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Shantanu Tilak

Prof. Viraj Shah

Understanding Myths

14th September 2016

URSA MAJOR AND SHIVA: THE SAPTARISHI AARTI

INTRODUCTION

The connotations of myths tend to be quite ambiguous when it comes to tracing them

back to a definite focal point. The theoretical perspectives are diverse, and rely on different

aspects of the human consciousness that lead to the perpetuation of fantastical tales, such as

the alterations of language over time, and the general development of the human race, and its

cognition, up to contemporary times. This research document aims to provide a brief

overview of the theories developed in the field of mythography, that vary in the approaches

they take in interpreting and decoding the social purpose and functions of myth. Using the

myth ritualist framework posited by theorists such as Frazer and Malinowski, who focus on

the origination of myths from practices codified into social institutions as rituals, this

research paper will also feature a comprehensive analysis of the Saptarishi Aarti performed to

Lord Shiva at the Kashi Viswanath Temple. Adopting the myth ritualist framework, the

approach taken to deconstruct the Saptarishi Aarti will focus on the social purpose of the

ritual that causes it to become codified into sociological frameworks over time, leading to the

perpetuation of the ritual practice as symbolic of a ‘mythical time’ or primordial time that

corresponds with the ‘time of creation’.


MYTHOGRAPHY: A THEORETICAL OVERVIEW

McGoulick asserts that the formation and creation of myths is the most intuitive form

of human thought. Saying that they are rooted in cosmological and cosmogonic frames of

thought at primordial time, she claims that myths are representative of the establishment of an

orderly world, and may even be counterfactual. This kept in mind, she talks of how they help

in codifying value systems and beliefs with the passage of time, and may translate into

rituals. Looking at the approaches that can be taken to deconstruct mythology, McGoulick

talks of the literal and symbolic modes, that deal with myth as a mode of explanatory thought

and as an ‘inherent truth’ which is timeless, rooted in the primordial (McGoulick). These

modes do provide frameworks to decode the origins of myth, but the ambiguity associated

with the origins of myth themselves are extremely ambiguous. The 18th and 19th centuries

prove to be an era of substantial questioning in the area of mythography. Herder provides a

theoretical framework that harps on the creative aspects of the human mind, stressing on

Romanticism and the questioning of reason in ancient man as the reason for the formation of

myths. He looks at historical processes as continuous phenomena, saying that the creative

endings of the human mind undergo a development with time, leading to a change in the

nature of mythical data. (Hassell 333)

Moving forward in the temporal framework of mythographic theory, Max Mueller

talks of the disease of language, and the symbolic descriptions that myths and practices

stemming from them originate from. Mueller seems to stress on the etymology of mythical

motifs, the gendering of objects and supernatural beings, taking solar symbolism as the main

benchmark for the analysis of mythological data. The ‘disease of language’ essentially adds

layers of ambiguity to mythical data, causing it to translate into different social practices or

even cultural norms in the contemporary context (Mueller 63-64). In contrast to a linguistic
approach comes the evolutionary perspectives taken up by academics such as Andrew Lang,

who stressed on the fact that the savage nature of the primitive mind leads to the formation of

myths as fantastical tales that evolve with the development of humanity, becoming codified

into social practices. Edward Tylor, takes this a step further by talking about the inherent

savagery involved in mythology, attributing the processes of animism to savage patterns of

thinking, and saying that myths are the survivals of savage thinking, that are layered and

altered with the evolution of the human mind. Tylor agrees with Mueller’s claim of language

playing an important role in the perpetuation of myth, but adds the dimension of human

thinking and development into the theoretical framework to posit that language and

mythology are inseparably linked to the process of development to contemporary times

(Tylor 285-288). While Tylor delineates the modern and the savage, saying that the patterns

of thinking are distinct but progressive, while Lang talks of the change of the nature of

rationality of human thinking itself, from more symbolic patterns to those rooted in

rationality. Lang essentially considers myth to be a sort of braided thread woven from three

parts: The savage donnee or patterns of thinking from savage times that were considered as

codified beliefs at that point of human development, the civilized modifications or layers

added to these myths, and the textual information about them obtained from fables and the

records of priesthoods (Lang 34).

The theoretical deconstruction of myth as a result of ritualistic practices is another

perspective, employed by myth-ritualists such as Frazer, who talked about the tendencies of

primitive man to attribute a causality to the happenings of the natural world, through

practices such as sympathetic magic, which simulated acts for a desired consequence. The

perpetuation of these ritualistic practices causes the codification of myths into human society.

Essentially, myths become the narrative explanations of codified ritualistic practices, which
are rooted, when traced back, to the simple practices of cause-effect magic to achieve a

certain end, from a time when man blurred the lines between the natural and supernatural

(Frazer 9-12). Malinowski looks at how myths are essentially mnemonic devices that are

codified into human cognition in order to maintain social order. He essentially looks at the

development of mythical data from social practices across a spatial and temporal axis in order

to understand how these practices translate into myths that embed themselves into social

organizations such as culture, economy and religion, and how these codifications and

concretizations of myth prevent the disturbance of social balance through drastic change

(Harwood 791). Thus, it is clear, from the aforementioned overview of theoretical

perspectives, that myth has been looked at through several lenses, such as the

anthropological, the linguistic and the cognitive. The main inference drawn from these

theoretical bendings is that myth is an inevitable byproduct of the progression of societal

norms and thought patterns.

The following sections of this research paper aim to decode a particular ritual, namely the

Saptarishi Aarti, which is performed daily in honor of Lord Shiva at the Kashi Viswanath

Temple. The theoretical perspective employed in this systematic deconstructive analysis is

that of the myth ritualists, namely Malinowski , and will look at how the ritual serves a

purpose, and leads to the perpetuation of the correlated primordial astronomical myth within

Indian culture. A focus will be laid on the significance of Shiva in the holy city of Kashi, ,and

how the ritual essentially serves social purpose, leading to the codification of the myth itself.

SHIVA AND KASHI: WHY THE INSEPARABLE ASSOCIATION


The Puranas, which existed in oral form before being compiled by Vyasa and being

edited well into the 16th century, contain a significant chunk of Indian mythological data. The

Hindu pantheon of Gods, consisting of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva, is canonically considered

as the nucleus of the analysis and study of Hinduism, owing to the vast array of myths

revolving around these three central figures that are focused around the themes of creation,

protection and destruction respectively. Shiva, the destroyer, is a particularly ambivalent and

choleric figure, who is often shown to be appeased through the performance of certain acts,

that persuade him away from summoning a wave of destruction in a fit of sudden anger.

There are several myths associated with Shiva in the collective textual bulk of the

Puranas, and the 7 sages or saptarishis are also seen to be closely associated with him.

Shiva’s residence at Kashi as well as his favor for the holy city itself seems to present some

deductive evidence about the spatiality of the myths and rituals performed in corresponding

geographical areas in the Indian subcontinent. Thus, one can analyze rituals performed at the

Kashi Viswanath temple using Malinowski’s spatio-temporal axes, to show that myths are

codified into cognitive units along the trajectories of time and space in order to establish

social order and resist social change. The basic premise to establish is that the ritual, which

causes the myth to become codified into social frameworks serves a social purpose, giving

the myth the value of a ‘social charter’ (Harwood 784). Explaining three specific myths

related to Shiva, as well as the Saptarishis, this research paper will apply the possibilities of

spatial significance and social validity to the ritual corresponding to these myths (namely, the

Saptarishi Aarti), to understand how the myth encodes itself into society with the

performative aspects of the ritual being correlated to some purpose.

The Bhairava form of Shiva and the act of beheading Brahma are considered to be the

mythical links that connect Shiva to the holy sanctum of Kashi. Shiva has several alternate
forms that are often mistaken for one another. Bhairava, a result of Shiva’s third eye, is an

incarnation of Lord Shiva, whose name symbolizes fear or terror. Bhairava is considered as

the ‘companion of the Goddess’ in the Hindu pantheon, and is deeply linked to the discovery

of the nature of terror and fear (Pattanaik). The myth that details and establishes Shiva’s

inseparable link to Kashi involves the motif of killing a Brahmin considered as sin, known as

the Brahmahatya. In this story, dating back to primordial times, Bhairava severs one of Lord

Brahma’s heads, which in turn gets attached to his left hand, marking his perpetration of the

sin. Trying to absolve himself of the sin of Brahmahatya, Bhairava roamed through the

Saptaloka or the Seven Worlds trying to find a solution. Lord Shiva created an ogress,

Brahmahatya to follow Bhairava, and told him to go to the city of Kashi and perform tapas or

penance at the banks of the Ganges. Doing so, he was absolved of guilt. Thus, the spatial

significance of Kashi as a city is concretized by its proximity to the Ganges, which is another

motif that is closely associated with Shiva’s power, since he holds and controls the flow of

the river from his voluminous loops of hair (Srinivasan).

Shiva’s inseparable links to the city of Kashi can also be explained through another

mythological tale which recounts Shiva’s attempt to corrupt the city’s king, Divodasa, to

make him renounce his position as king. Kashi was Shiva’s winter abode, apart from his

residence at Mount Mandara, but his love for the city made him long to return, which was

against the wishes of the King, who was afraid that Shiva would enamor the public, taking

away his novelty as King. Sending his messengers, he tried to ensure his return through

negotiations with the King, but the messengers were so taken aback by the city that they

decided to stay. Following this, he sent 64 celestial women to try and allure the king, to

corrupt his purity, but this too, was in vain. He then tried his luck by sending Surya, as well

as Brahma to the city, but his efforts were fruitless. Fed up by his untrustworthy
acquaintances, he sent his trusted ganas to try and make amends, but they too, stayed back,

claiming that Shiva should indeed, live in Kashi. He then sent Ganesha, who took charge of

the city and started to prepare it for Shiva’s return, saying it was inevitable. Mukti was

offered to Divodasa, who was tempted by it, taking it up. This marks Shiva’s return to the

city. Such stories point to the cosmological significance of the city itself (Sadhguru).

The astronomical correlations of the Saptarishis, which are represented by the seven major

stars of the Ursa major concretize their importance as beings who represented the nature or

character of the pre-historic or the ‘mythical’ era of time. The seven sages are Kratu, Pulaha,

Pulastya, Atri, Angiras, Vasishtha and Bhrigu. These 7 sages are closely associated with

Shiva (Vahia). There are several variations of the myths associated with them, but this

research paper will focus on the transmission of yoga to the Saptarishis by Lord Shiva,

following which they were instructed to travel to different parts of the world to disseminate

their knowledge and maintain balance. This transmission of yoga basically refers to the

instilment of a spiritual or God-like (in essence supernatural) energy to an individual. Upon

being given these powers and being asked to spread their knowledge, the Rishis lamented that

they did not want to leave Kashi, or Shiva’s company. Upon hearing this, Shiva taught them a

simple procedure to call upon him, which is known as the Saptarishi aarti. Thus, the aarti is

deeply associated with calling upon Shiva’s power to protect an ecosystem or bring balance

to it. The further sections of this paper will explain the ritual, and correlate the myths to it

along Malinowski’s spatio-temporal axes (Sadhguru, Kashi- The City of Light).

THE RITUAL

The Saptarishi aarti, as mentioned in the earlier section of this research paper, is a practice

that is said to have been handed down by Lord Shiva himself to the saptarishis, to enable
them to summon his protective powers over a space or group of individuals. The Aarti is

performed daily at the Kashi Viswanath Temple from 7pm to 8.30pm, by seven priests

belonging to 7 different go trams. Which are referred to as clans in the Atharva Veda. The

process of the aarti mainly involves a series of chants that are uttered in the honor and praise

of Lord Shiva. The main premise is to build up a trance like energy to a peak in order to

appease the Lord. Offerings of milk and flowers are made to the lingam, which consists of

three parts. The bottom is said to represent the three lokas, or the creation of the world, i.e.

the domain of Brahma. The octagonal middle portion of the lingam represents the directions

and the notion of protection, the domain of Vishnu, and the uppermost spherical region

represents cosmic unity and the re-establishment of balance after destruction, the domain of

Shiva. During the aarti, a green paste is repeatedly applied to the lingam, and leaves with the

mantra ‘Ram’ are placed in close proximity to it. The chanting seems to be indecipherable,

under the pretext that it is an ancient secret. A silver naga is also brought and placed upon the

lingam during the final stages of the aarti, which is marked by a build up of pace and energy,

simulating an almost trance-like state. The process of the aarti itself is said to be a specific

process passed down from generation to generation, and this adds a distinct connotation to it

(Kamesh).

A THEORETICAL DECONSTRUCTION

Looking at the process of the Saptarishi aarti, one can use Malinowski’s theory to deconstruct

the practice and try to trace it back to a well-defined root. According to Malinowski. Myths

emerge from the repetitive performative aspect of rituals, as social charters that represent the

finer aspects of social institutions and organizations. Thus, myths are inseparably linked to

ritualistic practice, as well as the purpose that they overtly serve in societies, in line with the

needs of society. A Malinowski an analysis warrants the use of a spatio-temporal axis, in


order to look at how the myth becomes codified into the collective conscious of a particular

culture. However, looking at the Puranas and the myths, it is clear to say that they configure

in a sort of historical vacuum rooted in a primordial time, when, in Malinowski’s words,

‘things happened which never occur nowadays’ (786 mmot). Thus, a theoretical analysis of

the Saptarishi aarti would require an analysis of spatial parameters by looking at the

significance of certain geographical areas associated with the myth itself, and how certain

acts performed in these spaces correspond to a specific social purpose, leading to the

subsequent perpetuation and codification of the corresponding myths as a result of the

repetitive performance of these practices. This spatiality allows myths to be codified into

distinct cognitive units associated with certain spaces, and purposes, which would, in turn,

restrict drastic social change.

The spatial significance of Kashi cannot definitely be traced back to a temporal nucleus, but

looking at the data contained within the aforementioned myths, it is clear that the city had an

undeniable sacred connotation to it since ancient times. The ritual of the Saptarishi aarti, is

distinct to the space of the Kashi Vishwanath temple, which is also associated deeply with the

fulfilment of wishes and a high degree of auspiciousness. Malinowski talks of how ‘magic’ is

not a psychological lapse that originates from a mistaken analogy between the natural and the

supernatural, but an answer to the innate needs of man, that serve a social purpose. One can

link this notion of magic performed to achieve certain ends to the process of this aarti, which

is used to summon Shiva and appease him. The appeasement of Lord Shiva is a common

motif in Hindu mythology. The appeasement of an unseen force can be correlated to the

abatement of natural forces through the performance of ‘magical’ processes in order to

maintain balance in an ecosystem for a prolific agricultural yield and the protection of life in

general. Thus, the appeasement of Lord Shiva, who is classically considered to be the
Destroyer, could be associated with the establishment of a natural balance in a particular

ecosystem. This balance is indeed, an innate need of humans belonging to a community,

since it is associated with the preservation of safety as well as the productivity of the land and

the natural environment. The notion of the priest being the officiator of the magical process is

also common to Indian mythology, and this can be correlated to the practice of selecting

sages from specific gotrams to officiate the ritual. The astronomical correlations of the

original saptarishis found in the myths also point to primitive man’s reliance on nature to

fulfil his innate needs. The transmission of power by a higher being to the priest is also a

motif featured within the myth, and this provides a substantiation to the social significance of

the priesthood in officiating the ritual, which leads to the perpetuation of the myth as a social

charter.

Shiva’s association with the Ganges seems to sanctify the spatial significance of Kashi itself,

since it is situated in close proximity to the Holy river. The concept of a Kashi yatra, which

involves the congregation of devotees at Kashi also points to the verification of the social

purpose of the myths associated with the Saptarishi aarti in the spatial sense. The notion of

attracting a large group of people to a space for the performance of a certain process or ritual

associates a ritualistic memory with it. Such a ritualistic association with Kashi cements its

social significance as a religious and sacred space in the framework of Indian culture. Thus,

along the spatial axis, Kashi has an undeniable significance and ritualistic memory associated

with it since ancient times, which causes it to become codified within the myths of Hinduism

as a common motif, as a result of the repetitive performance and codification of rituals in that

space. Thus, the myths discussed in the previous sections of this research paper are clearly

indicative of social charters related to the maintenance of an ecological balance in a particular

space, namely, the city of Kashi, stemming from the performance of a slew of rituals, the
Saptarishi aarti being the central ritual performed to appease Lord Shiva. Thus, the notion of

appeasement of Lord Shiva may come from the general notion of the appeasement of a

natural force to fulfil a social need, such as the protection of a space, the fulfilment of wishes,

as well as the abundance of the land. All of these could be correlated to the innate needs of

primitive societies, fulfilled through practices that, in turn, served a social purpose.

However, there are clearly some lapses when looking at the myth ritualist deconstruction of

the Saptarishi aarti using a Malinowskian approach. Looking at the myths themselves as a

byproduct of ritual practice with social purpose seems to pose a ‘chicken-egg’ conundrum,

since the myths themselves are said to date back to primordial times that are situated at a time

when the world was in its formative stages. This presents a paradox when it comes to

assuming that the myths stem from rituals, since they are dated to times before even the

concrete formation of the universe as it was inhabited by regular mortal beings. Looking at

the temporal aspects of Malinowski’s theory, it also becomes harder to date the myth back to

a temporal nucleus, but simpler to look at it in terms of the spatial aspects of it. Thus, despite

being able to draw the analogy between rituals, myths and social institutions, Malinowski’s

theory fails to concretely analyze the temporal discrepancies associated with primordial

myths, and solve the conundrum of the origin of myths and rituals from one another.

CONCLUSION

Looking at the aforementioned discussions, it is clear that the origins of myths and the study

of this nucleus of origin is indeed fragmentary. The time frame that myths occur within seem

to pose an obstacle when using a Malinowskian approach, but such discrepancies further
enlighten the theorist, as well as the student, about the inevitable nature of myths. One is able

to attest and theorize that myths are products of the human mind, that may and become

codified into society as a result of the performance of certain practices, but when it comes to

tracing them back to a finite point within time, the debate gets fragmentary and circular.

Thus, it is clear that myths were created bearing some function in mind, just as Malinowski

said, as a ‘social charter’, but it is unclear when exactly such tales and texts were inserted into

societal frameworks. The Saptarishi Aarti as a ritual leading to the discussed myths poses a

similar issue, but such discrepancies are, as mentioned before, a characteristic trait of the

study of myths.

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