would be significant. According Wuer Kaixi, this situation is shown fully true picture
of the Chinese leadership.
5.3.2 Stepping up the fight for power in the leadership and direction of transformation
dispute
The leadership was not a clear vision of how to respond to student demonstrations. Secretary
General Zhao Ziyang and his rivals were looking for support from Deng for his concept. The
appearance of the protests divided the CPC. Zhao was convinced that after the initial
demonstrations, with careful, calm, wyrozumiałemu and skillful approach to the students
manage to persuade them to return to the university. After the demonstrations on the official
funeral of 22 executives were largely concerned about the course of events, and tended to
quickly, decisively, if you have strength, resolve the issue of protests. Zhao Ziyang due to
their belief because of Deng Xiaoping's Political Bureau imposed a line of relatively benign
approach to students, giving them time to articulate their ills, emotions and ideas, with the
hope that they will return to campuses to normal daily life. He decided to hold the long-
planned official trip to the Korean People's Democratic Republic (DPRK), leaving previously
comrades in the Politburo guidelines on how to deal with students: stop before going to the
streets after the funeral of Hu Yaobang; avoid bloodshed; punish the guilty people smashing
and looting beat (still connected to the "cultural revolution three words 打 possible, 砸 for, 抢
qiang); "Accept political persuasion attitude towards students and carry out multi-level, multi-
channel, and multiple in the form of a dialogue." In the absence of the Secretary-General of
the affairs of the party leadership had to deal with Prime Minister Li Peng. Check Zhao on a
weekly visit to the DPRK has limited its impact on the situation in the country, especially in
the party mood and the political intrigues at the political top. This was probably crucial for the
acceptance by management of "raw attitude" expressed in the editorial, "People's Daily"
(人民日报 People's Daily) April 26, 1989. On the basis of the data presented by people who
prefer harsh treatment of protest and total rejection of any dialogue with students Deng
Xiaoping described the events of the second half of April as "antypartyjnego,
antysocjalistycznego tumult." Then, while Li Peng made sure that assessment Deng, without
his explicit authorization was published in the press. This correspondence presents an
assessment of the events of the latest information oderwanemu Ziyangowi Zhao, who
approved it. Instead of trying to scare students, it was however, a new impetus to intensify
protests and radicalization and polarization of positions. Executives badly rated moods,
believed that students are scared of the raw marks from the leaders. Changing the perception
of legitimacy, however, had the opposite effect on the reception article, it was another after
ignoring the petition on April 22, a sign of conduct inconsistent with the traditional ritual of
the current ruler. Newly formed the Preparatory Committee of the Beijing Autonomous
Students' Union decided to organize a big demonstration on April 27 to oppose the unjust
assessment. They decided not to use too radical slogans and added to them a couple of
supporting the communist rule and socialism. The enormous scale of the demonstration, the
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police break the lock, press the attack showed the ineffectiveness of the former Maoist style.
Then the leaders came out with a proposal for dialogue with the students.
The meetings were held on April 29, discusses the problems and principles of pre continue the
dialogue, but have met with mixed reception on campus, even with the condemnation
involved as students. April 30, Zhao returned from Korea not only involved in efforts to
support the idea of dialogue, which seemed to accept at this stage as the optimal solution for
everyone in the party headquarters. Also undertook efforts to cancellation or modification of
the assessment expressed in the article of April 26, but encountered the same resistance of
Deng Xiaoping. Li Peng was able to lead to a conflict between the Secretary General and his
mentor, and also the mainstay of authority. 1st of May to the Standing Committee of the
Political Bureau confronted with the assumptions of the concept of Zhao Li Peng. The
Secretary-General stressed the need to respond to the legitimate concerns of students to
accelerate political reform, while Prime Minister advocated primarily for the restoration of
order, before any reform can be considered. And were divided as to whether to put an end to
the demonstration before the 4th of May. In this symbolic day, when the government and
protesters claimed the right to be heirs of the May 4th Movement, the place was also a
meeting of the supervisory board of the Asian Development Bank. There appeared Zhao
Ziyang and his speech said that the students have raised very serious issues, and called for a
solution to their issues, "calmly, deliberately and in an orderly manner based on the principles
of democracy and the rule of law." He said that the protesters express their positive and
negative opinions on the work of the party and the government, but do not oppose "the basic
foundations of the system." This occurrence was related to the situation of 3 May, the
Secretary-General gave a conciliatory speech well received by the students, while at the press
conference of the State Council spokesman Yuan Mu protesters treated dismissively again
warming sentiment. Responding to the "twelve preconditions for dialogue," the students of
Peking University he described it as "an ultimatum" threatening the government.
Conflicting voices day after day with the representatives of the ruling establishment's students
assessed as a reflection of a difference of opinion regarding the take vigorous steps against the
movement (similar opinions about the hesitant attitude of the central government expressed
provincial party-state structure). When Zhao Ziyang justified the student protests, saying that
the students oppose because the legal system is weak, the degree of openness (transparency) is
insufficient was a blatant breach of line publication on 26 April. For the part of the students
was a good sign, a warm gesture from the government, which responded back to college
classes. Some of the demonstrators noted, however, that the position of Zhao Ziyang is split in
the leadership, so be sure to continue demonstrations and take advantage of this internal
conflict in which the CPC has seemed to notice. In view of the split between students wishing
to return to classes, and eager to continue the protests and boycott classes, came up with ideas
to block the university buildings that classes could not be held, and the strike could continue.
This situation has exposed the extent to abstract and inconsistently implemented was within
the student movement 'democracy'.
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5.3.3 The radicalization of positions of the authorities and protesters, escalating tensions
When the Secretary-General, together with other members of his favoring of the Standing
Committee of the Political Bureau worked to establish a dialogue with students and other
social groups, "Li Peng and his trusted made efforts to block, slow down, or even sabotage
this process to the announcement with a speech czwartomajowego Zhao has not been realized.
"Deputy Minister of National Education Commission on command He Dongchang Prime
Minister, during a meeting of party heads of selected universities, concluded that the
occurrence of Zhao in forum Asian Development Bank reflected his personal opinion and not
the position of the Central Committee.
Students were not happy with the behavior of the government. Dialogue with representatives
of official student organizations had more of a press conference leaders dispose completely
disregard the demands of protesters and organizations established by them, describing them
consistently as illegal. This led to a re-tightening of sentiment, and the upcoming visit by the
leader of the Soviet Union considered a reformer and became a spokesman change according
to the students a good opportunity to re-manifest his objection.
Zhao Ziyang warned in a speech on May 13 that the students did not try to interfere with such
an important meeting of the leaders, because this can lose arouse public discontent, harm the
interests and image of the state. He knew that such steps would be ideal for Li Peng pretext to
justify its hard-line solution to the problem of protests. However, the same day more than 200
students from over 20 universities began in the Square of Heavenly Peace Gate hunger strike,
and accompanied by thousands of others. The hunger strike attracted broad support, not only
residents of the capital, but even the employees of the state administration. The number of
participants increased hunger strike for more than two thousand. The main leader of the
student, which arose just by organizing a hunger strike, she was a psychology student Chai
Ling. Participants of this form of protest presented an idealistic, naive (天真 Tianzhen) view
that leaders take on the suffering of students refusing meals as parents pokłoniliby the fate of
their children. As a reason to take fasting reported: The government's indifference to the
protests, carrying out "dialogue" with representatives of the only sanctioned by the state
official student union, as well as the maintenance by the assessment of events as a "tumult"
(动乱 dongluan). The aim of the dialogue was to bring the power of youth and the
reevaluation of the assessment events.
When May 16 the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau Zhao Ziyang proposed revision
of the content of the article characterized the effects of the April 26, met with firm opposition
from Li Peng, trying to cross the argument did not lead to any compromise between the
Secretary General and the Prime Minister, the latter clearly intimated that the Secretary-
General Zhao does not behave like the policies in this position should.
At this stage protests, took part in them not only the students, but also teachers, journalists,
researchers, government personnel, as well as workers and farmers. On May 17, the streets of
Beijing came out approx. Three hundred to four hundred thousand people. Enjoyed great
sympathy hunger strike and indignation aroused his disrespectful treatment by the authorities.
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Zhao Ziyang speaking about these events at a meeting of members of the Standing Committee
of the Political Bureau of the house of Deng Xiaoping, with the participation of doproszonego
Yang Shangkun (and of course the landlord), then focused on the issue of the article April 26,
seeing it as a chance to regain control of the situation. Ultimately, however, Li Peng and Yao
Yilin gained the support of Deng Xiaoping, who said that the developments only prove the
validity of the assessment three weeks ago. In contrast, the blame for sustaining the protests,
Zhao Ziyang, and saddled his speech at the forum of the Asian Development Bank. For the
only way out of the situation, to avoid a complete loss of control over the situation, a state of
emergency was declared. This was another key moment for the fate of the student
demonstration. Support Deng prevailed, but from a formal point of view, a state of emergency
has not been voted on by the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau, which had to that
power. Of the five members, two were for Yao Yilin and Li Peng and two against Zhao
Ziyang and Hu Qili, and Qiao Shi remained neutral. Formal vote even not performed, the
scales, the prevailing opinion of Deng Xiaoping, supported by additional Yang Shangkun.
Deng's authority, relationship-based influence and knowledge within the CPC, meant more
than the official rules that govern the formal system of decision-making. The same was true of
Zhao offset from the position of Secretary General, this was done contrary to the Rules
partyjnemu, legitimizing decisions of the authority of the elders. Zhao was not allowed to
resign yet May 17, but on the other hand, treated him as if he was no longer functions,
prevented him from performing the duties of the position is still formally exercised.
The source of disagreement between Zhao and dengue fever were the words uttered by the
General Secretary of the CPC in broadcast television interview with Gorbachev. As Zhao
explained, emphasized the role of Deng as the most important decision-maker in China to
explain why the meeting of the leaders of the USSR and the CPSU of a sudden the chairman
of the Central Military Commission is so important, or even the most important during the
entire visit. He also wanted to show the legal basis for such a unique position Deng to curb
various speculations about his desire for power and obscure plays. Unfortunately, this
statement was received by Deng as a veiled dump on him the blame for the chaos associated
with student demonstrations. Put a shadow on the perception that without Deng and Zhao
could affect the decisions of the latter. Zhao thus lost their most important support among the
party elders, his official position ceased to mean a lot, decisions were made without legal or
nagięciem formalities and procedures. Political sealed the end of the Secretary-General of its
objection to the decision to introduce a state of emergency (May 17), left him only accept an
appeal from their positions in the Central Committee.
5.3.4 The state of emergency
Lost Zhao Ziyang visited Tiananmen Plan May 19 to speak to students, encourage them to
break the hunger strike, to complete the demonstration. He tried to indirectly convey that has
already been decided about forced termination and no chance to influence the attitudes of the
leaders. Protesters diminished for several days, and 19 May at. 21.30 was interrupted hunger
strike, the strike remains unchanged while seated. The official announcement of a state of
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emergency on May 20 and has led to a further escalation of tensions, gave new impetus to
action once again a power stimulated the radicalization of the demonstrators.
May 20 crowds of students and Beijing residents stopped troops from the entrance to the city,
at the same time bratając of sitting in trucks soldiers and referring to their duty to uphold the
people. At the same time the demonstrators gathered on the Square posture assessment
exacerbated authorities. Accused her of violating the Constitution, treason Republic, the loss
of the right to represent "the party and the nation." Called for "the movement of non-
cooperation with the government," which was described as "gang" or "feudal autocrats",
"fascists" and the Prime Minister called to "go away". The protesters began to speak in
contemptuous, hostile tone towards the government. Moreover, there was an initiative to
collect signatures of people who want to withdraw from the CPC - a total novelty in the
history of the PRC.
Join the protests raised the importance of the workers, who also performed under the new
independent organization, but they are far was the Polish "Solidarity", about which they knew
little, but I felt inspired, appeared even postulate the need to find "the Chinese Walesa." It was
a very serious act of insubordination against the CPC, which claim any rights to represent the
fullness of the working class. But the most important difference Polish "Solidarity" movement
of the Beijing Autonomous Workers Association was that the support of the workers and their
participation in it was marginal, the protest was mostly inspired and led by students. This does
not mean that the working class in general hardly involved in the demonstrations, on the
contrary, the wave of support for the hunger strike in protest attended by official organizations
and groups representing workers workplaces.
As an exacerbation of the situation, the student movement was increasingly apparent dispute
about the fate of the demonstration, as well as the less lofty disposal of funds received from
Hong Kong and other sources. Serious disagreement line runs between students from the
capital and those who came from other provinces. People such as Wuer Kaixi opted for the
completion of the protests, for which May 23 was removed from the affairs of the protests and
defined as "defetysty". She won the confrontational stance represented by Chai Ling, who
gearing up for a brutal solved by the power of the force said that "bloodshed wakes China".
Delegates 288 universities conducted a vote in which 162 were in favor of "open battle", also
designated May 24 "Staff of Defense Gates Tiananmen Square." They demanded a special
session of the NPC, after which just might end up demonstrations, and to disregard this
request by the state leadership, decided to stay until June 20, when appointed to a term regular
session of the Standing Committee of Parliament. In the course of further escalation of the
protests, was erected a statue "Goddess of Democracy", modeled somewhat on the Statue of
Liberty in New York. May 29 have resumed a hunger strike.
Members of the party-state leadership can feel highly concerned about the radicalization of
moods combined with demonstrations around the country. This encouraged him the
conviction of a serious threat to the security and stability of the state. Refraining from
performing military orders, paralysis of the capital, only made firm leaders in the decision to
use force. Amounted to imperial authority which has suffered patience to elite social group
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they were students had their limits. There was a possibility that the Chinese authorities with
the existing configuration influence within the ruling party gave way to the demands of
students, too big was the impact of the old revolutionary elite with enormous resistance of the
host course of reform and change, hence the growing contradictions in their policies that
underlie the protests. Failed to change that during the decade of reforms, and the more it was
impossible in the face of what is referred to as counter-revolutionary threat inspired by alien
forces from the outside. The authority could not be subject to pressure to let the street,
because losing face. Zhao Ziyang's opponents won his case for Deng because of his concern
for the stability and fears of chaos on the model of the Maoist era anti-Party Campaign,
probably not without manipulation of the facts. Zhao was a man without personal systems and
the strong support of the central apparatus, counting mainly thanks to the support by a grant
from Deng, losing it did not continue to pursue its vision of change.
The authority could suspect students with hidden anti-Party, anti-state, anti-socialist plans,
because I at the beginning of its activity also hiding their real intentions, a policy of
deception, deception and infiltration. Sam Sun Tzu in his' Art of War "is about confusion
opponent, not showing the truth about their intentions and potential. He also mentions the
"borrow a knife to kill people," meaning the use of a third party to crack down on opponents -
this could be by Zhao Ziyang plan conservatives who wanted to take on the appearance of a
demonstration using students to push their idea of reform, to force the batch changes. Zhao
Himself confirms in his memoirs that the solution to the protests on "the principles of
democracy and the rule of law, through dialogue and easing of tensions" likely to accelerate
reforms, including political. At the political crisis could think of conservative forces use
foreign powers that were actively involved in the organization and maintenance using the
intelligence of the Republic of China (Taiwan), who wanted to undermine the position of the
CPC through advocacy, promotion (financial support) pro-democracy activists.
Zhao Ziyang Concepts and password students balanced between the autocratic omnipotence
of the CPC (although Zhao said he did not want to change the position of the party, and only
its method of operation). April 23, Li Peng came to information about the "Proclamation of
the PhD students of the University of the People," which contained seven demands: the
resignation of the official positions and retire all the leaders in the age of over seventy five
years the end of CPC funding from the state budget, pause to censor the press, the
establishment of a Committee for the power of "clean hands" made up of people from all
strata of society to undertake the fight against corruption at all levels of the state apparatus
and the party. The Prime Minister acknowledged the demands for "overt declaration of war
against the party", this produced a huge ideological difference between conservative part of
the CPC and the protesters.
Older activists managers like Chen Yun and Li Xiannian of economic turbulence of 1988.
Zhao Ziyang accused, which together with its activities to halt the campaign against bourgeois
liberalization could easily be regarded as an argument that the secretary-general is largely
guilty of protests in 1989, r. Zhao concepts and postulates students certainly were against
officials implicated in corruption scandals, nepotism and other stigmatized by protests
phenomenon.
86
5.3.5 The tragedy of Tiananmen Square
Events on the night of 3 June 4, 1989. Were the culmination of a crisis situation in Beijing.
Then this place had the final decision and force the removal of protesters from the Gate of
Heavenly Peace Square and other streets of the capital. It is not clear how important the
bloody outcome, which absorbs according to official estimates, 200 fatalities, and according
to the Red Cross approx. 2000 was a discrepancy between the factions in the leadership
utożsamianymi simplify Zhao and Li Peng Ziyangiem. Something more decisive for
refraining from using force power than the voice of the Secretary-General, or because he was
not at home when the April 27 organized big demonstrations against the assessment made in
the above-mentioned editorial, "People's Daily" (人们日报 People's Daily) 26 April or had
no effect on attempting to use the army on May 20, according to the adopted May 17 decision
to impose a state of emergency when it was in fact already moved away from managing
anything. April 27, students expected physical repression, drew up wills, but when you try the
above-mentioned troops to Beijing without the use of violence on May 20, the leaders of the
Tiananmen Square student in panic fled to hide sensing the real threat of the armed forces.
Residents of the capital, along with students in the suburbs, however, effectively blocked the
movements of the army column that was not even armed. Yes laxness of the authorities,
despite preferring the concept of conservatives, however, may indicate their reluctance to use
violence. Unfortunately for management, such gentleness was reckoned by indecision, he set
the enthusiasm of the students, who, together with the support of the locals had mistaken
belief that the state would not dare to really use force to pacify demonstration.
When at the end of May, the army began to penetrate into the city in civilian dress and it came
to light, it led to an escalation of negative emotions, anger replaced the family atmosphere
picnic May 20, when the brother of the soldiers (not counting minor incident beatings of two
soldiers in western districts ). Not really proven rumors of a fatal hit by a civilian car used by
the military thrown in the excited crowd combined with the discovery of the infiltrating city
wards weapons of live ammunition, leading to violent behavior growing indignant crowd on
the streets, no wonder that among them were willing to attack the army (as among students).
We can not exclude that there was provocation on the part of the authorities. Melee attacks on
scattered subdivisions and individual soldiers in civilian clothes stepped on 2 June, and such
incidents have taken place until the next day. When it happened a few times to take weapons
to civilians transported to the city by bus and other unmarked vehicles, try to recover the
equipment by the military and police led to melee with batons and tear gas, mutual hostility
grew quickly, emotions take precedence over common sense. Full exaltation declarations
students about the need for blood sacrifice, willingness to incur death in the name of ideals,
no obedience to any mitigation demands, complemented measure of hopelessness situation in
which he found himself in Beijing in those days.
It is very likely that Deng Xiaoping enabling the use of force, insisted, however, that there
was no bloodshed. Degree antagonize the parties and the emotions are not conducive or even
rule out such a scenario. About hrs. 18.30 June 3 city authorities have issued an appeal to
87
residents to remain in their homes, and after hours. 20 began to battle to lead to the final
suppression of the movement. The operation was downloaded from the northern provinces of
China 38 Army, which pacifying western part of Beijing's most radicalized killed more than
half of all civilian victims of the night from 3 to 4 June. Death according to official figures
bore 6 of their soldiers, 159 were seriously injured more than 1,100 others suffered injuries,
and 3000 was impacted or beaten, lost too. Much less was the number of victims in other parts
of the city during the execution order "to overcome all the obstacles and reach the destination
in time," or the Gate of Heavenly Peace Square, branches coming from different sides.
Apparently there was no clear guidance as to the principles of the use of live ammunition.
Commanders undertake them temporarily under conditions which they regarded as a threat.
The finale was held at the target site, a place in the center of the capital, when the morning
was able to, through the mediation of Liu Xiaobo, get hundreds of the most determined
students to depart.
Refraining from "decisive action" (use of force) at the turn of May and June, and will remain,
at most threats of its use could, in the opinion above all conservative forces in the leadership
advocating for such a solution, rendering the authorities as a "paper tiger" and consequently,
contribute not only to the loss of face (面子 mianzi) and risks undermining the Mandate of
Heaven (Tianming 天命), but they believe could lead to similar chaos as in the "cultural
revolution". After the article of April 26 was already very difficult. After the start of the
hunger strike of students and shame that China imported demonstrations on the day of arrival
to Beijing leaders of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev, the force option has gained an
overwhelming advantage. Another solution has become virtually impossible. Even if skillfully
used the situation after the petition three students on April 22, which referred to the
preservation of ancient ritual and ethics wise ruler (王道 Wangdao), it would seek a peaceful
solution. Most managers, however, initially set to scare unruly sharp rhetoric, and then to
solve the power and give them a lesson.
CONCLUSION
Power solution entailed political repression in Beijing arrested even approx. 10,000 people, to
which people came from several other cities in China. Most of the student leaders in a variety
of ways succeeded in the country and obtain asylum in Western countries. Repression
affected persons constituting mainly of traffic facilities, including straight people. Famously
also sentenced several detained leaders.
Canned party only managed to briefly block the reform process, return to the past was
impossible. The disintegration of the USSR in 1991. Was a warning sign before aborting
reform inefficient management system. Deng Xiaoping Therefore, in 1992, he went
conspicuously south China, where he gave unauthorized by management opinions in a spirit
of support for the continuation of the process of "reform and opening" as a strategic general
line of the party. It's his attitude and determination and the balance of the decade after 1978.
88
Proved that this program is through the revival of China. His authority cheered additional
support from the armed forces and a large part of the camera and enriching the middle class
and ... the peasants.
Evaluation of internal and international repercussions of the events of the Beijing Spring of
1989. Is the subject of many studies around the world. Here I would like to draw some
conclusions about power. Looking back 22 years, managed to make the Chinese empire. CPC
retained a dominant position, stable, with a wider public support than in the 80s of last
century. Political reforms advocated by Deng, ie. The progressive expansion of democracy,
depriving leaders of the special status and excessive privileges, the right to impunity,
disposing of "feudal" influences etc. with all their weaknesses, limitations, inconsistencies,
there remained only verbal declarations. This process of reform and opening to the world,
changes in social consciousness and made progress enforce them. Today, it is obvious,
including the part of management that further political reforms are necessary to ensure social
peace, internal stability, which is the foundation for further transformation. Without it, there
will be development. And he is determined to maintain in power and legitimacy. Today's
ruling party of Zhongnanhai is no longer controlled by the strong, charismatic leaders
standing over her. It is managed collectively as part of its internal certainly limited and coarse
but still democracy. The legitimacy of the CPC's position is due to two main reasons - the
rebirth of China as the real power and improve the level of substantive vast majority of their
inhabitants. One well-known, Western experts Robert McGregor described the source of that
success follows "the CPC has managed to develop a stable rule in order to achieve his two
main objectives - to stay in power and enrich themselves at the same time, or maintain power
by getting rich." In my view, this definition is blunt, but simplistic.
The party further remains largely outside the PRC legal system, but on the other hand, more
and more the Chinese regulatory system. Economic reforms translate into changes in
awareness, social and political slow, eg. Appearance in the two decades after the events of
1989. Middle class, whose status in 2025. May amount to approx. 520 million people. This
group has more and more opportunities to effectively try to participate in the political life of
their country. Currently in China, you can charge approx. 280 thousand. registered civil
society groups then developed the institutional base of intermediaries in the transmission of
information between citizens-leaders, what was missing in the eighties, when independent
organizations were formed spontaneously and are guided by emotions. The commercialization
of the media and increase the number of titles also led to the growth of pluralism, bounded
some degree of censorship. If you take democracy for the good of nature, then you can not
deny China's progress toward her. Let's add the effects of the information revolution: mobile
phones and the internet.
The events of 1989. At the present day are not, in fact, a practical bearing on the importance
of China's position in international relations. Yes, formally still in force restricting arms
exports to China embargo, but the various technologies the military and police, including the
US, and so there goes. This is a great power open to cooperation, it gives a chance for large
profits to foreign corporations to invest there, credited the US national debt is the second
economy in the world. The leaders of the world powers have no interest in wypominaniu
89
bloody suppression of the Beijing Spring. Even more uncomfortable is the theme for the
authorities in Beijing, which should be erased from memory. On the head are actually much
more serious internal problems and international, no wonder, then, that when in June 2009.
Wuer Kaixi wanted to get from Taiwan to the mainland through Macau, was made by the
authorities of the Special Administrative Region arrested and deported back to Taiwan.
Dissident this is still officially on the list of wanted criminals, of whom wanted provocatively
use to try to purify themselves and the movement to restore the remaining taboo topic to trial,
so that the leaders in Beijing want to avoid at all costs.
Today in China is dominated by the cult of money and rush to get rich. Please crisis of
ideology and ethical values. One of the employers author's work put it this way, "speaking of
useful things is to talk about it, which may allow to earn." Corruption remains an inherent
feature of Chinese political culture, but I think no one believes her strong suppression. If
someone is poor dreams of a career civil service, it is not for any other purpose as to earn
extra money.
Problem revival ethos of governance based on competence, integrity, justice, transparency,

equality of all citizens before the law in force, the menial functions of the ruling elites to the
public is a fundamental condition for lasting stability and strength of each country, to their
incomplete compliance is not surprising scale of the various conflicts around world.
Therefore, I am inclined to share the view of my promoter, that the ideals of the Beijing
Spring of 1989. Are not forgotten, and Tiananmen Square able obelisk in honor of the heroes
of the "great democratic uprising of youth". The question is not whether it will happen, but
when, today because officials discreetly meet the families of casualties of these events to try
to make amends to them. Such a memorial would be an extremely important symbol of the
durability and quality of change, rebirth truer size of this ancient country. However, I can not
refrain from a pessimistic vision of appropriating the image of the Beijing Spring of future
elites to serve primarily their own interests and manipulating the public. It is very likely, with
parallels in the history of humanity, including contemporary Polish, scenario.
90

China 89' at The Roots of Events

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China 89' at The Roots of Events

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Uniwersytet Warszawski

Wydział Dziennikarstwa i Nauk Politycznych

Chiny '89 rok: U źródeł wydarzeń

Praca wykonana pod kierunkiem

Warszawa, luty 2012

Rozdział I: Tradycja polityczna – pomoc w zrozumieniu współczesnych Chin 14

1.1 Pojęcie „państwa” 14

1.2.1 Konfucjanizm, Mencjusz i Mandat Niebios 15

1.2.3 Konfucjanizm imperialny (synteza konfucjanizmu i legizmu) 18

1.3 Miejsce rola i funkcje państwa 21

1.5 Tradycyjne powstanie 26

1.6 Legitymizacja władzy komunistycznej 27

1.6.1 Linia mas 29

1.7 Kategoryzacja społeczeństwa 32

1.8 Instrumenty sprawowania władzy i stosowane środki 33

Rozdział II: ChRL Za życia Mao Zedonga 37

2.2 Maoistowska koncepcja budowy potęgi państwa 38

2.3 Bilans eksperymentu „trzech czerwonych sztandarów” 1958-1960 47

2.4 Bilans „rewolucji kulturalnej” 1966-1976 52

2.5 Nieuchronna konieczność zmiany kursu 59

Rozdział III: Okres przejściowy (IX 1976 r.-XII 1978 r.) 64

3.1 Sytuacja ChRL po śmierci Mao Zedonga 64

3.2 Ponowna rehabilitacja Deng Xiaopinga (1977 r.) 67

Rozdział IV: Bilans pierwszej dekady reform i otwarcia na świat 76

4.1 Zarys kierunku reform wewnętrznych 76

4.2 Zmiany w polityce zagranicznej i ich wpływ na kurs reform 86

4.3 Podstawowe wyzwania i napięcia, spory o wizję przyszłości 88

ROZDZIAŁ V: Pekińska wiosna 1989 r. 92

5.1 U źródeł niepokoju i napięć (sytuacja polityczna, gospodarcza, społeczna);

5.2 Zmiany w układzie sił na arenie międzynarodowej i rozpad bloku wschodnioeuropejskiego 97

5.3.1 Narodziny ruchu i jego przyczyny 99

5.3.2 Zaostrzenie walki o władzę w kierownictwie i sporu o kierunek transformacji 103

5.3.3 Radykalizacja stanowisk władz i protestujących, eskalacja napięcia 106

5.3.4 Stan wyjątkowy 108

5.3.5 Tragedia na Placu Niebiańskiego Spokoju 111

Political tradition - help in understanding contemporary China

1.1 The term "State"

1.2.1 Confucianism, Mencius and the Mandate of Heaven

1.2.3 imperial Confucianism (206 BC-220 AD the Han era)

1.3 Place, role and functions of the State

collectivist conception of the individual;

very low level of political aspirations of society.

1.5 Traditional uprisings

1.6 The legitimacy of the communist regime

Mao Zedong more than adherence to specific principles of an ideology, appreciated

1.6.1 The line of masses

wielkich znaków, wielkie debaty). Source: http://www.360doc.com/content/07/0615/15/31242_559918.shtml

1.6.2 The Proletariat

1.7 Categorization of the society

In traditional Chinese society, according to the thought of ideals proclaimed by the

1.8 The instruments and the measures of governance

PRC during the lifetime of Mao Zedong

2.1 Specificity of political competition

2.2 Maoist concept of the construction of state power

To control intelligentsia and academic communities (especially students), a system of control

2.4 The result of the "cultural revolution" of 1966 - 1976

According to official slogans would be "the greatest revolutionary transformation of society

2.5 The inevitable need to change course

The transition period (September 1976-December r. 1978).

3.2. Re rehabilitation of Deng Xiaoping (1977).

Deng Xiaoping despite unfavorable circumstances, properly utilizing knowledge (关系

3.3 Disputes over model development, the struggle for power

and take over the helm of the of Deng Xiaoping