Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Type II Diabetes is a growing health issue that is directly correlated with over 1.5 million
deaths worldwide. Sugary drinks in particular are a factor in developing diabetes with a 2010
study indicating that one to two sugary drinks a day increases the risk of developing Type II
Diabetes by 26%. Sugary drinks are also associated with other public health issues like heart
disease and obesity. In America specifically, obesity was estimated to accumulate over $147
billion in medical costs in a year. Additionally, a 2009 American Heart Association report noted
that sugary drunks are the largest contributor of additional sugars in Americans’ diet. In light of
these facts, it is not unreasonable to consider a soft-drink tax as a viable option to alleviate public
health concerns and save lives. Soda taxes are supported by related tobacco taxes, the potential
revenue generated through tax, and international sweet-beverage taxes in countries like France,
United Kingdom, and Mexico, which have proven to be successful. Additionally, several United
States localities have taken the initiative in passing a tax on sugary drinks. Among these areas
are Berkeley, Philadelphia, San Francisco, Oakland, Boulder, Seattle, Cook County, and Albany
(California). In this brief, the various aspects of these American cities’ policies will be explored.
Berkeley, California and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania were the first two cities to pass a policy
implementing a tax on sugary drinks. Berkeley, a city of 121,240 individuals, proposed a
measure with a sales tax at a rate of $0.12 per twelve ounce can. The tax was designated a
general tax, rather than a special tax. While a special tax would have allowed tax revenue to be
reutilized for a specific purchase, such as school nutritional education programs, special taxes
would require a 66.67% supermajority vote. As a result, the general tax option, which requires
just a simple majority, was chosen with tax revenue being added to the city of Berkeley general
fund. The measure in Berkeley passed with an impressive 76.17% of residents supporting the
policy. The following was the question listed on the ballot:
“Shall an ordinance imposing a 1¢ per ounce general tax on the distribution of high-calorie,
sugary drinks (e.g., sodas, energy drinks, presweetened teas) and sweeteners used to sweeten
such drinks, but exempting: (1) sweeteners (e.g., sugar, honey, syrups) typically used by
consumers and distributed to grocery stores; (2) drinks and sweeteners distributed to very small
retailers; (3) diet drinks, milk products, 100% juice, baby formula, alcohol, or drinks taken for
medical reasons, be adopted?”
The specific ordinance enacted by the measure is comprised of seven sections. Section one is
comprised of background information regarding public health concerns, advertising intentions of
sugary drink companies, development of sugary drinks, economic costs, and dental concerns. It
is also worth noting that the language utilized in the ordinance highlights disparities in sugary-
drink related conditions as well.
“Section 1. Findings:
C. While there is no single cause for the rise in diabetes, obesity, and tooth decay, there is
overwhelming evidence of the link between the consumption of sugary drinks and the incidence
of diabetes, obesity, and tooth decay.
F. At the same time, hundreds of millions of dollars have been spent in an ongoing massive
marketing campaign, which particularly targets children and people of color. In 2006 alone,
nearly $600 million was spent in advertising to children under 18. African American and Latino
children are also aggressively targeted with advertisements to promote sugar-laden drinks.
I. An Asian resident of Berkeley is almost 3 times more likely than a white resident to have been
diagnosed with diabetes, and an African American resident of Berkeley is 14 times more likely
than a white resident to be hospitalized for diabetes.”
Section two of the ordinance is the Purpose and Intent section which simply states some of
the desired goals of the ordinance. Section two does list some clarifications regarding the
intention of the ordinance regarding regulation, small businesses exemptions, and the purpose of
tax revenue. Section three restates some of the previous information but also provides
exemptions, requirements, and definitions within the proposed chapter to be added to Berkeley
Municipal Code:
Section 7.72.090 is particularly important for its call to creation of a panel of experts:
Sections four through seven simply list some of the other stipulations of the ordinance including
duration, severability, and environmental requirements.
Despite proposing a sound measure, Berkeley faced a strong opponent. Californians for Food
& Beverage Choice was an organization created by and supported by the American Beverage
Association which opposed the measure in Berkeley as well as a similar measure in San
Francisco. The organization’s argument against the beverage tax rooted in a regressive tax being
ineffective, and the impact on businesses and consumers being too immense. In light of this
argument, it is worth noting the considerable success of tobacco taxes on hampering tobacco
purchase, as well as Section 7.72.020 of the ordinance which exempts retailers with less than
$100,000 in annual gross receipts. Additionally, it is worth noting that in August 2015,
researchers found that average prices of beverages included in the law only rose by less than half
the designated tax amount.
Although average prices were lower than expected, a 2016 UC Berkeley study demonstrated a
21% drop in drinking of sugary beverages in low-income neighborhoods. Additionally, a 2017
before and after study concluded that sugary drink sales decreased by 9.6%, while overall
consumer spending was unchanged. This study demonstrates that a tax on sugary drinks bears no
effect on consumer spending or overall grocery bills, while subsequently resulting in an increase
in water consumption.
Efforts in San Francisco to pass a 2014 sugary beverage tax of $0.02 per ounce failed due to
not meeting a 66.7% supermajority (55.59%), but a renewed 2016 proposition of $0.01 per ounce
passed as a general tax with a 62.49% majority. Since the 2016 effort was a second attempt, there
was a significant amount of support associated with passing the proposition from organizations
like the American Heart Association, American Diabetes Association, California Dental
Association, Latino Coalition for a Healthy California, Public Health Institute, Prevention
Institute, The American Academy of Pediatrics, Physicians of Social Responsibility San
Francisco Bay Area, and the San Francisco Medical Society. Additionally, the San Francisco
Medical Society, the NAACP, American Heart Association, San Francisco Dental Society, and
NICOS Chinese Health Coalition all signed the official argument in favor of passing the
measure.
When examining the specific ordinance passed in San Francisco, distinct similarities in text
and content to the ordinance passed in Berkeley can be observed. Unsurprisingly, Berkeley is
cited within the ordinance several times as supporting evidence. The most notable similarities
observed are in the language of the ordinance, background information, and setup of various
sections regarding justifications (with some rooted in disparities), definitions, exemptions, and
the creation of an expert panel.
Similar to Berkeley, the primary, and only, opposition was the American Beverage
Association California PAC. This is not an uncommon occurrence though, with the American
Beverage Association being the primary opposition in Berkeley, San Francisco, Philadelphia,
Cook County, and other locations. Additionally, a common theme in most areas of sugary
beverage taxation has been the stark contrast in spending between supporters of propositions and
the American Beverage Association. In San Francisco for example, the ABA California PAC
spent nearly $10 million as opposed to a collective $2.6 million from supporters of the
proposition. This pattern of exorbitant spending on lobbying by the ABA to counter soda tax
initiatives is not uncommon though with over $11 million spent in New York in 2010, $2.4
million over 2 years in Berkeley, and $2.6 million from 2012-2013 in Richmond (population of
107,000).
In light of other cities’ efforts, it appears important to promote a potential tax as a specific tax,
in order for funds to directly go towards childhood health education, or a related cause.
Additionally, having the support of multiple health organizations and precise wording that make
the intentions of the tax explicit appear to be essential to passing a successful tax. While the
effort to pass a ‘soda tax’ may be difficult, it appears viable. The benefits incurred by the
institution of said tax would have far reaching implications regarding the health and well-being
of the residents of Cincinnati. By joining hands with other medical and public health
organizations, Cincinnati can work to reduce its incidence of a host of medical issues.
San Francisco 2016 Initiative:
https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Soda_and_Sugary_Beverages_Tax,_Propositi
on_V_(November_2016)
http://voterguide.sfelections.org/en/tax-distributing-sugar-sweetened-beverages
http://web.archive.org/web/20140815151220/http://www.ci.berkeley.ca.us/Clerk/City_Council/2
014/07_Jul/Documents/2014-07-01_Item_23_Placing_a_Sugar-Sweetened_-_Rev.aspx
ABA Spending:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/07/13/AR2010071303494.html
General Information:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sugary_drink_tax