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ORIGINAL ARTICLE
This article reviews the uses that have been made of the constitutive metamodel (R. T. Craig,
1999) in the first 16 years since its publication. The metamodel has been widely cited as a
shorthand reference to the field, and has been used as a device for teaching theory, reflecting
on communication problems from multiple perspectives, and assessing particular theories
or subdisciplinary areas in relation to the field as a whole. Scholars have also proposed new
traditions of communication theory and at least one revised conception of the traditions
in general. Critiques of the metamodel have focused on questions of epistemological bias,
disconnection of theory from research, the definition of traditions, and the potential for
productive dialogue in the field.
doi:10.1111/comt.12076
The rationale for the constitutive metamodel of communication theory that I offered
in Craig (1999) was essentially a practical opportunity argument. Conceived on this
metamodel (a model of models), diverse theories of communication provide us with
a wide array of normative models for constituting (understanding and shaping) the
practice of communication, and the pluralistic field of communication theory is
unified by a common engagement among its seven main traditions in dialogue and
debate on communication problems along a continuum that connects the “theoretical
metadiscourse” of the discipline to the “practical metadiscourse” of everyday life.
The article did not claim that the constitutive metamodel is conclusively warranted
either by rational argument (as an onto-epistemological necessity) or empirical fact
(as a literal description of the field). Rather, this model of and for the field was
recommended as a practical alternative, an opportunity to overcome intellectual
fragmentation, realize the heuristic potential of diversity, and maximize the field’s
practical contribution to society. As the article concluded, “This field of communica-
tion theory is not a repository of absolute truth. It claims no more than to be useful”
(p. 154). Sixteen years later, we may be in a better position to estimate the cash value
of that claim.
How can we assess usefulness? Craig (1999) suggested that work in the field should
use the metamodel: (a) to explore the traditions of communication theory in order
to illuminate key issues among them, (b) to create and engage in discussion on new
traditions and new ways of representing the field, and (c) to apply the traditions to
address real-world communication problems and as a framework for teaching com-
munication theory. Craig (2009b) suggested that the metamodel could be used to cul-
tivate theoretical cosmopolitanism (a broad appreciation of alternative approaches),
to develop comparative, multitheoretical analyses of communication problems, to
conceptualize or reconceptualize theoretical traditions, and to engage in dialogue and
debate with other conceptions of the field. Craig (2007) cautioned that the metamodel
“is at best a simplified heuristic device for thinking about the field as a whole” and
that “[o]nly a small part of the field’s actual work can directly address this [metathe-
oretical] level of analysis” (p. 139). To what extent have communication theorists
used the metamodel as a heuristic device for thinking about the field as a whole, and
what has come out of those efforts? A review of the literature shows that scholars
have applied the metamodel in ways that implicitly follow several of the suggestions
just mentioned. Increasingly in recent years the metamodel has become a subject of
critical discussion among communication theorists, thus fulfilling to some extent its
declared purpose to “jump-start” a reflexive discourse in the field (Craig, 1999, p. 132).
These applications and critiques are discussed in the following sections, and the essay
concludes with a brief reflection on the current state and future prospect of commu-
nication theory as a field.
Applications
The metamodel has been applied through mere citation as a shorthand reference
to the field, and has been used more substantively as a device for teaching theory,
for reflecting on communication problems, and for assessing particular theories
or subdisciplinary areas in relation to the field as a whole. Scholars have also
proposed new traditions and at least one revised conception of the traditions in
general.
Mere citation
As of early 2015, Craig (1999) was approaching 800 Google Scholar citations and
had reached 130 Web of Science citations, ranking it the eighth most cited on Web
of Science among 514 articles published in the first 24 volumes of Communication
Theory. The citations ranged widely across disciplines. For example, the most recent
Web of Science citation at that time was in the field of aquatic conservation. The arti-
cle has also been reprinted (in Craig & Muller, 2007) and has appeared in Russian
( , 2003) and French (Craig, 2009a) translations, all of which versions have
garnered additional citations.
It seems quite likely that some of those who have cited the article have never read
it, or in any case they make no substantial use of it. A casual inspection suggests
that some citations, including ones from communication and media studies as well
as other disciplines, have been used as a shorthand way of noting the existence of
communication theory in general, or of one or more of the seven main traditions that
initially populated the metamodel, with little if any further comment. However, as a
widely disseminated stand-in for the field, even in mere citation, the article may have
contributed in some part to the socially constructed, transdisciplinary existence of
communication theory as a field: The field is cited as a source of authority; therefore
it exists.
Teaching
Among the earliest substantial uses of the metamodel were in prominent general com-
munication theory textbooks. Em Griffin added a chapter on “Mapping the Territory”
to the fourth edition of his text (Griffin, 2000), in which he presented his interpreta-
tions of the seven traditions (later editions added an eighth, “ethical tradition”) and
placed the traditions in a visual map of the field along a primary continuum ranging
from “objective” to “interpretive” forms of theory. Stephen Littlejohn added a section
on the metamodel to his seventh edition (2002) and in the next edition, Littlejohn
and Foss (2005) reorganized the text according to a matrix that cross-classified the-
ories in the seven traditions (except for rhetoric) with a set of topical domains (the
communicator, the message, etc.), thus showing which traditions were represented
by theories in each domain. Some texts included short sections in which the meta-
model and the seven traditions were used to illustrate the breadth of communication
theory (Miller, 2002; Richard & Lussier, 2005). Other textbooks have mentioned the
metamodel briefly or not at all.
The intellectual diversity of communication theory as well as the sheer amount
of material that could potentially be included makes it a challenging subject to teach.
Even in a course that does not embrace the underlying principles of the constitutive
metamodel, the seven traditions can be useful for giving students a broad overview of
the subject before introducing a selection of theories for closer study (e.g., Maguire,
2006). Of course, disagreement with its underlying principles can be a good reason
not to use the metamodel, or a narrower approach to the subject may be preferred for
many reasons. Also, this way of representing the field competes with well-established
classification schemes such as epistemological paradigms, “levels” of communication,
and even the hoary “laws-rules-systems” framework that is still used in some courses.
Textbook authors have adapted the seven-tradition scheme and grafted it onto
earlier organizational schemes creatively, although without necessarily addressing the
theoretical issues that arise in doing so. For example, Griffin’s “ethical tradition” cap-
tures what is surely an important dimension of communication theory across tradi-
tions, but its presentation takes no account of the metamodel’s criteria for defining tra-
ditions (Craig, 1999, 2007). Authors have also redefined particular traditions without
reflecting on the implications. For example, Littlejohn (in 2002 and in later editions
with Foss) defined the phenomenological tradition in a way that fits well with con-
tent carried forward from earlier editions but differs substantially from that in Craig
(1999), without mentioning the difference. My point is not that my version is neces-
sarily better but that efforts to clarify and discuss differences can serve the field well.
(One could argue in reply that textbooks have a different function.)
While the most common use of the metamodel in teaching has been for the pur-
pose of teaching communication theory, Garcia-Jiménez (2014, 2015) has proposed
to apply it directly as method for analyzing interpersonal communication problems in
multiple perspectives. Her Pragmatic Metamodel of Communication incorporates the
seven traditions in a three-level heuristic scheme of cultural traits, relational dialec-
tics, and metadiscourse. It enables users to reflect on how they describe their commu-
nication problems and to consider alternative descriptions. The model also provides a
framework for cross-cultural comparative research on conceptions of communication
and practical reasoning about communication problems. This approach implicitly
replies to a criticism that the constitutive metamodel inherently focuses the field of
communication theory on the study of theories rather than the study of communica-
tion itself (Martín Algarra, 2009).
Uses of the metamodel in teaching understandably often tend to emphasize the
seven traditions instead of the more abstract principles on which the scheme was
constructed, but this can promote a common misunderstanding of statements like
“Theory X is in tradition Y” through a container metaphor. Traditions as conceived
in the constitutive metamodel are not discrete, inert containers; they do not compose
a fixed system of classification such that each theory can be placed in one and only one
tradition. This container view forgets the essential historicity and interpretive open-
ness of traditions. To be “in” a tradition is less like being contained in a category and
more like intervening to carry forward an ongoing discourse, taking something said
in the past and applying it to a current situation, which always changes the tradition
in some way (Gadamer, 1960/1989). Theories are informed by traditions and carry
them forward. And, of course, a developing line of theory can be simultaneously or
successively “in” more than one tradition in this sense.
traditions. Rich (in press) notes, for example, that positioning Plato in the critical
tradition, while not invalid, ignores an important distinction between Plato’s dualis-
tic concept of atemporal truth and the monistic materialism of more recent critical
theory.
This interpretive exercise can be instructive even when one’s judgment concern-
ing the status of a candidate tradition turns out to be negative. For example, I have
maintained that there is no distinct biological tradition of communication theory
even while acknowledging the important and growing role of biological thought in the
field (Craig, 1999; Craig & Muller, 2007). Two recent special issues on “Biological and
Physiological Approaches to Communication” (Afifi & Floyd, 2015) and “Biology and
Brains—Methodological Innovations in Communication Science” (Weber, 2015) do
not fundamentally challenge this assessment. Biological approaches continue to grow
in importance. The “problem” from the standpoint of the constitutive metamodel
(which, of course, is no problem at all for biological approaches in their own terms) is
that the sociopsychological and/or cybernetic concepts of communication that under-
lie this research are neither novel nor distinct from traditions already defined in the
metamodel. These studies conceptualize communication as behavioral expression,
interaction, and influence (sociopsychological tradition) and/or as information trans-
mission and processing (cybernetic tradition), depending on the particular research
focus. The novel contribution of these approaches is not a distinct conception of com-
munication but rather a new range of research techniques and causal mechanisms for
explaining communication behavior—a primary concern of the sociopsychological
tradition.
Although the biological turn does not constitute a new tradition in the metamodel,
however, it marks an important change of emphasis in the sociopsychological tradi-
tion of communication theory with implications that radiate across the field. Reflect-
ing on those implications can have heuristic value. The central practical “message”
of sociopsychological theory for the field at large concerns the causal predictabil-
ity of communication and the possibility of intervention to manipulate the causes to
control outcomes. The biological turn suggests that those interventions will increas-
ingly take the form of drugs, gene therapy, prosthetic implants, assistive devices, etc.,
so more and more communication problems as conceived in this tradition will no
longer have communication (information- or talk-based) solutions. Not only does
this trend potentially challenge claims about the centrality of communication that may
arise from other traditions, it also projects a changing landscape among the traditions
marked by a convergence of sociopsychological (e.g., physiological explanations of
message effects), cybernetic (e.g., neural processing and biocomputing), and semiotic
(biosemiotic) theories.
The limitations of such thought experiments with the metamodel should be
acknowledged. They are interpretive exercises undertaken for heuristic purposes.
Slavish adherence to the “rules” for defining traditions may be judged overly rigid,
artificial, or pedantic in some cases. Debate needs to focus on the claims of particular
theories, with the broad context of the field usually well in the background. However,
calls each tradition’s “design specs” for communication. A coherent metamodel can
be built up by incorporating design specifications that respond to the concerns of
each tradition. Each tradition thus animates the metamodel as it is animated by the
metamodel for the metamodel’s purposes. This is Cooren’s version of dialogue in the
field.
In contrast to the ideal of “dialogical–dialectical” coherence proposed in Craig
(1999), Cooren’s vision of theoretical metadiscourse in the field aims for something
like a unified metatheory that incorporates relevant insights from all traditions but
is characterized by “a certain ontological and epistemological coherence” (2012,
pp. 11–12). Craig (1999) explicitly opposed this goal, arguing that a unified theory
of communication is not only unlikely in practice but would be undesirable from
a practical standpoint (because it would sacrifice the heuristic potential of diverse
communication models offering diverse perspectives on problems), and that a con-
stitutive metamodel of communication must acknowledge the “reflexive paradox”:
that no one constitutive model of communication can be exclusively true in principle.
Cooren has not responded to those arguments.
These two versions of the metamodel agree on some fundamentals. The core
problem of communication theory for both is how to construct the practice of
communication, and both define the traditions of communication theory as forms
of metadiscourse for constituting communication. The key difference is that Craig
(1999) attempted to define the traditions entirely in their own terms, happily allowing
them to contradict each other (and themselves, through self-criticism) for the sake
of illuminating issues and opening spaces for dialogue, whereas Cooren (2012,
2014) has attempted to incorporate selected elements of all traditions in a unified
metatheory. As Cooren writes, “the basic idea of our exercise is not to respect a
whole tradition, but to respond to what seems to matter to its representatives in
terms of communicative constitutiveness” (2012, p. 9). This is a reasonable position:
If the problem of communication theory is how to construct communication, then
we should develop a coherent theory in response to that problem. However, what
is the potential of any such theory to serve as a metatheory for a field that remains
stubbornly, and rightly, pluralistic? If a constitutive metamodel must acknowledge
an epistemological “reflexive paradox,” it must also acknowledge the pragmatic
“paradox of pluralism” that confronts pragmatism itself: a position that wants to
embraces the pluralistic whole, thereby denying its own positionality (Craig, 2007).
Coherence in a pluralistic community is an elusive goal, but then so is dialogue—a
point I return to below.
Cooren endorses the principle that communication theory is a problem-oriented,
metadiscursive practice and writes that the ventriloquil reconstruction of the con-
stitutive metamodel is intended to provide conceptual resources for reflecting on
practical problems (2012, p. 13). However, his presentation of the seven traditions
does not engage with their fundamentally different ways of framing communication
problems, which is a primary source of their heuristic value for Craig (1999). This is
not to suggest that the ventriloquil theory is without practical usefulness. To the con-
trary, it seems especially useful for reflecting on problems of agency, authority, and
responsibility in communication. It provides a rich, nuanced vocabulary for dis-
tributing agency among different kinds of entities, taking account of the paradoxical
reversibility of the roles of ventriloquist and dummy, and negotiating claims of
authority. In this regard, it may prove more useful as a theory in the field than as a
theory of the field. However, in the latter role it usefully opens a critical discussion on
the question of epistemological versus dialogical–dialectical coherence in the field
of communication theory.
Critiques
If an explicit goal of the constitutive metamodel was to stimulate discussion in and
about the field, then criticism of the metamodel can be evidence of its usefulness for
the intended purpose, especially when a creative proposal such as Cooren’s ventril-
oquil reconstruction is the result. While Cooren has pressed for stricter adherence
to a constructionist epistemological stance, other critics have taken issue with what
they regard as the metamodel’s excessively constructionist epistemology, its failure to
articulate theory with research, its conception of traditions in general or of particular
traditions, or its “dialogical–dialectical” model of communication in the field. I take
up each of these areas of criticism briefly before concluding.
Epistemological bias
The metamodel has been criticized for epistemological relativism and idealism. It is
indeed relativist in its assumption that many theories of communication can be use-
ful for different purposes, so we need not look for the one true or best theory, and
idealist in its assumption that the practice of communication is constituted in part by
the metadiscursive vocabularies we use to talk about it. An early critic, Myers (2001;
see also Craig, 2001) charged that the metamodel, while falsely claiming to embrace
the diversity of the field, actually reduces and assimilates all theoretical traditions to
an imposed, social constructionist model of communication, and that it provides no
basis for assessing the empirical truth of theories or rejecting false theories. In an essay
defending an objectivist, biological-behavioral approach to communication research,
Sánchez and Campos (2009) rejected the metamodel along with all other “fashion-
able contemporary constructivist, relativist, perspectivist and postmodernist, forms
of addressing communication theory” (p. 76). Bergman (2012), still writing from a
realist position but one aligned with philosophical pragmatism, advanced the more
nuanced view that the metamodel is not actually incompatible with some versions of
epistemological realism, a point with which I agree.
Although the metamodel is indeed both relativist and idealist in some respects, it
is more fundamentally a pragmatist project (Craig, 2007) that wants our field to make
a real difference in the real world by informing the conversations about communi-
cation problems and practices that are always going on in society. (Contra Kirtiklis,
2009, the point of conversation about theories according to the metamodel is precisely
to establish their relevance to everyday problems.) The metamodel assumes that those
conversations really can make a difference in the formation of social norms and com-
monplace beliefs about communication, and that our work really can influence those
conversations. This communication process through which communication research,
in the role of a practical discipline, interacts with communicative practices in society
(Craig, 1989, 2006) is one that can and should be studied empirically while keeping in
mind the distinction between the process as it currently goes on and as it could go on
if communication research were more consistently oriented to this purpose. In other
words, the role and mission of our discipline in society is fundamentally a norma-
tive question, not an empirical one, although the potential success of any normative
model of the discipline is subject to real empirical constraints and consequences that
warrant investigation.
As it is with the practice of communication research, so it is with the practice
of communication. The constitutive metamodel assumes that communication prac-
tices are sufficiently malleable (at least to the extent already proven by their historical
and cultural variability) that conversations about how they should be conducted can
make a difference in how they really are conducted. This, again, is a question that can
be investigated empirically (e.g., Garcia-Jiménez, 2014) while keeping in mind that it
is not a purely empirical problem. How we should conduct our communication prac-
tices is fundamentally a normative question, although the possible answers are subject
to empirical constraints and consequences. To whatever extent biological-behavioral
studies prove that certain communication phenomena are highly predictable, deter-
mined by known causes, and not malleable at all, then those empirical facts should
influence our normative discussions in theory and in practice. In terms of the meta-
model, this might take the form of a sociopsychological critique of unrealistic assump-
tions about communication that hold sway in some other theoretical traditions. This is
one way that sociopsychological communication theory can be useful. Even so, other
sorts of metadiscourse, including other traditions of communication theory, can also
continue to be useful for the different problem frames and normative visions of com-
municative practice that they suggest. Hence, the constitutive metamodel’s pragmatic
relativisim and idealism are not inconsistent with pragmatic realism and appropriate
respect for empirical truth.
ways of representing the structure of theory in the field are needed, at least for some
purposes. It also allows us to clarify by way of contrast the specific purposes that the
metamodel can best serve from those it cannot.
Kirtiklis (2011) argues that a typology of theory in the field should align with epis-
temological positions and their associated research methodologies, which, he argues,
are essentially two: naturalist and interpretive. Such a typology clarifies how different
kinds of research contribute to their corresponding forms of theory development. It
also captures the most obvious dimension on which the discipline of communication
tends to polarize, not only, like other social sciences, with regard to epistemology but
also with regard to the very idea of communication. That is, naturalist (realist, objec-
tivist, empirical-scientific) theory not only aligns with certain empirical–analytical
research methods, it also aligns with what Carey (2009) called a transmission (infor-
mational, effects-oriented) concept of communication. At the opposite pole, interpre-
tive theory aligns with interpretive-critical research methods and with ritual (cultural,
constitutive) concepts of communication.
This analysis seems to me essentially correct. Even my own most recent attempt
to represent methods of theory construction in communication research relied on a
primary distinction between empirical-scientific and critical-interpretive approaches,
while also acknowledging many finer distinctions within each of those two broad cate-
gories (Craig, 2013). The cross-cutting lines of difference pointed out by Stanfill (2012)
still tend to correlate along this one main dimension. Notably, the traditions defined in
the constitutive metamodel also align to some extent with this dimension. Gunaratne
(2010) divided the seven traditions, though perhaps a bit too neatly, into three identi-
fied with communication science (sociopsychological, cybernetic, and sociocultural)
and four identified with communication arts (rhetorical, semiotic, phenomenolog-
ical, and critical). Noting the intense hybridization among traditions in recent the-
ory, Craig and Muller (2007) also speculated that the field might polarize between
two main traditions, which correspond more or less to the distinctions drawn by
Gunaratne (2010); Kirtiklis (2011), and Nastasia and Rakow (2010), among others.
The constitutive metamodel was explicitly designed to focus the field’s attention
on an array of practically oriented conceptions of communication rather than topi-
cal domains, “levels” of communication, or epistemological–methodological stances
(Craig, 1999). This choice of focus acknowledges both the field’s diversity as well as
the heuristic potential of its multiple traditions. It illuminates a common ground on
which otherwise isolated views can inform practical deliberation about communica-
tion problems. Better than two traditions frozen in their philosophically polarized
positions, a model that distinguishes seven or more problem-oriented traditions con-
structs the possibility of a deliberative conversation open to multiple and changing
views. However, attractive or realistic that possibility may be, Kirtiklis and others are
surely right that the epistemological and associated methodological assumptions that
guide research in the field cannot be put aside for all purposes. As I noted above, the
open conversation envisioned by the constitutive metamodel can only be a part-time
activity.
them, and quantitative social scientists feel underrepresented by a scheme that gives
them “only” one or two out of seven or eight traditions. While a professional associ-
ation like ICA can accommodate new academic identities by creating new divisional
units ad hoc (which brings its own problems), a conceptual model of the field must
retain some overall coherence from some point of view and will always be out of step
with newly emerging trends.
As there seems to be no real solution to this problem, the best approach may be to
lower the political stakes by thinking of any metamodel as a “mere tool,” not a literal
map of the field but a conceptual device for thinking about the field by using semi-
arbitrary reference points (i.e., the traditions). The purpose is heuristic, to generate
diverse perspective on problems and openings for dialogue, and that purpose can be
served just as well by articulating views against the matrix as in the matrix.
Conclusion
The constitutive metamodel after 16 years can claim to have demonstrated some use-
fulness. It has been used widely as a token of the field’s existence, as a representation of
the field, and to teach the field. It has been used occasionally as a method for discussing
communication problems from multiple viewpoints, and for mapping subfields or
positioning theories with reference to the field as a whole. It has inspired some efforts
to define new traditions and at least one effort to redo the whole metamodel. It has also
been criticized for its imperfections, and in that way has stimulated productive debate
on how to represent the field. On the other hand, the metamodel has not achieved
paradigmatic status and has not been widely adopted as the official model of the field
for bureaucratic purposes—a limitation for which we all can be thankful.
Is the field of communication theory any less fragmented than it was 16 years ago,
and can the constitutive metamodel claim any credit for making it more coherent?
This is partly an empirical question on which we lack good evidence. A replication
of Anderson’s (1996) informal study of theory textbooks, which found surprisingly
little overlap in their contents, might find more convergence now. One recent bib-
liometric study that focused on theories cited in empirically oriented journals found
some evidence of convergence across areas of the field but omitted most traditions
in the metamodel (Chung, Barnett, Kim, & Lackaff, 2013). My impression is that the
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