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( BE- ary) gles ( cat cag) arora ats (qrary) aay yrs, TH acl, TARTAR, ATL are (@) era carat at (am) arta a Sart gar (STR) egha ( Ta) we ( eaTET ) wer Beareit Aq arat gret| wara-82 ga wee Hower war ut fe “Z- Rar qerga’ gat, gizareit faafeati st a wha, 8 vq wet F urdar & fe watecratit grace wether eat ae faerti, Aeetsti ofte wet at Sa ee, site ag ery Ga eae Ef emt M2 gee aa stad Fi eB ga we at Pr qeet, a: ag ard we E ster we 1 ate ait afta } fe at ardard car wt ga 8 ae( 238) &, ag we g@ site wet eA, Weg oa Te Tate at et cart, at varaant qTarg wares gH arte HS wad site a ga gis @ arit i, at eh Farr wx F os Wet 22 sit aaa: ea aeafagaved anit Raed Grafs frat ata setrqatey eared tl “oSat ea” at caveat wd we ye Fr ( afag:) Mr aerent waorra aT seATER HTT wa Quacd wr grat 21 ( gaeq) Wt fore, gearar, fra at orfe at area aa ayed w- 2 ¥-93 qerarg ny St, a are et (atoaT) alter ea aq siftits & (cain ) Hae RIAA, UFARITMT Fa BY Taxa VR gree Q-2I So at (tae) cafe wi-sa wr cart w arcat at: (a) az garg Fa ( a ) garet( 284) ( mS: ) gga St ( wegen) at stat 2 BRT STC HVS grat FH ng_e ai 1 ag wraat, arirat at ae wea 21 alg at aout wt aye 8 fina weet 8, Teat At Taeai & gam acet @ vite cat Her & grat ae ava aeauat tha ga sare Bt ret Hifa arava Ba, da et agra ec ae Fait fat sa F oH wre at orfe we we @, ca prea afg afta St araar werrereas B | ay seat? ave aes F ga at feeqa sqreqr weatca Ft AAT 22. i a severe @ aahrTara | a Sa T ATEN FT ae rare a fara- art & eaTeT Il ( Wea ) FIARI Faqras oearest & fad ( am: ) wearer afte (aha) wen, 5S, gre S Ya ny St fer awent( 228) Stl ( Sracrr & ) Rear ace AT? ( wIeH- are a) aa arfaadt at ge agers ez, wTTVez- waar we St aaeere et ( frara q) wRS wre vite ( Rraeraa ) weaea Aye eagy orga atiza warat carat wt (am) art ATE MATA AAAT YRS ANESTT BT 1 ues ota Fe, Ar, FTG, STTy, age, va at ara aigr act Bag gRet Jaa er we Fi aviteet enghtat Tex we quad gra wt arer @ ag ga str ana at essa 21am aca, ga- ARN, ATsAy, HATA Waar sy RT ATA Sra BSA | Ka Ts Bre &t BF BS eit @, at aaa ara ares WT FR aff quiere: Goitad amen Sa | gore quarara QoRrrrearza tl( 239 ) (airy s1q2) ae oraz, fadia, wards, UH, GS, Vee, ( sg ) sees, fare alt, FACTRI, BAS, FIT, Fa, STH, BR, BT, AAT, sta, VAT, STITT Wa, Bawa, wes, wae, srr 2 | (gory zqq) aet aE dare St wut gat wat Ga F req aI F wae red F giwirec er war Bi ( gait) sates got me ( qRT ) get amare ( squad ) ae Grr ara awa Fr UTTTAT B TART A KTETTT BWA ATH Ot stag & rrearlia et oa Ft (quied........) ga wawaT F yo wTaee HY SHC TT AVETT aed wet oret, weg aret at gute tz erat 2. aera FB ann as frre fear ara, ay arat sarat we waar, AB ware st qwet ut fe qutveg at vs dite’ 8 fea, arat go wet aT 1 se aT He fear 3 fe( 232) saree aaftfxa 8, xa: edt aio aats NEAR RATT YASH Vy, a, wa, weneara HUF AAT AIT AT BBT a ST eae wTa- vege we 8 seg Hadt agh ort Ka: LEAH ALITA Rl SE sy arare at uri et araat alqeraez 8 act uriga 1 at aa & coryerars EUWT St UE Evs dia are ugat datz srgtaat Qt atfed verdes weit 2 gaz ae at aradt silt at a8 sx ait at ate mat ® aa f erat wikti wr aged UAT VARA BIA Hat 2, at wa F aeqea z- arcat grat 2, wet Hera onfintt Bowe faa gaara aaer aa ae, Fer rar afer fea faut 1a? Hear ea wos sha FB, anita UH Gl EA WAT Ta TAY Vea ea ¥ ott Feu waes qa BA aaa, Bat ie etre aeita ercit Fi( 232) UT BV vid antacatas ota cfr aa UTS: UGA TT: Aiea: | THETA anea fata arta gar an®s: aan area! areata ames: Ar ar TTA UN (it: ana) wea, wey, wera, areerariy wrt gt ate onfasres Bt ( srerite aie: ) Ural sit at Gat FR ata A ar- BIT) Taree yiibcaren Bt ( Tear afta: ) pfa waa wa caret afga gaartt #3 (arg: aia: ) aat at we ear aft at @ agg wat onfe ar ardha are aniea- qt Bt ( stir amen ) drawer sf srafiat gaqrit Bt (@aetaa: amea:) az- ga arly anecia mearesrdt Bit sarke o- fas 2 & qeara site aarfta a 83 1 ( fa- an anea ) wa fagry Sr at wa ezat( %¥e ) sugatrarce ste areata Vit (ser athe) siharert aq seqrt 1 (aan ) va ome at aryd were seq uTagqras efi ( arbata ) mgt | aria gt (area) aria (aT) BE Fae ( of) wre Et AE (AT) FE (ante ) arta wea aa ageat a sit ora ea Fa OR aeaTs AA TAT AAA ara afer ete cz Feat at FR at fea ae ua aha, AES, TIA, TS, TT AT Usa T, he TaGTH rag Satis BTA ET aH, ATT, Se, eta, saat, frat & gat B ae kt ghrara At oi eT Watt aren: afer: saree Ml134 THE REVOLUTIONARY IDEA was included in the mvatation. The government at onea forbade the banquet, and announced that 1b would take steps to prevent it by force The 22nd was the appomted day There were crowds in the streets, uneasy but pur- poseless crowds wluch thronged past the Madeleme, crossed that great central scene of so much Dloodshedding which Parisians have named the Place of Concord, and so over the Pont Royale to the Chamber of Deputies, There they were dispersed without loss of hfe by a regiment of dragoons De Tocqueville dined that mght with a fellow-deputy Twenty places were lmd, but only five guests sat down to dinner ‘The five, he says, were “ pensive.” On lus way home he may have noticed the distant flicker of the fames in wluch street-uchins were bwmng some of the benches im the Champs Elystes Lamartine, at least, observed them thoughtfully At dawn, on the 28rd, troops occupied the prmeipal posts of vantage in Pans, and there awaited events, extremely cold and uncomfortable Few people were to be seen about, only an occasional burst of distant firmg echoed mysteriously from the labyrinth of streets m the neighbourhood of the Hotel de Ville In the evenmg, however, large crowd encountered a regiment of the lune before the Mimstiy of Foreign Aftairs, was fired on by some misunderstanding, and took to its heels, leaving a number of dead Later that mght the corpses were placed on a bier and borne processionally by torchhght through the streets “The government 1s massacring the people,” sobbed de Tocqueville's cook next mormng And through the night armed men went from house to house, barnicades were hastily put up, and the church bells rang to summon Pans to further msurrection Lows Phihppe could bear them distinctly from the Tuileries, During that ght he mvited Thiers, leader ofTHE REVOLUTION OF 1848 135 the opposition, to form a government The Reform- rebellion was over. Early in the morning of the twenty- fourth he lay down for a few hours, fully dressed. He could hear, where he lay, the confused murmur of con- versation among his counsellors in an adjacent room, and beyond 1¢ the sounds of a distant but recurrent fusillade There had been an odd effect of discipline about the two columns which were the nucleus of the crowd which had got itself “ massacred” this mght of the twenty- third They had seemed to be in no doubt about ther objects or ther route, these men, and to recognise officers from whom they received orders, and at least once a purposeful litle band had detached itself from the main column and disappeared unostentatiously down a side street upon an unknown mission ‘This nucleus was drawn, no doubt, from the secret societies which, in increasing numbers since 1830, had been giving shelter to illegal opmons Louis Blane gives an interesting picture, in the introduction to the Histoire de diz ans, ot the French Carbonan under the Restoration dnlhng on straw im empty houses The Drovws del’homme, the Famille, the Sassons—all preserved the republican and revolutionary traditions, and, as we have seen, to these since 1830 had been adding itself the new revolu- tionary economic gospel The secret societies were often divided into sections of twenty members, each with an officer and under-officer. (Thus, fo. example, the Drous de Vhomme) And hence no doubt the all but mbtary disciphne m portions of the crowds of 1848 All these societies, to0, had had experience in one or other of the insurrections of 1832, 1834, and 1889. But it must be recognised that 1t was these societies which were created by the requrements of forbidden evolutionary opmion, not the opimon which was created by the societies. Nor136 THE REVOLUTIONARY ID must the mportance of the secret societie merely Parisian Revolution be exaggerated who was in as good a position as anyor their influence, observed that “ the very which can be produced by a conspirato fluential only when they serve a general existing passion . In the modern : all-powerful conspirator 1s public opmion This insurrection of the twenty-seconc third had been the work of the party of Guazot had been its rallyimg-cry It had b and there had even been illummations ; second msurrection developed out of it twenty-fourth The troops proved relucte offensive against 1t, and Thiers ordered the on the Tuileries and sent kus colleagu announce to the crowds the concessions the king. He himself within a few ho shnkmg homewards z:mcognito and by d shaken by hysterical sobs, muttermg 1 himself and incontinently turning taal at of a crowd—even ot street-urchins The origmal home of the house of Orleans, wa pillaged Lows Phitppe, attemptmg enthusiasm of the National Guard, was chilling mdifference, lost heart and abdic of the Comte de Paris, his grandson. Tha crowd destroyed the throne 1n the Tuileries of Deputies, which had proclaimed the € king and his mother regent, was invaded 2 For Mrs Webster all revolution and revolutionary op: manufsotured by secret societies, and even within the members ate mostly ‘dupes of highly mys propagate revolutionary opmon among them as o ulterior end, whioh 1s vaguely deaoribed as “the destruTHE REVOLUTION OF 1848 137 was proclaimed and the repubhean members of the Chamber announced amidst uproar the members of a provisional government selected by the staff ot the National Guard. These made their way across the tumult of Paris to the Hotel de Ville, where they had to effect a sort of coalition with the government already selected by the Reforme. On the twenty-sixth the Provisional Coalition Govern- ment proclaimed the Repubhe Once more France was to recerve & Revolution ready made from Paris. ‘The Provisional Government had indeed some misgivings in this matter, its first draft of the proclamation stated that nevther the people of Parts nor the Provsenal Government pretend to substitute ther opimon for the opinion of the orizens, who will be consulted as to the frnal form of the Government Lamartine asserts that in one of his many addresses to the mob in the streets at this tame, speaking of the proposed Republic, he said, “‘ We have only one right, that of proclaimmng our own will, as the people of Paris leaving to the country and its thirty-six millions who are not present and have the same right as ourselves the expression of their sovereign will by means of umveisal suffiage the one foundation of any national repubhe,” The people shouted in reply, “Yes, yes France 1s not here Paris is the head, but Paris must guide, and not tyrannise over, the body ” Thus remote was the populace for the moment from the Jacobm view of the relation of Paris to France A later draft of the proclamation was less apologetic The Provisional Government wills the Republre, under con- dition of approval by the people, who will be ummediately consulted And im the final announcement of the 26th the Provisional Government appeared to have overcome ite scruples In the name of the French people, Monarchy,138 THE REVOLUTIONARY IDEA under every form, rs abolished without possibilty of return Without possibihty of return! Thus had the men of 1789 abohshed the Bourbon monarchy and the restored Bourbon monarchy the empire of Napoleon. The Provisional Government had now achieved the only task on which it was agreed It had no recognisable mandate, no instruments save what 1t could improvise and no authority save what 1t could usurp And from now onwards it carried disruption in rts heart ‘The third, last, and longest phase of the Revolution is occupied by the conflict between the warring prnciples within the Provisional and Coahtion Government The issue between them 1s clear The Republicans of the old Revolution (Lamartine and five others) were for the Republic, the democracy of universal suffage and no more The new revolutionaries (Louis Blanc, Albert, Flocon) were for carrying out the turther, economic Revolution, without waiting for the verdict of the nation The mstincts of Jacobimsm were reviving rapidly indeed. And at the moment the new revolutionanes wielded the same formidable weapon as the men of 1793, an armed body of supporters in the streets, o.gamsed, not now in the Jacobin clubs, but in the Socrété républicame centrale of Blanqu and the Club de la Révolution of Barbés For some days no soldiers, no police were to be seen about the streets , ‘‘ the people alone carted arms, kept watch ever public places, was on guard, issued orders, and awarded punishments ” But m spite of this resumption of tradition there is a new and quite unmstakable tang ot modermty about this Revolution ‘Thus de Tocqueville observed “a very geneal effort to placate the new master Great land- owners hked to recall that they had always been hostile to the bourgeois class and favourable to the people andTHE REVOLUTION OF 1848 139 the bourgeois themselves 1emembered with a certain pude how their fathers had been workmen, and when, owing to the inevitable obscurity of genealogies, they could not trace themselves back to a workman who had actually worked with his hands, they would at least attempt to descend from a ne’e1-do-well who had made his fortune for himself In tact the desire for the publicity of such details was as great as a httle while ago 14 would have been for then concealment” And “just now everyone did his best to make what he could out of any black sheep the family possessed Any cousin, or brother or son one might be lucky enough to own who had rwmed umself by his excesses was well on the way to succeed , while if he had contrived to wim notonety by some extra- vagant theory or other there was no height to which he might not aspire The majority of the commussaries and sub-commussaries of the government were persons of thia sort” The Duc de Broghe, poor gentleman, daily ex- pected the collapse of ervihsation The clubs began to establish their dictatorship at once, Even on February 25th an armed workman, spokesman of an immense crowd, demanded the right to work (drout au travail), Lous Blane’s phrase Next day the establish- ment of rational workshops was decreed On Febuary 28th another organised demonstration demanded a Mimstry ot Progress It cartied banners on which were the words Organisation du travail, a phiase again of Lows Blano’s, and Louis Blanc himself supported the demand, and succeeded in persuading the govern- ment to create a Workers’ Commusston Louis Blanc and Albert took up their quarters im the Luxemburg, winther they summoned representatives of vaiious trades. And there this Commussion decreed the reduction of the working day from eleven to ten hours m Paris, trom140 THE REVOLUTIONARY IDEA twelve to eleven m the provinces. Such were the not very formidable first-fruts of Lows Blanc’s “ penlous chimera” The employers, however, paid remarkably little attention to the modest manifesto, and the Luxemburg Commission, which was permitted nerther authority nor money, could scarcely enforce 16. For the thi time, on March 17th, the clubs organised a journée, this time to exact the postponement for a fortmght of the election of the Assembly which was to supersede the Provisional Government In this singularly short imterval the country was to be converted to socialism. For the third time, and the last, the clubs were successiul, On this occasion Blanqwi (director of the Société »épublacaine centrale) was spokesman “ Hig speech amounted,” says Lamartine, “ to a demand for the implicit obedience of the government to the dictator- ship of the mob as expressed by the clubs” For Jacobimsm, in fact On Apnl 16th there was yet another effort, and it failed: the bourgeois members of the National Guard lined up before the Hotel de Ville with cries of “ Down with the communists!” The clubs had more than half Pans against them and the whole of France. Meanwhile the government was experimenting with “national workshops”? These were not orgamsed by Lous Blane, neither did they resemble the “ social work- shops” suggested nm L’Orgamsanon du Traval The members did not work at ther own craft, but were regimented into brigades which were set to level the Champs de Mars at two francs a day (and, later, one frane when there was no work), a system 1umous to the exchequer and humhating to the worker Unemploy- ment growmg continually, the numbers in the atehersTHE REVOLUTION OF 1848 141 natonauc rose from 6,000 m March to 100,000 in May ; many of them were artists, actors, men of letters, clerks and the hke The government, which was responsible for thew distress, was in fact distributing charitable relief under a not very convincing disgmse The atehers natonauc, thinks Lamartine, were a guarantee against disorder and socialism. “ They counterbalanced,” he says, “the Luxemburg commission and the clubs, and on several occasions saved Paris, though Paris did not know” They became “ seditious ” themselves only with the arrival of the Assembly in Paris and 1ts plan for the own dissolution Clearly this was an expedient, not a system, and clearly the atelvers nationaux (where, what- ever their own skilled craft, men worked all together at the same unskilled labour) were notably unhke the atehers socrauz of Lows Blanc, to whom a remarkable hustorical perversion has sometimes attmbuted them “Directed and controlled by leaders who shared the secret views of the anti-sociahst members of the govern- ment,” says Lamartine of the experiment of 1848, “‘ they were instinct with the spirit of Lows Blane’s adver- saries”” The failures of 1848 are no reflection upon socialist theory, for the socialists were never in control even of the Provisional Government, aud with the advent of the Constituent Assembly elected by umversal suffrage they became impotent The Assembly met on May 4th Unuversal suffrage had given an overwhelming majority to the possessing classes, and m an overwhelming majouity the Assembly approved the anti-socialist Republic Only one or two of the new revolutionaries sat in the Assembly, and the executive commussion of five which 16 appointed and which was to name the mimsters was hostile to them. The clubs142 THE REVOLUTIONARY IDEA remuned the stronghold of the new Revolution. It wag clear that there would soon be conflict once agam, and perhaps mortal conflict, between this Panis of the clubs and Fiance In 1793 we saw Paris dictatress of a power. less and not very resentful France In 1836 too, although a gioup of provincial deputies speedily assumed contro} of it, the Revolution was Pams-made But im 1948 France was becoming consciously restive beneath the yoke of her feverish capital. De Tocqueville, m his provincial constituency, at the time of the clections for the Constituent Assembly of 1848, observed this new impatience at close quarters “For the first time,” he says, “ Paris unspired universal hatied as well as unversal terror In France the attitude of the provincial towa1ds Paris and the central authonty of which it 18 the seat 1s very much lke that of the English towards their aristocracy, which they view some- times with impatience and often with jealousy, but which in their hearts they love because they always hope to employ its privileges for their own ends Now, however, Pauis and those who spoke in her name had so misused their power and seemed to take the rest of the country into so little account, that the idea of shaking off the yoke and at last achieving mdependence presented stself to many minds which had never dreamt of such a thing before ” And 1n 1848 France was an altogether more formidable sival than in 1798 or 1830 The extension of the telegraph was beginning to make her aware The violent decisions of Pans no longer came to her belated and nreparable . she was growing into an organic and self-conscious whole But if the telegraph had piven her consciousness, the more recent development of the railway had given her power The deputies who upheld her majesty would noTHE REVOLUTION OF 1848 143 longer be left defenceless to the street insurrections of Pans When de Tocqueville set out for Pans his constituents bade him farewell with tears in their eyes, “‘ for 1t was geneially believed in the provinces that the deputies would be exposed to great danger in Paris, and several of the good folk said to me, ‘If the National Assembly is attacked we will come and defend you’ ” And lastly, besides being more conscious and more formidable, the provinces had in 1848 a very particular quarrel with then capital As we have seen, in Paris in 1848 a violent minority once more attempted to impose its will upon the country , and this will was not, as nm 1798, the national will fo1 victory concentrated in a class but the will of a class forits own advancement This class, as we saw, found no place in a society which had been temoulded and had hardened into its new shape before the existence in 1t of a new element had been suspected, Not particypating in the legacy of the Revolution of 1789, that class desired a Revolution of 1ts own, the economic Revolution of the Have-nots against the Haves of the excluded, against the heirs, of 1789. Unfortunately for the new revolutionaries the land settlement of the old Revolution, by parcelling out the soil of France m infimte sub-division, had included among the possessing class the vast majority of the nation; and though these peasants owned little, those who own least are usually the most tenacious of their propeity Hence the simster news of the designs upon property did not, hke English Chartism, alarm the middle classes only, but united provincial France m one compact brotherhood against the half of Paris Here and there in the towns the mdus- trial workers espoused the new Revolution But France outside her citzes was of one mind . 1m face of the threat to property all classes and parties drew mstinctively144 THE REVOLUTIONARY IDEA together “Property . . had become a sort of brother- hood., Rich .. and poor. . all held themselves brothers and all were equally concerned to defend the common heritage.” Such was the mmd of provineial France on May 4th at the time of the meeting of the National Constituent Assembly, to which it had returned 80 great a niajority against the new Revolution. In less than two months it was to be at death grips with the new principle in the streets of Paris. Durmg those few intervening weeks Paris saw agam the tactics of Jacobimam It was argued daily in the olubs, notes de Tocqueville, that “ the people 1s always superior to 1ts delegates, and never completely resigns its will into their hands. A principle true enough, from which, however, was drawn the false consequence that the workmen of Paris were the people of France,” This was the principle put into practice upon May 15th, when an immense crowd invaded the Assembly, and amidst uproar and confusion declared the Assembly dissolved and proclaimed a Socialist Provisional Government. The National Guard arrived not a moment too soon and dis- persed the demonstrators in inglorious fight De Toeque- ville’s recollections of the whole amazing scene should be studied carefully by anyone interested in the psychology of crowds Six days later was held a Feast of Concord, a mam- festation of fraternity at which three hundred thousand armed men, carrying the rifles with which they were to shoot each other down next month, defiled past a plat- form on which were seated the members of the National Assembly each with a pistol, a life-preserver, or a dagger concealed about his person The official programme en- jomed “ fraternal confusion,” and the confusion at least was unmstakableTHE REVOLUTION OF 1848 145 By now civil war was in the air Sooner or later Haves and Have-nots must come to grips And inevitably it was upon the aiehers natonauc that the issue was jomed The Assembly was determined to dissolve this vast camp of over a hundred thousand armed and discontented workmen These were still employed, humbatingly and unproductiyely, upon levelling the Champ de Mars “Jt 1s not our will to work that 19 lacking,” they protested, “ but useful work suited to our callmgs ” ; and they refused to disband. Fighting began on June 24th. The workmen fought without leaders, but with the utmost resolution Never before or since have they struggled with such good hope For a victory m Paris might give them France, and the socialist theomes being 1m their heyday stall 1t seemed to them that victory would be followed by the mullennrum But the very ferocity of the mswmrection was fatal to it: for the possessing classes could not help but realise that ether 1t must be crushed, or the society they knew destroyed. And consequently they, too, left ther houses and fought desperately For both sides it was victory or slavery, And for the first tame France imtervened. Already on the 25th by every road not actually held by insurgents, the possessing classes, noble and peasant alike, were pourtng to Pans. By the 26th they were coming from five hundred miles away , and while the insurgents had no reserves, the defence could draw upon the whole of France. France had defeated Pars, and this defeat profoundly modified the form teken by the revolutionary idea when 1 next emerged, in the Commune of 1871. For the first time the whole was able to impose its will upon the part: a fact of tremendous aigmficance, Perhaps never agam—consider this—will a minonty carry a revolution to success, at least by way of L146 THE REVOLUTIONARY IDEA insurrection, In this year a page 1s turned m the histor of revolutions, and concewably the last y in this conflict one bond had held together the defence one interest it shared in common—property An aged kinsman of de Toequeville’s refused to leave the fighting “ What would these brave folk say if I left them?” he replied, pointing to his heterogeneous comrades in arms, “They know that I have much more to lose than tho; if the insurrection tramphs” By the 26th the victory had been won Of the prisoners the majority were shot out of hand or transported en masse without tral In Jess than six months Louis Napoleon was Prince President of the Repubhe The new and short-hved constitution of 1848 had asserted, together with the classic dogma of the separa- tion of powers, that “all power emanates from the people.” The legislature was an assembly of 750 elected by unversal suffrage (for the first time the Revolution was completely justifying the Declaration of Rights of 1789), the executive was a President to hold office for four years, choosing his own ministers © Who was to elect the President? If the Assembly, 16 would elect Cavaignac But if the people? Lamartine knew that he would not be elected by the Assembly “ Let God and the people pronounce,” he said “‘ Something must be left to Providence” God and the people, he hoped, would pronounce in favour of himself By December, 1848, however, the people at least had decided for a man with unusually short legs and a face hke a fish. Once more the Revolution was about to hand itself over to & despot. Tt is anstructive to note, in this matter of electing the President, the completely divergent wills of the people and their representatives, By orthodox theory the willTHE REVOLUTION OF 1848 147 of the Assembly was the will of France, and the Assembly would have chosen Cavaignac Twice already, however, in 1798 as well as 2n 1848, we have seen the Paris streets clauming to speak for Irance: they would have chosen Ledru-Roln, And France did in fact choose Lows Napoleon, Each of the three “ Frandes ” would have spoken differently The truth is that the Assembly had been elected for a definite purpose, to protect the prin- ciple of property agamst Pans, and, this duty once discharged, its will bore no relation to the will of its constituents. This was 1n Lows Napoleon’s mmnd when, preluding despotism, he mvited its successor, the Legislature, to “ associate 1self with the national will of which his own election had been the expression.” This Justification he had too for the appeal by plebiscite to France Since, however, the plebiscite was preceded by a bloody and treacherous coup d’éat, and accompanied by about ten thousand transportations, the yustification was morally of the slenderest. Plehusorte accepted both the coup d’état of December, 1861, and the assumption of the impenal title a year later (December, 1852) For a second tame the Revolu- tion of 1789 had surrendered to Cesar And im return for what ? The first Empire, we have seen, while destroy- ing the form, preserved the substance of the first Revolu- fon, and the second Empire too, while destroymg the form, undertook to preserve the essentials of the sub- stance The distinction 1s that the first Napoleon was needed to guarantee and protect the achievement of a vast movement of the human spirit m 1ts creative phase , the second Napoleon came to detend in a movement static now and not creative that part of 1t8 achievement which xt could not be cajoled mto bartermg away. The first was a task for genius, the second for cunning,148 THE REVOLUTIONARY IDEA But 1f Lows Napoleon stood for the preservation of the old Revolution he stood for the destruction of the new In the eyes of the middle classes and peasants he guaranteed property against the Rouges who, after the disaster of 1848, were believed to be plotting a second meamg for 1852. Once more Empire was welcomed because 1 promised Order And if the name Napoleon spelt Order 1t spelt Glory too Of the hundreds of thousands of peasants who voted for that name not a few supposed themselves to be voting for the “ Little Corporal” Inmself After more than three decades in which to weary of weakness and humuhation, France was heartsick for the Napoleomc touch Glory, as we saw, had been the one desire common to all paities im the Revolution of 1848° Order had become an even more urgent need m face of the threat of the new revolution- aries to society as constituted by the old In return for security for these two chief elements in the substance of the old revolution, France was prepared to forego the third, Equality, and, a little less readily, since the loss was more apparent and immediate, the form, the Repubhe Thusit was the New Revolution which yielded to Louis Napoleon, and this was the element in the Revolution of 1848 which failed. The old Revolution welcomed him as protector of 1ts tradition, and the Revolution of 1848 m so far as 1t desired no more than Glory, and then Order, may be said to have succeeded. And thus Napoleon the third, hke Napoleon the first, was demanded by the needs of a Revolution, he was less urgently demanded, less the mevitable, because the forces which called for him were spent. The nature then of the appeal of Bonapartism was constant But 1 1s mteresting to note that neither the first Napoleon nor his nephew bad foreseen that thisTHE REVOLUTION OF 1848 149 would be so The uncle had employed the unwonted leisure of St. Helena in remoulding the tradition, in the interests of the hoped-for successor, nearer what he supposed to be the heart’s desire of France. For France im 1815 might easily be mistaken for a country weary of the ngours of Order and the perils of Glory , (he was an indifferent psychologist) ; and the nephew did his best to perpetuate the revised tradition m hia Des Idées Napoléomennes, published n 1839 It was asserted by this carefully considered reinterpretation that the Empire was always to have become Iaberal, as, by force of circumstance, tt had shown some signs of becoming in the Acte Additionel of the Hundred Days, when France was to have been educated up to freedom if Waterloo had not mtervened The Empire stood in fact for Liberty and not for Order Also that only England had frustrated Napoleon’s real desire for peace and a Umted States of Europe The Emprre meant not Glory but universal peace It1s teresting, n view of this laborious perversion of the truth, to reflect that 1t was quite unnecessary, since although mn 1851 France accepted Napoleon ITT because his “ name was a programme mn uself,” what hypnotised her was, as we have seen, precisely the legend m its origmal, unaltered version. Glory and Order ! Such were the demands of all France save the Socialists. Could Lows Napoleon satisfy them ? Upon the answer to that question depended the fortunes of the revolutionary idea. For the new Revolution, unlike that of 1789, was not powerful enough by 1tself to destroy a government It could but hope to rush in once more, as in 1848, to fill the void when government had been overthrown by other and more widely dis- semimated discontents