Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Understanding Myths
INTRODUCTION
The connotations of myths tend to be quite ambiguous when it comes to tracing them
back to a definite focal point. The theoretical perspectives are diverse, and rely on different
aspects of the human consciousness that lead to the perpetuation of fantastical tales, such as
the alterations of language over time, and the general development of the human race, and its
overview of the theories developed in the field of mythography, that vary in the approaches
they take in interpreting and decoding the social purpose and functions of myth. Using the
myth ritualist framework posited by theorists such as Frazer and Malinowski, who focus on
the origination of myths from practices codified into social institutions as rituals, this
research paper will also feature a comprehensive analysis of the Saptarishi Aarti performed to
Lord Shiva at the Kashi Viswanath Temple. Adopting the myth ritualist framework, the
approach taken to deconstruct the Saptarishi Aarti will focus on the social purpose of the
ritual that causes it to become codified into sociological frameworks over time, leading to the
perpetuation of the ritual practice as symbolic of a ‘mythical time’ or primordial time that
McGoulick asserts that the formation and creation of myths is the most intuitive form
of human thought. Saying that they are rooted in cosmological and cosmogonic frames of
thought at primordial time, she claims that myths are representative of the establishment of an
orderly world, and may even be counterfactual. This kept in mind, she talks of how they help
in codifying value systems and beliefs with the passage of time, and may translate into
rituals. Looking at the approaches that can be taken to deconstruct mythology, McGoulick
talks of the literal and symbolic modes, that deal with myth as a mode of explanatory thought
and as an ‘inherent truth’ which is timeless, rooted in the primordial (McGoulick). These
modes do provide frameworks to decode the origins of myth, but the ambiguity associated
with the origins of myth themselves are extremely ambiguous. The 18th and 19th centuries
theoretical framework that harps on the creative aspects of the human mind, stressing on
Romanticism and the questioning of reason in ancient man as the reason for the formation of
myths. He looks at historical processes as continuous phenomena, saying that the creative
endings of the human mind undergo a development with time, leading to a change in the
talks of the disease of language, and the symbolic descriptions that myths and practices
stemming from them originate from. Mueller seems to stress on the etymology of mythical
motifs, the gendering of objects and supernatural beings, taking solar symbolism as the main
benchmark for the analysis of mythological data. The ‘disease of language’ essentially adds
layers of ambiguity to mythical data, causing it to translate into different social practices or
even cultural norms in the contemporary context (Mueller 63-64). In contrast to a linguistic
approach comes the evolutionary perspectives taken up by academics such as Andrew Lang,
who stressed on the fact that the savage nature of the primitive mind leads to the formation of
myths as fantastical tales that evolve with the development of humanity, becoming codified
into social practices. Edward Tylor, takes this a step further by talking about the inherent
thinking, and saying that myths are the survivals of savage thinking, that are layered and
altered with the evolution of the human mind. Tylor agrees with Mueller’s claim of language
playing an important role in the perpetuation of myth, but adds the dimension of human
thinking and development into the theoretical framework to posit that language and
(Tylor 285-288). While Tylor delineates the modern and the savage, saying that the patterns
of thinking are distinct but progressive, while Lang talks of the change of the nature of
rationality of human thinking itself, from more symbolic patterns to those rooted in
rationality. Lang essentially considers myth to be a sort of braided thread woven from three
parts: The savage donnee or patterns of thinking from savage times that were considered as
codified beliefs at that point of human development, the civilized modifications or layers
added to these myths, and the textual information about them obtained from fables and the
perspective, employed by myth-ritualists such as Frazer, who talked about the tendencies of
primitive man to attribute a causality to the happenings of the natural world, through
practices such as sympathetic magic, which simulated acts for a desired consequence. The
perpetuation of these ritualistic practices causes the codification of myths into human society.
Essentially, myths become the narrative explanations of codified ritualistic practices, which
are rooted, when traced back, to the simple practices of cause-effect magic to achieve a
certain end, from a time when man blurred the lines between the natural and supernatural
(Frazer 9-12). Malinowski looks at how myths are essentially mnemonic devices that are
codified into human cognition in order to maintain social order. He essentially looks at the
development of mythical data from social practices across a spatial and temporal axis in order
to understand how these practices translate into myths that embed themselves into social
organizations such as culture, economy and religion, and how these codifications and
concretizations of myth prevent the disturbance of social balance through drastic change
perspectives, that myth has been looked at through several lenses, such as the
anthropological, the linguistic and the cognitive. The main inference drawn from these
The following sections of this research paper aim to decode a particular ritual, namely the
Saptarishi Aarti, which is performed daily in honor of Lord Shiva at the Kashi Viswanath
that of the myth ritualists, namely Malinowski , and will look at how the ritual serves a
purpose, and leads to the perpetuation of the correlated primordial astronomical myth within
Indian culture. A focus will be laid on the significance of Shiva in the holy city of Kashi, ,and
how the ritual essentially serves social purpose, leading to the codification of the myth itself.
edited well into the 16th century, contain a significant chunk of Indian mythological data. The
Hindu pantheon of Gods, consisting of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva, is canonically considered
as the nucleus of the analysis and study of Hinduism, owing to the vast array of myths
revolving around these three central figures that are focused around the themes of creation,
protection and destruction respectively. Shiva, the destroyer, is a particularly ambivalent and
choleric figure, who is often shown to be appeased through the performance of certain acts,
that persuade him away from summoning a wave of destruction in a fit of sudden anger.
There are several myths associated with Shiva in the collective textual bulk of the
Puranas, and the 7 sages or saptarishis are also seen to be closely associated with him.
Shiva’s residence at Kashi as well as his favor for the holy city itself seems to present some
deductive evidence about the spatiality of the myths and rituals performed in corresponding
geographical areas in the Indian subcontinent. Thus, one can analyze rituals performed at the
Kashi Viswanath temple using Malinowski’s spatio-temporal axes, to show that myths are
codified into cognitive units along the trajectories of time and space in order to establish
social order and resist social change. The basic premise to establish is that the ritual, which
causes the myth to become codified into social frameworks serves a social purpose, giving
the myth the value of a ‘social charter’ (Harwood 784). Explaining three specific myths
related to Shiva, as well as the Saptarishis, this research paper will apply the possibilities of
spatial significance and social validity to the ritual corresponding to these myths (namely, the
Saptarishi Aarti), to understand how the myth encodes itself into society with the
The Bhairava form of Shiva and the act of beheading Brahma are considered to be the
mythical links that connect Shiva to the holy sanctum of Kashi. Shiva has several alternate
forms that are often mistaken for one another. Bhairava, a result of Shiva’s third eye, is an
incarnation of Lord Shiva, whose name symbolizes fear or terror. Bhairava is considered as
the ‘companion of the Goddess’ in the Hindu pantheon, and is deeply linked to the discovery
of the nature of terror and fear (Pattanaik). The myth that details and establishes Shiva’s
inseparable link to Kashi involves the motif of killing a Brahmin considered as sin, known as
the Brahmahatya. In this story, dating back to primordial times, Bhairava severs one of Lord
Brahma’s heads, which in turn gets attached to his left hand, marking his perpetration of the
sin. Trying to absolve himself of the sin of Brahmahatya, Bhairava roamed through the
Saptaloka or the Seven Worlds trying to find a solution. Lord Shiva created an ogress,
Brahmahatya to follow Bhairava, and told him to go to the city of Kashi and perform tapas or
penance at the banks of the Ganges. Doing so, he was absolved of guilt. Thus, the spatial
significance of Kashi as a city is concretized by its proximity to the Ganges, which is another
motif that is closely associated with Shiva’s power, since he holds and controls the flow of
Shiva’s inseparable links to the city of Kashi can also be explained through another
mythological tale which recounts Shiva’s attempt to corrupt the city’s king, Divodasa, to
make him renounce his position as king. Kashi was Shiva’s winter abode, apart from his
residence at Mount Mandara, but his love for the city made him long to return, which was
against the wishes of the King, who was afraid that Shiva would enamor the public, taking
away his novelty as King. Sending his messengers, he tried to ensure his return through
negotiations with the King, but the messengers were so taken aback by the city that they
decided to stay. Following this, he sent 64 celestial women to try and allure the king, to
corrupt his purity, but this too, was in vain. He then tried his luck by sending Surya, as well
as Brahma to the city, but his efforts were fruitless. Fed up by his untrustworthy
acquaintances, he sent his trusted ganas to try and make amends, but they too, stayed back,
claiming that Shiva should indeed, live in Kashi. He then sent Ganesha, who took charge of
the city and started to prepare it for Shiva’s return, saying it was inevitable. Mukti was
offered to Divodasa, who was tempted by it, taking it up. This marks Shiva’s return to the
city. Such stories point to the cosmological significance of the city itself (Sadhguru).
The astronomical correlations of the Saptarishis, which are represented by the seven major
stars of the Ursa major concretize their importance as beings who represented the nature or
character of the pre-historic or the ‘mythical’ era of time. The seven sages are Kratu, Pulaha,
Pulastya, Atri, Angiras, Vasishtha and Bhrigu. These 7 sages are closely associated with
Shiva (Vahia). There are several variations of the myths associated with them, but this
research paper will focus on the transmission of yoga to the Saptarishis by Lord Shiva,
following which they were instructed to travel to different parts of the world to disseminate
their knowledge and maintain balance. This transmission of yoga basically refers to the
being given these powers and being asked to spread their knowledge, the Rishis lamented that
they did not want to leave Kashi, or Shiva’s company. Upon hearing this, Shiva taught them a
simple procedure to call upon him, which is known as the Saptarishi aarti. Thus, the aarti is
deeply associated with calling upon Shiva’s power to protect an ecosystem or bring balance
to it. The further sections of this paper will explain the ritual, and correlate the myths to it
THE RITUAL
The Saptarishi aarti, as mentioned in the earlier section of this research paper, is a practice
that is said to have been handed down by Lord Shiva himself to the saptarishis, to enable
them to summon his protective powers over a space or group of individuals. The Aarti is
performed daily at the Kashi Viswanath Temple from 7pm to 8.30pm, by seven priests
belonging to 7 different go trams. Which are referred to as clans in the Atharva Veda. The
process of the aarti mainly involves a series of chants that are uttered in the honor and praise
of Lord Shiva. The main premise is to build up a trance like energy to a peak in order to
appease the Lord. Offerings of milk and flowers are made to the lingam, which consists of
three parts. The bottom is said to represent the three lokas, or the creation of the world, i.e.
the domain of Brahma. The octagonal middle portion of the lingam represents the directions
and the notion of protection, the domain of Vishnu, and the uppermost spherical region
represents cosmic unity and the re-establishment of balance after destruction, the domain of
Shiva. During the aarti, a green paste is repeatedly applied to the lingam, and leaves with the
mantra ‘Ram’ are placed in close proximity to it. The chanting seems to be indecipherable,
under the pretext that it is an ancient secret. A silver naga is also brought and placed upon the
lingam during the final stages of the aarti, which is marked by a build up of pace and energy,
simulating an almost trance-like state. The process of the aarti itself is said to be a specific
process passed down from generation to generation, and this adds a distinct connotation to it
(Kamesh).
A THEORETICAL DECONSTRUCTION
Looking at the process of the Saptarishi aarti, one can use Malinowski’s theory to deconstruct
the practice and try to trace it back to a well-defined root. According to Malinowski. Myths
emerge from the repetitive performative aspect of rituals, as social charters that represent the
finer aspects of social institutions and organizations. Thus, myths are inseparably linked to
ritualistic practice, as well as the purpose that they overtly serve in societies, in line with the
culture. However, looking at the Puranas and the myths, it is clear to say that they configure
‘things happened which never occur nowadays’ (786 mmot). Thus, a theoretical analysis of
the Saptarishi aarti would require an analysis of spatial parameters by looking at the
significance of certain geographical areas associated with the myth itself, and how certain
acts performed in these spaces correspond to a specific social purpose, leading to the
repetitive performance of these practices. This spatiality allows myths to be codified into
distinct cognitive units associated with certain spaces, and purposes, which would, in turn,
The spatial significance of Kashi cannot definitely be traced back to a temporal nucleus, but
looking at the data contained within the aforementioned myths, it is clear that the city had an
undeniable sacred connotation to it since ancient times. The ritual of the Saptarishi aarti, is
distinct to the space of the Kashi Vishwanath temple, which is also associated deeply with the
fulfilment of wishes and a high degree of auspiciousness. Malinowski talks of how ‘magic’ is
not a psychological lapse that originates from a mistaken analogy between the natural and the
supernatural, but an answer to the innate needs of man, that serve a social purpose. One can
link this notion of magic performed to achieve certain ends to the process of this aarti, which
is used to summon Shiva and appease him. The appeasement of Lord Shiva is a common
motif in Hindu mythology. The appeasement of an unseen force can be correlated to the
maintain balance in an ecosystem for a prolific agricultural yield and the protection of life in
general. Thus, the appeasement of Lord Shiva, who is classically considered to be the
Destroyer, could be associated with the establishment of a natural balance in a particular
since it is associated with the preservation of safety as well as the productivity of the land and
the natural environment. The notion of the priest being the officiator of the magical process is
also common to Indian mythology, and this can be correlated to the practice of selecting
sages from specific gotrams to officiate the ritual. The astronomical correlations of the
original saptarishis found in the myths also point to primitive man’s reliance on nature to
fulfil his innate needs. The transmission of power by a higher being to the priest is also a
motif featured within the myth, and this provides a substantiation to the social significance of
the priesthood in officiating the ritual, which leads to the perpetuation of the myth as a social
charter.
Shiva’s association with the Ganges seems to sanctify the spatial significance of Kashi itself,
since it is situated in close proximity to the Holy river. The concept of a Kashi yatra, which
involves the congregation of devotees at Kashi also points to the verification of the social
purpose of the myths associated with the Saptarishi aarti in the spatial sense. The notion of
attracting a large group of people to a space for the performance of a certain process or ritual
associates a ritualistic memory with it. Such a ritualistic association with Kashi cements its
social significance as a religious and sacred space in the framework of Indian culture. Thus,
along the spatial axis, Kashi has an undeniable significance and ritualistic memory associated
with it since ancient times, which causes it to become codified within the myths of Hinduism
as a common motif, as a result of the repetitive performance and codification of rituals in that
space. Thus, the myths discussed in the previous sections of this research paper are clearly
space, namely, the city of Kashi, stemming from the performance of a slew of rituals, the
Saptarishi aarti being the central ritual performed to appease Lord Shiva. Thus, the notion of
appeasement of Lord Shiva may come from the general notion of the appeasement of a
natural force to fulfil a social need, such as the protection of a space, the fulfilment of wishes,
as well as the abundance of the land. All of these could be correlated to the innate needs of
primitive societies, fulfilled through practices that, in turn, served a social purpose.
However, there are clearly some lapses when looking at the myth ritualist deconstruction of
the Saptarishi aarti using a Malinowskian approach. Looking at the myths themselves as a
byproduct of ritual practice with social purpose seems to pose a ‘chicken-egg’ conundrum,
since the myths themselves are said to date back to primordial times that are situated at a time
when the world was in its formative stages. This presents a paradox when it comes to
assuming that the myths stem from rituals, since they are dated to times before even the
concrete formation of the universe as it was inhabited by regular mortal beings. Looking at
the temporal aspects of Malinowski’s theory, it also becomes harder to date the myth back to
a temporal nucleus, but simpler to look at it in terms of the spatial aspects of it. Thus, despite
being able to draw the analogy between rituals, myths and social institutions, Malinowski’s
theory fails to concretely analyze the temporal discrepancies associated with primordial
myths, and solve the conundrum of the origin of myths and rituals from one another.
CONCLUSION
Looking at the aforementioned discussions, it is clear that the origins of myths and the study
of this nucleus of origin is indeed fragmentary. The time frame that myths occur within seem
to pose an obstacle when using a Malinowskian approach, but such discrepancies further
enlighten the theorist, as well as the student, about the inevitable nature of myths. One is able
to attest and theorize that myths are products of the human mind, that may and become
codified into society as a result of the performance of certain practices, but when it comes to
tracing them back to a finite point within time, the debate gets fragmentary and circular.
Thus, it is clear that myths were created bearing some function in mind, just as Malinowski
said, as a ‘social charter’, but it is unclear when exactly such tales and texts were inserted into
societal frameworks. The Saptarishi Aarti as a ritual leading to the discussed myths poses a
similar issue, but such discrepancies are, as mentioned before, a characteristic trait of the
study of myths.
WORKS CITED
1. Frazer, J.G. "The Arician Grove." Frazer, J.G. The Golden Bough. New York:
3. Harwood, Frances. "Myth, Memory, and the Oral Tradition: Cicero in the
5. Lang, Andrew. The Selected Works of Andrew Lang. Vol. 1. Alexandria: Library of
Alexandria, 2009.
6. McGoulick, Mary. "What is Myth?" July 2003. Georgia College and State University.
website/mary-magoulick/defmyth.htm>.
7. Mueller, Max. "On the Philosophy of Mythology." Mueller, Max. Chips From a
8. Pattanaik, Devdutt. "The Terror of Bhairava." 6 December 2015. Mid Day. Mid Day.
the-terror-of-bhairava/16746151>.
9. Sadhguru. "Kashi- The City of Light." 9 October 2014. Isha Sadhguru. 14 September
2016. <http://isha.sadhguru.org/blog/yoga-meditation/history-of-yoga/kashi/>.
10. Sadhguru. "Why was Kashi Created?" 22 January 2015. Isha Sadhguru Online. 14
yoga/kashi-created/>.
Srinivasan, V. Hari. Gods, Heroes and their Story Tellers: Intangible cultural
12. Tylor, Edward. "Mythology." Tylor, Edward. Primitive Culture: Researches In the
http://www.tifr.res.in/~archaeo/papers/Astronomy%20and%20Sanskrit%20literature/
Astronomical%20Myths%20in%20India.pdf