Quintessential Places: Analyzing the Character of Precolumbian Sites

Chair: Jillian L. Mollenhauer

Society for American Archaeology Annual Meeting, Vancouver, Canada, March-April 2017

Session Abstract​: ​Settlements of all sizes are quintessential, or have distinctive traits that help to characterize and
distinguish them. Papers will analyze the​ quintessence​ of places from Native North America through the Andes and
query what makes a site distinctive. Previous archaeological and art historical analyses of place may have
incorporated these aspects, but perhaps not under the rubric of “quintessential.”
Distinctive traits may be attributable to topography; plan; geological features; visual culture; inhabitants; and practices
such as rituals and social interaction. Such traits may be tangible or intangible, isolated or intersecting. Above all,
quintessential places are sites of dwelling and experience that are shifting rather than static.
Quintessential places are not unlike the Roman ​genius loci (“spirit of the place”), with orientation, identity, and
experience substituting for as spiritual aspects of Roman spaces. Orientation may be directional or spatial, and
overlap with identity. Identity also may be embodied in land use; architectural and artistic styles; and imagery.
Experience can include movement; rituals; climatic and astronomical phenomena; and social and filial interaction. In
addition, scale; authenticity; narrativity; interiority; and place as an ecosystem encompass the character of a place.

What Do We Talk About When We Talk About Precolonial Sites in Chontales, Central
Nicaragua?
Natalia Donner (Leiden University)
Alejandro Arteaga Saucedo (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México)
Kaz van Dijk (Leiden University)
Alexander Geurds (Leiden University and University of Oxford)

Abstract: The Proyecto Arqueológico Centro de Nicaragua (PACEN), directed by Alexander Geurds, has recently
conducted archaeological research in Chontales, Central Nicaragua. The main focuses of the study include the
identification and characterization of the different types of settlements, understanding site and mound morphologies,
as well as re-defining the regional pottery sequence. Therefore, the authors of this paper carried out a systematic
full-coverage high intensity survey of a 52 square kilometer area, a complete mapping of the 46 mounded sites found,
as well as stratigraphic excavations to diachronically and synchronically interrelate the different settlements.
In this paper, we discuss the various distinctive traits that conform precolonial sites in Central Nicaragua, looking at
archaeological remains, environment, and geomorphology as inherently interconnected analytical elements.
Settlements are discussed as an intertwined combination of specific soil types, hydrology and landscape features, as
well as particular architectural features and material culture. The analysis of the different sets of combinations of all
these characteristics, which conform the quintessential ontology of the sites, will shed light on how we can define
prehispanic settlements in the research area.
Introduction
During four months of 2015, the Proyecto Arqueológico Centro de Nicaragua (PACEN)
conducted the first systematic, full-coverage, high intensity surface survey in Nicaragua. As a
result, a high resolution dataset is now available for studying and understanding the
development of human-landscape relationships northeast of Lake Cocibolca, from at least cal
AD 660 through the Spanish Colonial period.
Among the material culture identified and recorded during the survey are stone and sediment
mounds, ceramic sherds, chipped stone and ground stone fragments, mortars, basalt columns,
fragments of stone sculpture as well as petroglyphs.
Previous research in the study area focused on survey, mapping, and excavations of mounded
sites, which are the most ubiquitous archaeological remains in the area. Recent absolute dating
of several of these sites within the research area now reveal that the landscape use in the
Mayales River Valley encompassed different forms of human-environment interactions. These
forms include resource exploitation and management, raw material and resource procurement,
artefact production areas, geographic and cultural landmarks, agricultural practices, hunting,
collecting, bathing, washing, living, and gathering places. In accordance with regional-scope
designs in archaeological surveying, the data from this survey, shows human activities
throughout the river valley and were certainly not limited to places featuring architectural
remains.
In this paper, we make a first attempt to conceptualize a site typology for precolonial Chontales,
Nicaragua, taking into account not only mounded sites and material culture remains, which
remain a central focus of our research, but also environmental, geographical and
geomorphological characteristics. We argue that the combination of these tenets shaped and
re-shaped a social landscape that was inhabited by living communities and networks of
practices.

Context
The research area was designed to encompass material culture variability, especially in mound
morphologies and ceramic manufacturing techniques, in order to propose an updated ceramic
sequence for Central Nicaragua. For that reason, we decided to set Aguas Buenas (AB) as a
starting point of an area around it, a valley that is part of the Mayales River sub-basin, with
rivers and streams running from the Amerrisque mountains to lake Cocibolca. Geologically, the
area consists of tertiary volcanic rocks and ashes as well as Quaternary alluvium derived by
erosion from the mountains (Taylor 1963, Arengi and Hodgson 2000). Aguas Buenas itself has
a geometrical design of six concentric arcs and a central rectangular plaza, and seems to have
been designed to serve communal purposes. Recent research by the PACEN project suggests
that it served as a gathering place for different communities throughout and possible beyond the
research area, who constructed and used the site for practices possibly associated to
communal feasting during several hundred years. Therefore, AB combines intended
consequences as a coordinated construction event for gatherings, as well as unintended
consequences as a mnemonic place. From this perspective, the Mayales River Valley holds the
potential to synchronically and diachronically study the development of AB and the human
settlement and activity patterns around it, focusing mainly on practices, especially mound
building and pottery making.

Methodology
To accomplish these goals, the study structured a research plan hinging on three main fieldwork
methods: surface survey, mound recording, and stratigraphic excavations. Additionally, as
detailed geological and soil structure studies are poorly developed in the research area, we
conducted an ethnopedological study to characterize local soils.
The first step of this research consisted of a total coverage pedestrian surface survey of 52 sq
km, in which all terrains were walked in tracts separated by 20 meters between team members.
The aim was to identify any mounded site as well as to record other material culture found on
the surface throughout delimited geomorphological units, such as elevations, plateaus,
floodplains, piedmont, hills, and plains. Therefore, walking at 20m intervals ensured visibility of
all possible architectural features, which average 6.5 meters in diameter. All finds were recorded
using a hand-held GPS and photographic camera. Mounded sites were later revisited and
recorded in more detail. All mounds as well as architectural modifications were georeferenced.
Also, descriptive forms, purposefully designed for the research area, were filled in for all
individual mounds. Except for the petroglyphs, which were integrally recorded, surface material
densities have no quantitative value, but only qualitative -meaning that a single point was
recorded for several fragments.
In this paper, we will focus on the material culture evidence found in 42 sq km of the research
area, the geomorphological unit of the Mayales River valley, focusing the analysis on the
immediate surroundings of Aguas Buenas.

Dataset
Surface finds showed different patternings of presence/absence and groupings. First, surface
ceramics were found in more than 250 locations, mainly associated to riverbanks and sites with
architecture. Ceramics were all but absent in the central floodplain, which according to its
geomorphological characteristics described below, could have consisted of an ancient swamp
or lake. Second, chipped stone was located in 446 different loci throughout the study area, with
clear concentrations along the rivers and on the flat central portion of the valley. Groundstone,
on the other hand, was recorded in 158 different sectors, especially near streams and mounded
sites, with much less densities on the plain. Apart from that, 80 petroglyph panels were
identified, of which 16 were directly associated to man-made mounds. Additionally, 45 stream
pools were located in the area; and one site stands out because it integrates a seasonal stream,
stream pools, and 14 petroglyph panels, with no association to any other material culture. Both
petroglyphs and stream pools are all located on the same geomorphological unit as Aguas
Buenas -the piedmont north of the plain, where bedrock outcrops, streams, and pools occur
naturally. Additionally, five fragments of stone sculptures were found directly associated to four
mounds, in addition to a sphere carved on an igneous rock (30cm diameter) located on the
plain, near a small stream and surface chipped stone finds. Finally, 31 unworked basalt
columns, possibly procured at Cerro de la Cruz, were documented and they seem to have been
part of the construction materials for mounds and/or nearby areas.
The most abundant archaeological type of evidence, though, were mounds, of which a total of
1,679 were recorded in the research area, including the 379 at Aguas Buenas. Mound
morphologies away from Aguas Buenas are diverse; in the total of 1,300 mound, a circular
shape was most common (81.08%), with some ovaloid varieties (12.08%), semi-circular or of
incomplete circles (3.34%). The rest of the mounds were rectangular, stone alignments, as well
as irregular shapes (3.5%). Architectural remains average a longest axis of 6.5m and 33cm in
height. Construction materials were mainly comprised of bedrock fragments, river stones,
sediment, as well as chipped stone, ground stone, and ceramic fragments.

Architectural remains were grouped in 47 different mound clusters, which were defined by
creating 100m cluster groups, based on site design, mound distributions, the presence of large
flat areas surrounded by mounds (plazas, backyards, communal localities for integrative
practices), as well as geomorphological constraints including rivers, streams, elevations, among
others. The different mounded sites and clusters share certain patterns concerning their
relationship with water sources, soil types, geomorphological units, and variability of material
culture found on their surface. First, sites are distributed throughout the slightly inclined slopes
of bedrock formation north of the area, either associated to seasonal streams, such as Aguas
Calientes and AB, or along the Mayales and Carca rivers, which have a year-round water flow.
Mounded sites located on top of Cerro de la Cruz and the Aguas Calientes hill are exceptions to
the previous pattern, as they are not situated immediately near water sources. Another
exception are sites located on alluvial plains.
Second, more than 80% of the sites are associated to ​tierra lanilla ​(alluvial soil) surface soil,
which is characterized by fragmented and weathered volcanic tuff that covers roughly 50-60% of
the research area. Sometimes, ​Tierra lanilla ​occurs in combination with ​tierra normal ​(tropical
brown alluvial soil) and/or ​talpetate ​(young volcanic ash). Sites that do not show this surface soil
are usually located on hilltops, such as Güegüestepe, Cerro Aguas Calientes, and Cerro de la
Cruz. A less common surface soil associated to mounded-sites are ​tierra normal ​and ​granza
(tropical iron rich alluvial soil), which consist of alluvial soils with high fertility. In contrast, there is
a total absence of mounded-sites in correlation with ​barro ​(tropical alluvial soil), ​arena​, ​arenoso
(alluvial deposits which occur on riverbanks and along streams), and ​barrial ​(​vertisol)​ soil types.
This last category, which is characteristic of the central floodplain features only chipped stone
and groundstone evidence, but no mounds or ceramic finds. Only a few mounds were
encountered in ​barrial​, but they are located at the edge of archaeological sites and at the end of
slopes, where alluvial soils concentrate.
Finally, the majority of sites are located on slopes, elevated platforms, natural rock formations,
or hills. Exceptions are sites placed on the alluvial plains covered by ​granza ​and ​tierra normal​,
or along seasonal streams.

In spite of the good ground visibility rates throughout the research area, which range from
medium to high with grasses that do not exceed 40 cm in height, more than half of the mounds
(65.54%) did not yield archaeological materials on their surface. Ceramics were the most
ubiquitous find associated to mounds, present on 45.65% of the cases, followed by chipped
stone (39.34%) and groundstone (12.76%). The rest of the evidence only represents 2.25%.

Discussion
Even though the whole research area yielded evidence of past human practices, material
culture remains were found in distribution patterns not previously recorded in Central Nicaragua.
Therefore, the characterization of archaeological sites for the research area by means of a first
classification or grouping, became a pressing matter. In contrast to surrounding macroregions,
such as Mesoamerica, systematic and semi-systematic surveys are relatively few in Nicaragua
(but see Gorin 1990, Fletcher et al. 1992; Fletcher 1993, 1994; Salgado & Zambrana 1992;
Espinoza y González 1992; Niemel 2003; Geurds 2009; McCafferty et. al. 2014), so the PACEN
dataset presents the opportunity of high resolution data produced during a systematic
full-coverage pedestrian survey, for questioning site ontologies in ancient Nicaragua, particularly
in the Chontales region. However, before we can venture into the task of thinking of sites as
quintessential places, as spaces lived and experienced by others, we need to ask basic
questions such as the following. What do we define as a site? How can we create a site
definition as an analytical tool useful for future work in the area? What is the relationship
between our definition of site and the experiences of the practitioners who participated in them?
These questions address methodological issues valid to the interpretation of archaeological
data derived from surface surveying in general, and are specifically of relevance to the
archaeology of precolonial Nicaragua. The chosen classification method will have direct bearing
on the patterns recognized and the outcome of subsequent analyses. In the Mayales River
Valley data, the variation in traces of human activities and the variation contained within them
speaks to past social practices, experiences, and possibly site functionality. We argue that in
thinking about this typology, excavation also fills an indispensable role in complementing the
survey findings. ​To start answering such questions, we begin by proposing two broad categories
of sites, mounded and non-mounded.

The first group is defined by the presence of architectural remains, including mounds, stone
alignments, platforms, or any anthropogenic modification of the landscape. Mounded sites can
in turn be divided into subcategories, according to the association to different landscape
features as well as material culture types and their densities found on the surface. Usually, sites
with architectural remains are located in meanders formed either by the junction of rivers or
streams (or a combination of them) and ​lanilla ​soil types; except for the sites located on hilltops.
Regarding surface material densities, 18 sites show low quantities, 15 high, and 13 have no
visible remains. The distribution of the finds yields certain patterns, with 20 sites combining
ceramics, groundstone, and chipped stone; 3 show the previous finds plus petroglyphs, 2 sites
include petroglyphs, ceramics, and chipped stone; 4 presented ceramics and chipped stone;
whereas 1 evidenced ceramics and groundstone; finally, 3 only yielded chipped stone. Sites
associated to petroglyphs are the closest to AB and also the ones with the highest amounts of
mounds (more than 90). In contrast, sites who evidence only chipped stone, groundstone, and
ceramics are small (less than 15 mounds); while sites on hilltops have no finds at all.
Non-mounded sites, on the other hand, possibly reflect practices associated to raw material
procurement, maybe also other steps of some industries’ operational sequences, and water
sourcing. Therefore, some non-mounded sites could actually be later classified as places for
different practices associated to the people living on mounded sites; enlarging the spectrum of
lived spaces and instead of corresponding to a different site type. Ceramic densities are low in
mounded sites (less than 20 sherds), but they spread throughout the whole region and across
the centuries, evidencing a strong local ceramic manufacturing tradition. Chipped stone has a
uniform distribution, but with some concentrations in possible habitational sites, raw material
procurement loci, and maybe hunting areas. Groundstone is generally associated to domestic
activities around mounded sites, but we also found a few axes near to the plains, maybe related
to wood extraction or agricultural practices. Disparity between chipped stone and ground stone
distributions and densities -chipped stone is much more abundant and evenly spread
throughout the research area- could be directly connected to ancient foodways, which according
to recent PACEN preliminary results were more related to processing species that require
grating instead of grinding, for example.
Petroglyphs, on the other hand, are distributed quite uniformly in the northern part of the
research area, and could possibly be related to AB as a landmark and place of memory. Several
anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, and abstract recurrent motifs have been catalogued by Roos
Vlaskamp (2014), awaiting further systematic study. Other mobile petroglyphs were found in
biggest sites, the same as sculptures.

Conclusion
Characterizing sites is a challenging task at this point of the research, with settlement patterns
analysis, absolute dates, excavation data, and ceramic chronologies still being processed and
evaluated. However, we can start hypothesizing on certain characteristics of the sites recorded,
as well as practices associated to them. Throughout the precolonial period, communities in
Chontales were seemingly defined by a largely non-hierarchical political structure, possibly
featuring forms of itinerant or periodic leadership. Different site purposes, as well as
differentiated spaces within sites suggest a rich social landscape. For example, we now know
that Aguas Buenas, the largest site in the whole area, was built and used for public events and
valued by several communities during numerous centuries. Sites around it, on the other hand,
with specific arrangements of mounds around a central open area, suggest domestic spaces.
Sites on hilltops lastly are at this stage still unclear in terms of their purpose and use. Clay
outcrops were also places for gathering, procuring raw materials, and possibly performing other
parts of the ceramic manufacturing process. Recent clay compositional analysis and absolute
dating of ceramics suggests that clay procurement and manufacturing practices at specific loci
precedes domestic occupation of those places by up to 400 years. Consequently, clay outcrops
were known places which were used by communities, and they were later selected for domestic
purposes and mound building practices.
Ethnographic examples related to land use and raw material availability share certain common
trends with archaeological data. Local ethnographic research points out, for example, that locals
prefer to construct on bedrock outcrops and ​lanilla ​soils. Traditional house building in the
research area involves mostly perishable materials, houses are constructed first creating a
frame with thin ​coyol tree lugs (​Acronomia aculeata​) , then walls are covered with a mixture of
lanilla ​soil and grass (​zacate amargo​). Earlier, roofs were made of ​lanilla mixed with another
type of grass (either ​jaragua or ​gamba​, which create a waterproof effect) or ceramic tiles, but
modern preferences in the past two decades have inclined towards zinc plates, which according
to locals are cheaper, less attractive to insects, and easier to maintain, if also significantly more
conductive to heat. Locals also recount narratives about hills, mountains, and thermal water
springs, involving fantastic creatures who can make men lose their way or their memory.
Additionally, men and women share knowledge about hunting, fishing, collection of raw
materials and edibles, as well as clay working practices related to brick, pottery, and tile
manufacture. Views on the landscape transcend and transcended habitational localities, modern
Western boundaries are not applicable to living landscapes that embody community identities.
The question about site ontologies continues under examination, and current analysis of the
PACEN dataset will shed light on this matter.