tps00010

% of total population
[lfsq_egan22d]

[ilc_scp13]

[lfsa_egana2d]

tin00134

tin00026

tsdsc460

tsdde530
Particularitati de constructie si utilizare a imaginii in mediul online specifice categoriei de
varsta 40+

Introducere : Differences in the use of traditional and online media

-rezultate EUROSTAT (de cautat social media use)

-rezultate PEW Research (de cautat social media use)

-ARTICOLUL 4 - In the EU27 as of 2010, 80% of people aged 16–24 used the Internet to post
messages to chat sites, blogs and social networking sites, while this is true of only 42% of people
between 25 and 54 years old, and 18 % of those aged 55–74 (Eurostat, 2010). Similarly, a Pew
study revealed that 73% of American online teens were active users of social network sites
(SNS), compared to 47% of online adults. The share of teens who share and remix content online
is also significantly higher than for older age groups (Lenhart et al., 2010)

* De asemenea, ARTICOLUL 4 contine cifre exacte privind participarea la politica si politica

prin social media - defolosit poate.

• Introducere

-ARTICOLUL3 - Populatia globului se afla intr-un proces rapid de imbatranire. Conform

ARTICOL3, la nivelul anului 2000, populatia cu varsta de 60 de ani sau mai mare , pe care
pe parcursul acestei lucrari ii voi numi batrani era de aproximativ 600 de milioane de
indivizi, un numar de aproape trei ori mai mare decat aceeasi poulatie la nivelul anului
1950. La nivelul anului 2009, numarul indivizilor "batrani" trecuse de 700 de milioane.
Conform autorilor aceluiasi studiu, in anul 2050 se preconizeaza ca populatia imbatranita
va numara doua miliarde de indivizi, dublandu-se din nou intr-o perioada de patruzeci de
ani.

Aceiasi autori subliniaza o noua problema cu care se vor confrunta tarile dezvoltate. Spun
acest lucru deoarece tarile unde speranta de viata este de peste 80 de ani sunt putin
numeroase (AICI DAI EXEMPLU). Odata cu dezvoltarea si cresterea sperantei de viata,
societatile se confrunta cu un numar mai mare de persoane foarte batrane, "the oldest-old"
asa cum sunt numite in studiu persoanele cu o varsta de 80 de ani sau mai mare, care se
preconizeaza ca in anul 2050 vor reprezenta una din cinci persoane batrane.
 • INFORMATII DESPRE DEPENDENTA PERSOANELOR BATRANE SI
LIMITARI FIZICE SI SOCIALE LA PERSOANE BATRANE.

ARTICOLUL3 se concentreaza pe izolarea in randul persoanelor in varsta si descrie

retelele sociale ca principala cale de a combate izolarea si singuratatea, deoarece acestea
ofera suport social si emotional.

• DESCRIEREA RETELELOR SOCIALE (BOYD 2007 DIN ARTICOLUL3 LINK/

CHEN SI WAYCOTT 2013.

PEW RESEARCH - For the first time, half of adults ages 65 and
older are online
As of April 2012, 53% of American adults ages 65 and older use the internet or email. Though these adults are still less
likely than all other age groups to use the internet, the latest data represent the first time that half of seniors are going
online. After several years of very little growth among this group, these gains are significant.

Overall, 82% of all American adults ages 18 and older say they use the internet or email at least occasionally, and 67% do
so on a typical day.

Once online, most seniors make internet use a regular part of their
lives.

For most online seniors, internet use is a daily fixture in their lives. Among internet users ages 65 and older, 70% use the
internet on a typical day. (Overall, 82% of all adult internet users go online on an average day.)

After age 75, internet and broadband use drops off significantly.

Internet usage is much less prevalent among members of the “G.I. Generation” (adults who are currently ages 76 and
older) than among other age groups. As of April 2012, internet adoption among this group has only reached 34%, while
1

home broadband use has inched up to 21%. (Zickuhr, K., & Madden, M. (2012, June 6). Pew research
center. Retrieved August 5,
2015, from. Older adults and internet use http://www.pewinternet.org/2012/06/

06/older-adults-and-internet-use/.)

(Lee, B., Chen, Y., & Hewitt, L. (2011). Age differences in constraints encountered by
seniors in their use of computers and the Internet. Computers in Human
Behavior, 27, 1231e1237.)
Lee, Chen, and Hewitt 2011 Identified other causes: intrapersonal problems (older people
claiming that
they are too old to use ICT), structural barriers (the high cost of ICT
equipment) and interpersonal barriers (the lack of technical assistance).
Researchers also found that older people with higher levels
of education and income rated such barriers as less constraining;
however, with increasing age, the barriers were rated as imposing

more and more constraints.

– ARTICOLUL1 - A tale of two sites Dual social network site use and social network
development- studiul vorbeste despre capitalul social (capitalul social constă din resurse
încorporate în retele sociale (Bourdieu &Wacquant,1992) si nevoia indivizilor de a-l
dezvolta. Potrivit studiului exista doua tipuri de capital social „bonding” si „bridging”,
aceasta clasificare facandu-se in functie de „resursele” pe care individul le obtine din
conexiuni si care pot fi supranumite legaturi puternice si legaturi slabe. (Most intuitive
notions of the "strength" of an interpersonal tie should be satisfied by the following
definition: the strength of a tie is a (probably linear) combination of the amount of time,
the emotional intensity, the intimacy (mutual confiding), and the reciprocal services which
characterize

the tie. – ARTICOLUL 2)

Social network sites (SNSs), like Facebook, allow users to create

profiles and connect to other users (Boyd & Ellison, 2007). They

make searching for potential friends or connecting with old friends

much easier, as social networks of all kinds are laid out on the sites

in a way that makes users feel connected (Binder, Howes, &

Sutcliffe, 2009; DiMicco et al., 2008; Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe,

2011). One of the strengths of SNSs is that a single site can be

used to maintain both close and distant social relationships (Ellison,

Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007), from which different social resources

can be derived. Close social relationships, such as family members

or friends, can offer bonding social capital like emotional support or

satisfying critical needs; distant ones, such as acquaintances, can

offer bridging social capital such as novel information exchange or

job reference (Putnam, 2000; Granovetter, 1973).

The features of SNSs afford the maintenance or development of

social networks of close friends or acquaintances (Boyd & Ellison,

2007; Donath & Boyd, 2004; Treem & Leonardi, 2012). The association

and visibility of social connection not only facilitates

meeting new friends but also connecting potential ties (Treem &

Leonardi, 2012; Ellison et al., 2011). In addition, SNSs are helpful

for maintaining a sense of connection with existing networks at a

low cost, especially for people with geographically distributed

networks such as international students or expatriates (Boyd &

Ellison, 2007; Treem & Leonardi, 2012).

Individuals can obtain different types of resources or social

capital from their networks. Social capital refers to resources

derived from different kinds of connections one has within a

network, such as financial support, information exchange, or

emotional support (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). Scholars

commonly distinguish between two types: bonding and bridging

social capital, usually associated with strong and weak ties,

respectively (Granovetter, 1973; Putnam, 2000). Bonding social

capital is usually obtained from networks full of strong relationships

such as family members or close friends (Coleman, 1988). The

types of benefits associated with bonding social capital include

emotional support, satisfaction with critical needs, or trust. In

contrast, bridging social capital is accessed through weak relationships

(e.g., acquaintances) that connect people across

different networks. Due to the heterogeneity of different networks,

benefits like non-redundant information, diverse viewpoints, or

even job opportunities are associated with bridging social capital

(Granovetter, 1973). Although some studies (e.g. Wellman, Quan-

Haase, Witte, & Hampton, 2001) have focused on how network

structure is associated with social capital, our study builds upon the

individual conceptualization of social networks as resources for

social capital:the degree to which people are involved in their

networks is associated with the degree of social resources they can

get (see Ellison, Vitak, Gray, & Lampe, 2014, for a discussion of the

difference)

• Implicit here is Homans's idea that

"the more frequently persons interact with one another, the stronger their

sentiments of friendship for one another are apt to be" (1950, p. 133).ARTICOLUL2

Social media si facebook (It's complicated.” A systematic review of associations between social
network site use and romantic relationships)

Introduction
Social media is changing the landscape for interpersonal
communication. Platforms such as Facebook and Twitter attract
hundreds of millions of daily users (Duggan, Ellison, Lampe,
Lenhart, & Madden, 2015) and continue to inspire behavioral
research in various areas. Studies have ranged in interest from
predicting use from personality (Correa, Hinsley, & De Zuniga,
2010), to social media as a health information context (Moorhead
et al., 2013), to assessing the general impact of social media use
on well-being and mental health (Best, Manktelow, & Taylor, 2014;
Pantic, 2014). Although social media is more commonly used to
maintain friendships (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007; Houser,
Fleuriet, & Estrada, 2012), it also plays an important role in
romantic relationships (Smith & Duggan, 2013). Several affordances
of social network sites (SNSs) (e.g., high visibility within and constant
access to one's social network, including romantic alternatives)
may have important implications for romantic relationships.
This article provides a systematic review of research concerning
associations between SNS use and romantic relationships as well as
provides suggestions for future research directions.
1.1. Social network sites
The terms “social media” and “social network site” are often
interchangeably used; however, distinction is necessary for framing
review of this literature. Social media is a blanket term for defining
Internet applications that allow for the exchange of user-generated
content (Kaplan & Haenlein, 2010). This term describes a variety of
communication forms including blogs, message boards, videos
sharing platforms (e.g., YouTube), and SNSs. Social network sites
are a type of social media that may best be defined as web-based
services that allow for maintenance of social relationships within
one's publicly visible social network (Ellison, 2007). Given the
global popularity of SNSs, recent research focusing on computermediated
communication most commonly focuses on SNS use
rather than social media use in general. Recent reports suggest that
SNS use transcends major demographic variables including gender,
age, race/ethnicity, and socio-economic status, with over 65% of
adult Internet users from each major category reporting use
(Duggan et al., 2015). To date, Facebook remains the most popular
SNS, with over 1 billion worldwide users (fb.com, 2015) and 71% of
online adults naming it as their preferred platform (Duggan et al.,
2015). Accordingly, the vast majority of SNS research is specific to
Facebook use.

Motivare

Population all over the world is aging (Eurostat European

Commission, 2011, 2012). In 2000, the world population aged 60
years or over numbered 600 millions, triple the number reported in
1950. In 2009, the number of older persons had surpassed 700
million. By 2050, 2 billion older persons are projected to be alive,
implying that their number will once again triple over a span of 40
years (United Nations, 2010). Additionally, the population of older
persons is itself aging. Among those aged 60 years or over, the
fastest growing population is that of the oldest-old. Today, persons
aged 80 years or over account for close to 1 in every 7 older persons.
By 2050, this ratio is expected to increase to nearly 1 person aged
80 or over among every 5 older persons (United Nations, 2010).
With this aging process, old age dependency ratios increase
(Commission, ECFIN), along with several other problems ranging
from physical aspects to social limitations
INTERNET USE AMONG OLD PEOPLE IN SLOVENIA

A multidimensional analysis of the disability digital divide: Some evidence for

HYPERLINK "http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01615440903423245"
HYPERLINK "http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01615440903423245"
HYPERLINK "http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01615440903423245"Internet use

INTRODUCTIV:

RELATII PE FACEBOOK

• Following trend, Hall (2014) found that close to

35% of all couples married between 2005 and 2012 initiated their
relationship online.

• Although use is expanding to different age demographics, 18- to

24-year-olds remain the primary SNS audience (Duggan et al.,
2015). Defined as emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000), this distinct
developmental period encompasses a time of identity exploration
relevant to romantic relationships. In particular, young people in
this age range are more likely to participate in transitory relationships
of short duration (Shulman & Connolly, 2013).

• Attachment Theory (Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991; Collins &

Read, 1990) serves as a framework for understanding adult
romantic bonds. Adult attachment is commonly characterized
along dimensions of anxiety and avoidance, resulting in four categories:
secure individuals (low anxiety, low avoidance) who are
comfortable with intimacy; preoccupied/anxious individuals (high
anxiety, low avoidance) who desire closeness but fear abandonment;
fearful individuals (high anxiety, high avoidance) who
commonly avoid close relationships as a means of preventing being
hurt; and dismissive/avoidant individuals (low anxiety, high
avoidance) who avoid close relationships out of independence
rather than to prevent being hurt (Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991).
Attachment style predicted SNS behaviors and emotional reactions
to SNS content as might be expected given characteristics of
each specific style. Emery et al. (2014) found that anxious attachment
predicted SNS behaviors indicative of desired closeness and
fear of abandonment such as high relationship visibility (i.e.,
posting photos with one's partner on Facebook), especially when
one believed that others perceived their relationship to be of low
quality. In this same study, avoidant attachment predicted SNS
behaviors indicative of dislike for closeness such as low relationship
visibility. Similarly, Fox and Warber (2014), Marshall et al.
(2013), and Muise, Christofides, and Desmarais (2014, Study 2)
each found that preoccupied/anxiously attached individuals performed
the most partner surveillance (i.e., using Facebook to
monitor a partner), which may reflect a fear of abandonment.
Further, Fleuriet, Cole, and Guerrero (2014) found anxious attachment
to be linked to greater negative emotion in response to
ambiguous, potentially threatening Facebook content on a partner's wall.

• Self-expansion theory
Self-expansion Theory (Aron & Aron, 1986) characterizes how
the self changes as the result of a romantic relationship. Specifically,
it theorizes that close relationships expand the sense of self
through partners incorporating each other's interests into their
own preferences and identities, as well as through benefiting from
expanded social resources (e.g., the partner's social network) (Aron
& Aron, 1986). Carpenter and Spottswood (2013) and Caste~neda,
Wendel, and Crockett (2015) applied the theory using the Inclusion
of Self in Others Scale (Aron, Aron, & Smollan, 1992), and
showed that overlap in partner identity (i.e., greater inclusion of a
partner's identity in oneself) was associated with overlap in
romantic partners' Facebook profiles. Specifically, greater overlap
was associated with greater number of dyadic photos (i.e., photos
featuring both partners), mutual interests, and mutual friends.

Influentarea: gen si varsta

• Identifying Influential and Susceptible Members of Social Networks

On average, susceptibility decreases with age (Fig. 1). People over the age of 31 are the least
susceptible to influence (they have an 18% lower hazard of adopting the application upon
receiving a notification than people who do not declare their age, p < 0.05) (the statistical
significance of all estimates are derived from χ2 tests). In contrast, people in the highest age
quartile (> 31) are significantly more influential than people in the lowest age quartile (< 18).
People over 31 have a 51% greater instantaneous likelihood of influencing their peers to adopt
with an influence mediating message than people younger than 18 (p < 0.05). Men are 49% more
influential than women (p < 0.05), but women are 12% less susceptible to influence than men (p
< 0.05). Single and married individuals are the most influential. Single individuals are
significantly more influential than those who are in a relationship (113% more influential, p <
0.05) and those who report their relationship status as ‘It’s complicated’ (128% more influential,
p < 0.05). Married individuals are 140% more influential than those in a relationship (p < 0.01)
and 158% more influential than those who report that ‘It’s complicated’ (p < 0.01). Susceptibility
increases with increasing relationship commitment until the point of marriage. The engaged are
53% more susceptible to influence than single people (p < 0.05), while married individuals are
the least susceptible to influence (Married: N.S.). The engaged and those who report that “It’s
complicated” are the most susceptible to influence (Those who report that “It’s complicated” are
111% more susceptible to influence than baseline users who do not report their relationship
status on Facebook p < 0.05, and those who are engaged are 117% more susceptible than
baseline users, p < 0.001). People exert the most influence on peers of the same age (97% more
influence on peers of the same age than the baseline, p < 0.01, Fig. 2). They also seem to exert
more influence on younger peers than on older peers though this difference is not significant. In
non-dyadic susceptibility models, we found that women were less susceptible to influence than
men (Fig. 1). Dyadic models (Fig. 2) further reveal that women exert 46% more influence over
men than over other women (p = 0.01). Finally, individuals in equally (and more) committed
relationships than their peers (e.g., those who are married compared to those who are engaged, in
a relationship or single) are significantly more influential (Equally Committed: 70% more
influential than baseline, p < 0.05; More Committed: 101% more influential than baseline, p <
0.05). Comparing spontaneous adoption hazards to influenced adoption hazards reveals the
potential roles that different individuals play in the diffusion of a behavior (Fig. 3). For example,
in the case of the movie product we studied, both single and married individuals adopt
spontaneously more often than baseline users (Single: 31% more often, p < 0.05; Married: 36%
more often, p = 0.06), are more influential than baseline users (Single: 71% more influential, p <
0.01; Married: 94% more influential, p < 0.001, from Fig. 1), and have peers who are no more
likely to adopt spontaneously than the baseline (N.S.; N.S.). This suggests that influence exerted
by single and married individuals positively contributes to this product’s diffusion without any
need to target them. On the other hand, women are poor candidates for targeted advertising
because they are likely to adopt spontaneously and are 22% less influential on their peers than
baseline (p < 0.05). Those who claim their relationship status is complicated are easily
influenced by their peers to adopt (35% more susceptible than baseline, p < 0.05), but are not
influential enough to spread the product further (N.S.).

These results have implications for policies designed to promote or inhibit diffusion and
illustrate the general utility of our method for informing intervention strategies, targeted
advertising and policy making.