CAUSES AND RESOLUTION OF ETHNIC CONFLICT:

A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF FULANI HERDSMEN-

TIV FARMERES CRISES, 2010-2014

BY

ONYEULOR, ROWLANDS ABII

NOU142938681

TO

The Department of Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution,

Faculty of Social Sciences,
National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN)
(Owerri Study Centre)

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Award of

Master of Science (M.Sc.) Degree in Peace Studies and Conflict
Resolution

OCTOBER, 2017

1
 DECLARATION
I, Onyeulor, Rowlands Abii Esq, humbly declare that this Thesis, titled
CAUSES AND RESOLUTION OF ETHNIC CONFLICT: A CRITICAL
ANALYSIS OF FULANI HERDSMEN-TIV FARMERS CRISES, 2010- 2014,
is the result of my research efforts, carried out in the School of Arts and Social
Sciences, National Open University of Nigeria, under the supervision of Dr.
Jonathan Okere.
I further declare that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains
no materials previously published or written by another person or materials
which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any degree or
diploma of any University or other institutes of higher learning, save where due
acknowledgment has been made to the text accordingly.

-
__________________________
Onyeulor, Rowlands Abii
Esq.
Signature/Date

2
 CERTIFICATION
The undersigned have read, certified and recommended to the School of Arts
and Social Sciences, National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), for the
acceptance of this research work titled, "Causes and Resolution of Ethnic
Conflict: A Case Study of Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers Conflict, 2010-2014",
carried out and submitted by Onyeulor, Rowlands Abii Esq., having met the
requirements for the award of Master of Science (M.Sc.) Degree in Peace
Studies and Conflict Resolution, National Open University of Nigeria, Owerri
Study Centre.

................................................... ...........................................
Dr. Jonathan Okere Date
Project Supervisor

................................................... ...........................................
Dr. T. U. Ettu Date
Ag. Study Centre Director, Owerri

................................................... ...........................................
Dean, Faculty of Social Science Date

................................................... ...........................................
External Examiner Date

3
 DEDICATION
TO THE VICTIMS OF ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA:
That God may forgive them their sins and grant their Souls eternal rest.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT
This work could not have been possible without divine inspiration,
knowledge, understanding and sound health, which virtues are divine

4
provisions. I am therefore, first and foremost, eternally grateful to the Almighty
God.
Furthermore, I am ever grateful and indebted to my indefatigable and
positively disposed supervisor, Dr. Jonathan Okere, whose tolerance,
encouragement, consistent guidance and perusal of my scripts made for early
and successful completion of the project. My gratitude also goes to the staff of
National Open University of Nigeria, Owerri Study Centre, whose useful advice
and guidance were contributory to the success of this work.
In addition, I am extremely grateful to my beloved wife, Barrister/Lady
Obby Onyeulor and my children for painstakingly editing some of the work and
their sacrifice respectively.
I am also highly indebted to my good friend and brother, Dr. Batholomew
chendu, Department of Statistics, Federal Polytechnic, Nekede, for his scholarly
statistical assistance towards the completion of this project.
In no less degree of importance, I express my profound gratitude to my
office personnel: Messrs Joseph Moses, Henry Igbokwe, Christopher Ani and
Ikechukwu Arum; as well as Jane Enyinnia and Chioma Abbah, for their
miscellaneous errand duties in the course of this project which were
contributory to its successful conclusion.
Furthermore, I am equally grateful to Messrs Uchenna Okpara and Victor
Ezirim for their assistance in typesetting the work.
Finally and most essentially, I am eternally indebted to all those who
contributed in one way or the other towards the successful completion of this
project, whether mentioned or not.
May the Almighty God bless them all in Jesus name, Amen.

ONYEULOR, R. A.
ABSTRACT

5
The perennial conflict between the Fulani herdsmen and Tiv farmers, of Fulani
and Tiv ethnic groups in Nigeria, which has claimed thousands of lives, destroyed
property worth millions of naira and displaced thousands of Nigerians in their own
country, has posed great deal of security challenges in Nigeria and puzzled both
governments and well meaning Nigerians. It is the urgent need to get to the root of
the causes of the conflict that informed the topic: Causes and resolution of ethnic
conflict: A critical analysis of the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers crises (2010-2014),
with a view to making positive recommendations that will serve as policy option in
resolving the conflict. The general objective of this study is to identify the major
causes of the perennial conflict between the Fulani herdsmen and Tiv farmers,
while the specific objectives are to fish out the compelling factors responsible for
the continued Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict; to examine the impacts of the
conflict on the residents of the affected States in particular and Nigeria in general;
and to find out the efforts made by the Federal Government to stop the menace.
Furthermore, the research questions suffice as: What are the compelling factors
responsible for the continued Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict? what are the
impacts of the conflict on the residents of the affected States in particular and
Nigeria in general?And what has the Federal Government done to stop this deeply
barbaric, retrogressive and massively destructive conflict. The theoretical
framework adopted in this research is the "Karl Marx Conflict theory", which
emphasizes that society is in a state of perpetual conflict due to competition for
limited resources and holds that social order is maintained by domination and
power, rather than consensus and conformity. Accordingly, those with wealth and
power try to hold on to it by any means possible, chiefly by suppressing the poor and
powerless. The methodology adopted is the primary data collection method, in
which questionnaires were forwarded to respondents and results were collected,
analyzed and findings established by testing the hypothesis, using the chi- square
analysis. The findings of this research showed that the Fulani herdsmen's invasion
of Tiv farmers' farm lands and its attendant destruction of the farmers economic
crops; as well as the Federal Government's lukewarm attitude towards the problem
and other factors like poverty, illiteracy, ethnicity, etc. are the major causes of the
Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers perennial war in Nigeria. In the light of the
foregoing, it is recommended that the Fulani herdsmen should acquire grazing sites
from land owners and restrict movement of their cows to the grazing areas;
Nigerians should be given orientation to shun acts of disunity, religious intolerance,
tribalism and nepotism and learn to respect one another's rights; the herders should
live cordially with their host communities, who should in turn accord them the
hospitality they deserve; the herders should resist criminal elements' infiltration
into their camps and should be completely dispossessed of prohibited firearms. The
security agencies should monitor grazing camps to ensure herders' compliance to
the grazing rules, while the Federal and State governments should collapse/close
unnecessary and unproductive offices and channel the funds to employment of our
youths and formulate welfare and people-oriented policies for the favour of the
teeming and explosive population of Nigeria.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title page - - - - - - - - - - i
Declaration - - - - - - - - - ii
Certification - - - - - - - - - iii

Dedication - - - - - - - - - - iv
Acknowledgment - - - - - - - - - v
Abstract - - - - - - - - - - vi
Table of Contents - - - - - - - - -vii-viii

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Background of the study - - - - - - - 1-
9
1.1 Statement of the problem - - - - - - - 10-
16
1.2 Objective of the study - - - - - - - -
16
1.3 Significance of the study - - - - - - - -
17
1.4 Scope and limitation of the study - - - - - 17-
18
1.5 Research Questions - - - - - - - -
18
1.6 Research Hypotheses - - - - - - - 18-
19
1.7 Definition of Basic Terms - - - - - - 19-
21
References - - - - - - - - - 22-
24
7
CHAPTER TWO
2.0 Review of literature - - - - - - 25-
39
2.1 Theoretical Framework - - - - - - - 39-
54
References - - - - - - - -
55-57

CHAPTER THREE
3.0 Methodology - - - - - - - - 58-
61
References - - - - - - - - -
62
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 Data Presentation, Findings and Analysis - - - - 63-
72

CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 Summary & Conclusion - - - - - - - -
73
5.1 Recommendations - - - - - - - - 74-
75
Bibliography - - -- - - - - - 76-
80
Appendices - - - - - - - - - 81-
84

8
 CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
The world over, most developing countries, particularly in Africa, are
confronted with one form of ethnic conflict or the other: Political, religious,
socio-economic or agricultural based: For instance, Congo (former Zaire),
Zimbabwe, Liberia, Rwanda, Burundi, Kenya, Sudan, Chad, Ethiopia, South
Africa and Nigeria, have come under the horrendous effects of ethnic conflicts
or civil wars, sometimes occasioned by the new states’ inability to develop an
inclusive political system that takes into account the fact that African citizens’
primary allegiances are not always to the states, but to their ethnic groups,
tribes, or nations, wherein their sense of self is intrinsically attached to such
factors as kingship, race, language, locality, religion and tradition: Faleti et al
(2013).
Before the Congo war of 1996-1997, there had been bloody ethnic
violence between the Congolese indigenous ethnic groups (Hunde, Nande and
Nyanga) and the resident foreign ethnic groups, (Banyamulenge and
Banyawanda) of Tutsi and Hutu ethnic extractions which claimed the lives of
more than 14,000 people: Autesserre (2008) and Lemarchand (2009).
Hill (2005) similarly noted that in Zimbabwe ,the large scale civil war
between the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), led by Robert Mugabe
and the Zimbabwe African Peoples’ Union (ZAPU), led by Joshua Nkomo, was
actually occasioned by the ethnic conflict and confrontation between the two
largest ethnic groups in Zimbabwe, Shona (77%) and Ndebele (18%).
Elis (2007) also reported that, between 1989 and 1997, a bloody civil
war had wrecked Liberia, claiming over 600,000 lives and eventually led to the
involvement of both the Economic community of West African States
(ECOWAS) and United Nations (UN).
In Rwanda too in 1994, there was a genocide, following the massacre of
more than 800,000 Tutsis (the minority tribe) by the majority Hutu ethnic
group: Melvern (2006) and Prunier (1995).

9
 New York Times (2012) Further reported that the ethnic conflict in
Kenya between the majority Kikuyu tribe and the minority Kalenjis and Luo
tribes, after the election of President Mwai Kibaki in 2007, put at least, 1100
persons to death.
Similarly, the ethnic clashes in South Sudan between the Murie ethnic
minority and the majority Lou Nuer ethnic groups killed up to 3141 people,
injured up to 985 people, caused the abduction of 1,293 children and stealing of
375, 186 cows: Sudan Tribune (2012).
In our country Nigeria, with over 250 active ethnic groups and 120
different languages spoken, our ethnic national question is probably one of the
most complicated in the world. This intimidating ethnic numerical strength and
multi-heterogeneous languages spoken in Nigeria are purely divine deposits, for
which Nigeria should be grateful to God, but instead, we find mutual suspicion,
hate and fear in other languages and tribes. Consequently, several parts of our
country are today in inter and intra-ethnic conflicts, leading to loss of thousands
of lives and destruction of property worth millions of naira: Adamu (2009).
Akinteye et al (1992) reported that the Nigerian inter-ethnic crisis,
exemplified herein, first in the Kaduna crisis, revealed that in February and May
1992, in what became known as the Zangon-Kataf crisis, there were a large-
scale bloody clashes between the Hausa and the Kataf (a predominantly
Christian ethnic group), initially sparked off by a dispute over the relocation of
a market and eventually led to killings of Hausas by Kataf and were followed
by reprisal killings of Christians by Muslims in several other parts of Kaduna
State.
Shedrack et al (2003) similarly reported that the ethnic violence in
Taraba State between the organized bands of Tiv and Jukuns in alliance with the
Fulani, from September 2001 up to January 2002, caused scores of deaths of
civilians and destroyed homes and valuable property, with attacks taking place
on a weekly, monthly and sometimes on a daily basis.

10
 Furthermore, the ethnic clashes between the Hausa and Odua peoples
congress (Yoruba) in 2002 left more than 100 people dead and destroyed scores
of homes, shops, schools, and markets in Nigeria’s commercial capital of Lagos.
The violence marked the latest of 40 recorded ethnic and religious clashes in
Nigeria since democracy returned in May, 1999: Oyo (2002).
Vanguard (2016) also reported that on Monday, the 25th day of April,
2016, the massacre of more than 11 natives of Nimbo community in Uzo-Uwani
Local Government Area of Enugu State by the Fulani herdsmen, rings alarming
bell of the continuity and magnitude of ethnic violence in Nigeria.
The foregoing fatal experiences and the recurrent Fulani herdsmen/Tiv
crises, 2010-2014 are some of the major ethnic conflicts that have not only
wrecked havoc in both our human and material well-being, but have also
plunged the African countries and indeed our great country, Nigeria into
perennial apprehension. This research is therefore focused on the Causes and
Resolution of the perennial Fulani herders/Tiv farmers crises from 2010-2014,
with a view to making positive recommendations that will serve as a policy
option in resolving the conflict.
Abubakar (2014) revealed that the Fulani are an ethnic group of people
spread over many countries in central Africa, East Africa (Particularly Sudan)
and predominantly in West Africa. They are present in Mauritania, Senegal,
Guinea, the Gambia, Mali, Nigeria, sierra Leone, Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea
Bissau, Cameroun, Cote Devoir, Togo, the Central African Republic, Ghana,
Liberia and Sudan.
UN DEMOGRAPHIC REPORT (2006) showed that Save in Guinea,
where the Fulani represents a plurality of the people (largest single group), the
are not majority in any other country.
Abubakar (ibid) maintained that the early Fulani peoples’ origin is most
deepened in mystery, though with widely divergent opinions. Though many
scholars believe that they are of Judaneo- Syria origin, it is generally recognized
that Fulani descended from nomads from both North and sub-Sahara Africa,

11
who had migrated earlier from the middle East and North Africa and eventually
settled into central and West African countries, including Nigeria. The Fulani
spread and settle across Nigeria as they engage in their grazing activities, but
are more predominantly present in Sokoto, Kano, Katsina and Jigawa States.
The Fulani are predominantly Muslims. They were the first in West Africa who
converted to Islam through Jihads or holy wars and were able to take over
much of West Africa, established themselves religiously, politically and
economically. Over 99% of Fulani are Muslim and hence it is said that to be
Fulani is to be Muslim. However, there are small groups of Fulani called
Mbororo or wedaabe, found in Niger and Cameroun who resisted Islam and
have kept much to their pre-Islamic way of life and belief while some are
choosing to follow the way of Christ.
Furthermore, he maintained that Fulani are trans-border, peace-loving
herds people who are attached to their cattle and can kill in order to defend their
cattle from danger. They are courageous fighters, easily provoked, but do not
easily forgive their adversaries and are mostly muslims: Ibid.
Bohannan (1952), on the other hand, stated that Tiv (sometimes
pronounced as Tivi), is an ethno-linguistic group or nation in West Africa. In
Nigeria, most Tiv speakers are found in Benue, Nasarawa, Taraba and Plateau
States and they depend on agriculture for commerce and life.
Bohannan and Bohannan (1953) further revealed that the Tiv are
among the minority ethnic groups in Nigeria, numbering about 6 million
individuals by 2014 estimates; and that their origin has numerous varying
submissions.
Dzurgbo (2007) documented that the Tiv migrated from Swem in
Akwaya. Akwaya is one of the three Cameronian Sub-Divisions located in the
South-West province or Southwest State in southern Cameroon. Akwaya has
long mountains and the highest of them all is called Swem. Swem was a long
mountain range with a flat top. During the period of migration or human
movement worldwide, war was the only means of diplomacy or negotiation,

12
and thus, territorial integrity and security of life and property depended largely
on military prowess and victory. These were probably the reasons why the Tiv
settled and depended on long flat top of swem. This therefore confirmed the
Tiv’s claim that they had once lived as a single community on a mountain called
Swen. But upon expansion of their population, too large for Swem, the Tiv
eventually followed River Katsina-Ala from Cameroon down to the Benue
valley of central Nigeria, where they finally settled. Upon settlement at the
Benue valley, Tiv encountered different other tribes therein: Jukun, Etulo,
Abakwa, Chamba, Idoma, Igede, Udam, Ugee, and others and overcame them
following their endowed military prowess, sent them away and occupied the
present Benue Valley.
Notwithstanding the above, Abraham (1934) and others agreed that
although different views are held about the Tiv origin, the version that
commands popularity and currency is that which traces their origin to the Bantu
people who once inhabited the Central African Continent, in the Shaba area of
the present Democratic Republic of Congo.
According to Abraham (ibid), the popular claim is based on the assorted
pieces of evidence supporting its linguistics over which he practically compiled
a list of 67 Tiv words and juxtaposed them with the words of Bantu Nyaza,
showing a striking similarity in both phonetics and semantics. Consequently, he
concluded that the Tiv were real Bantu who subsequently came from Congo.
Another Linguistic piece of evidence has to do with the name,
"Tsenongu", which is Tiv and when ended with an "0" as in "Tsenongo" (as
done by many Tiv without any semantic harm) is the name of a town of 300,000
people in the present Demoncratic Republic of Congo. All these testify to the
fact that the Tiv actually migrated from Congo, from where they passed through
several places before settling in the Benue valley, their present location: Ibid.
Rubingh (1969) revealed that the understanding of the Tiv migration to
the present location is based on oral traditions. The Tiv agreed that their original
home was toward the South East and Cameroon , but were uncertain as to the
13
time when they began their migration Northward and that it was probably about
eleven generations ago.
Rubingh (ibid) further observed that the real general migration into the
present area began around 1800 and that the Tiv were present therein in 1850.
The various clans shifted positions until 1890 when the boundaries were well
established and permanent settlement undertaken. Much more of Tiv stems from
stupendous sojourn Northward, though the point of departure is still no longer
known.
Though the origin of Tiv is not the subject matter of this research, it
may be safe to hold the view that Tiv, whether migrated from swem in Akwaya
Cameroon or Bantu Nyaza in the present democratic republic of Congo,
possessing striking similarity in the phonetics and semantics of the Bantu
people, as documented by Abraham (ibid), should be held to have originated
from the Bantu, Congo.
Abraham (ibid) further disclosed that the Tiv are courageous and
egalitarian people who share border with the Chamba and Jukun of Taraba
State; the Igede and Idoma of Benue State; and Iyala, Gakem and Obudu of
cross River State; as well as international border with Cameroon, at the South
South area of the ethnic group’s location. The occupation of the Tiv people is
subsistence farming. They regard Yarm farming as their birth right and
encourage themselves to its production with religious dedication.
The Fulani-Tiv ethnic conflict is not only perennial in nature, but also has
recorded high scale of destruction and it is feared that if adequate precaution is
not taken, it might metamorphose into Christian/Muslims war, with the
Christians in the South supporting the Tiv and Muslim supporting the Fulani. It
is to forestall this ugly development that this research work is embarked upon.
Premium Times (2013) stated that the history of the Fulani herders-Tiv
pastoralists conflict though traceable to 2001, has been renewed in intensity
with more sophisticated weapons since 2010/2011 in Benue, Nassarawa, Taraba
and Plateau States and in the Process, hundreds of people have been killed and

14
more than five thousand people have become refugees in their country.
Consequently, the following communities in Benue State have come under the
Fulani firepower: Nyiev, Tse Anda, Yander, Dooga, Kpata, Lokobi, Mbagwen,
Tse, Zaki, Tsekper, Chile, Tse Kpoku, Tse Kpar, Sengev, Gbuku and Tse Yaji.
And in Nassarawa State, the same ominous attacks have befallen on Andovi,
Rukubi, Akpanaja, Agyema, Idaku, Gidan Rai, Ankome, Agimaka, Ekije
development areas, Migili, Agatu and Doma: Ibid.
Daily Trust (2016) under the caption: "Unease over herders attacks",
expressed the fear that the Fulani herdsmen perennial and uncontrolled deadly
attacks against farmers in Nigeria, particularly the Tiv, called for the Federal
Government immediate intervention to avoid possible escalation that could spell
doom for Nigeria.
The Nation (2016) elaborately stated thus:
In Nigeria, the Fulani herdsmen walk their cows over
thousands of kilometres, grazing them on greens and
herbs in the bush and on crops in farmlands they fall
upon. When the owners of these farms challenge them,
the Fulani open fire from AK47 assault rifle, killing
and maiming. They have killed thousands of Agatu
farmers this way in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria.
Last month, they killed more than 40 people in their
sleep at night in some villages in Enugu State. They
claimed some farmers in these villages assaulted or
killed herdsmen and cattle which grazed on their farms.
So, the nomadic shepherds mobilized reinforcement to
avenge their losses. To rub salt on injury, as we say in
Nigeria, the presidency may have masterminded the bill
in the national assembly under which governors of the
states would be forced to reserve land in their states for
the exclusive grazing of Fulani cattle, or, if they do not,
the Federal Government can make compulsory
acquisition for these purposes.

A Fulani herder with prohibited deadly Ak47

automatic riffle

15
 Vanguard (2016) also reported that Igbo Youth Movement raised alarm
that the Fulani herdsmen had killed 710 Nigerians in 10 months and called on
the government to check the activities of the herders to forestall further
destruction of lives and property.
THIS DAY (2016) also recorded that the Emir of Ilorin observed that the
activities of Fulani herdsmen threatened peaceful co-existence in Nigeria and
requested the Federal Government to intervene to avoid imminent catastrophe
following the herders activities.
Premium Times (p. 7) further reported that in February 2011, armed
Fulani herdsmen attacked three districts in Gwer Local Government Area,
which left more than 40 people dead and rendered 20,000 people homeless,
while over hundred million naira worth of property was destroyed. The Nation
Newspaper observed that the operation was “similar to the invasion of Borno
State by members of Boko Haram".
Premium Times (ibid) also stated that the Fulani attackers in March
2012 dislodged some communities in Benue State and destroyed houses, food
crops and domestic animals.
Vanguard (2013) equally reported that on July 5, 2013, no fewer than 20
people were feared dead in an outbreak of conflict between the Tiv farmers and
nomadic Fulani herdsmen at Nzorov ward, in Guma Local Government area of
Benue State.
16
 Premium Times (2014) further revealed that in February 2014, a Fulani
attack on the Tse-Torkula Community in Guma Local Government Area of
Benue State led to the burning of several houses, including the compound of the
Tor Tiv, Orchivirigh Dr. Afred Akawe Torkula. Such attacks and counter-attacks
between the Tiv farmers and the Fulani herdsmen have remained perennial and
fatal.

1.1 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Globally and domestically, inter-ethnic conflicts are common and endless,
particularly among developing countries and Nigeria is not exceptional. In
Nigeria, the Zangon-Kataf crisis in Kaduna (1992), the Hausa OPC (Yoruba)
crisis in Lagos (2002), the Jukuns -Tiv violence in Taraba (2001-2002), the Jos
Christian/Muslim (Fulani) recurrent crises in (2001, 2008, 2010, 2011 and
2013), the Fulani Herdsmen Massacre of Nimbo community in Enugu State
(2016) and the perennial Fulani herders-Tiv clashes and so on, have caused
tremendous and irreparable human, material and psychological damages to
Nigerians.
As the other ethnic groups’ deadly relations relatively became history, the
Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers violence does not only remain perennial, but also
increases in magnitude, intensity and sophistication. The Fulani herdsmen-Tiv
farmers wars have killed and maimed for life, thousands of people in Nigeria,
destroyed property worth billions of Naira, sacked thousands of homes, wrecked
the economies of the affected communities and kept their residents in particular
and indeed Nigerians, in perpetual apprehension. Ironically, the Fulani-Tiv
relationship should have remained relatively cordial, because, according to the
Tiv’s chronicles, since the duo came in contact in the 16 th/17th century, upon
migration into Nigeria, they had lived as friends and cousins, with the Tiv
producing food for the Fulani while the latter guarded the Tiv against invasion
17
of enemy tribes. In their good old days, the Tiv called the Fulani “Upul”
(difficult to please), while the Fulani nicknamed them “Munchi”.
(womanizer/glutton). But upon expansion of their populations, they parted their
ways peacefully and remained friendly: Premium Times (p. 7).
Vanguard (2014) lent support to the above fact and observed that in the
past, while other communities in other states inhabited by the herders were
embroiled in bloody conflicts, the relationship between the Benue farmers and
Fulani Herders remained a rosy reference point for such other states.The Paper
maintained that the Fulani lived, integrated and inter-married happily in all the
23 local government areas of Benue state; following the Benue valley which is a
green belt that provides the herders ample grazing area for their herds but
however expressed regrets that the relationship between the duo ethnic groups
today had rather become bloodier as the herders now attacked farmers with
deadly riffles.
Obi (2016) also highlighted that the Fulani herders used to be friendly,
peace-loving and protective group of people while grazing their cows with their
bows, arrows and sticks, until they lately turned militants and started grazing
with automatic riffles.
Below shows a normal/typical Fulani herdsmen grazing disposition

18
 Premium Times (ibid) corroboratively stated that the Fulani herders
presently attacked farmers with renewed intensity and sophisticated riffles.

Nwodo (2017), in support of the above, highlighted thus:

Fulani Herdsmen, otherwise called the Fulani militants,
have ravaged farms in the Middle Belt,South West and
South East Nigeria, killing many farmers in the process.
In January 2016, they killed500 farmers and their fam-
ilies in Agatu in Benue State.In Enugu State, they murd-
ered more than 100 farmers in Ukpabi Nimbo in April,
2016. Photographs depicting them with automatic riffles
trend in the entire world media.

Nwodo (ibid) further quoted the British Independent (2015) and the
London Guardian Newspaper (2016) expressing that the Fulani herdsmen had
been classified by the Global Terrorist Index as the 4th deadliest terrorist group
in the world.
Below shows a Fulani herdsman with a deadly Ak47 riffle & scenes of
conflicts between the warring groups

Vanguard (ibid)further stated that the relationship between the Fulani

herdsmen and the Tiv farmers first became awry in 1989 when the then
19
paramount ruler of Nzorov in Guma local government area, Chief Lordye
Akaahena, was allegedly killed by the herders, which gave rise to a heavy blood
bath between the duo and aroused animosity which spread to the riverine
community of Agatu in Idoma speaking area of the state, which lasted for two
years and was resolved before the Fulani were allowed to return to Nzorov to
settle; though not without skirmishes, which became bloodier with time.
Vanguard (2013) reported that in 2013, the herders allegedly launched
an attack on Akor village in Nzorov ward of Guma LGA where 17 persons were
killed and the village razed. The same day, Tse-Ormeagh, Tse-Kondom, Tom-
Ayin and Iyordye villages were allegedly burnt by the rampaging herdsmen and
their mercenaries.
Above all, the herders reportedly established their war base at Nzorov,
from where they launched attacks on neighboring Ihiarev and Gwer Local
Government Areas of Benue State, while Agatu was attacked from Loco in
Nassarawa State. More than 150 persons were said to have been killed in the
repeated attacks on Agatu, and that the Fulani insurgency in Benue, Nassarawa,
Plateau and Taraba states was rather escalating: Ibid.
Vanguard (ibid) further revealed that the paramount ruler of Tyoshin
kingdom, Nagi II, Ayua Daniel Abomtse of Benue state, in a paper he delivered
to the Senator Mohammed Magoro-led senate joint committee on National
Security, Intelligence, Defense/Army, Police and Interior, on a fact-finding visit
on alleged Fulani insurgency in Benue, Nassarawa, Taraba and Plateau states to
the state, urged president Goodluck Jonathan to convene a special ECOWAS
conference to address the issue.
Premium Times (p. 7) reported that after the resolution of the blood bath
conflict between the Farmers and herders at Nzorov in 1989, the duo started to
co-habit cordially again until the 23rd day of June, 2001.On that fateful day, one
Mr. Iortim Umande, an unarmed Tiv farmer found Fulani cattle eating up his
crops and tried to drive the cattle away, but the Fulani used his sword and killed
him. The resultant reprisals and recriminations led to the alliances of
20
bloodletting against the Tiv. Thus, from that day, the duo assumed dog-cat
relationship, engaging in ominous and bloody clashes. However, for the purpose
of this research, the discussion of the duo’s conflict relations is limited to 2010-
2014.
Premium Times (ibid) further stated that the Fulani/Tiv conflicts on the
ancestral lands of the pastoralists, though had been earlier on as aforesaid, got
renewed in intensity with sophisticated weapons in 2010/2011 and spread to
Nassarawa, Taraba and plateau States, killing hundreds of people, destroying
houses and dismissing communities from their homes; and that in February
2011, the Fulani attackers sacked three districts in Gwer Local government Area
of Benue State, killed more than 40 people and sacked 20,000 people from their
homes; as well as killed many people and destroyed valuable property in Tse
Abatse Mbamegh and Tse Joe on March 15, 2012.
Premium Times (2014) also stated that Governor Suswan of Benue
State, in reaction to the herders' continued attacks on farmers, had through his
Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Mr. Cletus Akwaya, stated that
the attacks were not targeted to Benue State alone, but to all the states sharing
boundary with Benue State, Nassarawa, Taraba and Plateau and that most of the
people who carried out the attack in Benue came from Nassarawa State. He
however stated that the government was making efforts to restore peaceful and
cordial relations between the duo ethnic groups.
Premium Times (ibid) further reported that the meeting scheduled in
Agasha, Gulma Local Government Area to broker peace between the warring
ethnic groups ended in Fiasco, following alleged attack of the Fulani by
suspected Tiv youths, who invaded the venue, killing not less than seven Fulani
people.
Given the facts, it has been duly noted that the Fulani/Tiv crisis is
dangerously escalating and crystallizing into a time-bomb that should not be
allowed to be detonated.

21
 Reacting to the above fact, Premium Times (ibid) noted that following
the escalation of the bloody crises between the Fulani herders and the Tiv
pastoralists, the Governor of Benue state, Suswam, invited the Sultan of Sokoto
who visited and spoke to the Fulani and had several meetings with the Governor
of Nassarawa State and the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association in the
state; and that the Governor of Benue State also wrote to President Jonathan,
who equally responded and sent Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG),
Operations, Mr. Michael Zuokumor and the General Officer Commanding
(GOC) 82nd Division, Nigerian Army, Enugu, who visited in February 2013 to
coordinate reinvigorated strategy to ensure lasting solution to the lingering
problem.
Furthermore, notwithstanding the above moves, the growing tension over
the Fulani/Tiv clashes in Benue State seems unending as residents of the
affected Local Government areas had continued to flee the areas to Makurdi and
other areas for safety; and that there was a growing population of internally
displaced persons (IDPS) on both sides, who are seeking refuge in the
designated places across the state: Thus, while the Fulani refugees resided at
Rugan across the Benue River in Nassarawa, the Tiv farmers were residing in
camps located at Gbajimba, Dauda and parts of Makurdi: Ibid.
This infectious, deadly madness between the herders and farmers must be
cured at all cost before it infects the sovereignty of Nigeria.
Adamu (ibid), reacting to the above, noted that in human nature, wars
began with minor disagreements and metamorphosed into full blown wars, and
cautioned that the incessant ethnic conflicts in Nigeria, particularly between the
Fulani herdsmen and Tiv farmers should be stopped to forestall future fatality
and destruction of valuable property, for Nigeria cannot progress with it’s feet
firmly stuck in the molten lead of retrogression.
Ndukwe (2016), reacting to the recent Fulani massacre of Nimbo people
in Enugu State in particular and the Fulani-Tiv conflict in Nigeria in general,
stated thus:

22
 The Fulani herdsmen mass-destructive onslaught against
the rural farmers, thought to be targeted against the Tiv
is gradually, but continuously spreading across Nigeria,
and if not checked by a strong political will, may lead to a
total war between the Fulani herdsmen, supported by the
Northern Muslim and the Tiv farmers supported by the
Southern Christians.
Thus, the statement of the problem herein is clearly apprehensible:
The perennial and escalating Fulani herdsmen/Tiv farmers crises and the
requisite solutions.
1.2 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The general objective of this study is:
(a) To identify the major causes of the perennial conflict between the
Fulani herdsmen and Tiv farmer; while the specific objectives
are:
(b) To fish out the compelling factors responsible for the continued
Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflic;.
(c) To examine the impacts of the conflict on the residents of the
affected states in particular and Nigeria in general;
(d) To find out the efforts made by the Federal Government to
stop the ugly trend.

1.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The significance of this study speaks for itself as:
It will restore peace and unity between the warring ethnic groups.
secondly, the resultant or expected peaceful environment will boost
investment and employment in the affected areas in particular and
Nigeria in general.
Furthermore, it will sharpen tolerance for ethnic culture and
religion as well as encourage healthy respect for fundamental rights.
It will help students and corporate bodies researching on the
subject matter.
It will proffer dependable solutions to the problem at stake.

23
1.4 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
First and foremost, the study focuses on Causes and Resolution of Ethnic
Conflict: A Critical Analysis of Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflicts (2010-
2014).
Furthermore, the coverage of this study is two-dimensional: Geographical
location and time. Thus, it centers on the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict
in Benue, Nassarawa, Plateau and Taraba States, from 2010 to 2014. Thus,
notwithstanding the duo’s crises in other states and times, our scope is limited to
the forgoing States and time.
In conducting this research, the researcher encountered some constraints:
Firstly, the researcher grappled with time constraint, as the time allocated
to this study was inadequate, considering the scope and broad nature of the
research.
Secondly, the scarcity of relevant data for the successful conduct of the
research was also a challenge to the researcher.
Furthermore, the researcher had to contain with the problem of non-
response from respondents, who declined or delayed in providing information
required from the structured questionnaires used in the research study.
Moreover, in the course of research, the researcher sacrificed other
competing projects and engagements for the success of the study.
Finally, the researcher contained with the problem of inadequate logistics
with respect to transportation from one place to the other, in search of data,
typesetting, photocopying of materials and production of bound thesis.
1.5 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The following research questions are paramount to this study as
stated below:
1. What are the compelling factors responsible for the continued Fulani
herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict?
2. What are the impacts of the conflict on the residents of the affected states
in particular and Nigeria in general?
3. What has the Federal Government done to stop this deeply barbaric,
retrogressive and massively destructive conflict?
1.6 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES
24
 The following research hypotheses are adopted:
H O: The Fulani herdsmen's grazing on the Tiv farmers' farm lands and
its concomitant destruction of economic crops thereupon, are not
the major cause of conflict between the two ethnic groups.
H1: The Fulani herdsmen's grazing on the Tiv farmers' farm lands and
its concomitant destruction of economic crops thereupon, are the
major cause of conflict between the two ethnic groups.
HO: The Federal Government lukewarm attitude towards the Fulani
herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict and other factors like poverty,
illiteracy, ethnicity, etc. are not contributory to the Fulani
herdsmen-Tiv farmers perennial ethnic conflict.
H1 : The Federal Government lukewarm attitude towards the Fulani
herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict and other factors like poverty,
illiteracy, ethnicity, etc. are contributory to the Fulani herdsmen-
Tiv farmers perennial ethnic conflict.
1.7 DEFINITION OF BASIC TERMS
The major technical terms and concepts used in this study are hereunder
defined for easy understanding of the work.
Allegiance: Loyalty to one's country, constituted authority or a course of
action in which one believes.
Armoury: All the weapons and equipment that a country, army, or police or
any security agency has. Or a place where weapons are kept.
Belligerent: A nation or person engaged in war or conflict recognized by
international law (United Nations).
Caliph: The supreme religious and political leader of an Islamic state.
Caliphate: An Islamic State.
Conflict: An open clash, battle or struggle between two opposing groups or
individuals. Or a serious disagreement, argument or opposition
between two groups or individuals.
Culture: The ideas, customs and social behavior of a particular people or society.
Defensive: Used or intended to defend or protect.

25
Desertification: The process by which fertile land becomes desert, typically as
a result of drought, deforestation or inappropriate agriculture.
Ethnicity: A community of people bound by common ancestry, cultural
heritage and language. Or employment or mobilization of ethnic
identity or differences to gain advantage in situation of
competition, cooperation or conflict.
Ethnic cleansing: The mass expulsion and/or killing of one ethnic or religious
group in an area by another ethnic or religious group
in that area.
Ethnic conflict (Inter-Ethnic Conflict): Conflict between one ethnic group
and another (example: Fulani-Tiv conflict.)
Ethnic group: A community of people bound by common ancestry, cultural
heritage and language.
Ethnic identity: The characteristics, feelings, beliefs, or even marks that
distinguish an ethnic group from another.
Ethnic Nationality (Ethno-nationalism): The nation defined in terms of
ethnicity, ie. defined or characterized by shared
heritage (common language, faith and common ethnic
ancestry), etc.
Fiasco: A complete failure, especially a ludicrous or humiliating one.
Herder: A person in charge of a herd, especially of a cattle or sheep.
IDPS: Internally displaced persons.
Intra- Ethnic Conflict: A conflict within an ethnic group
Insurgency: A rebellion, revolt, revolution, uprising, mutiny, insurrection, etc.
by non-belligerents, aimed at toppling or taking control of a country.
Majesty: Latin word, maiestas, meaning greatness.
Mercenary: A professional soldier hired to serve in a foreign army. or any
hired by a community or group to fight another community or group.
Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association: Association responsible for the
management and rearing of cattle in Nigeria.
Munchi: Womanizer or glutton.
Nationalism: Love for one’s country and willingness to sacrifice for it.
Offensive : Causing someone to feel resentful, upset, or annoyed.
Ontology: The metaphysical study of the nature of being and existence.
Pastoralist: A farmer ( a yam, cassava, crops, sheep, cattle, etc. farmer)

26
Primordialism (Perennialism): The argument which contends that nations are
ancient, natural phenomena.
Refugee: A person who has been forced to leave his/her country in order to
escape war, persecution or natural disaster.
Resolution: An answer, result, solution or agreement to solve a problem.
Riotous assembly: The unlawful assembling of twelve persons or more, to the
disturbance of the peace and without dispersing upon proclamations.
Security: Safety for lives and property. The degree of resistance to or
protection from harm.
Sovereignty: Supreme power or authority.
Terrorism: The use of internationally indiscriminate violence as a means to
create terror, or fear, in order to achieve a political, religious or
ideological aim.
Threat: A statement of an intention to inflict pain, injury, damage, or other
hostile action on someone in retribution for something done or not
done. Or a person or thing likely to cause damage or danger.
Upul: Difficult to please.
Violence: Use of physical force intended to hurt, damage, or kill someone or
something.

REFERENCES
FALETI, S. A. AND OYEDOLAPO, B. O. (2013), NOUN Course Material on
Ethnic Conflict and Resolution, Module 2, Unit 2.

AUTESSERRE, S. (2008), The Trouble with Congo: How Local Disputes Fuel
Regional Conflicts, Congo: Foreign Affairs.

LEMARCHAND, R. (2009), The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa,

Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.

HILL, G. (2005), The Battle For Zimbabwe: The Final Countdown,

Johannesburg: Struit Publishers.

ELIS, S. (2007), The Mask Of Anarchy, London: Hurst and Company.

27
MELVERN, L. (2006), Rwanda: Conspiracy to Murder: The Rwandan
Genocide, London and New York: Verso.

PRUNIER, G. (1995), The Rwandan Crisis 1957-1994: History of a Genocide

(1st. Ed.), London: Hurst and Co. Publishers.

NEW YORK TIMES, JANUARY 5TH, 2012.

SUDAN TRIBUNE, JANUARY 6TH, 2012.

ADAMU, A. (2009), A Paper on Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria, Delivered at

Makurdi on July 10th.

AKINTEYE, A. T. ET AL (1992), Zango- Kataf Crisis: A Case Study in

Community Conflicts in Nigeria, Ibadan: Associates Peace Works.

SHEDRACK, G. B. ET AL (2003), Communal Conflict and the

Possibility of Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Case Study of the Tiv-
Jukuns Conflict in Wukari LGA, Taraba State, Unpublished Material.

OYO, R. (2002), Nigeria, OPC : A Continuing Threat to Security, New York

Human Rights Watch, February 28th.

THE VANGUARD NEWSPAPER, JUNE 18TH, 2016.

ABUBAKAR, S. (2014), A Seminar Paper on "Peaceful co-existence between

the herders and host farmers", presented at Abuja, on October 26th.

UNITED NATIONS DEMOGRAPHIC REPORT (2006), Demographic Year

Book, "Special Census" Topics Volume 2, New York: United Nations
Statistics Division.

BOHANNAN, L. (1952), A Genealogical Charter of Africa, Journal of The

International African Institute, 22 (4).

BOHANNAN, P.J. AND BOHANNAN, L. (1953), The Tiv of Central

Nigeria, London: Journal of The International African Institute, 22 (4).

DZURGBO, A. (2007), On The Tiv of Central Nigeria: A Cultural Perspective,

Ibadan: John Archers Publications.

ABRAHAM, R.C. (1934), A Paper on the Tiv People's Origin, presented at

Abuja on June 24th.
28
IBID.

RUBINGH, E. (1969), Sons of Tiv, A Study of The Rise of the Church Among
The Tiv of Central Nigeria, Grand Rapids, Michigan: Banker Book,
Houseth.

IBID.

PREMIUM TIMES, JANUARY 10TH, 2013.

IBID.

DAILY TRUST NEWSPAPER, APRIL 27TH, 2016.

THE NATION NEWSPAPER, MAY 12TH, 2016.

THE VANGUARD NEWSPAPER, APRIL 27TH, 2016.

THIS DAY NEWSPAPER, APRIL 26TH, 2016.

THE VAGUARD NEWSPAPER, JULY 5TH, 2013.

PREMIUM TIMES, MARCH 1ST., 2014.

THE VANGUARD NEWSPAPER, APRIL 27TH, 2014.

OBI, M. (2016), A Paper on The Need to Maintain Peaceful Relationship

Between Fulani Herdsmen and host farmers, Delivered in Enugu on
May 18th.

NWODO, J. N. (2017), Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House,

London, September 27th.

IBID.

NDUKWE, H. (2016), Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria: The Fulani Herdsmen

Agenda, A Paper Delivered During The Igbo Day Celebration in
Michigan, USA, on June 24th.

29
 CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.0 REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Ethnic (inter-ethnic) conflict revolves around the concepts-‘Ethnicity’ and
‘conflict’. Thus, for comprehensive and proper understanding of the subject
matter, the duo concepts are fully explained hereunder:
THE CONCEPT OF ETHNICITY
Usually, ethnicity (a Latin word, meaning ‘Ethnicus’), is a collective
noun, but in the singular, an ethnicity is a particular ethnic group. The adjective,
ethnic, relates to large groups of people who have certain racial, cultural,
religious or other traits in common: Merriam (1950).
Merriam (ibid) defined ethnicity or ethnic group as a category of people
who identify with each other based on common language, ancestral, social,
cultural or national experiences. Unlike most other social groups, ethnicity is
primarily an inherited status. Membership of an ethnic group tends to be defined
by a shared cultural heritage, ancestry, origin, myth, history, homeland,
language or dialect, symbolic systems such as religion, mythology and ritual,
cuisine, dressing style, art and physical appearance.
Faleti (p. 1) further defined ethnic group as a community of people who
share cultural and linguistic characteristics, including history, tradition, myth

30
and origin. By the nature of the concept as understood by Faleti & others, ethnic
groups tend to be divided into ethnic subgroups, which may themselves be or
not be identified as independent ethnic groups. Thus, depending on which
source of group identity is emphasized to define membership, the following
types of (often mutually) overlapping groups can be identified:
Ethno-linguistic: Emphasizing shared language, dialect or Script- example:
Gaels.
Ethno-national: Emphas izing a shared policy or sense of national
identity- example: Iraqis.
Ethno- racial: Emphasizing shared physical appearance based on genetic
origins- example: African Americans.
Ethno-regional: Emphasizing on distinct local sense of belonging,
stemming from relative geographic isolation- example: South Islanders.
Ethno-religious: Emphasizing shared affiliation with a particular religion,
denomination or sect-example: Sikhs: People and Bailey (2010).
The largest ethnic groups in modern times is Han Chinese, which
comprise hundreds of millions of individuals while the smallest are limited to a
few dozen individuals, example-numerous indigenous peoples worldwide: Ibid.
In a different view, Osaghae (2005) defined ethnicity as the employment
or mobilization of ethnic identity or differences to gain advantage in situation
of competition, cooperation or conflict. Thus, ethnicity in this contrary view
ceases to be an inherited status, but rather, a creation of man. Hence, it is
further regarded as an outcome of conscious effort by individuals who are
involved in the task of ethnic manipulation for a known selfish purpose.
Explaining further the varying meaning of ethnicity, Eriksen (2001) stated that
the study of ethnicity had been dominated by two distinct debates: One
between "Primordiallism" and "Instrumentalism" and the other between
"Constructivism" and "Essentialism". According to Eriksen, whereas the
"Primordiallists" hold the view that ethnicity has existed at all times of human
history and that modern ethnic groups have historical continuity into the far
past; and that the idea of ethnicity is closely linked to the idea of nations and is

31
rooted in the pre-Weber understanding of humanity as being divided into
primordially existing groups rooted by kingship, an historical heritage; the
"Instrumentalists" treat ethnicity primarily as an ad-hoc element of a political
strategy, used as a source for interest groups for achieving secondary goals
such as, for instance, an increase in wealth, power or strategy.
Furthermore, he explained that while the "Constructivists" view national
and ethnic identities as the product of historical forces, the "Essentialists" regard
such identities as ontological categories, defining social actor and not the result
of social action.
Consistently speaking therefore, it is overwhelmingly clear that the
concept of ethnicity has dual meanings- a community of people bound by
common ancestry, cultural heritage and language (inherited status), and a man-
made instrument for achieving selfish purposes. Thus, it is the instrumentalist
concept of ethnicity that is regarded by many as one of the factors behind ethnic
conflict: Osaghae (ibid).
THE CONCEPT OF CONFLICT
William (2012) explained that etymologically, the word conflict is
derived from the Latin word, 'Conflictus', past participle of confligere, “to
strike together, be in conflict.”
Harcourt (2002) defined conflict as “a fight, battle, or struggle,
especially a prolonged struggle, strife, discord of action, feeling, or effect,
antagonism, or opposition, as of interests or principles: A conflict of ideas:
Incompatibility or interference in one idea, desire, event or activity with
another.
Lakes and Donald (1996) further regarded conflict as a clash of interest
between and/or among parties, which can occur at the individual, family,
community and beyond community levels.
In his view, the researcher sees conflict as the irreconcilability of
incompatibility between parties over scarce and mutually exclusive interests,
desires, claims, etc.

32
 Given the forgoing, it is explicit that ethnic conflict is a conflict between
ethnic groups.
Thus, ethnic conflicts are man-made, resulting from conditions of
contested claims over access to or control over scarce resources. Thus, the more
the frequency of group and individual interactions in a multi-ethnic society, the
more the likelihood of ethnic conflict: Ibid.
Consistent with the subject matter of this research and having fully and
explicitly explained the concept of ethnicity, ethnic group, conflict and ethnic
conflict, the contributions, explanations, observations and clarifications of
relevant authors shall, at this juncture, hereunder, be examined.
Premium Times (2013) observed that there was a war raging in Nigeria
between the Fulani herdsmen and Tiv farmers of Fulani and Tiv ethnic groups,
a classical multifaceted war; stimulated, driven and fueled by environmental,
political and cultural stressors and that while the conflict between the sedentary
farmers in Nigeria and the Fulani nomadic cattle herders was decades old, the
present escalation into a full-blown war between the Fulani and their Tiv
“Cousins”, is a recent phenomenon, and quite unprecedented, ominous and
deserving attention as harbinger of the bad times, insidiously creeping on all of
us. The Paper further stated that Nigeria was recently designated the world’s 7 th
most terrorized state following the combined effect of ethnic unrests,
particularly the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers crisis, the Niger Delta insurgency
and the radical Boko Haram, which have attracted global attention with their
dramatic kidnappings, strategic bombings, killings and massive destructions.
Further observation had it that the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict
was a rural war, but nonetheless strategic, as Nigeria’s internal hemorrhage,
signaling the painful throes of central government wallowing in corruption,
ignorance and incompetence. And that as ethnic groups critical to Nigeria’s food
security, a war between them would undermine the nation’s food security, if it
lingered much longer; or worse still, since the Muslim were tacitly taking sides
with the Fulani as was the case in Plateau state, that it might be the incendiary

33
point where the Christians in the south might support the Tiv farmers and
Nigeria could go up in flames: Ibid.
Premium Times (ibid) further noted that the cordiality and peace the duo
ethnic groups had enjoyed after the resolution of their bloody conflict in 1989
was broken by the incident of 23rd June, 2001, when one Mr. Iortim Umande,
an unarmed Tiv farmer found Fulani cattle eating up his crops and tried to drag
the cattle away, but the Fulani herder used his sword and killed him. The
resultant reprisals and recriminations led to the Fulani alliances of bloodletting
against the Tiv.
The Paper further observed that the Fulani attack of Tiv farmers on their
ancestral lands had continued sporadically since 2010, but from 2011, assumed
the dimension of a full blown war of aggression against the Tiv in Benue,
Nassarawa, Taraba and Plateau States. It further recorded that the Fulani
attackers had killed and maimed several hundreds of men, women and children,
caused over five thousand people to be refugees in their country, Nigeria, and
sacked fifteen communities in Benue and thirteen in Nasarawa, using their very
sophisticated weapons.

The pictures below show a Fulani herder brandishing his AK47 riffle
and scenes of war between the Fulani herdsmen and Tiv farmers

34
 Premium Times (ibid) further recorded that in February 2011, armed
Fulani herdsmen, between 200-500, sacked three districts in Gwer Local
Government Area of Benue State, unleashing an orgy of violence and killed
scores of people and rendered 20,000 people homeless, as property worth over
hundred million naira was destroyed. It further stated that on March 5, 2012,
scores of Fulani invaders with Ak47, Mark iv and other assault riffles, crossed
river Benue into Benue state, and sacked the Tiv farming community, marching
through Tse Abatse Mbamegh to Tse Joe and killed all men, women and
children in their path, destroyed farmlands, economic crops, burnt down several
houses, food barns and killed domestic animals.
Vanguard (2013) recorded that on Friday 5, July 2013, no fewer than 20
people were killed in an outbreak of conflict between Tiv farmers and nomadic
Fulani herdsmen at Nzorov ward, in Guma Local Government Area of Benue
State. According to the Paper, the entire Nzorov ward, including the house of
former Benue state Head of service, Mr. Mike Iyordye, was razed in Iyordye
Akaahe village by the invaders.

35
 Vanguard (ibid) further recorded an eye witness, the vice chairman of
Guma Local government area who stated thus.
Some armed Fulani herdsmen who were dressed in military
camouflage, had invaded the Tiv village in the afternoon in
the convoy of vehicles from the neighboring Nassarawa
State. They stormed the village when most of our young
men were in the farms, they leveraged on that to burn
down the village, after killing over 50 persons; people
are already fleeing from their villages in search of safe
haven in neighboring villages.

The Paper further reported that few hours after the invasion of Nzorov
ward, the marauders attacked Akuroko Village in Guma LGA and killed 34
persons.

Premium Times (ibid), stated further that the Fulani massacre of Guma,
Makurdi, Gwer and Agatu led to the death of hundreds of people and
displacement of not less than 200,000 people from the four affected areas in
Benue State in March 2013. According to the Paper, Governor Suswan of Benue
state, represented by his Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Mr.
Cletus Akwaya, stated that the attacks were not only targeted to Benue State,
but to all the states sharing boundary with Benue: Nassarawa, Taraba and
Plataeu States and that most of the people who carried out the attacks in Benue
came from Nassarawa State.

Fulani Herdsmen Attack: Nigerian Military talks tough: Ameh(2014).

Premium Times (2014) noted further that early 2014, a meeting was
scheduled to broker peace between the warring ethnic groups in Agasha, Guma
Local Government area, but it suffered setback as suspected Tiv youths invaded
the venue, unleashed terror on the Fulani, killed no fewer than seven and
allegedly removed their vital organs. Consequently, reprisal attacks occurred in
other parts of the State and particularly in Makurdi and Naka in Gwer-West

36
Local Government. In all the attacks, according to the Paper, casualty figures in
human and material resources on both parties were very high, and in confirming
the fact, Haruna Garus Gololo, Secretary, Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders
Association, Benue State chapter stated that the Fulani had so far lost over 500
cows in the crisis with about 320 lives lost, while their members had also fled
the state to other states like Nassarawa, Taraba, Kwara and even Cameroun.
Premium Times (ibid) further reported that in February 2014, it was a
pre-dawn reprisal attack reportedly launched on the village by suspected Fulani
herdsmen in which several houses, including the compound of the Tor-Tiv,
Orchivirigh Dr. Alfred Akawe Torkula were bunt.
Evidently speaking, the Fulani-Tiv onslaught against each other is
effectively recurrent, increasingly sophisticated, fatally ominous, economically
retrogressive and psychologically apprehensive and may threaten the
sovereignty of Nigeria if not properly handled.
Reacting to the above, Premium Times (p. 7) stated:
Today, the Fulani come in Platoons, armed with
Ak47 and Mark IV assault riffles and festooned
with charms. This is no longer the conflict
between herdsmen and farmers. It is war
to acquire territory by a total war; but
much more is at stake.
In supporting the above, Adoyi and Ameh (2014) stated that in a
renewed Fulani herdsmen attack on Benue farme1rs, the former used AK47 and
other assault rifles on the farmers while their opponents carried cutlasses, woods
and other dangerous weapons. See pages 8 and 12.
Adamu (p. 2), observed earlier that the history of human conflict shows
clearly that wars often began from minor personal, sectional, economic,
political, social and even religious disappointments, and that no one must
pretend to be indifferent to the increasing fatal level of ethnic conflicts in
Nigeria, particularly the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers type; because they are
not. He enjoined those states which have not had their convulsions not to

37
deceive themselves into believing that they are immune to it because they are
not.
He further stated that these crises cast a long shadow over Nigeria and
that no part of Nigeria can consider itself safe when other parts are burning.
That the threat of anarchy in any part of our country is the threat of anarchy in
the entire nation. That our nation can develop meaningfully and nurture its
democracy only in peaceful atmosphere in which respect for human lives and
property is a fundamental article of our national faith; and that Nigerians should
be committed to the sustenance of our democracy, and in moving Nigeria
forward in peace and not in pieces.
Campbell & Asch (2013), observed that the British opened tin mines in
the historically Christian area of Jos-Plateau State and invited outsiders to work
therein and different ethnic groups: Fulani (Muslim), Tiv (Christians), Igbos
(Christians) and Yoruba (Religiously mixed) reported and settled therein, in
addition to the indigenous Christian population of Plateau State.
He further noted that in the course of their settlement, the non-indigenes
(non-locals) were accorded limited opportunities unlike the indigenes and that
aggrieved Fulani (Muslim) against the indigenes. Consequently, the British
invoked Union of ethnic groups eventually led to the perennial Tv/Barome
(Plateau)- Hausa/Fulani ((Christians-Muslim) conflicts in Jos since 2001.
According to them, Jos had therefore ceased to be West African paradise
and became a centre for bloody religious riots, ostensibly between Christians
and Muslim, and in 2001, 2008, 2010 and 2011, the riotous situation split the
area and according to the council on Foreign Relationship and Nigerian Security
Tracker (NST), there have been 785 sectarian related deaths in Plateau alone,
between May 29, 2011 and June 30, 2011; while 481 people were killed
between January and June 2013, conservative estimate.
Campbell & Asch (ibid) further stated that subsequent to the arrival of
tin miners, Fulani herdsmen have also been pushing south into Plateau in
search of pasture for their lives stock. Shortage of pasture in their traditional

38
grazing lands farther north, reflect, in part, desertification and creep of the
southern Sahara, as well as brings the herders who are Muslim into direct land
use competition with the Barome and Tiv farmers who are Christians and
owners of the land.
Osadola (2013) noted that the major causes of ethnic violence in Nigeria
are poverty, manipulation, self-determination, deepening crisis, bad governance,
militarized ethnicity, religious and political factors. According to him, the
most-powerful of all the factors, poverty, typified in joblessness, deteriorating
infrastructures, etc. is increasing in alarming proportion, with the resultant
scramble for limited resources, leading to constant individual and ethnic
clashes. Continuing, he said that the multiple indicator cluster survey published
by the federal office of statistics in 1996 revealed that only one in every ten
Nigerians can be described as non-poor. The other 90 percent are described as
either “core poor” or “moderately”. Thus, he described the situation as a harsh
reality of a nation where less than 11 million people can be described as
“living people”, while the remaining 99 million people are best described as the
“living dead”. Explaining the factor of manipulation, Osadola noted that it
provides classic hot beds for ethnic clashes; hence the ruling class consciously
exploits the bane of ethnicism as a means of keeping the working class
permanently divided and diverting their attention away from the real
problems confronting them-the crisis of Nigerian capitalism. And that
manipulation is a conscious policy of the ruling class to continually oppress
and exploit the poor working masses and hold onto power. Furthermore, he
observed that government has failed, refused or neglected to engage a strong
political will to end ethnic clashes in Nigeria, as he stated thus:

The conflict in Plateau State is economic and ethnic

with a religious dimension. With good governance, these
differences could be managed. But, elsewhere
in Nigeria, residents accuse local, and state
government personalities of fanning identity based
39
 divisions to advance their own political agendas.

However, according to him, many people are of the view that

desertification of agrarian lands and destruction of economic crops and their
attendant killings and stealing of cows are the primary causes of Fulani/Tiv
endless crises: (ibid).
Consistently, Premium Times (ibid), reiterated that the Fulani
herdsmen/Tvi farmers conflicts, which almost became history since after the
resolution of the problem of 1989, got renewed in 2001, following the killing by
a Fulani herdsman of a Tiv farmer, Iortim Umande who was driving the
herdsman’s cow away from his farm. The above had caused reprisals against
each other and prompted the Fulani’s alliance for bloodletting against the Tiv.
Premium Times (p.32) reported Haruna Garus Gololo, Secretary,Miyetti
Allah Cattle Breeders Association, Benue state chapter saying:
The Fulani have lost over 500 cows with about 320
lives in the February/March 2014 crisis in Benue,
between the Fulani herdsman and Tiv farmers. Our
members have also fled the state to other states like
Nassarawa, Taraba, Kwara, and even Cameroon. The
situation is getting worse and fighting is still going
on unless we unite and return to the way we were
living.

The Paper also quoted the former Lagos State Police Ccommissioner,
Abubakar Tsav thus:
The Fulani have lost their cows and human beings
just like the Tiv have lost so many people-young and
old-with many houses burnt, including the destruction
of seedlings and farm produce. Our people have
become refugees in their own land. The Fulani own
many cows and they do not play with their cows; once
you do anything to a Fulani man’s cow, he will exact
revenge no matter how long it takes.
And unfortunately, those who are supposed to address
the matter are merely playing ostrich.
Premium Times (2016) noted that militarization and use of sophisticated
arms are the major causes of escalation of the conflict between the warring
40
ethnic groups. According to the Paper, it was very unfortunate that in this 21 st
century when the United Nations had almost succeeded in its disarmament
policy, the Fulani herders still possess the armory that overwhelmed that of
Nigerian Security Agencies. He further lamented that the act was illegal and
called on the Department of Security Service to investigate and bring to book,
the source of procurement of such arms, as well as disarm them in order to
reduce the incidences of fatal ethnic conflicts between the Fulani herders and
Tiv farmers.
Premium Times (ibid) further observed that various opinions concerning
the immediate and remote factors associated with the protracted Fulani/Tiv
Crisis had been raised and that one school of thought held the view that
notwithstanding the earlier cordial relationship between the duo warring ethnic
groups, the Fulani encounter with the lush, green vegetation along the coast of
Benue, though inhabited by their Tiv counterparts, started creating competition.
It also noted that the crisis was equally linked to what a source described
as the ‘gang-up’ of the so-called ‘Kwararafa’ ethnic nationalities who rose up
against the Tiv people during the 2001 crisis in Tsokondi Dstrict of Wukari LGA
of Taraba State, when the Tiv rose up against the Fulani herders, following the
Killing of Iortim Umande, by a Fulani herdsman.
Premium Times (ibid) further observed that another factor remotely
linked to the recurrent Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers crisis is politics, occasioned
by the recruitment of youths as armed thugs by politicians. According to it,
thuggery, said to have permeated into the political fabrics of Benue state
politics, had repositioned the youths into different atrocities like armed robbery
(when they ran out of cash) and hijacking of minor misunderstanding or riotous
assembly for their selfish purposes. The Paper finally noted that it was political
thuggery allegedly carried out at Agena and Agbaaye in Ukum LGA of Benue
state that claimed the lives of fifteen persons, including the lives of the
prominent politician, Wiliki Anyamtsam and the son of the House of Assembly
Hon. Member, Douglas Begha.
41
 Similarly, there are two other remote factors that have effectively induced
the Fulani-Tiv Crisis since 17th Century:
Nehemia and Randall (2000) analyzed them thus: In 1802, a devout and
popular Islamic preacher, teacher, reformist, scholar, Amiral-Muminin
(commander of the faithful in Gudu) and founder of the Sokoto Caliphate,
Usman dan fodio, escaped assassination attempt on his life by his former
Islamic student, Yunfa dan Nafata, ruler and military commander of the Huasa
city state of Gobir (now northern Nigeria) and his Hausa rulers. Thereafter, Dan
Fodio led hundreds of his followers into exile in the western grasslands of
Gudu, where USMAN DAN FODIO “ TURNED FOR HELP TO THE LOCAL FULANI NOMADS”.
Nehemia and Randall (ibid) further noted that in his book, titled Tanbih
al-ikhwan ala ahwal al-Sudan (concerning the government of our country and
neighboring countries in the Sudan”) Usman wrote:
The government of a country is the government of its
king without question. If the king is a Muslim, then the
land (in the country) is of Muslim, if he is an unbeliever,
then the land is a land of unbeliever. In these
circumstances, it is obligatory for anyone to leave the
land for another country.
Usman did exactly this by fleeing from Gobir to Gudu when Hausa ruler,
Yunfa da Nafata became king of Gobir. However, Usman carried out Jihad (holy
war), conquered Gobir, Kano and other Hausa city-States, and established a new
capital at Sokoto and this theocratic State was called Sokoto caliphate (Sokoto
Empire).
A critical analysis of the foregoing paragraphs show:
(a) That the Fulani nomads supported Usman Dan Fodio fully during his
exile at Gudu: Hence the herders are regarded everywhere they are
and operate as strong source of support for Islamic expansion. Thus,
whatever that affects any herder is therefore seen as a general
Fulani/Muslim agenda. Consequently, the herders constantly receive
great support from their corporate bodies and Muslim brothers in

42
 event of any challenge, and hence can easily procure sophisticated
assault rifles.
(b) Furthermore, Usman thought his followers orally and expressly
as contained in his book aforesaid, that the government of a country (the
executive, legislative, judiciary and all their associated ministries and
parastaltals) also belong to the king. And the supreme king a Fulani
man knows and prostrates for is the caliph (the supreme religious and
political leader of an Islamic state known as the caliphate) and the
successor of Mohammad: Word Web (2016)
Proponents of this view therefore hold that the land, which government
holds in trust for the people, also belongs to the king, who the Fulani/Muslim)
believe is the caliph, their leader and father. Hence:
Many radical Muslims believe a caliph will unite all Islamic lands
and people and subjugate the rest of the world: Word Web (ibid).
Thus, according to their belief and teachings, it is wrong for an infidel to
prevent or stop a Fulani herder from grazing his cow on any land of his choice,
as such lands belong to the king ( the caliph).Thus, the aura of impunity and
audacity often displayed/manifested by a Fulani/Muslim herder in the course of
his grazing work is believed to be rooted in their belief and teachings, for
“nemo dat gui non habet”, ( no one gives who possesses not), and one gives
only what one possesses: Leslie and Bone (1993).
Premium Times (ibid) further revealed that another remote factor that
has been linked to the endless Fulani herdsmen/Tiv farmers conflicts is
traceable to the name “Munchi”, which is said to have been given to the Tiv by
his Fulani cousin, when he found out that he had impregnated his wife under his
care. Others however hold the opinion that the name was given to the Tiv
farmer when he consumed the cow given to him to graze, and faced farming. It
is a common knowledge that the Fulani man does not forgive any person who
offended him. Thus, whether the Tiv farmer impregnated the Fulani man's wife
or ate his cow under his care, the Fulani would revenge.
2.1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
43
 Theory is the pathfinder or key to the subject matter of any research
work. It is essentially an analytical tool for highlighting, predicting, describing
and explaining phenomena. The usefulness of theory in research cannot
therefore be over emphasized.
Schafer (1969) defined a theory as an explanation or a set of assumptions
that attempt to explain why or how things are related to each other. According
to him, a theory of conflict or crime attempts to explain why people engage in
conflicts/wars or why or how certain things are related to criminal behavior.
Word Web (2004) explained theory as a coherent statement or a set of
ideas that explains observed facts or phenomena or which sets out the laws and
principles of something known or observed; a hypothesis confirmed by
observation, experiment, etc.
Osuala (2005) noted that theory is a tool used in the analysis of variables
in any research study. Theory is very useful in understanding the innate
attributes in a research-bound activity.
Ademola (2011) defined a theory as an idea or belief about something
arrived at assumption and in some cases, a set of facts, propositions or
principles analyzed in their relation to one another and used especially in
sciences, to explain phenomena. A theory is more than a collection of facts and
for a theory to have value, it must explain or suggest ways of explaining why a
subject matter has certain characteristics. That is, it must have an explanatory,
predictive and problem-solving value and not just an intellectual exercise,
seeking to provide new sets of categories or paradigms. According to Ademola,
the main objective of any theory is to explain something which has occurred
with a view to dealing with problems which arose or may arise as a result.
Some theories have attempted to provide the frameworks for understanding the
causes of conflict, the conditions under which conflicts occur and conditions for
their resolution.
In this research project, the theoretical framework adopted is the Conflict
Theory.
Stark (2007) explained that Conflict theories are perspectives in
sociology and social psychology that emphasize the social, political, or material
inequality of a social group, that critique the broad socio-political system, or
that otherwise detract from structural functionalism and ideological
conservatism. Conflict theories draw attention to power differentials, such as
class conflict, and generally contrast historically dominant ideologies. It is
therefore a macro level analysis of society. Continuing, Stark stated that Karl
Marx is the father of the social conflict theory, which is a component of the four
paradigms of sociology. Certain conflict theories set out to highlight the
ideological aspects inherent in traditional thought. While many of these

44
perspectives hold parallels, conflict theory does not refer to a unified school of
thought, and should not be confused with, for instance, peace and conflict
studies, or any other specific theory of social conflict.
Collins (1994) highlighted that the history of conflict theory can
be traced back to thinkers such as Machiavelli or Thomas Hobbes, both of
whom viewed humanity cynically. In its current form, conflict theory attempts
to refute the functionalist approach, which considers that societies and
organizations function so that each individual and group plays a specific role
like organs in the body. There are radical basic assumptions: Society is eternally
in conflict which might explain social change, or moderate ones like customs
and conflict are always mixed. The moderate version allows for functionalism
to operate as an equally acceptable theory since it would accept that even
negative social institutions play a part in society's self-perpetuation.
Collins further expressed that the essence of conflict theory is best
epitomized by the classic "pyramid structure" in which an elite dictates terms to
the larger masses. All major social structures, laws, and traditions in the society
are designed to support those who have traditionally been in power, or the
groups that are perceived to be superior in the society according to this theory.
Conflict theorists would argue that all groups in society are born from conflict.
An example might be that of labor unions, which are developed to fight for the
interests of workers, whereas trade organizations are made to fight for the
interests of the moneyed classes. This theory of groups is opposed to
functionalism in which each of these groups would play a specific, set role in
society. In functionalism, these groups cooperate to benefit society, whereas in
conflict theory, the groups are in opposition to one another as they seek to better
their masters: Collins (ibid).
The theory can be applied on both the macro level (like the U.S.
government or Soviet- Russia, historically) or the micro level (a church
organization, school, club, community or ethnic groups). In summary, conflict
theory seeks to catalog group antagonisms/conflicts and/or power tussle and
control, Collins (ibid).
Conflict theory was elaborated in the United Kingdom by Max Gluckman
and John Rex, in the United States by Lewis A. Coser, and Randall Collins, and
in Germany by Ralf Dahrendorf, all of them being less or more influenced by
Karl Marx, Ludwig Gumplovicz, Vilfredo Pareto, Georg Simmel, and other
founding fathers of European sociology.

45
 According to Collins, Karl Marx elaborated that the conflict clearly
arises because all things of value to man result from human labor. Marx further
explained that capitalists exploit workers for their labor and do not share the
fruits of these labor equally and that this exploitation is what allows the
owning classes to dominate politically and to impose their ideology on the
workers of the world.
Collins (ibid), explained that of the classical founders of social science,
conflict theory is most commonly associated with Karl Marx (1818–1883).
The conflict theory adopted in this research work is the "KARL
MARX Conflict Theory".

THE YOUNG KARL MARX

46
KARL MARX IN 1875

47
KARL MARX MEMORIAL IN 1883

Memorial to Karl Marx, East Highgate Cemetery, London

after his death on 14 March, 1883 (aged 64 years)

Below
are
the

48
pictures of Karl Marx's close contemporary, collaborator and co- author
on Communist Manifesto of 1848, Friedrich Engels: Born 28 November
1820 and died 5 August 1895 (aged 74).
Friedrich Engels at 25 years of age in 1845.

49
Friedrich Engels in 1877

50
 Marxism

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, his friend, collaborator and co-author on Communist
manifesto-1848

According to Collins (ibid), Karl Marx, (5 May 1818 – 14 March 1883),

was a Prussian-born philosopher, economist, sociologist, journalist, and
revolutionary socialist. Born in Trier to a middle-class family, he later studied
political economy and Hegelian philosophy. As an adult, Marx became stateless
and spent much of his life in London, England, where he continued to develop

51
his thought in collaboration with German thinker, Friedrich Engels and
published various works, the most well-known being the 1848 pamphlet on The
Communist Manifesto. His work has since influenced subsequent intellectual,
economic, and political history.
Marx's theories about society, economics, and politics-collectively
understood as Marxism-hold that human societies develop through class
struggle for limited resources; and in capitalism, which manifests itself in the
conflict between the ruling classes (known as the bourgeoisie) that control the
means of production and working classes (known as the proletariat) that enable
these means by selling their labor for wages. Employing a critical approach
known as historical materialism, Marx predicted that, like previous
socioeconomic systems, capitalism produced internal tensions which would lead
to its self-destruction and replacement by a new system: socialism. For Marx,
class antagonisms under capitalism, owing in part to its instability and crisis-
prone nature, would eventuate the working class' development of class
consciousness, leading to their conquest of political power and eventually, the
establishment of a classless communist society, constituted by a free
association of producers. Marx actively fought for its implementation, arguing
that the working class should carry out organised revolutionary action to topple
capitalism and bring about socio-economic emancipation: Ibid.
BBC News (1999) described Marx as one of the most influential figures
in human history, and that his work has been both lauded and criticized.
His work in economics laid the basis for much of the current
understanding of labor and its relation to capital, and subsequent economic
thought. Many intellectuals, labor unions, artists and political parties worldwide
have been influenced by Marx's work, with many modifying or adapting his
ideas. Marx is typically cited as one of the principal architects of modern social
science: Ibid.
MARX DEFINITION OF CONFLICT THEORY

52
 Smelser (1973) stated that Karl Marx Conflict theory claims society is
in a state of perpetual conflict due to competition for limited resources. It holds
that social order is maintained by domination and power, rather than consensus
and conformity. According to conflict theory, those with wealth and power try to
hold on to it by any means possible, chiefly by suppressing the poor and
powerless.
Breaking down Conflict Theory
Conflict theory has been used to explain a wide range of social
phenomena, including conflicts, wars and revolutions, wealth and poverty,
discrimination and domestic violence. It ascribes to most of the fundamental
developments in human history, such as democracy and civil rights, to
capitalistic attempts to control the masses rather than to a desire for social
order. The theory revolves around concepts of social inequality in the division
of resources and focuses on the conflicts that exist between classes in the
course of control and/or use of the limited resources. Coser (1998) Given the
highlights, it is undoubtedly clear that Karl Marx Conflict theory focuses on two
main ideas: The conflicts, wars, revolutions, etc. that characterize social
groups': Ethnic, regional, sovereign states, etc. competition or desire for limited
resources; as well as applied to explain the conflict between two social classes,
the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, analyzed under capitalistic and socialistic
ideologies.
Marx Class Conflict (Bourgeoisie versus Proletariat)
Between the two main phenomena of Marx conflict theory: The social
conflict following competition for limited resources and class conflict between
the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, Marx focused on the conflict between two
primary classes: The bourgeoisie representing the members of society who
hold the majority of the wealth and means and the proletariat who include
those considered working class or poor. With the rise of capitalism, Marx

53
theorized that the bourgeoisie, a minority within the population, would use
their influence to oppress the proletariat, the majority class: Smelser (ibid).
Coser (ibid) further expressed that according to Karl Marx, the uneven
distribution within conflict theory was predicted to be maintained through
ideological coercion, where the bourgeoisie would force acceptance of the
current conditions by the proletariat. Marx further believed that as the working
class and poor were subjected to worsening conditions, a collective
consciousness would bring the inequality to light and potentially result in
revolt. If conditions were subsequently adjusted to address the concerns of the
proletariat, the conflict circle would eventually not repeat.
According to Collins (ibid), based on a dialectical materialist account of
history, Marxism posited that capitalism, like previous socioeconomic systems,
would inevitably produce internal tensions leading to its own destruction. Marx
ushered in radical change, advocating proletarian revolution and freedom from
the ruling classes. At the same time, Karl Marx was aware that most of the
people living in capitalist societies did not see how the system shaped the
entire operation of society. Just as modern individuals see private property
(and the right to pass that property on to their children) as natural, many of the
members in capitalistic societies see the rich as having earned their wealth
through hard work and education, while seeing the poor as lacking in skill and
initiative. Marx rejected this type of thinking and termed it false consciousness
and saw social problems as the shortcomings of individuals rather than the
flaws of society. Marx wanted to replace this kind of thinking with something
Engels termed class consciousness, the workers' recognition of themselves as a
class unified in opposition to capitalists and ultimately to the capitalist system
itself. In general, Marx wanted the proletarians to rise up against the capitalists
and overthrow the capitalist system.
Marx and Engels (1848) endorsed thus:

54
 The history of all hitherto existing society is the
history of class struggles. Freeman and slave,
patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master
and journeyman, oppressor and oppressed, stood in
constant opposition to one another, carried on an
uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight
that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-
constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin
of the contending classes.
According to Collins (ibid), Karl Marx argued that property is upheld by
the state, making property struggles into political struggles between owners and
renters, capitalists and workers, and other groups. Material conditions determine
the ability of any of these groups to organize effectively, politically. These
material conditions are also what enable one group to propagate their views to
others in society. Because the owners clearly have an advantage in material
wealth, their views are spread more easily.
MARX SOCIAL CONFLICT (GROUPS' COMPETITION ON LIMITED RESOURCES- INDUCED
CONFLICT

Collins (ibid) observed that, Karl Marx, like Machiavelli and Thomas
Hobbs, in his conflict theory, emphasized that individuals and groups function so
that they struggle to maximize their benefits over scarce resources, which action
inevitably results to social change such as conflicts, wars, revolutions, etc.
Agreeing with Marx, C. Wright Mills (2004), regarded and called the founder of
modern conflict theory, held the view that social structures are created through
conflict between people with differing interests and resources. According to
Mills, individuals and resources, in turn, are influenced by these structures and
the unequal distribution of power and resources in the society.

Collins (1975) further stated that in sociology, conflict theory states that
society or an organization functions so that each individual participant and its
groups struggle to maximize their benefits, which inevitably contributes to social

55
change such as political changes and wars and/or revolutions. The theory is
mostly applied to explain conflict between social classes: Organizations, ethnic
groups, proletariat versus bourgeoisie; and in ideologies, such as capitalism
versus socialism.

At this juncture, it should be brought to mind that the scope of this

research work focuses on Benue, Nassarawa, Plateau and Taraba States where
the Tiv farmers have bulk of their farm lands and wherein the Fulani herders
allegedly graze their cows. Samples of populations were practically drawn from
Benue, Nassarawa and Taraba States for experimentation and subsequent
findings and analysis.

It is a common knowledge that the Tiv people depend on agriculture for

commerce and life and have consistently, from time immemorial till date, lived
around riverine areas for rich green vegetation, favorable to agriculture. Thus,
upon leaving Swem in Cameroon, they followed River Katsina-Ala and eventually
settled at the Benue Valley of rich green vegetation and from where they also
spread to other areas with favorable agricultural conditions within the North-
Central, especially Nassarawa, Taraba and Jos. On the other hand, the Fulani
herdsmen, whose population increases as they move from place to place in their
grazing business and who have almost exhausted their traditional grazing sites far
North, have invaded the Tiv's agricultural safe haven in the North Central, in
search of the limited natural resource, the vegetational lands.
This has brought the duo ethnic groups into direct fatal competition for the
limited resource, the rich vegetational lands. The immediate effect of this, all
things being equal, is the destruction of economic crops and the agrarian lands
(scarce resources) of the farmers by the herders and the concomitant ethnic
conflict between the ethnic groups. According to Karl Marx, society is in a state of
perpetual conflict due to competition for limited resources. In this case, the Fulani

56
ethnic group, represented by the herders and the Tiv ethnic group, represented by
the Tiv farmers, are in perpetual conflict due to their constant competition for the
limited vegetational lands in Benue, Nassarawa, Taraba and Plateau States, which
has thrown them and indeed Nigeria, into enormous human, material and
psychological damages. Thus, it is very explicit that the Karl Marx Conflict theory
directly fits into and appropriately applies to the Fulani herders and Tiv farmers
conflict.
The Karl Marx conflict theory is therefore, hereby adopted in this
research work.

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59
 CHAPTER THREE

3.0 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

For the purpose of this study, primary and secondary data were used. A
certain amount of caution was taken throughout this survey so as to ensure an
accurate overall result. Reasonable efforts were also made to obtain information
from the right people or respondents of the relevant and concerned communities
and such respondents were drawn from various categories of the people so as to
guarantee a balanced representation of information.
The following research procedures were adopted:
3.1 Research Design
3.2 Description of the Study Area
3.3 Population of the Study
3.4 Sample Size
3.5 Research Instrument
3.6 Validity and Reliability of Instrument
3.7 Administration of the Instrument
3.8 Method of Data Analysis
3.1 Research Design,
According to Hopwood (2012), the research design refers to the structure
of any scientific work. It gives direction and systematizes the research. Different
types of research designs have different advantages and disadvantages. Thus, it
is the overall strategy that you choose to integrate the different components of
the study in a coherent and logical way, thereby, ensuring you will effectively
address the research problem; it constitutes the blueprint for the collection,
measurement, and analysis of data. Thus, research design is a framework or plan
that is used as a guide in the collection and analysis of data for the study.
The survey research design was adopted in the study. The plan was to
obtain first-hand information through the questionnaire from selected Fulani-TV
crises areas.
3.2 Description of the Study Area

60
 The area of this study will cover the local government areas of Agatu,
Guma, Gwer East, Gwer west and Makurdi of Benue state; Awe, Doma, Keana,
Lafia and Obi of Nasarawa State; and Takun and Wukari of Taraba State, which
were among the major crises-prone areas of the Fulani-Tiv wars.
3.3 Population of the study
The target population was the dwellers of the local government areas in
Benue, Nasarawa and Taraba States which communities were more directly
prone to and affected by the Fulani/Tiv crises. From the researcher’s findings,
the local government areas are: Agatu, Guma, Gwer East, Gwer West and
Makuridi from Benue State; Awe, Doma, Keana, Lafia and Obi from Nasarawa
State and Takun and Wukari from Taraba State.
3.4 Sample Size
A sample size of 120 persons were drawn from each local government
area. The local governments, arranged alphabetically with their populations, are shown in the table
below:

S/N LOCAL GOVERNMENT POPULATION

1 Agatu 115597
2 Awe 112574
3 Doma 139607
4 Guma 194164
5 Gwer East 168660
6 Gwer West 122313
7 Keana 79253
8 Lafia 330712
9 Makurdi 300377
10 Obi 148874
11 Takun 134576
12 Wukari 238283
SOURCE: 2006 Population Census, Federal Republic of Nigeria, National
Bureau of Statistics.
3.5 Research Instrument.
The research instrument adopted here was the questionnaire and ten
questionnaires were raised for each local government area, making a total of
one hundred and twenty questionnaires.
3.6 Validity and Reliability of the Instrument.

61
 In formulating the research instrument, efforts were made to ensure that
the questionnaire contains the right questions of what is supposed to measure
and logically reflective of what is being studied. After developing the
instrument, it was presented to the supervisor and two other experts for
scholarly input and advice. Similarly, a pilot study was conducted on a small
sample of 30 respondents drawn from the communities.
3.7 Administration of the Instrument
The administration of the instrument (questionnaire) was carried out by
the researcher who distributed copies to the selected dwellers in the 12 LGAs.
Ten (10) questionnaires were distributed in each of the 12 local government
areas as earlier stated.
The reason for the exercise was clearly explained to the local
government staff (respondents). Out of the 120 copies of questionnaires
administered, 100 were properly filled and returned to the researcher. The
expected information supplied was gathered as the required data for the
analysis and test of the hypotheses formulated
3.8 Method of Data Analysis
The data collected were analyzed through the use of tables, percentages
and a comprehensive analysis. The chi-square statistical tool was used in testing

the hypotheses. The chi-square is represented by a Greek letter ( ). It can be

used for several variables. The purpose of this testing is to determine how well
an observed set of data fit into expected set. The formula is as follows:
=  (0-E)2
E
Where = chi-square
0 =- observed frequency
E = expected frequency
The degrees of freedom (df) is computed thus: df = (r – 1) (c – 1)
Where r = number of rows in the table
C = number of columns in the table

62
The test of hypothesis with a statistical technique which involves establishing a
significant level of this research study is carried out under 0.05 level of
significance.
Decision rule
Accept Ho (null hypothesis), if chi-square calculated is less than chi-square
tabulated.
Accept Hi (alternative hypothesis), if chi-square calculated is greater than chi-
square tabulated .
Reject Ho, if chi-square calculated is less than or equal to chi-square tabulated.
Reject Hi, if chi-square tabulated is greater than chi-squarer calculated.

References
HOPWOOD, N. (2012), An Approach to Research Methodology,
https//:nickhop.wordpress.com
POPULATION CENSUS (2006), Federal Republic of Nigeria National
Bureau of Statistics

63
 CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 DATA PRESENTATION, FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS
Data presentation , analysis and interpretations
In this chapter, the researcher presented tabular data gathered by the way of
questionnaire administration, analyzed using the chi–square and the results
Interpreted.
4.1 Data Presentation
Out of hundred and twenty questionnaires distributed, hundred were duly
completed and returned. These completed and returned questionnaires formed
the basis of our discussion.
Section A : General
Table 4.1.1 Sex Distribution of Respondents

OPTION NO OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Male 67 67%
FEMALE 33 33%
TOTAL 100 100%
Table 4.1.1. shows that 67 responses, representing 67% of the respondents were
males, while 33 responses, representing 33% of the respondents were females.
Table 4.1.2 Age Distribution of Respondents

OPTION NO OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Below 20 years 34 34%
20-30 years 50 50%
Above 30 years 16 16%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.1.2. shows that 34 responses, representing 34% of the respondents were
below 20 years of age, 50 responses, representing 50% were between 20-30
years of age, while 16 responses, representing 16% were above 30 years of age,

Table 4.1.3. Educational Qualification of respondents

OPTION NO Of RESPONSES OF RESPONDENTS

First degree/ equivalent 58 58%
Below first degree 25 25%
Above first 17 17%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.1.3 shows that 58 responses, representing 58% of the respondents held
1st degree, 25 responses, representing 25% of the respondents held qualifications
64
below 1st degree, while 17 responses, representing 17% of the respondents held
qualifications above first degree.
Table 4.1.4 Marital Status of Respondents

OPTION NO OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Single 66 66%
Married 34 34%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.1.4 shows that 66 responses, representing 66% of the respondents were
single, while 34 responses, representing 34% of the respondents were married.
4.2 Research Findings
RESPONSES FROM QUESTIONS RAISED FROM QUESTIONNAIRES
Question 1: Does the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict depend on the
rearing of cattle by herdsmen on the Tiv farmers' farm lands?
TABLE 4.2.1 Responses to Question 1

OPTION NO OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Yes 90 90%
No 10 10%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.1. shows that 90 responses, representing 90% of the respondents were
of the opinion that the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict depends on the
rearing of cattle by herdsmen on the Tiv farmers' farm lands, while 10% of the
respondents held a contrary view.
Question 2: Do the cattle destroy the crops in the farm lands while grazing?
Table 4.2.2
Table 4.2.2: Responses to Question 2

OPTION NO OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Yes 90 90%
No 10 10%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.2 shows that 90 responses, representing 90% of the respondents
believed that the cows destroyed the Tiv farmers' economic crops while grazing,
while 10% believed that the cows did not destroy the crops as grazing went on.
Question 3: If yes, do the Fulani herdsmen compensate the Tiv farmers for the
destruction of their crops by their cattle?
Table 4.2.3: Responses to Question 3
65
OPTION NO OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDNTS
Yes 8 8%
No 92 92%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.3 shows that 8% of the respondents were of the opinion that the
herders paid compensation to the farmers for the destruction of their crops by
their cattle, while 92% of the respondents agreed that the Fulani herders did not
compensate the Tiv farmers for the destruction of their crops by their cattle.
Question 4: Do the Tiv farmers fight the herdsmen and/ or kill their cattle for
destroying their economic crops and agrarian lands?
Responses to Question 4

OPTION NO OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Yes 92 92%
No 8 8%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.4 show that 92 responses, representing 92% of the respondents agreed
that the Tiv farmers fought the herdsmen and also killed their cattle for
destroying their crops and agrarian lands, while 8% of the respondents held a
contrary view.
Question 5: Does the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict depend on the
Federal Government lukewarm attitude to the problem?
Table 4.2.5 Responses to Question 5

OPTION No OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Yes 87 87%
No 13 13%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.5 shows that 87% of the respondents agreed that the Fulani herdsmen-
Tiv farmers conflict depends on the federal Government lukewarm attitude to
the problem, while 13% of the respondents were of contrary opinion.
Question 6: Does the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict depend on other
factors like poverty, illiteracy, ethnicity, etc.
Table 4.2.6. Responses to Question 6

OPTION No OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Yes 83 83%
66
No 17 17%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.6. shows that 83 responses, representing 83% of the respondents
believed that the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict depends on other factors
like poverty, illiteracy, ethnicity etc, while 17% of the respondents held the
opposite view.
Question 7: Does the conflict between the ethnic groups cause fear on the
residents of the affected communities, local governments and states?
Table 4.2.7: Responses to Question 7

OPTION NO OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Yes 85 85%
No 15 15%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.7. show that 85 responses, representing 85% of the respondents
agreed that the conflict between the ethnic groups caused fear on the residents
of the affected communities, local governments and states, while 15 % of the
respondents disagreed with this position?
Question 8: Has the conflict discouraged local and foreign investments in the
affected local governments and states?
Table 4.2.8: Responses to Question 8

OPTION NO Of RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS

Yes 82 82%
No 18 18%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.8. shows that 82 responses, representing 82% of the respondents
believed that the conflict actually severed local and foreign investments in the
affected local governments and states, while 18% of the respondents held a
contrary view.
Question 9: Does the ethnic conflict have adverse effect on the economy of the
affected local governments and states?

Table 4.2.9: Reponses to Question 9

67
OPTION No OF RESPONSES % OF RESPONDENTS
Yes 80 80%
No 20 20%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.9 shows that 80 responses, representing 80% of the respondents held
the opinion that the ethnic conflict had adverse effect on the economies of the
affected local governments and states, while 20% of the respondents held a
contrary view.
Question 10: Has the ethnic conflict contributed to insecurity and dwindled
economy in Nigeria.
Table 4.2.10 Responses is Question 10

OPTION NO Of RESPONSES %OF RESPONDENTS

Yes 70 70%
No 30 30%
Total 100 100%
Table 4.2.10 shows that 70 responses, representing 70% of the respondents
supported the view that the ethnic conflict contributed to insecurity and
dwindled economy in Nigeria, while 30% of the respondents maintained a
contrary opinion .
4.3 Data Analysis
SUMMARY OF RESPONSES FROM THE RESEARCH
QUESTIONNAIRES

Question Yes No Total

1 90 10 100
2 90 10 100
3 8 92 100
4 92 8 100
5 87 13 100

68
6 83 17 100
7 85 15 100
8 82 18 100
9 80 20 100
10 70 30 100
Total 767 233 1000

Does reaction to the questions appear to be influenced by sex, age,

qualifications and marital status?
Ho: Opinion is not dependent of sex, age, qualifications and marital status.
Hi: Opinion is not independent of sex, age, qualification and marital status.
The Expected frequencies are computed using
Eji = Row total x column total
Grand total
Where: E = expected frequency
i = ith row
j = jth column

E 11 = 100 X 767 = 76.7

1000
E12 = 100 X 233 = 23.3
1000
E21 = 100 X 767 = 76.7
1000
E22 = 100 X 233 = 23.3
1000
E31 = 100 X 767 = 76.7
1000
E32 = 100 X 233 = 23.3
1000
E41 = 100 X 767 =76.7
1000
E42 = 100 X 233 = 23.3
1000
E51 = 100 X 767 = 76.7
69
 1000
E52 = 100 X 233 = 23.3
1000
E61 = 100 X 767 = 76.7
1000
E62 = 100 X 233 =23.3
1000
E71 = 100 X 76.7 = 76.7
1000
E72 = 100 X 23.3 = 23.3
1000
E81 = 100 X 76.7= 76.7
1000
E82 = 100 X 23.3= 23.3
1000
E91 = 100 X 76.7 = 76.7
1000
E92 = 100 X 23.3 = 23.3
1000
E101 = 100 X 767 = 76.7
1000
E102 = 100 X 23.3 = 23.3
1000
The Test Statistic is

2
= 

X2= + + + +

+ + + + +

70
 + + + + +

+ + + +

= 2.306 + 7.592 + 2.306 + 7.592

+ 61.534 + 202.562 + 3.052 + 10.047
+ 1.383 + 4.553+ 0.518 + 1.703
+0.898 + 2.957 + 0.367 + 1.206
+ 0.142 +0.467 + 0.585 + 1.927
= 19.796 + 277.195 + 8.157 + 5.428 + 3.121
= 313.697
2
= 313.697

2
Thus, calculated = 313.697
Degrees of freedom = (r – 1) (c – 1)
df = (10 – 1) (2 – 1) = 9x1 = 9
Critical value: = 0.05
The values along the degrees of freedom 9 and critical value 0.05 on the chi-
square table is 16. 919 (tabulated value)
2
Thus tabulated = 16.919.

2 2
Thus, calculated is greater than tabulated ie. 313.697 > 16.919.

2 2
Conclusion: Since calculated is greater than tabulated, ie. 313.697 >

16.919, we reject the Null hypothesis, Ho and accept the alternative hypothesis
Hi, which implied that “the conflict between the Fulani herdsmen and Tiv
farmers depends on the herdsmen’s grazing on the Tiv farmers farm lands,
which destroy their economic crops and agrarian lands, as well as the Federal
Government lukewarm attitude to the problem and other factors like poverty,
71
illiteracy, ethnicity, etc. This compelled the Tiv farmers to attack the herders and
even killed some of their cows and subsequently gave rise to attacks and
reprisal attacks.

This opinion is not independent of Sex, Age, education and marriage.

CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
The primary aim of this study was to establish the causes and resolution
to the perennial conflict between the Fulani herdsmen and Tiv farmers, with a
view to providing lasting solution to the problem. To realize this purpose, two
hypotheses were formulated and questionnaire instrument adopted, covering
relevant possible causes of the conflict and effective solution measures.
Twelve most affected local governments in the conflict in Benue, Nasarawa and
Taraba States constituted the population, from where 120 persons were sampled
for the statistical analysis. The statistical technique employed was the chi-
square. The result of the statistical analysis revealed that the conflict between
the Fulani herdsmen men and Tiv farmers was dependent on:
1. The herdsmen’s grazing on the Tiv .farmers’ farm lands which destroy
their economic crops and agrarian lands and
2. The federal government lukewarm attitude to the problem and other
factors like poverty ,illiteracy, ethnicity, etc.
Based on the findings of this study, it is overwhelmingly conclusive that
the immediate cause of crises between the duo ethnic groups is the illegal and
destructive grazing . Appreciating the fact that cattle rearing and farming are the
two main occupations of the two warring ethnic groups, the two occupations

72
should be meant to thrive simultaneously at different areas and locations, as
none is superior to or more important than the other.
Consequently, the two occupations should be carried out as recommended
in this chapter.

5.1 RECOMMENDATIONS
As the findings have implicated illegal and destructive grazing, Federal
Government non-challance, poverty, illiteracy, ethnicity, etc. the following
guided recommendations are hereunder proffered:
1. The herders should acquire grazing sites from land owners for the grazing
of their cattle.
2. Movement of cattle should be restricted to the grazing zone. Where such
movement is inevitable, in the case of buying and selling or relocation,
such cattle should be carried with trucks.
3. Nigerians should be given orientation to shun acts of disunity, religious
intolerance, tribalism and nepotism and imbibe the doctrine/spirit of
respect for rule of law, constituted government authorities and equality of
all human persons before God and the Law.
4. The herdsmen and indeed any individual person in Nigeria, in possession
of assault rifles and other prohibited arms, should be disarmed and
prosecuted together with their suppliers, to act as a deterrent to other
intending acquirers.
5. Security Agents should inspect grazing sites regularly to ensure
compliance of paragraph “4”.
6. There should be quarterly meetings between the host communities and
herders, to be facilitated by the Police, assisted by other security agencies
and the local governments, to broker peaceful co-existence and cordial
relationship between the host communities and herders.
7. Host communities should embrace herdsmen as their visitors and/ or
fellow Nigerians and accord them the deserved traditional and divine

73
 hospitality; and at the same time, report the herdsmen's misconduct or
encroachment into their farm lands to the appropriate authorities for
necessary action.
8. Cattle owners, Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association and top/
influential Muslims should constantly advise the herders to shun violence
and live peacefully with their host communities; and any herders who
engage in violent conflict with their host communities will be punished
accordingly and their grazing sites permanently closed and forfeited.
9. The herders should not harbor strange or foreign elements in their camps
and intruders should be reported to the Police for necessary action.
10. The federal government should develop strong political will, adopt the
above suggested regulatory measures as a policy construct and enforce
them without fear or favor.
11. The Federal Government should also embark upon people- oriented
welfare programs by creating employment for young school leaves,
giving free education, and improving on provision of relevant social
amenities that will reduce poverty in Nigeria to a reasonable level.
12. The Federal/State Governments should close unnecessary/unproductive
political offices and appointments and channel the funds meant for such
purposes to the welfare of the citizenry, to reduce poverty and youth
restiveness in Nigeria.

74
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APPENDIECES
APPENDIX 1
LETTER OF INTRODUCTION
Dear Sir/Madam/Miss.,
I am a student of National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), Owerri
Study Centre, engaged in a research project, titled, "Causes and Resolution of
Ethnic Conflict: A Critical Analysis of Fulani Herdsmen-Tiv Farmers Conflict,
2010- 2014.
As part of the requirements for researcher's award of Master of Science
Degree in Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution, this study is basically an
academic exercise which seeks to highlight the causes of the ethnic conflict and
79
proffer solution to forestall future occurrence. The researcher is therefore
interested in ensuring ethnic peaceful cohesion and cordiality in Nigeria, which
will make for peaceful co-existence and economic development in the country.
You have therefore, respectfully been selected to assist in answering all
the questions after reading the instructions. Above all, information/answers
supplied by you in respect of the questions shall be treated with utmost
confidentially.

Yours Sincerely

………………........
Onyeulor R. Abii

APPENDIX II
Questionnaires
Instructions
Tick ( ) against the response you consider appropriate and applicable to your
independent
 judgment and provide answers to others that have no suggested
alternatives.
Section A: Personal Data

1. Age:
i) Below 20 years
ii) 20 – 30 years
iii) Above 30 years
2. Sex
i) Male
ii) Female
3. Education
i) Below First Degree
ii) First Degree
iii) Above first degree

4. Marital Status
80
 i) Single
ii) Married

Section B

1. Does the conflict between the Fulani herdsmen and Tiv farmers depend
on the rearing of cattle by herdsmen on the Tiv farmers farm lands?
(i)Yes (ii) No

2. Do the cattle destroy the crops in the farm lands while grazing?
(i)Yes (ii) No

3. If yes, do the Fulani herdsmen compensate the Tiv farmers for the
destruction of the crops by their cattle?
(i)Yes (ii) No

4. Do the Tiv farmers fight the Fulani herdsmen and/ or kill their cattle for
destroying their economic crops and agrarian lands?
(i)Yes (ii) No

5. Does the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict depend on the Federal

Government lukewarm attitude to the problem?
(i)Yes (ii) No

6. Does the Fulani herdsmen-Tiv farmers conflict depend on other factors

like poverty, illiteracy, ethnicity, etc.
(i)Yes (ii) No

7. Does the conflict between the duo ethnic groups cause fear on the
residents of the affected communities, Local Government and States?
(i)Yes (ii) No
8. Has the conflict discouraged Local and Foreign investments in the
affected Local Governments and Sates?
(i)Yes (ii) No
81
9. Does the ethnic conflict have adverse effect on the economy of the
affected Local Governments and States?
(i)Yes (ii) No

10.Has the ethnic conflict contributed to insecurity and dwindled economy in

Nigeria?
(i)Yes (ii) No

82