Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Santana Favela
English 1T
15 March 2018
The United States is known for being “The Land of the Free,” and this country claims
that if their people put in hard work and success, they will receive greatness and prosperity in
their future. Because this is emphasized more than enough in the United States more people want
to come here, who doesn’t want a better life and future for themselves or their families and
relatives? Yet, only a US citizen can attain the opportunity of a better lifestyle easier than any
non-US citizen. Valeria Luiselli, author of Tell Me How It Ends: An Essay In 40 Questions,
demonstrates this factor in her writing. She volunteered as an interpreter for the lawyers at a
non-profit organization that works on cases specifically for child migrants due to the majority of
these lawyers being monolingual. In her essay she speaks for unheard unaccompanied minors
from Central America, proving that they deserve asylum because of the many encounters they
faced with poverty and violence in their home country. Directly to readers who oppose
undocumented migrants coming into the United States, Luiselli calls attention to several valid
reasons America needs to end the United States’ misunderstanding of believing all migrants are
criminals. Many of her claims are not widely known and certainly not exposed to the public for
the sympathy of these children. Migrants are not “illegal aliens,” they are refugees of war and
should be granted resources necessary for their sanity. Although there are Americans who
believe immigrants from Central America are only here to take advantage of the free resources
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built from taxes that Americans pay, it should not be excusable to dehumanize families and
minors by referring to them as criminals when they are refugees who are seeking asylum in the
United States.
Children from Central America are willing to sacrifice their lives to come to the United
States to escape gang violence that occurs in their home countries, and as the international law
says it is every country’s duty to protect people from danger regardless of their citizenship status.
This includes protection to those who have been oppressed for their race, religion, nationality,
contribution to a particular social group, or political group. Asylum, one of the common forms of
immigration relief, portends to be granted to all migrants who are fleeing prosecution.
Unfortunately, many of these children are victims of maltreatment and not all them who suffer
atrocities obtain this form of relief. Luiselli emphasizes the United States’ dismissal of the
international law when she asserts, “It is very difficult to be granted asylum because it is not
enough that these children have suffered unspeakable harm, that they will continue to fall to the
systematic and targeted violence of criminal groups”(Luiselli 60). In other words, the more
children being rejected asylum the more prone they will be to street gangs. They will remain in
the home country they had no choice to live in. The slightest chance of hope was being granted
asylum and not all of them who face brutality gain relief. In the article, The Teens Trapped
Between A Gang and The Law, the author Jonathan Blitzer conceives the life of unaccompanied
minors is at stake with their world revolving between the violence of MS-13 and the fear of
deportation. MS-13 had originated in Los Angeles in the 1980s during the Salvadoran Civil War
forming this group of self-defenders of deportation. However, the U.S exiled the Salvadoran
immigrants who were gang members of MS-13 after the war ended, and within a few years, the
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MS-13 population expanded across Central America (Blitzer 5). The staff writer at The New
Yorker begins with telling true events of a teenage girl named Juliana who grew up in El
Salvador. She was just three years old when she witnessed her father’s death, later discovering at
an older age that MS-13 murdered her father for refusing to give them money. Even after this
gruesome murder, she was consistently moving to a house after house to avoid the gang
members. Even though this was the father’s conflict, MS-13 had not been done with the rest of
the family as they were accountable for Juliana’s father’s debts (Blitzer 1). It would be heartless
if we do not sympathize with this children. Consider being in the shoes of Juliana, a teenager
does not have to be dealing with this trauma. She should be worrying about what typical
teenagers worry about, her education. Since she is dealing with moving every few months and
avoiding gang member from MS-13, she doesn’t have time to worry about this most important
factor that determines her success in life, she is forced to worry about staying alive. Juliana’s
story is only one misfortune that occurred in El Salvador, scrutinize the many more versions of
her story that gives every reason a child needs to flee the country.
Initially Mexican President, Pena Nieto, created the Programa Frontera Sur for his
people’s safety, however, he is not keeping these minors safe because these policies make their
journey more threatening to their lives. In Luiselli’s book, she maintains that “The United States,
of course, not only endorses this shift but has been generously financing it: the State Department
has paid the Mexican government tens of millions of dollars to filter the migration of Central
Americans” (Luiselli 79). In sum, the Mexican government gets paid by the U.S government to
do the “dirty work.” Deporting Mexican immigrants from the United States for the United States
has portrayed Pena Nieto to be against his own people. Children flee to the United States on
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account of their own home country not being able to save them. If Nieto protects Mexican
citizens from gang violence rather than contributing to endangering migrants on their travels they
would not feel pressured to migrate, to begin with. Why would Nieto forbid migrants from
escaping the perilous home they are from? This answer is that the Mexican government is
willing to do whatever it takes to maintain their government funds rather than the lives of their
Hemispheric Affairs argues the Frontera Sur Programa is an inconsistent immigration policy. In
her writing, she refutes the claim that the Programa Frontera Sur has been beneficial in
preventing migrants coming into the United States while protecting them. In her analysis, she
addresses, “Over the year Programa Frontera Sur was implemented, there was an overall increase
of 4.7 percent in crimes against migrants recorded in four Mexican southern border states:
Tabasco, Chiapas, and Oaxaca and Veracruz. The more specific the reports on crimes get, the
more drastic the numbers”(Castillo 4). In making this comment, Castillo urges us to
acknowledge migrants will find a way to escape danger regardless if escape routes have been
blocked. They will take the risk to find a way out of crisis even if they become more vulnerable
to gangs, rapists, and thieves. We must consider how many children who go through these routes
by themselves with a group of complete strangers miles away from family. The Programa
Frontera Sur made migrants more likely to encounter life-endangerment, yet the majority of
these minors do not get granted asylum when they are detained by Mexican authorities.
Migrants who are being smuggled across the border have accepted the endless
possibilities of crossing paths with threats and torment, they accepted that this process is what
they must face if it means they will eventually find themselves in freedom. Luiselli reveals that a
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migrant’s journey to the United States from Mexico is the most menacing travel, especially for a
child. Children do not begin their paths clueless either, to seek survival they must acknowledge
what may happen within their travels even if that means understanding that 80 percent of women
get raped or that roughly 120,000 migrants have been abducted since 2006 (Luiselli 25). With all
the facts and evidence that has been recorded on what truly happens to smuggled migrants
nothing is still done about it. Within those 120,000 migrants, there are also children that have
vanished, and many of the bodies that have been uncovered are unknown. Families are sending
their child off to escape from the poverty and violence to strive for a better life as well as risking
the loss of their child. In the article, Smuggling of Migrants from the Northern Triangle from the
United States, researchers agree that migrants want to improve their lives despite the fact they
are not able to attain document to legally migrate to the United States. It includes who these
smugglers are, widely known as “coyotes,” which transport migrants to the border. Unlike
America, Mexican citizens do not worry about the taxing from the government--they get taxed
by coyotes. As the philosophers of this article put it, “Migrant smuggling involves the interests
of territorial organized crime groups situated along border crossing areas. These groups can tax
the income of professional smugglers, charge them protection fees, or simply assume control of
the whole operation themselves”(49). The more money travelers are taxed for the more they will
be guaranteed passing securities and arriving at their destination. However, because migrants
travel with thousands of dollars in cash they are easy subjects to theft. These types of threats
maintain the coyote business because they are able to sell protection to the targets of sexual
predators and burglars. If they do not have enough tax money to be protected, regardless their
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age, they will be assault and coyotes will not look back. Whatever they carry, they could only
The juvenile priority docket makes it difficult for minors to defend themselves against
deportation. In order to find a solution to end child exodus, the United States’ government which
contributes to not giving all unaccompanied minors asylum must end the juvenile priority docket
or extend its time for these children to find a lawyer. The docket was created by the Obama
administration in 2014, and in Luiselli’s words, it was “the government’s coldest, cruelest
possible answer to the arrival of deportation”(Luiselli 41). Not only did the juvenile docket
accelerate deporting children at a much faster rate, it reduced the timespan from 12 months to a
matter of 21 days to find a lawyer to convince the judges they deserve immigration relief. These
are teenagers or even younger children that have to defend themselves on their own, and because
they are not citizens they do not get the lawyer provided for them. Another concern mentioned in
an article from New York Times by Kirk Semple, In Court, Immigrant Children Are Moved to
the Head of the Line, affirms how immigrant advocates fear the priority dockets will not
compromise giving these children refugees the right to be in the United States (Semple 2).
Semple observes that “They worried that the Obama administration’s urgency to deport the new
arrivals would make it much more difficult for children to find affordable, competent legal help.
They feared that in the rush, some children might not receive notices of court hearings, leading to
judgments in absentia and guaranteed deportations.” The essence of Semple’s argument is that he
is exposing the miscommunication between immigrant children and those who determine
whether or not they deserve immigration relief. Due to the timespan of their court date being so
limited, some children are failed to be notified of an initial hearing so they do not show up.
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When this occurs and the children do not show up to their court hearing they automatically are
going to be deported for the miscommunication that is not even their fault. Many of the migrants
neither know their rights, and courts will continue to get away with this action. If children had
more time to find a lawyer many could increase their chance proving that they are refugees who
deserve asylum.
Media coverage easily suggests these children are not children but “illegal aliens,” and
will contaminate our country with their existence. The derogatory language used to describe
these children will not allow reformation to occur if it continues. It must be clarified that media
does not mention the realities these children are escaping from, “children chase afterlife, even if
that chase might end up killing them”(Luiselli 19). The language that is spoken upon
unaccompanied minors must be changed so that we could see them as humans rather than
“illegal aliens” because they are truly refugees of violence and poverty. While Americans are
concerned about immigrants taking away their resources, unaccompanied minors are more
concerned with looking for survival anywhere they can find it, and it happens to be in the
country next door. Luiselli sheds light on the dilemma when she observes, “... some sources
elaborate lucid and complex conjectures on the origin and possible causes of the sudden surge of
facilities near the border, and a few others endorse the spontaneous civilian protests against
She stresses that media has drawn too much focus on assumptions and blame on these
children for issues that they do not even know they could be blamed for. Because an American
taxpayer believes it is only valid to be frustrated that their money goes to resources that is
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non-applicable to them, media could educate taxpayers on the positive outcome of providing
immigration relief--giving these children a sense of hope. If the language that is used to
categorize the children become refugees instead of “illegal aliens” throughout media it will
No one wants to admit that they contribute to the endangerment of children’s lives.
America implies if any human being who does not have any sort of document that proves they
obtain U.S citizenship they will be viewed as criminals and deserve the bootleg out of this
country and back to wherever they came from. Luiselli validates that migrants want safety from
the terrible conditions in their home country. Pena Nieto is not willing to save them from gang
violence by virtue of being bribed by the U.S government to take action to raise security levels in
hopes of diminishing crossing the border unauthorized. The Program Frontera Sur is raising
violence instead of protecting Mexican citizens as Pena Nieto alleged. Regardless of crisis that
migrants will be subjected to, they will continue to take a chance if it means there is hope in
seeking freedom from violence and poverty, especially children who have their whole lives
ahead of them. Projects such as the priority juvenile docket have made it difficult for these
children to escape endangerment, the limited time a child is able to find a lawyer has increased
children to be deported at faster paces. Furthermore, this docket had produced the court omitting
children their court dates. Children aren’t aware of their rights, so they are deported rigorously
for missing their court date when it was not their fault mistake, it was the court’s carelessness.
This evidence goes to show that migrants, especially children migrants, are undeserving of a
criminal reputation. They are refugees who deserve asylum in the United States.
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Works Cited
Blitzer, Jonathan. “The Teens Trapped Between a Gang and the Law.” The New Yorker, 1 Jan.
2018,
www.newyorker.com/magazine/2018/01/01/the-teens-trapped-between-a-gang-and-the-law.
Castillo, Alejandra. “Programa Frontera Sur: The Mexican Government’s Faulty Immigration
www.coha.org/programa-frontera-sur-the-mexican-governments-faulty-immigration-policy/.
Luiselli, Valeria. Tell Me How it Ends An Essay in Forty Questions. Coffee House Press, 2017.
Semple, Kirk. “In Court, Immigrant Children Are Moved to the Head of the Line.” The New
www.nytimes.com/2014/08/15/nyregion/in-court-children-lead-line-of-migrants.html. Accessed
February 2018.
www.unodc.org/documents/toc/Reports/TOCTASouthAmerica/English/TOCTA_CACaribb_mig