Asian Journal of

Social Science 42 (2014) 75–102

brill.com/ajss

Climate Change Vulnerability

and Adaptation in Metro Manila
Challenging Governance and Human
Security Needs of Urban Poor Communities*

Emma Porio
Ateneo de Manila University

Abstract

Climate change and flooding in Asian cities pose great challenges to the environmen-
tal and human security of the population and their governance systems. This paper
examines the intersections of ecological-environmental and social vulnerability and
the adaptive responses of urban poor communities and commercial-industrial estab-
lishments in Metro Manila to floods and other climate change-related effects, such
as storm surges and sea-level rise (SLR). These weaken the communities’ ecological-
environmental systems, threaten the well-being and security of the people and strain
the resources of city governments. Disaggregating the ecological-environment vulner-
abilities of a city/community according to specific places/spaces (or place-based vul-
nerabilities) that lead also to variable patterns among different groups (e.g., gender,
income group, sector) of adaptive responses to flooding. Drawing a systematic sam-
ple of urban poor households and industrial-commercial establishments along the
Pasig-Marikina River Basin of Metro Manila, this study utilised household surveys, key
informant interviews, focus group discussions (FGD) and secondary data sources, in
analysing the sources of their vulnerability and adaptive responses. Existing studies
generally focus on the vulnerability and adaptation of urban-rural populations and
do not highlight the interaction of place-based vulnerabilities with sector-specific vul-
nerabilities that reconfigure flood impacts and responses among the urban poor com-
munities and commercial-industrial establishments during and after floods. In partic-
ular, poor and female-headed households residing in highly degraded environments

* This paper was originally presented in the 10th ASEAN Inter-University Seminars, organised
by the National University of Singapore and Universiti Dar Es Salaam Brunei, 10–13 December
2012. The author is grateful for the invaluable research assistance provided by John Paul
Dalupang (maps) and Cora Bolong (data collection and field supervision).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi: 10.1163/15685314-04201006

76 porio

or places/spaces within and across urban poor communities suffered higher damages
and losses compared to better-off households and establishments. The interaction of
these drivers of vulnerability further heightens and compromises the environmental
and human security needs of poor people, their communities and those in the private
sector that local/national government agencies need to respond.

Keywords

climate change-related vulnerability/adaptation – place-based/sector-specific vulner-

ability and responses – environmental degradation – environmental/human security –
governance

Introduction

The World Risk Report 2013 ranked the Philippines as the third highest country
at risk to critical environmental, geo-political, economic, societal and techno-
logical changes. Like other Asian coastal megacities, Metro Manila’s environ-
mental risks include floods and coastal inundation brought about by sea-level
rise and the increasing intensity and irregularity of typhoons, storm surges and
monsoon rains. These hazards have heightened the environmental degrada-
tion of the metropolis, as well as the environmental risks faced by the resi-
dents. Compounding the effects of these natural and human-induced risks are
governance-related factors like deficits in environmental and fiscal reforms,
infrastructure and delivery of social services. In a sense, government initiatives
towards enhancing the environmental, economic and social security of its cities
also pose contradictory challenges to the environmental security of informal
settlements and the human security needs of its most vulnerable population,
the urban poor.
Eliott (2000) argues for analysing environmental degradation as a key com-
ponent in understanding initiatives towards human security. She elaborates
that “the relationship between human security and traditional security is there-
fore embedded in complexity … provides an opportunity to recognize different
kinds of threats, not to states but to peoples and communities, and to reassess
the probability of insecurities” (2000:158). She suggests that “environmental
concerns be integrated with traditional approaches and strategies” to address
more effectively the human security agenda. She further asserts that “protec-
tion of the environment is crucial to human security”, a “decisive factor in
economic vitality” and “economic security fundamental to individual and com-

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 77

munity health and well-being and, in some cases, to survival (ultimate security
challenge).” Studies on climate change vulnerability and adaptation, therefore,
provide a rich opportunity to define security threats to urban poor communi-
ties and their environments.
Meanwhile, Redclift (2009), citing Opchoot (1996), views human security
as talking about the degree to which human beings are sheltered from envi-
ronmental degradation, resource scarcity and environmental hazards by their
own social institutions. He further argued that in pursuing environmental and
human security, we are addressing the main dimensions of sustainable devel-
opment, namely, economic development, environmental protection and social
inequality. Thus, he suggested “widening people’s entitlements, duties and obli-
gations as citizens” is central to designing initiatives towards sustainable devel-
opment. As governments pursue economic growth through increased resource
extraction, environmental degradation and compromised land use regulations
becomes central issue in addressing sustainable development goals.
Using the insights of Eliott (2000) and Redclift (2009), this essay explores
the strategic links between environmental degradation and vulnerability to
flood impacts among urban poor communities and their local governments
in pursuing human security goals or the well-being of its people. This link
between vulnerability and adaptation can be seen in the ability of groups and
communities to cope with extreme environmental stresses and disturbances,
such as typhoons and floods (Adger, 2004). Furthermore, exposure and cop-
ing mechanisms to these risks, especially in the context of climate change,
can vary greatly across different political-economic groups (Blaikie et al., 1994).
However, these conceptual links need to be empirically validated and refined
when applied to different Asian contexts. In Metro Manila, these variations in
the flood responses and adaptation can be accounted by particular vulnera-
bilities of places/spaces because of environmental degradation (e.g., intense
development in areas with high soil subsidence/siltation, swampy areas/wet-
lands that are heavily inhabited) and the communities’/households’ levels of
social vulnerability as seen in Figures 1 to 3 below. The vulnerability levels of
families or households living in these environmentally vulnerable places then
becomes heightened because their capacity to recover from flood impacts is
also compromised by their poverty/low incomes, fragile occupational or liveli-
hood bases and the gender status of their household head.
Utilising primary (household and commercial-industrial surveys, key
informant interviews and focus group discussions)1 and secondary sources

1 The study is based on two surveys of systematically drawn sample households: (1) 200 house

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(population census, land use plans), this paper examined the flood-related
impacts and experiences of urban poor communities and commercial-business
establishments in two cities of Metro Manila, namely Marikina and Pasig. It
also explored the flood responses of their local governments. Data collected be-
tween September and November 2011 focused on the flood impacts of Typhoons
Ondoy (international name, Ketsana) on 28 September 2009 and Typhoon
Pedring (international name, Nesat) on 27 September 2011. This database was
supplemented by a 2008 survey of urban poor households in three flood basins
of the metropolis, namely, KAMANAVA (Kaloocan, Malabon, Navotas and Va-
lenzuela), Pasig-Marikina and West Manggahan.
Examining the flood vulnerability and adaptation of urban poor communi-
ties and their local governments, the study argues that climate change-related
effects put cities at risk to flooding and inundation, posing great challenges
to the communities’ ecological-environmental systems and the well-being and
security of its residents. In riverlines and bay areas, where large numbers of
the poor reside, land and infrastructural development initiatives of the gov-
ernment and the private sector often collide with the pursuit of security and
well-being among its populace. This gives rise to particular place-based vul-
nerabilities and sector-specific patterns of response and adaptation to flood-
ing and environmental degradation. This paper illustrates this by examin-
ing flood-related damage and losses to residential and commercial-business
establishments in low-lying riverine communities and their local governments’
responses. The study concludes that the interaction of place-based and sector-
specific vulnerabilities, especially among the urban poor in informal settle-
ments, heightens and compromises both the environmental and human secu-
rity needs of the people and their communities.
The next two sections describe the political-economic and environmental
context of the study and the flood impacts and responses to Typhoons Ondoy
and Pedring among the riverine communities along the Pasig-Marikina river
system, as well as that of their local governments. It explores the link between
environmental degradation and the security and well-being of urban poor
households and commercial-industrial establishments in these flood-prone
areas. While local governments strive to provide relief and rehabilitation needs
for its citizens, the demands for environmental security and economic growth
often collide with the urban poor communities’ struggle for economic and

holds and 100 commercial-industrial establishments from flooded riverine communities in

the cities of Marikina and Pasig in 2012, and (2) 300 households drawn from sample urban
poor communities in the three flood basins in 2009.

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 79

social security. Finally, the flood adaptive responses of the vulnerable commu-
nities, commercial-industrial establishments and local governments provide
valuable potentials for mainstreaming them into land use planning, gover-
nance and to medium/long-term development.

Background and Context

Typhoons, floods earthquakes and landslides and other climate-related haz-

ards and risks have always been part of the Philippines’ annual cycle of events
and disasters. But this past decade, the number and scale of natural and human-
induced disasters have increased; its effects intensified by the lack of prepared-
ness among the affected communities, government, civil society and private
sectors alike, preventing them to respond pro-actively through effective disas-
ter risk reduction and management policies and programmes.
While the country gets an average of 20 typhoons annually, Metro Manila
averages ten strong typhoons that bring heavy rainfall and flooding to the
metropolis. The World Bank estimated that the Philippines loses P15 billion
(US$367 million) annually to disasters caused by typhoons and floods, repre-
senting about 0.7 per cent of the gross national product (GNP). In October
2009, Typhoons Ondoy and Pepeng caused a total of P3.8 billion (US$92.9 mil-
lion) in damages and P24.8 billion (US$606 million) in immediate losses to
the agriculture, fisheries and forestry sectors. Immediate reconstruction costs
were estimated to be about US$4.42 billion or almost three per cent of the
national GDP for the next three years (Joint Assessment of Typhoons Ondoy
and Pepeng, World Bank, 2009). In 2011, losses from typhoons Pedring and
Qiel were estimated to amount to P15 billion (US$367 million). In December
2011, Typhoon Sendong (international name, Washi) brought heavy rainfall and
flash floods to Northern Mindanao and Eastern Visayas in southern Philip-
pines killing over a thousand people, higher than those lost/killed during the
Ondoy and Pepeng typhoons. In August 2012, Habagat (south-west monsoon
rains) floods resulted in 95 deaths and affected 3.4 million people, destroyed
8,428 homes (with 6,706 partly damaged) with damages/losses amounting to
at least P604.63 million (US$14.31 million). Until then, Sendong, was regarded
as the worst climate-related disaster in the last decade to have hit the coun-
try with initial damages estimated at P1.03 billion (US$30 million). Although
damages were not as high as those of Ondoy and Pepeng, the loss of lives,
physical injury and displacement was much higher (1,572 deaths, 1,079 miss-
ing, 1,792 injured, and 102,899 families displaced). Then in December 2012,
Typhoon Pablo (international name, Bopha) hit north-eastern and southern

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Mindanao, killing over a thousand people and resuling in damages estimated at

about P34 billion (about US$835 million). The National Disaster Risk Reduction
and Management Council reported 711,682 families (about 6,243,998 persons)
in 34 provinces were affected, while an estimated 11,000 were evacuated and
170,000 homes damaged. Damage from floods and storms in the Philippines
have increased 18 times since the 1970s (Velasquez, 2011), while their occur-
rence has gone beyond the regular typhoon season from June to November to
throughout the year (Porio 2012).

Environmental and Socio-Economic Vulnerability:

Socio-Demographic Characteristics and Development in Metro
Manila

Like other megacities in the South, Metro Manila’s growth and expansion
remain largely uncontrolled. This has greatly contributed to the increased vul-
nerability of the residents, especially those from the urban poor communities,
to climate-related effects like typhoons and floods. More importantly, this has
compromised the potential for adaptation and resilience on the part of resi-
dents, local governments and the private sector.
Metro Manila or the National Capital Region (NCR) has a land area of
636km2 on a semi-alluvial plain formed by the sediment flows from the Mey-
cauayan and Malabon-Tullahan river basins in the north, the Pasig-Marikina
river basin in the east (Bankoff, 2003), and Manggahan river basin in the west.
These river systems used to be active transport gateways to the central dis-
trict of Manila until heavy siltation and land-based transport rendered this
system ineffective (Porio, 2011). The coastal margin of NCR consists of a partly
reclaimed area in Manila Bay, the central plateau and the Marikina Valley.
The metropolis is open to Manila Bay in the west and connects to a large
lake, Laguna de Bay, in the south-east. Thus, “the metropolitan area is a vast
drainage basin that experiences frequent inundations from overflowing rivers
and storm waters that render the existing system of esteros (modified natural
channels) and canals constructed during the Spanish and American colonial
periods inadequate” (Liongson, 2000, cited in Bankoff, 2003). Manila and the
surrounding cities are prone to flooding alongside Marikina Valley and along
the coast of Laguna de Bay. The effects of climate change on these river sys-
tems are highlighted by sea-level rise (SLR) and increases in monsoon rains,
typhoons and floods (see Figure 1).
Traversing in the north-south direction of the metropolis are several fault-
lines: (1) the Marikina Valley Fault, (2) the Philippine Fault, (3) the Lubang

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 81

figure 1 The three flood basins and sample communities in Metro Manila. Source: Porio and
Dalupang (2013).

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82 porio

Fault, (4) the Manila Trench, and (5) the Casiguran Fault. This environmental
context interacts in complex ways with the patterns of human activities in the
metropolis, giving rise to patterns of survival strategies among the residents and
institutional and regulatory responses of the local government units and the
national government agencies in-charged of disaster risk reduction and man-
agement policies and programmes (Porio, 2011).
With Metro Manila as the centre of political, economic, and socio-cultural
activities of the nation, its vulnerability to climate change becomes heightened.
Its strategic location by Manila Bay and the mouth of the Pasig River accounts
for the growth of the capital city and the suburban expansion of the city for
the last 30 years. With large in-migration and rapid population growth, this led
to peri-urban expansion to the surrounding municipalities, and more signifi-
cantly to dangerous areas for habitation (e.g., swampy areas, along esteros or
water canals, rivers and/or earthquake fault-lines). Services and infrastructural
development could hardly keep pace with the needs of the burgeoning popula-
tion. While large public and private investments try to operate within existing
regulatory frameworks, the ability of government agencies to impose build-
ing and infrastructure standards is quite weak. Meanwhile, the growth and
expansion of informal settlements have gone largely unregulated. Thus, many
buildings and infrastructure are built in danger zones (e.g., near the seashore or
flood zones, unstable and landslide-prone ground, etc.) without permits (Porio,
2011).
Rapid urbanisation, population growth and the weak infrastructural and
economic bases of the metropolis have heightened its vulnerability to the
effects of climate change. As seen in Figure 2, Metro Manila’s population ex-
panded from 5.93 million in 1980 to 7.95 million in 1990, 9.93 million in 2000
and is projected to reach 19.43 million in 2020. In 2007, the National Statis-
tics Office (NSO) reported that Metro Manila has 12 million residents but the
average daytime population is about 16–18 million (see Figure 2). In 2000, the
population density in the metropolis was 15,617 persons per km2 and is pro-
jected to increase to 29,146 in 2020. These forces have dramatically increased
the demand for goods and services, as well as the removal of waste generated
in the metropolis. Since this trend shows no signs of abating, the impacts of
climate change on the vulnerable populations of the metropolis will definitely
be heightened in the coming years (Porio, 2011).
The environmental security of the national capital is further compromised
by its land use patterns, infrastructural development, building codes/practices
and development policies and programmes. Regulatory policies and practices,
often lacking in coherence, have resulted in a built environment that poses high
risks to residents, buildings infrastructure and settlements.

Asian Journal of Social Science 42 (2014) 75–102

Asian Journal of Social Science 42 (2014) 75–102
climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila

figure 2 Rapid expansion and growth of the population in Metro Manila and peri-urban areas, 1980–2007. Source: Corpuz (2010)
83
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Heightening the vulnerability of the metropolis is the large portion of its

population that does not have security of tenure in their housing, jobs and
livelihood sources. The 2008 Philippine Asset Reform Report Card estimated
that only 61 per cent of households in Metro Manila have sufficient access to
basic services. Most informal settlements do not have adequate access to the
water and sewerage, nor electrical services. Of the national housing backlog of
four million households (about 24 million people), about 500,000 households
(about three million people) is accounted for by Metro Manila alone. The
Philippine Human Development Report of 2010 estimated the Philippines to
have a poverty incidence of 32 per cent. In April 2013, the National Economic
Development Authority (NEDA) announced that poverty incidence has not
really improved over the years 2000 to 2012, despite the much-touted 7.5 per
cent growth rate in 2012. With high poverty incidence and population density
and the shortage of proper services, Metro Manila has become very vulnerable
to the effects of storms, typhoons and floods in recent years (Patankar et al.,
2013).
Further intensifying the vulnerability of the national capital is its geographic
location. The cities of Marikina and Pasig, located in the heart of the flood
basin and down below the Marikina watershed, is nestled by the Sierra Madre
Mountain Range and the Montalban hills and nearby La Mesa Dam. During
the Ondoy floods, these cities became the depository basin of the heavy rains
(180mm) that fell in six hours, equivalent to the national capital’s monthly rain-
fall average. Floods in some places reached depths of seven to ten metres, in
contrast to the more common one to two metres during regular flooding in
these cities. Another potential hazard that could complicate the city’s environ-
mental security is the West Valley Fault that runs through these cities making
them vulnerable to earthquakes and subsequent liquefaction (Patankar et al.,
2013).
The topography and geological characteristics of Metro Manila and its inher-
ent vulnerability to strong winds and floods were revealed during the height of
Typhoon Pedring. The storm surges and strong winds pounded the Manila Bay
seawalls and weakened the foundations, causing a section of the breakwater
to collapse. Water flooded past the seawall and onto the main thoroughfare of
Roxas Boulevard, the United States Embassy, Sofitel Hotel and other landmarks
by the bay. The floodwaters even reached the Baseco Compound, a 14-hectare
property owned by the Manila Port Authority but informally settled by 6,000
urban poor families. According to the head of the weather bureau, PAG-ASA,
the following factors led to the collapse of the Manila Bay Seawall: (1) continu-
ous heavy monsoon rains for four days, (2) strong storm surges along with the
high tide, (3) soft soil/subsidence, and (4) strong rough winds. In response, cli-

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 85

mate authorities have suggested implementing safer engineering solutions and

stronger compliance of regulatory frameworks (e.g., enforcing stricter building
and zoning codes, evacuation of people once the storms and surges hit the bay).
To date, these have yet to be implemented.

Environmental and Social Characteristics/Risks

Most of the vulnerable communities are settled in low-lying areas of the coastal
lines, riverlines and tributaries. Located near swampy/wetlands or silted river-
beds, these areas have been classified by the city as danger zones and unfit
for habitation. In city logbooks, these households are considered illegal slum/
squatter settlements, with no security of tenure and no adequate access to
water, electricity, sewage and drainage systems. Constantly exposed to the
effects of flooding and lacking adequate access to health and sanitation facil-
ities, residents often complain of diarrhoea, colds and malnutrition. Com-
pounding these are community security-related issues like drug abuse, domes-
tic violence, theft and other petty crimes.
More importantly, land along riverlines and shorelines are also heavily pop-
ulated and developed for commercial-industrial purposes. In the previous de-
cades, these areas were relatively undeveloped because these were considered
danger zones. But starting with the 1990s when the local governments were
required to provide housing and relocation for their urban poor constituents,
these un-serviced and low-quality lands became sites for relocation. This is
especially the case for Baseco in Manila, Lupang Arenda in West Manggahan,
Tanza in Navotas and Nangka and Tumana in Marikina City (see Figures 3 and
4).

Climate Change, Environmental and Social Risks

The social and physical location of these flood-prone communities make them
highly vulnerable to storm surges and flooding from typhoons and heavy mon-
soon rains from June to November, the traditional rainy season for Metro
Manila. The Pasig-Marikina flood basin is prone to flash floods from the Sierra
Madre Mountains, while the KAMANAVA flood basin is particularly suscepti-
ble throughout the year to the effects of sea-level rise and tidal storms. During
the last few years, the residents have reported changes in the climate patterns
marked by increases in sea levels during tidal/storm surges, as reflected in the
water marks left in their house posts. Often these pose risks to their household
appliances, garments and their livelihood activities.

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figure 3 Marikina River and land-use patterns along the riverline. Source: Porio and
Dalupang (2013).

Economic Opportunities, Risk and Social Vulnerability

The 2011 survey reinforced the findings of the 2008 survey that while respon-
dents recognised the risks of floods to their homes and communities, economic
problems like unemployment and lack of incomes were their over-riding con-
cern. Other important concerns were security-related risks like thefts/hold-ups,
fire and drug abuse in their neighbourhoods. These security-related issues are
closely linked to the physical congestion and economic insecurities of their
communities and families. Given these socio-economic risks, their vulnera-
bility to the climate-related effects increasingly becomes heightened (Porio,
2011). Ironically, these household-level risks and vulnerabilities also increase
with the expansion of residential, commercial and industrial development in

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 87

figure 4 Flood risk map of Barangay Tanza, Navotas City: Water bodies, informal settlements
and the relocation area. Source: Porio and Dalupang (2013).

their localities. This is clearly illustrated in the rapid expansion of residential,

commercial and industrial projects around the West Manggahan River Basin.
While the urban poor communities do not have the necessary infrastructure
support like proper drainage, sewerage and road systems, these have not pre-
vented the continuing population and commercial expansion in the area. Thus,
flooding in the area has greatly increased, especially near the Napindan Chan-
nel and Laguna de Bay. Classified as wetlands, these are not really suitable for
habitation or for commercial-industrial use. But this has not deterred build-
ing and land development activities because of the increasing demand from
the nearby cities of Taguig and Makati. Land developers simply fill the marshy
areas and raise the building height of the ground floors to the detriment of
those who do not have the resources to do so. This same pattern can also be

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observed in the Pasig-Markina river system where roads are being constructed
along the riversides; government buildings and services (day care, sports cen-
tre, local barangay offices) continue to be expanded, alongside the livelihood
spaces (watercress and taro gardens) of informal settlers.
Local officials assert that one major cause of flooding is the continuous
building of temporary structures in already congested, informal settlements
alongside formal residential subdivisions and commercial establishments
located in/near danger zones. However, this has not led them to regulate these
activities by controlling the approval of building permits. As shown in other
contexts, the lack of political responses to non-traditional security threats
has a significant impact on people’s everyday lives (Caballero-Anthony and
Cook, 2013:291). Meanwhile, respondents reported that land-filling activities of
middle- and upper-class real estate developments have increased the flooding
and environmental damage as traditional waterways have disappeared with
these activities. Upgrading and raising the height of road systems have also
worsened the flooding and living conditions of the informal settlers in these
areas. Informal housing built against dyke walls, along creeks, rivers, tributaries
and swampy areas abound in this part of the metropolis. Slum-lords, taking
advantage of the expanding rental markets and the lack of regulation by local
officials, further the risks faced by those residing around the nearby factories of
Pasig, Marikina and Taguig, and the fish port in Navotas City. Heightening the
risk exposure of these households are inadequate services like water, electricity,
health and substandard roads, drainage, and sewage systems (Porio, 2011).

Part II: Socio-Economic Characteristics, Flood Impacts and

Adaptation Responses2

Both the 2008 pre-Ondoy and 2011 post-Ondoy surveys (see Table 1) showed
comparable household characteristics in terms of age, civil status, education
and income levels, except that some communities in the KAMANAVA and
Manggahan flood basins had much lower household incomes. These commu-
nities had higher numbers of respondents who were old, widowed/separated,
without income and dependent on the relatives for food support and, more sig-
nificantly, they also lived in environmentally-degraded communities. Their set-

2 Based on the 2008 household survey conducted in the three flood basins and the 2011 house-
hold and commercial-industrial survey conducted in one basin, the Marikina-Pasig flood
basin that was the worst hit by the Ondoy floods.

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 89

tlements remain very vulnerable because of dilapidated housing structures on

waterlines clogged with garbage alongside faulty drainage systems in already
waterlogged environments.
The housing materials of the respondents from Marikina-Pasig flood basin
seem to reflect their socio-economic stratification. Those using second-hand/
scrap materials; wood and GI sheets; and cement/tiles seem to reflect the
low-income, lower-, upper middle and upper-class status of their households,
respectively. Those in the Marikina-Pasig flood basin had incomes double the
poverty income threshold for Metro Manila (P9,000/month for a family of five).
The characteristics are consistent with the assessment of the Asian Develop-
ment Bank that more than 30 per cent of Metro Manila’s population lives in
informal settlements, suffer from insecure land tenure, lack adequate health
and educational facilities and are unable to access capital, credit or social safety
nets. Their social vulnerability is highlighted by their makeshift housing, unsafe
water, poor sanitation, crime, fire and sudden flooding (ADB, 2009).
Housing adaptation among the poor did not seem to progress much after
the Ondoy floods in Pasig City because more than half of them still had single
detached homes, with one floor and made of weak materials. But Marikina City
residents seem to have adapted more to another possibility of extreme flooding
because half of their homes had two floors or more compared to less than half
before the Ondoy floods. In general, most of them do not regularly maintain
their homes and only do the needed occasional repairs. Thus, the culture of
safety and preparedness is not very developed among the residents, despite
their having experienced a major “delubyo” (the local term they used for the
extreme Ondoy floods which they likened to Noah’s biblical floods). A bit of
an exception is the one-third of Marikina City respondents who reconstructed
their homes with strong materials and intentionally raised their floors and/or
added a second or third floor. In part, this is because these households have
the capacity to make these improvements. Respondents from the lower-income
households expressed that they have wanted to adjust their houses as well but
they did not have resources to do so. Their priority was to bring food to the table
for their families.
That there was more multi-storey housing in Marikina City could also be the
effect of the post-Ondoy rehabilitation drive by the government. After Ondoy’s
devastation, the Marikina Local Government Unit (LGU) strongly urged resi-
dents to leave the ground floor open so waters could freely flow through their
homes and use the upper floor(s) for habitation. In fact, this has been encoded
into the new city building code but, understandably, resistance to this provision
has been registered by urban poor communities and commercial-industrial
sectors along the Marikina River.

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table 1 Summary of 2008 and 2011 surveys of the socio-economic characteristics of

respondents (R) and households (HH)

Characteristics 2008 Survey1 2011 Survey2

R’s median age 42 years old 43 years old

R’s gender 86 % female 73% female

R’s civil status Legally married: 61 % –

Live-in/cohabitation: 20 %
Widowed/separated/single: 18 %

R’s mean years of schooling 8.5 years 10 years

Mean HH size 6 5.5

Monthly HH income Median: P8,000.00 Mean: P41,776.14

Mean: P10,000 Median: P16,000.00

Mean no. of children 4 3

Economic dependency 2:5 1:3

HH head occupation profile Retired/unemployed: 30 % Retired/unemployed: 18%

Professionals/skilled: 34 % Professionals/skilled: 52%
Trading/marketing/OFW: 35 % Trading/business: 25%
Others: 5%

Housing materials Bamboo and tarpaulin: 3.7 % Second-hand scrap/scrap

Wood and GI sheets: 61.3 % materials: 29%
Cement/tiles, wood and GI sheets: 35% Wood and GI sheets: 63%
Cement/tiles, wood and GI
sheets: 8%

1 Pre-Ondoy Marikina, Pasig, KAMANAVA, and Taguig

2 Post-Ondoy survey in the hardest hit cities of Marikina and Pasig

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 91

In general, respondents encountered the following flood-related impacts: (1)

shortages of transport, fuel, food and water supplies, (2) disruption of electric-
ity, water distribution and communication services, (3) piled garbage and mud
clogging the drainage system, (4) illness, (5) rise in the price of commodities, (6)
damage to their homes, and (7) children unable to go to school and their par-
ents unable to report for work. Schools were closed for almost a month after
the Ondoy floods because these were either used as evacuation centres or were
heavily damaged. Most factories in the flooded areas also closed and/or relo-
cated outside the metropolis, resulting in enormous loss of work/income for
the residents. But the highest disruption of schooling, services and livelihood
activities occurred among the informal settlements in degraded environments
along the Marikina-Pasig River.

Flood Impacts: Damage to Homes/Properties, and Absences from

School and Work

The majority of the respondents suffered highly from the 2009 Ondoy floods
compared to the minimal losses they incurred during the 2011 Pedring floods
(rainfall was not heavy in the latter). During Ondoy, floodwaters reached an
average of seven metres, destroying homes, factories and appliances. Because
Marikina is located at the “bottom” of the Marikina-Pasig flood basin, three-
fourths of their dwelling structures were fully or partially damaged, while only
a third of Pasig residents suffered the same fate. The majority of the repairs
and reconstruction were concentrated on adding and repairing/repainting the
floors, walls and roofing of their homes, while a small number constructed a
new home, fixed their plumbing, drainage systems and toilets. The length of
time needed to repair or reconstruct their houses was dependent on the extent
of the damage and the availability of resources.
The disparity is due to the fact that Marikina City residents experienced
more extreme flooding because of their location at the bottom of the flood
basin, while those in Pasig City are further down the river system. Moreover,
there were more residential subdivisions belonging to upper/middle-income
households hit by the floods in Marikina City, while in Pasig City the floods
devastated mostly lower- and middle-income households. This reinforces our
argument that environmental location and the level of degradation of settle-
ments intensifies flood vulnerability.
The relationship between ecological-environmental degradation and flood
impacts can be seen in the subsample analysis in Table 2. Even among the poor-
est of the poor or those households with incomes below the poverty line, there

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table 2 Ecological-environmental characteristics, flood-related damage and gender among

households with incomes below the poverty line (P10,000, below/about US$1.5/day)
during and after the Ondoy floods in 2009

Access to water
Housing and other services
Eco-environmental No. of days fully (electricity, waste Gender of HH
characteristics of dwelling place flooded damaged collection, footpaths) respondent

Relatively higher elevation from 1 (13 %) 13% Slightly inadequate 13%

the river/relatively dry

Medium elevation, 10.5 (39 %) 39 % Mildly inadequate 37%

Slightly degraded and wet

Highly degraded/depressed, 25 (47 %) 47 % Highly inadequate 49%

muddy, heavily silted wetlands or
swampy areas

N = 55 households (HH)

is an association between the level of ecological-environmental degradation of

their dwelling places and the number of days their homes were flooded and
damaged, and the adequacy of services to these places. More importantly, the
more environmentally and economically depressed were the dwelling places
of the very poor, of which the greater number of households was represented
by women. It is not clear here whether the higher levels of damage and impov-
erishment of these women-represented households (i.e., they were the ones
who consented to being interviewed) settled in these places because these were
accessible and affordable to them, and over time their constant suffering from
flood losses have lead to their families towards a downward spiralling in terms
of economic losses and environmental degradation.
As shown in Table 3, flood impacts vary by sector (commercial-industrial
or households) and by the city or communities’ environmental location in the
river system. Because Marikina is located in the headwaters of the river system
compared to the downstream location of Pasig City, the former suffered more
heavily, especially in the interruption of basic services and the amount spent on
repairs. While, those from the commercial-industrial sector had heavier losses,
they were able to repair their building damages because they had insurance
coverage, while the poor households had hardly any. More importantly, about

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 climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 93

table 3 Summary of flood losses, responses/adaptations by sector and environmental

location

Urban poor households

Commercial-industrial (Marikina city: upstream) Urban poor households (Pasig
establishments (n = 100) (n = 100) city: downstream) (n = 100)

Average damage to buildings:
Median (P140,000); Mean (P1.3
million)
Average Income Loss: Median
(P50,000); Mean (P192,142)
Average spent on repairs: Median
(P50,000); Mean (P319, 434)
Relocated after floods: 20 %
Regularly maintain buildings:
51%
Materials: concrete, brick, metal
concrete with steel, blocks, bricks,
wood and metal
Average income loss: P21,000
Average spent on repairs:
P141,000
No electricity: 30 days
Average no. of workdays lost: 30
days
Housing adaptation: Added
floors
Materials: Scrap, wood, hollow
blocks, GI sheets
Average income loss: P15,000
Average spent on repairs: P20,000
No electricity: 14 days
Average no. of workdays lost: 10
days
Housing adaptation:
strengthened foundations
Materials: Scrap, wood, hollow
blocks, GI sheets

20 per cent of the commercial-industrial establishments relocated their busi-

nesses to less flood-prone areas, a strategy that the urban poor households
could not afford. Thus, the intersections of the sectoral and environmental loca-
tions of people and economic activities account for variability and intensity of
flood impacts.
Children’s schooling also suffered with about 70 per cent of the households
unable to send their children to school in 2009. In terms of income loss, the
respondents averaged P21,000 per household (average take-home pay of a pub-
lic school teacher then was P10,000 per month) with some reaching P500,000
income loss due to the Ondoy floods in 2009, compared to P20,000 during the
Pedring floods in 2011.
The costs of basic services before, during and after the Ondoy floods between
male-headed and female-headed households indicate that the latter has higher
vulnerability to flood impacts, as indicated by their higher costs incurred (see
Tables 4 and 5). The number of absences from school and/or workdays lost rose
100 per cent for male-headed households, while for female-headed households
it was slightly higher. Their average income losses rose to 300 per cent for
male-headed households but it was a bit less (200 per cent) for female-headed

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table 4 Summary of costs/losses of urban poor households (HH) by gender due to floods
from Tropical Storm Ondoy

Pre-Ondoy Ondoy Period Post-Ondoy

Men- Women- Men- Women- Men- Women-
headed headed headed headed headed headed
HH HH HH HH HH HH

No. of school absences 6 8 14 17 6 7

No. of work days lost from sickness 5 7 9 10 5 8
No. of work days lost 6 8 20 22 6 9
Average income loss P1,715 P3,250 P7,250 P6,450 P2,750 P3,400
Average expenses on medicines P300 P400 P3,200 P3,000 P500 P450
Average losses (appliances, etc.) – – P25,000 P20,000 – –
Average monthly income P6,250 P5,000 – – P6,500 P4,200

Source: Porio (2013)

table 5 Per cent increase/decrease of costs/losses between male- and female-headed

households due to floods from Tropical Storm Ondoy

Pre-Ondoy Ondoy Period Post-Ondoy

Men- Women- Men- Women- Men- Women-
headed headed headed headed headed headed
HH HH HH HH HH HH

No. of school absences – +33 % – +21% – +17%

Work days lost from sickness – +40 % – +11% – +60%
No. of work days lost – +33 % – +10% – +50%
Average income loss – +90 % – –11% – +24%
Average expenses on medicines – +33 % – –6% – –10%
Average losses (appliances, etc.) – – – –20% – –
Average monthly income – –20 % – – – –35%

Source: Porio (2013)

households. This is perhaps due to the longer closure of factory-based work

for males, while home-based work for females opened earlier than the former.
But the worst is the increase in their expenditure for medicines, sanitation and
healthcare, which rose a thousand per cent during the Ondoy floods, especially

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 95

for women-headed households. Comparing male and female-headed house-

holds show that women bear a heavier burden in times of disasters in terms of
taking care of the sick and cleaning their homes (Porio, 2013).

Adaptation Strategies to Floods/Monsoons:

Family/Household Level3

Most of the adaptations made by families and households were either physical-
structural adjustments or changes in lifestyles and habits. Of the first category,
quite a substantial number (about a third) added and/or raised the floor and
strengthened the foundations of their homes. They also moved the storage of
goods, valuables and irreplaceable items to a higher level so these would not
get wet or damaged (60 per cent). Furthermore, they prepared ready-packed
clothes/toiletries and emergency supplies (e.g., flashlights and headlamps) and
secured emergency evacuation places with relatives/friends. Meanwhile, they
became more diligent in cleaning surrounding canals/drainage channels of
garbage/debris (35 per cent). They now closely monitor the weather through
radio and TV, and keep a close watch on the early warning system installed by
their local governments that alerts them to rising water levels in the river and
directs them to prepare and evacuate. A small minority (5 per cent) said they
just pray to God to protect them.
Flood preparation and insurance was largely absent among the Ondoy flood
victims. An overwhelming 83 per cent had no form of insurance whatsoever,
while a small minority (17 per cent) had purchased life, property and medical
insurance as the latter were employed in the formal sector and/or came from
upper-income groups. Only nine per cent of the 17 per cent were able to make
insurance claims. Most of them could not file claims because damages due to
the Ondoy floods belong to the category of “fortuitous events” or “acts of God”
and were not covered by their insurance.
During and after the floods, the following measures were taken by the bar-
angay/city government to reduce the impact of flooding in their communi-
ties: (1) evacuation of residents from informal settlements along the rivers,
creeks and other danger areas, (2) clearing and rebuilding of roads and bridges,
(3) rebuilding of the water supply network, (4) clearing and rebuilding of
water channel and drainage networks (including rip-rapping/reinforcing of
river/creek walls and elevating water dykes), (5) pumping flood waters out

3 Many of these percentages do not add up to 100 per cent as they are multiple responses.

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96 porio

of the area, (6) relocation/resettlement of affected residents, (7) acquisition

of equipment/supplies necessary during calamities (e.g., rubber boats, fire
trucks), (8) defogging of mosquito-infested areas, especially those with high
incidence of dengue cases, and (9) capability building programmes (train-
ing/seminars, information campaigns/dissemination) for community groups.
In short, the immediate, medium- and long-term responses/interventions of
the city/local government can be summarised into: (1) evacuation, (2) restora-
tion of basic services, and (3) rebuilding of infrastructural support. The major-
ity of the respondents (65 per cent) feel satisfied with the interventions pro-
vided by the national/local government agencies. A small number (35 per cent)
wished the government could provide better services, such as water, sewage
and sanitation, but most of all sustainable livelihood and land/housing for
those displaced by the floods. Thus, when asked who is responsible for prevent-
ing and responding to hazards and calamities, an overwhelming majority (70
per cent) pointed to the barangay/city LGU as the one responsible, while oth-
ers identified family (17 per cent), civil society (eight per cent) and the private
sector (five per cent) as being responsible.
Glaringly absent in the above interventions/responses of the city govern-
ments is a regular systematic training and capability programme for the staff of
the agencies responsible for disaster risk reduction and, more importantly, for
the vulnerable, flood-prone communities and residents. When asked whether
they knew of the existence of their own barangay and/or city disaster risk reduc-
tion and management council (DRRMC), only 25 per cent were aware but only
seven per cent knew of their location in the barangay and/or city hall. Thus,
only five per cent and two per cent were aware of the emergency numbers and
website of the DRRMC, respectively; only two per cent had contacted their
emergency numbers to ask for information about typhoons/floods or assis-
tance. Surprisingly, the majority of them (86 per cent) have heard of climate
change and have accepted it as part of environmental change. In fact, when
asked how they understand the phenomenon, majority were able to enumerate
the following indications: ozone depletion, sea-level rise, air pollution, heavy
rains/floods, droughts, water shortage, melting of glaciers and rapid/intense
weather changes. But they were not agreed on the causes of climate change
as they gave varying responses like: environmental pollution (50 per cent),
increasing population (36 per cent), and God’s wrath/mankind’s sins (14 per
cent). But, on the whole, they acknowledge that the major causal forces of
climate change are: people’s lifestyles (68 per cent) as mainly responsible, fol-
lowed by inaction or negative actions of government (20 per cent), industries
(10 per cent), and God (two per cent).
When asked what the government should do to prevent or mitigate the

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 97

effects of climate change, the respondents suggested the following: (1) stricter
norms for pollution reduction, (2) decrease vehicles and enhance public trans-
port, (3) effective implementation of regulations/laws, (4) eradicate factories
and other polluting industries, and (5) rehabilitate the environment (e.g., plant-
ing trees). When the community residents were asked what they can do as
individuals to help their government tackle the effects of climate change, 50 per
cent said they could follow environment waste management policies (reduce,
reuse, recycle), observe government laws and ordinances (25 per cent) and the
remainder (25 per cent) said people should plant trees and conserve energy.
When asked how the city or barangay’s disaster risk reduction and manage-
ment council (DRRMC) can serve them more efficiently, only very few (less
than 10 per cent) could suggest that DRRMC monitor flooding more effectively.
This is quite logical because, as indicated earlier, only a quarter (25 per cent)
were aware of the DRRMC’s existence.
Communicating flood risk to the people seem to be institutionalised only
in Marikina City through their established early warning system, indicated by
the people’s recognition of the siren signals (e.g., the first siren is to prepare for
evacuation, with the water level at 14 metres), according to the water level in the
Marikina bridge (e.g., the third siren is for evacuation when the water is reach-
ing the critical level of 16 metres). Meanwhile, Pasig City has also installed an
early warning system communicated through the city’s disaster risk reduction
management council (chaired by the mayor) and to the barangay/community
DRRM counterpart bodies (chaired by the barangay captain). But communi-
cating flood risk to the people and making them move accordingly constitute
the most challenging task for LGUs as most residents do not want to leave their
homes because of theft/loss of belongings. They’d rather climb up to the ceil-
ings/roofs of their houses than move. To the emergency rescuers, this seem
like irrational behaviour but in the urban poor’s calculation, he might lose a
lot more if he allows himself to be rescued and be moved to safer grounds like
an evacuation centre.
The above pattern of responses among the poor show that no matter how
developed the government’s early warning system to ensure their safety is,
people will not move if their home security is not assured.

Flood Responses and Adaptive Strategies of Commercial-industrial

Establishments

Most business and commercial establishments in this study faced high expo-
sure and vulnerability to flooding and other climate-related risks. The major-

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98 porio

ity of them only had one storey buildings, which were mostly submerged at
the height of Ondoy floods; thus, they incurred high levels of damage to their
buildings/equipment, besides their repair and replacement. But their insur-
ance allowed them to cover for these losses and recover faster. This also allowed
the majority of them to rehabilitate and/or move their business operations to
places outside of the Pasig-Marikina Flood Basin, where environmental secu-
rity was higher. However, these options are not available to the urban poor
dwellers in these environmentally vulnerable places. For example, Pure Foods,
a huge food processing company located by the Marikina River transferred
their manufacturing to Laguna, a province near the national capital region,
while others moved to higher ground. This was a strategy adopted by large
commercial and industrial establishments in the city, like the conglomerate,
Fortune Tobacco. For those who remained or did not relocate, they simply
strengthened their buildings or built upper floors where they could conduct
their business. Meanwhile, in Pasig, most of the factories were compelled by the
City Environment Office (CENRO) to follow safety standards. The majority of
them who refused to follow the safety standards imposed by the city moved to
other cities and municipalities in Metro Manila or nearby provinces that were
not so strict in imposing environmental laws. This poses problems when con-
sidered at the macro level, because local government units (LGUs), in order
to attract business often relax the compliance standards that they impose on
business/commercial establishments.
The above responses illustrate the private sector’s higher capacity to recover
because of their access to economic resources and political strength to avoid
the regulatory arm of the government or take advantage of its fiscal weaknesses.

Institutional and Regulatory Responses:

Physical, Political-Economic and Cultural

In general, respondents in the study blamed the following activities for the
extreme floods: illegal logging, mining, quarrying in the upstream Marikina
watershed and the consequent siltation and clogging of the river systems and
minor water channels. The increasing pollution and overfishing of Laguna Lake
(manifested in the overpopulation of fish cages, most of them cemented, thus
obstructing water flow) also compromised the draining capacity of the lake for
dumped water from the uplands like the Marikina watershed, the Wawa Dam,
and the La Mesa Dam.
The geo-physical factors, environmental degradation, and commercial and
industrial activities that, in part, caused the floods and related disasters have

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climate change vulnerability and adaptation in metro manila 99

also been intensified by the uncontrolled real estate development in the up-
lands of Marikina (e.g., Antipolo, Montalban, Binangonan, Taytay, etc.). This
is further compromised by the settling of large populations of informal settle-
ments in danger zones, i.e., along riverlines, hills, slopes and ravines prone to
landslides. Most of the settlements here have weak or temporary housing, low
infrastructural support and low access to basic services.
Learning from the disastrous floods in 2009 and 2011, several policies, such
as the 2010 National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act and the 2011
National Framework Strategy on Climate Change, have been enacted. One of
the principal outcomes of the law has been the crafting of local risk reduction
and management plans at the barangay (community), city and provincial
levels, which seem to provide a very promising scenario. Because plans are
designed locally and elevated to the city level, its design strategies are deemed
more contextually-driven, appropriate, responsive and effective for local needs.
But all these expected outcomes remain at the policy level and need a large
outlay of resources and political will to achieve it.

Concluding Comments

In highly degraded urban environments, responding to the environmental

and human security needs of residents during and after floods become very
challenging for local-national governments because of the necessary relief
and post-rehabilitation demands. Because Metro Manila’s coasts and river-
lines are congested with urban poor communities, while also heavily used
by commercial-business establishments, their risks to floods and disasters are
heightened. Vulnerability and adaptation to floods by marginal populations
and commercial-industrial establishments were highly correlated with the
ecological-environmental vulnerability of their places/spaces of abode and
the groups’ level of social vulnerability. This is seen in the levels of flood
damage and patterns of adaptive responses among the marginal populations,
commercial-industrial establishments and local governments. While both
marginal and better-off households and commercial-industrial establishments
along the riverlines and coastlines suffered greatly from flood-related damage,
the latter were able to recover faster because of their higher access to political-
economic resources like avoiding compliance with the new building codes
enacted after the floods or by relocating to other cities with lax environmen-
tal standards.
Previous works (e.g., Adger, 2003; Berkes et al., 2001; Birkmann, 2009) have
argued, in general, that social vulnerability can vary according to the envi-

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100 porio

ronment, the socio-economic and political locations of human groups. In my

previous analysis (Porio, 2011), I have argued that the ecological-environmental
vulnerability of urban poor communities (e.g., located in wetlands, swampy,
muddy or congested places without adequate services) interacts with their
social vulnerability characteristics (e.g., low incomes, gender, migrant status)
and heightens the effects of climate change-related impacts on the poor (Porio,
2011). In this paper, I further advanced this argument by showing that the inter-
action of place-based vulnerabilities and sector-specific vulnerabilities can be
seen in the variability of flood damage among and within urban poor communi-
ties/residents and commercial-industrial establishments, even though they are
located along the same riverlines. Thus, those who were living in very poor and
degraded areas of the urban poor community also suffered the greatest dam-
age but with the least capacity to rehabilitate their homes and livelihood bases,
as can be seen in post-rehabilitation responses. Urban poor residents exhorted
by their local governments to relocate to less flood-prone areas, just returned
to the same inundated/eroded areas and rebuilt their damaged homes, while
those who had more means added floors to their homes. Meanwhile, owners of
commercial-industrial establishments, most of whom have insurance on their
properties just decided to relocate to less flood-prone areas and those who
remained strengthened their buildings and built additional floors to avoid flood
waters.
The environmental and human security challenges faced by marginal com-
munities and urban governance actors and institutions demands a radical
recasting of land use, building and investment policies, among others. Previ-
ous studies did not adequately recognise the significance of the intersections
of environmental and human security issues by identifying place-based and
sector-specific flood vulnerabilities and adaptive responses. Knowing how pre-
existing vulnerability (e.g., impoverished conditions and tenurial insecurity)
of particular socio-economic and political groups is heightened by the envi-
ronmental vulnerabilities of their place can lead to more effective and effi-
cient climate adaptation. Under climate change conditions, these approaches
assume paramount importance if cities and local governments have to pursue
sustainable development goals for both their marginal and better-off popula-
tions.

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