Women in Congress 1

Running Head: WOMEN IN CONGRESS

The Impact of Women on the Operation and Policy Initiatives of the United States Congress

Mary A. Kardos

Glen Allen High School

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Introduction

The first woman to serve in Congress was Jeannette Rankin of Montana in 1916, four

short years before all American women had the right to vote. Not long after, Alice Mary

Robinson of Oklahoma was the first woman to beat a male incumbent congressman in 1920

(Desilver, 2015). The first-ever woman Senator, Rebecca Latimer of Georgia, served for only

one day to fill the seat of her recently deceased husband (Desilver 2015). Although women have

been filling in seats at the Capitol since the early twentieth century, most women were not

elected until the early 1990s to the 2000s. In 2015, of the 278 women who had served in the

House of Representatives, more than half had been elected since 1992 (Desilver, 2015).

Likewise, 23 of the 46 women ever elected to the Senate took office in 1996 or later (Desilver

2015). Although women make up at least half of the American population, women only combine

to be roughly 19.4% of the United States Congress and 24.2% of state legislatures (Sanbonmatsu

2015). Females have a larger share of national and state elected office positions than ever before,

yet the share of women in major political positions is disproportionately low compared to other

professions. While women make up approximately 96.8% of preschool and kindergarten

teachers, 70.1% of waiters, and 89.4% of Registered Nurses in America, they only make up

about 12% of governors (Kurtzleben 2016). Women bring unique perspectives, priorities, and

agendas, rare to the majority male American Congress, and they provide a voice for those who

are too often left out of policymaking (Dittmar et al., 2017). In this review, the way in which

women govern in comparison to men is investigated to determine the impact women have on

policy making, legislating, and representing their constituents in the United States Congress.
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How Women Govern

The way women govern greatly differs from men, as women in Congress tend to be more

collaborative, goal-oriented, and willing to work across party lines (Dittmar et al., 2017). In a

2017 collection of congressional interviews, a majority of women interviewed believe that

females are more likely than their male counterparts to work across party lines (Dittmar et al.,

2017). That is not just an opinion but a fact. In one study, the National Bureau of Economic

Research focused on how gender affects bipartisanship. It was concluded women are, in fact,

more likely to cooperate through bipartisanship, particularly if working on a bill that focuses on

health, education, or social welfare (McGill, 2016). Over the past seven years, female Senators

have co sponsored, on average, 171.08 bills with a member of the opposite party, while that

figure for men is 129.87 bills (Gay, 2015). This revelation does not mean women are innately

less partisan than men -- it simply means women are more inclined to listen, try to understand the

other side, and practice collaboration. Multiple studies from the Center for American Women in

Politics have found women in both the Senate and the House of Representatives tend to be more

willing to put stock in personal friendships and bonds than men in their same position

(Newton-Small, 2016). A group of bipartisan women Senators have monthly dinner meetings,

where they often forge friendships before deals (Newton-Small, 2016). Because of the

compassion and empathy naturally produced by these bonds, friendships makes it increasingly

easier to strike a deal when meeting over legislation. Senator Patty Murray believes women

humanize Congress:

“I think the reality of [why friendships work] is if you focus on something that
makes people human beings...if you actually find a way to be friendly with each other
and understand where they are coming from, that’s how you get an agreement. I think
women can do that.”
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Women in the Senate are known for collaborative relationships, and Senator Patty Murray and

Speaker Paul Ryan’s relationship is case in point. When Representative Paul Ryan was first

elected Speaker, Senator Murray set up a breakfast meeting that would inevitably forge a

friendship that would achieve the country’s first budget agreement in four years during an

infamously gridlocked congressional session (Newton-Small, 2016). This is not a one-sided

relationship either. Six years later, Paul Ryan remains to be very keen of Murray, and the two

have remained friends outside of the chambers giving each other gifts from their home state and

having friendly banter regarding their rivaled sports teams-- a feat in today’s political climate.

Senator Murray attempted to first befriend Representative Ryan on a personal level rather than

for political leverage, which, as observations have concurred, is a traditionally female political

trait in governing (Newton-Small, 2016). In the 2017 interviews, women serving in the US

Congress also believe women are more results-oriented. Overall, women are more concerned

with achieving policy outcomes rather than receiving publicity or credit (Dittmar et al., 2017). In

a 2001 survey of American members of Congress, the number one reason, according to female

legislators, they ran for office was “the ability to effect change in society” (2001). For males, that

reason was because “they always wanted to be a politician.” It could be assumed this could cause

women to be less successful in this field, but by often refusing to grandstand, women tend to

gain more support from their constituents (Newton-Small, 2016).

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Women Delegating

Women and men of the United States Senate have coined a term to describe women’s

governing style: PTA legislating. This type of legislating is a “high-effort, consensus-building”

tactic that helps women tackle large, divisive issues more effectively than men, according to one

Vanderbilt University study (Newton-Small, 2016). When women propose, sponsor, or

cosponsor a bill, they are more likely to delegate the tasks at hand. This practice is recognized by

previous Senator Blanche Lincoln, who observed “women are more likely to say, ‘I can’t do all

this, but what if I take this and you take that and so-and-so takes another piece,’” which more

often than not proves to be effective when aiming to pass legislation or receive funding

(Newton-Small, 2016). This tactic was used by Senator Stabenow to effectively get a one trillion

dollar farm bill through the Senate (Newton-Small, 2016). In addition, Senator Boxer used “PTA

legislating” to successfully authorize three-hundred billion dollars for transportation

infrastructure (Newton-Small, 2016).

Proposed Legislation

Men and women typically make different choices about what legislation to bring to the

table. In 1988, Sue Thomas found that women are more likely to make bills dealing with

women’s issues, children, and family a priority (Sanbonmatsu, 2015). For example, throughout

recent years, women fought for women’s health coverage in the Affordable Care Act, strongly

pushed for a sexual harassment rules in the military, and debated for child care vouchers in the

welfare overhaul (Miller, 2016). Because the perspectives and backgrounds of women vary from

men’s-- many women in Congress are mothers -- different issues tend to be of more or less
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importance to certain lawmakers. This proved to be true in both the 103rd and 104th Congresses,

both starkly different concerning gender representation. Michele Swers found that all women,

despite party, were more likely to sponsor women’s issues bills in both Congresses

(Sanbonmatsu, 2015). These attempts by women legislators to fill the void between majority and

minority groups in American society does not go unnoticed. When one legislature was surveyed,

69% of women and 62% of men said the increased presence of women in their chamber made

legislature more sympathetic to the concerns of racial and ethnic minority groups (2001). Both

men and women believe women legislators have increased legislative attention to how bills will

affect women through floor speeches and representation in closed door meetings and debates

(Sanbonmatsu, 2015).

Women’s Successes in Congress

In comparison to congressmen, congresswomen secure roughly nine percent more federal

funding and discretionary programs (Anzia & Berry, 2011). Whether this is a direct correlation

to women’s leadership and delegation tactics is still inconclusive due to the variety of situations

that occur in the chambers every day during session; although, besides governing style, there is

little substantive difference between male and female legislators. Therefore, governing style

could be a probable cause as to why women receive more funding for their districts or states.

For example, just in the year 2012, women produced 75% of major legislation that passed the

Senate (Newton-Small, 2016). Senator Boxer saw through $12.5 billion dollars for a water

resources bill and $54 billion dollars in a transportation bill, Senator Stabenow got a $995 billion

dollar farm bill passed, Senator Mikulski shepherded more than 12 appropriations bills, and all
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twenty women came together to ensure the passage of the Violence Against Women Act

(Newton-Small, 2016). Women’s representation in Congress has had a large effect on legislation

passed due to their ability to increasingly secure funding for the constituents they are serving.

Just a year later, the Senate could not pass a budget to end a government shutdown, so a

bipartisan group of fourteen senators, led by six women, banded together and ended the

shutdown. The next news cycle prided women on this accomplishment, and some of the

headlines read “Senate Women Lead in Effort to Find Accord,” “Men Got Us in the Shutdown --

Women Got Us Out,” and “Women are the Only Adults Left in Washington” (Newton-Small,

2016).

Women in Leadership Positions

In a national CAWP survey, 42% of women legislators disagreed with the statement

“most men in my legislature are supportive of moving women into leadership positions”

(Sanbonmatsu, 2015). Despite this, a 2001 study from the Center for American Women in

Politics found that women state legislators are equally as likely as their male colleagues to aspire

to high political office. Although, women are slightly more likely than men to aspire to

higher-level legislative offices such as Congress rather than gubernatorial or presidential

positions (2001). In 2012, for the first time, women headed eleven out of the twenty Senate

Committees, making up more than half of the committees’ leadership (Newton-Small, 2016).

Women and men who serve at the state level are equally likely to say they aspire the highest

position in their chamber -- Speaker of the House (2001). Women in leadership positions allows
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for a strong woman voice in the face of being a minority in the chamber. As more women reach

these higher positioned levels in their chambers, women will be able to affect even more change.

Constraints and Bias

Although the number of women in Congress has slowly grown over time, it has become

increasingly harder for women to be elected. Researchers Jennifer Lawless and Richard Fox

determined there are seven main barriers to women running for office, some of which include the

fact that women are much less likely than men to think they are qualified to run for office,

females are substantially more likely to perceive the electoral environment as highly competitive

and biased against female candidates, and Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin’s candadices

aggravated women’s perceptions of gender bias in the electoral arena (Kurtzleben, 2016).

Additionally, as women gain seats and become a more sizeable minority within the chambers,

they are often perceived as more threatening to the status quo (Sanbonmatsu, 2015). In addition

to electoral constraints, there are also institutional barriers created from hundreds of years of

politics being a male dominated field. In one survey, a majority of women Senators felt their

presence or way of governing is not taken seriously (2001). Because women often approach

policy and problem solving differently, women are kept out of caucuses and the “room where it

happens.” In 2007, a group of all men Senators met behind closed doors about a bill to reduce the

deficit and decided to cut Planned Parenthood without a hearing any woman’s opinion,

disallowing women the chance to voice their opinion on major legislative choices

(Newton-Small, 2016).

Conclusion
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This review looked into the different leadership and governing styles of women in

Congress to illuminate the presence and impact of the women serving. While there is an

underrepresentation of women, their small but growing presence makes for effective teamwork

and policy making. Female legislators tend to be very focused on serving their constituents and

larger social groups as a whole to effect change in society and are willing to work across party

lines to do so. While there are institutional barriers that attempt to cut women down, they tend to

persist and takes large strides towards fair women’s rights, social welfare, and minority

legislation. Although underrepresented, women serving in the United States Congress provide

new perspectives and priorities and contribute a more collaborative and goal oriented mindset

necessary to both the House of Representatives and Senate. Ultimately, women serve as

representation for not just their own constituents, but for those who are often ignored in the face

of policy making.

Reference List

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American Women in Politics. ​Retrieved from

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Anzia, S. F., & Berry, C. R. (2011, July 5). The jackie (and jill) robinson effect: Why do

congresswomen outperform congressmen? ​American Journal of Political Science, 55​.

Retrieved from

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00512.x

Desilver, D. (2015). Women have a long history in congress, but until recently there haven’t

been
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