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Vietnam War Movies

Representations of a Controversial War

From CHINA GATE (1957) to RESCUE DAWN (2006).

Samuel Fuller’s CHINA GATE (1957)

Werner Herzog’s RESCUE DAWN (2006)

Name: Bart van Tricht


Student number: 0162914
Course: Master Thesis
Master: American Studies (AMS)
Advisor: prof. dr. Maarten van Rossem
Date: 10/07/2008.
Table of Contents

Introduction ................................................................................................................. 3
Relevant Facts about the Vietnam War ................................................................... 9

Chapter I: Popular Culture and American Studies.................................................... 11

Chapter II: Representations....................................................................................... 14

Chapter III: Before the Vietnam War Movies........................................................... 22

Chapter IV: The Vietnam War Movies..................................................................... 31


From CHINA GATE (1957) to APOCALYPSE NOW (1979)...................................... 34
From John Rambo to BORN ON THE FOURTH OF JULY (1989) .............................. 47
From the Nineties into the 21st Century ................................................................ 64
WE WERE SOLDIERS (2002) and PATH TO WAR (2002)........................................ 69

Chapter V: RESCUE DAWN (2006), a Short Narrative Analysis ............................... 79

Conclusion................................................................................................................. 87

Bibliography.............................................................................................................. 93
Vietnam War Movies (sorted by year) .................................................................. 97
Documentaries ....................................................................................................... 98
Television Programs.............................................................................................. 98
Internet Sources ..................................................................................................... 99

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Introduction

A lot of mainstream Hollywood movies have been made about World War II and the Vietnam

War; some were created during, but a whole lot more were made in the many years following

these wars. But whereas World War II has been generally portrayed as ‘a good war’ which

ridded the nation of ‘economic and social ills,’1 the Vietnam War has a different legacy. It left

the US with a national trauma resulting from different factors, most obviously its painful

defeat and many casualties, but also America’s (publicized) war crimes, such as the My Lai

massacre.2 Moreover, this war laid bear some of the internal divisions in American society -

patriarchal, racial, and economic divisions, to name a few- and resulted in a reassessment of

the public’s belief in America as the undefeatable moral leader of the world. Put in stronger

terms, America lost its innocence as well as its ‘heroic self-image’ as a result of this war.3

As Liberal Arts professor Gordon Arnold argued in an article on his book The Afterlife

of America’s War in Vietnam (2006): “[…] the repeated incarnations of the war in politics and

on screen are part of the continuing nation’s efforts to come to terms with disillusionment and

disappointments from the conflict.”4 With that in mind the importance of studying these

movies becomes clear. It is a way to get a better insight into this tumultuous era in American

history; an era which not only gave us a war in the distant land of Vietnam, but also showed

us America’s internal problems, something we can still learn from. The first thing that comes

to mind is America’s current involvement in Iraq, which raises some similar questions. For

example, questions about America’s right to interfere in another country’s affairs; questions

about the tremendous amount of money which America could have used to take care of its

own domestic issues; as well as questions about the many (American) casualties.

1
Michael C.C. Adams, The Best War Ever: America and World War II (Baltimore 1994)
2
Albert Auster and Leonard Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 35.
3
Mitchell K. Hall, “Preface,” in: Crossroads: American popular culture and the Vietnam generation (Lanham
2005)
4
Gordon Arnold, “The Strange afterlife of the Vietnam War” (21-08-2006) on: hnn.us/articles/28641.html

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Nevertheless, it is also clear that there are some big differences between the Vietnam War and

America’s current endeavor in Iraq. But these dissimilarities put aside, we are left with some

comparable issues, among which are the political negligence concerning returning veterans;5

America’s ever growing deficit; the difficulty to fight against an unconventional enemy; the

role of the press; and the negative public opinion, to name a few. Although the latter is

nothing compared to the anti-war demonstrations in the sixties.

Scholars, like those of the 1988 Boston conference with the title “The War Film:

Contexts and Images,”6 seem to collectively agree that it is important to know more about the

filmic representations of this conflict. This opinion seems to be shared by most of the

essayists in the anthologies From Hanoi to Hollywood. The Vietnam War in American Film

(1990) and Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (1991), as well as by the

authors of the filmic overviews How the War Was Remembered (1988) and Vietnam at 24

Frames a Second (1999). In one way or another, they generally argue that these movies can

be used to contribute to the “[…] ongoing national effort to retrieve and assimilate this

chapter in […] [America’s] recent history.”7 Overall, filmic representations of this war can be

read in different ways and a new perspective can “[…] result in a fuller understanding of the

past and positive action in the future.”8 This is also one of the main reasons why this thesis

will further address these movies.

When you look at American libraries it becomes very clear that a great deal has been

written about the Vietnam War and the different movies that represent it. Movies are a way

into the war itself, but also a way to find out more about a nation’s collective memory on such

an important issue. Especially in the late eighties and nineties many articles and books have

been published on the subject, apparently by then the time was ripe to delve deeper into this

5
Dan Lohaus (dir.) VPRO’s Import: WHEN I CAME HOME (documentary; USA 2006).
6
Ditmar and Michaud, From Hanoi to Hollywood. The Vietnam War in American Film (New Brunswick 1990)
xi.
7
Ibidem, xi.
8
Ibidem.

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traumatic ordeal. As a result we are presented with an in-depth view of Vietnam War films

and especially the changes that have occurred in their themes and narrative, their filmic

‘development’ so to speak. This will also be the primary focus of this master thesis. More

accurately put, I will explore the various themes, narratives, characters, and topics, as well as

the way these films represent social circumstances, politics, veterans, the Vietnamese, and

combat, etcetera. Additionally, it is also interesting and important to determine how they

portray the war (e.g. positively or negatively); what kind of things have made an impact on

their narrative; what their cinematic style is; as well as how and why all these things might

have changed over time.9

Unfortunately not every decade has brought many films on the subject, which results

in a bigger focus on specific periods of time. For example, whereas the late seventies and the

eighties have brought us many different filmic representations of the war, not that many films

have been made since the early nineties. Nevertheless, four rather mainstream Hollywood

movies have been released since the start of the 21st century, namely TIGERLAND (2000), WE

WERE SOLDIERS (2002), PATH TO WAR (2002) and RESCUE DAWN (2006). Unfortunately,

most of the research on this topic has been written in the late twentieth century, and as a result

there is not as much scholarly research on these contemporary representations of the conflict.

Therefore, these movies will be addressed in some detail at the end of chapter four: “The

Vietnam War Movies.” Furthermore, the last of these movies, namely Werner Herzog’s

RESCUE DAWN, will be used as a case study in the final chapter. All with the intention to find

out more about contemporary Vietnam War films and if their representation of the conflict is

any different from those made at an earlier time.

In short, I will address some of the major ‘trends’ and ‘changes’ within the narrative,

themes, and style of mainstream Hollywood films that directly represent the Vietnam War.

9
David Bordwell and Kristin Thompson, Film Art: An Introduction (New York 2001)

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In addition, questions as to how and why specific movies represent the conflict in a particular

way, will be thoroughly dealt with as well. In order to distinguish between the different topics

and decades of filmmaking this thesis is divided into five chapters as well as numerous

paragraphs. The first chapter addresses the importance of popular culture to the discipline of

American Studies. The latter of which is the scholarly perspective from which this master

thesis has been written, and subsequently explains the focus on American society through the

lens of popular culture, more specifically film. The second chapter will deal with

representations and how they shape the way we look at the world in general and Vietnam War

movies in particular. Followed by the third chapter, which will address the Second World War

and its influence on the Vietnam War movies, as well as differences and similarities between

their representations. As mentioned above, the last two chapters concentrate on the Vietnam

War movies and Werner Herzog’s RESCUE DAWN, in that order. Finally, this master thesis

will end with a conclusion, in which my findings on approximately fifty years of Vietnam

films (1957-2006) will be summarized.

But whatever the following chapters might argue about these ‘historical films,’ it must

be clear that they can not be equated with the kind of research historians usually do, though

they are important in their own right. On this note, Robert A. Rosenstone, the writer of

Visions of the Past, most eloquently posed that:

Film changes the rules of the historical game, insisting on its own sort of truths,

truths which arise from a visual and aural realm that is difficult to capture

adequately in words. This new historical past on film is potentially much more

complex than any written text, for on the screen, several things can occur

simultaneously –image, sound, language, even text- elements that support and

work against each other to render a realm of meaning as different from written

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history as written was from oral history. So different that it allows one to

speculate that the visual media may represent a major shift in consciousness

about how we think about our past.10

In a somewhat broader sense the next chapter will discuss the use of popular culture for

scholarly research from the perspective of American Studies, which will address its value and

importance, though from a different angle than Rosenstone did here.

On a final note, the fact did not elude me that this research has some serious

limitations. First of all, the choice of movies, which are used in this research, is arbitrary.

Although they are primarily chosen because of their popularity and their ‘status’ as (largely)

mainstream Hollywood productions, other (smaller) independent productions could have been

used as well. Nevertheless, because the former have a larger audience, I like to think that they

contributed more to the formation of a collective memory of the war.

A second limitation lies with the difference in interpretation of the medium of film, as

is the case with almost every cultural source we deal with. But it is especially complicated

when dealing with movies which are complex, multi-layered, and might be read in various

ways, also think of their diverging images, sound(s), metaphors, and message(s), etcetera. It is

impossible to remain objective while analyzing these films, you always bring ‘yourself’ –e.g.

your personal experiences- to the table. But obviously this is the case with any cultural

theorist or historian for that matter, it is impossible to find an objective truth. Nevertheless,

being aware of our limitations might help us to come closer to this ultimate goal.

Thirdly, on a similar note, there is the danger of overanalyzing these films, which

might lead to interpretations that sustain your direct argument. In other words, a self-fulfilling

prophecy might occur. Fourthly, this research lacks a more in-depth analysis of outside

10
Robert A. Rosenstone, Visions of the Past. The Challenge of Film to Our Idea of History (Cambridge 1995)
15.

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influences on the production of these films. Although, some political, societal, and economic

stimuli are taken into account, the restrictions on the length of this thesis made a more

extensive research rather difficult. As a result the main focus lies with analyzing the movies’

narratives and much less with factors like the production or the political context.

Fifthly, when doing this kind of research you risk judging these movies merely on how

accurately they portray the war. However, it is not quite fair to judge filmic representations on

their historical correctness, because “all history is a construction not a reflection.”11

Moreover, it is impossible to know what exactly happened in the past. Consequently, my

research is not focused on this kind of historical accuracy, but it does try to uncover which

aspects of the war are represented, which are absent, and what the main focus of these films

is. When addressing these issues, the (current) discourse on the war is the primary backdrop to

assess its degree of ‘realism’12 against. Differently put, it is more about how ‘complete’ and

multi-layered a certain representation of the war is, without primarily focusing on questions

about historical accuracy. It is more important to what degree they depict both sides of the

conflict; if there is a political context; how the soldiers are portrayed; and finally, what goal

this all serves within the movies themselves, etcetera.

This brings me to the final limitation of this thesis, which is the lack of a description of

the war itself. The fact that most of these films do not represent the history of the war except

for some random facts and situations, has contributed to my choice not to address the war in

this (historical) way. Nevertheless, I acknowledge that some historical facts have to be given

as a sort of context for my analysis. Therefore, a short paragraph will now follow with some

relevant, though arbitrarily chosen, facts about the Vietnam War.

11
Ibidem, 11.
12
But what is realism exactly? It is impossible to give one conclusive definition, because it is all a matter of
conventions and perception. Therefore, the words ‘realism’ and ‘realistic’ will be placed between apostrophes
throughout this master thesis.

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Relevant Facts about the Vietnam War

The Vietnam War –or Vietnam conflict–13 has no clearly designated starting date, but it is

apparent that, especially since the end of Second World War, the French –with their colonial

aspirations in Indo-China– have interfered in the economic, political, and military affairs of

Vietnam and subsequently stirred up latent hostilities (the First Indochina War). Moreover,

since that time, different Vietnamese groups have been struggling for control over the

country; during this civil war the Vietminh also met the French in battle more than once. But

in 1955, after the Geneva Conference (1954), the French government finally ‘agreed’ to

withdraw all its military troops from South Vietnam. Nevertheless, the situation quickly

deteriorated when the two military zones of North and South Vietnam, respectively lead by

the communist Ho Chi Minh (in Hanoi) and the Roman Catholic Ngo Dinh Diem (in Saigon),

could not come to any agreement about elections or reunification. In 1960 the communist

guerilla group the National Liberation Front (NLF) or Vietcong (VC) was founded, which

opted for total political control over Vietnam. These Vietcong would become America’s most

recognizable enemy in Southern Vietnam.14 15

Successive US governments looked with fear at the rise of communism in Vietnam,

but at first America’s support did not go much farther than sending over a few thousand

military advisors. But everything changed after the alleged attacks on the USS Maddox and

Joy Turner, which resulted in the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution in 1964. Escalation of the

conflict started in the first few months of 1965, when President Lyndon B. Johnson ordered to

dispatch troops to help the Republic of Vietnam fight the communist Democratic Republic of

Vietnam. Arguably this is when ‘the American War’ really started. From that moment on an

increasing number of US troops were sent to the front –up to half a million in 1968- to fight a

13
A.U. “The Vietnam War,” on: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnam_War (2008).
14
A.U. “Vietnam. Geschiedenis,” in: Microsoft Encarta. Winkler Prins Editie (NL) (2002).
15
A.U. “The Vietnam War,” on: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnam_War (2008).

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ground war, while other areas of Vietnam were heavily bombed from the air. Even though

America put a lot of effort and resources in this conflict, the war ended in a total disillusion,

with approximately 58.000 US fatalities, many more wounded, and no victory. The US never

seemed to be able to give the North Vietnamese a decisive blow and left the war after a treaty

was signed on January 23, 1973. Nonetheless, Saigon was conquered by communist troops on

April 30, 1975, which emphasized America’s utter defeat.16 17 18


Furthermore, the impact of

the war on American society was also deeply felt, people even speak of the trauma of

Vietnam. Not only the vast number of casualties, but also America’s political, moral (e.g. US

war crimes), and financial (budget deficit) defeat contributed to this powerful sentiment.

16
Ibidem.
17
A.U. “The Vietnam War,” on: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnam_War (2008).
18
Mary Beth Norton, David Katz and David Blight (et al.) “Chapter 31: Disaster and Détente: The Cold War,
Vietnam, and The Third World,” in: A People and a Nation. A History of the United States (Boston 2001) 890-
901.

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Chapter I: Popular Culture and American Studies 19

Since the nineteen fifties and sixties American Studies has encountered a broadening of the

source material used within its scholarly discipline. A ‘shift’ has taken place from mostly

(canonical) literature to the inclusion of popular culture in the broadest sense of the word.

Examples of popular culture are movies, magazines, popular music, comic books, all kinds of

television programs, novels, but also types of poetry and art, etcetera. In the words of

Americanist Paul Lauter, all these sources are considered to be ‘cultural texts’20 and are

therefore worth analyzing. Most Americanists argue that these ‘cultural texts,’ such as the

movies on the Vietnam War, can be used to learn more about American culture in general.

More specifically, they claim that different marginalized groups, such as the Vietnam War

veterans, and current and past issues in American society, like the national trauma resulting

from the war, can be analyzed through them. In this master thesis the main focus lies on

getting a better understanding of these filmic representations of the war and of their narrative

characteristics, from the first (1957) to the last film (2006). The argument that the use of

popular culture within this kind of research can give valuable insights into culture and society

will be more thoroughly explained during the remainder of this chapter.

The ‘Introduction’ of The Greenwood Guide to American Popular Culture, written by

cultural theorist M. Thomas Inge, gives us a very good overview of the advantages of the use

of popular culture when examining American culture. Inge argues that “[…] scholarly study

in this area helps modern society understand itself better and provides new methods of

bringing to bear on contemporary problems […].”21 This clearly collaborates with the idea

19
Based on: Bart van Tricht, “Take-Home Exam; question 3,” essay for: Introduction to American Studies
(Utrecht University 08-11-2006)
20
Paul Lauter, “Reconfiguring Academic Disciplines: The emergence of American Studies” in: From Walden
Pond to Jurassic Park: Activism, Culture & American Studies (Durham 2001) 12.
21
M. Thomas Inge, ‘Introduction,’ in: M. Thomas Inge & Dennis Hall (eds.) The Greenwood Guide to American
Popular Culture. I (London) xvii.

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that studying Vietnam War films can tell us something about American society, for instance

its willingness to deal with tough questions about the conflict.

Moreover, popular culture is not an exclusive term like ‘high culture’, which is

(sometimes) designated as culture for the social and intellectual elite.22 As a result it can be

described as Ray B. Browne did, namely as “[…] all experiences in life shared by people in

common, generally though not necessarily disseminated by the mass media,”23 or as

Americanist Michael J. Bell argued, that is as a “[…] culture of mass appeal. A creation is

popular when it is created to respond to the experiences and values of the majority […]”,

when they have easy access to it, and it can be understood without any special knowledge.24

Movies, and especially ‘historical films’ like those about the Vietnam War, are good

examples of this. They are primarily made to appeal to the general public by providing

entertainment, but simultaneously they can also reflect certain political currents, the public

opinion, as well as (central) issues within society. But how and whether this is done

intentionally depends on the sort of film, the filmmakers, but also on the studio, the investors,

etcetera.

The conclusion stands, popular culture –which some still designate as ‘low culture’-

can be an interesting and useful source to research the traditions, beliefs, attitudes, issues and

values within society, both of the past and the present. The fact that popular culture does not

exclude groups from participating, like it is embedded in the term ‘high culture,’ makes it a

lot more ‘democratic,’ resulting in a more diverse look on society. Furthermore, both Inge and

Lawrence Levine25 argue that this difference between ‘high’ and ‘low’ culture is artificially

created in the past. In addition, they argue that there is no real distinction, only American

culture. Nonetheless, the distinction was made and for a long time scholars especially used

22
Lawrence Levine, High Brow/Low Brow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge 1988)
23
Ibidem, xviii.
24
Ibidem, xix.
25
Lawrence Levine, High Brow/Low Brow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge
1988).

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‘high culture’, with sources like canonical literature and high art. This approach took only

some privileged intellectuals to ‘represent’ and reflect on society, which subsequently meant

that only a small part of the nation was considered.

(New) Americanists on the other hand perceive the US as being pluralistic, diverse,

multicultural, and with many, sometimes excluded voices. Their use of sources by and for the

common person includes the largest part of society and can therefore be very helpful to get to

America’s national identity and everything that is part of it.26 As Inge argues: “Americans in

particular should study popular arts to understand themselves better,”27 which can also be said

about the Vietnam War movies. But bear in mind that these films are merely representations,

which can never totally grasp the reality of what it tries to represent. Therefore the following

chapter will discuss how these representations work.

26
Neil Campbell and Alasdair Kean, American Cultural Studies. An introduction to American culture (New
York 2006).
27
M. Thomas Inge, ‘Introduction,’ in: M. Thomas Inge & Dennis Hall (eds.) The Greenwood Guide to American
Popular Culture. I (London) xviii.

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Chapter II: Representations 28

Beginning with the ideas and theories of philosophers like Plato and Aristotle representations

have become an important part of understanding communication and language.29 But the

question remains how they really work. First of all, it is important to understand the

significance and theoretical mechanism of representations in general and of filmic

representations in particular. Most people have seen many movies and within them are

cultural representations of social groups, like women, ethnic minorities, or even soldiers and

veterans, as well as ‘situations’ like war. In The Matter of Images, cultural theorist Richard

Dyer describes that these cultural representations are important for the way in which these

groups (and situations) are treated in everyday life. He argues most clearly that how we are

treated comes from how we are seen; and this can also be said in relation to how we treat

others: it all comes from representation.30 For instance, in mainstream Hollywood productions

like THE DEER HUNTER (1978) and APOCALYPSE NOW (1979), where both the war and the

soldiers are represented, their representation largely contributes to how they are perceived and

subsequently how these soldiers are treated by the general public. The same can be said about

the way war itself is represented. It has the involuntary effect of influencing our perception of

the world. This is just one reason why it is relevant to analyze the filmic representations of the

Vietnam War.

Another significant aspect of representation is the fact that it is a way to look at reality,

but it is not reality itself. In other words, while ‘using’ representations, no objectivity is

possible. Dani Cavallaro’s argument in his article “Representation” is that:

28
Based on: Bart van Tricht, “Rendering Whiteness Strange,” essay for: Topics in American Diversity (Utrecht
University 19-02-2007)
29
A.U., “Representation (arts),” on: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Representation_%28arts%29 (2008)
30
Richard Dyer, The Matter of Images: Essays on Representations (London & New York 1993) 1.

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We do not perceive the world as it is but rather as mediated by various filters

and channels: forms of language and forms of interpretation that do not mirror

the world but actually construct it, thereby perpetuating or challenging its

ideologies.31

In the various movies on the Vietnam War, I argue, it is more about perpetuating society’s

ideologies than it is about challenging them. This means that it appears that these films would

directly address the hardships of the war and the national trauma that resulted from it, and to

some degree they do. Nevertheless, the filmmakers remained rather conservative in their

message; used familiar codes and conventions; and avoided most of the hard questions

coming from the war. As a result the true issues -like what went wrong, who failed, and what

lessons should be learned from it- were never truly addressed and subsequently the nation was

wrongfully reassured that it could go about its business. It is important to uncover these hard

questions in order to move forward as a nation, but obviously Hollywood also thought of the

potential risks to their investments and decided to take a more conservative course of action.

However this is not always a conscious choice of the filmmakers.

Differently put, when looking at representations in these mainstream Hollywood

movies, it is important to consider the fact that most of them, at least to some extent, have

(unintentionally) subscribed to the dominant discourses and the overarching dominant

ideology in society. But although these discourses might be getting closer to a true assessment

of the conflict –whatever that might be– for the most part they still evade the issues that might

open up the nation’s wounds any further, and in this way the status-quo in society is ensured

as well.32

31
Dani Cavallaro, Critical Cultural Theory (London 2001) 48.
32
Neil Campbell and Alasdair Kean, American Cultural Studies. An introduction to American culture (New
York 2006) 15-16.

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In this context, it is important to recognize that we all unconsciously use “[…] codes and

conventions of the available cultural forms of presentation”,33 thereby limiting our perception.

Nevertheless, these cultural expressions can be interpreted in different ways, by different

people, using the cultural codes they have access to.34 In general movies will always have

different voices, but the research of cultural theorists Stuart Hall and Ien Ang adds that its

viewers will most likely have differing interpretations of them as well. Hall came to this

conclusion through the use of his ‘encoding-decoding model’ which explains how people

interpret various media texts,35 while Ang utilized the ‘active audience theory.’ In addition,

especially Ang argues that someone’s interpretation depends on different factors, such as the

social background and current socio-economic situation.36 Resulting from these varying

interpretations, a conclusive statement coming from any media text is hard to be made.

But still, representations cannot mean anything we want them to, because the power

relations of representation are also important. Cultural Studies and American Studies utilize a

theory of power relations, which poses that dominant groups in society –particularly white

affluent males– have ‘control’ over society’s representations, and they benefit the most by

maintaining its status-quo –the culture’s dominant ideology.37 38 As a result the insights these

mainstream films present to the audience generally lack the provocative vigor e.g. cultural

theorists hope for. From this train of thought, we can conclude that multiple readings of the

mainstream films are possible, but that power relations obscure its potential to offer the

audience more complex and arguably more complete representations. Applied to the Vietnam

War movies, we do not see much of America’s political decision making, nor do we see much

of how scandals are dealt with (like the My Lai massacre), or how the Vietnamese deal with
33
Richard Dyer, The Matter of Images: Essays on Representations (London & New York 1993) 2.
34
Ibidem.
35
Stuart Hall, Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse (University of Birmingham 1973)
36
Ien Ang, “The nature of the audience,” in: J. Downing, A. Mohammadi and A. Sreberny-Mohammadi (eds.)
Questioning the media. A critical introduction. (Londen 1995) 207-220.
37
Richard Dyer, The Matter of Images: Essays on Representations (London & New York 1993) 2.
38
Neil Campbell and Alasdair Kean, American Cultural Studies. An introduction to American culture (New
York 2006) 15-16.

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the war. In the end it might just be the problem of combining popular culture and politics,

which resulted in the mainstream pictures Hollywood produced so far.39

In the anthology Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television one of the questions

is why this war is so much associated with and represented through the medium of film.40 One

of the answers its editor Michael Anderegg gives is that, up to that moment, it “[…] was the

most visually represented war in history”,41 which subsequently led to a lot of movies on the

subject. This highly televised war was brought to most people as a “video-audio construct”42

and the footage it used gave the American public a sense of “immediacy and intensity.”43 It

was a new way of dealing with this kind of conflicts, which was very different from the way

World War II was represented in the media, but obviously this was a different kind of war

altogether.44

In the ‘Introduction’ of Inventing Vietnam it is made perfectly clear that the films about

the Vietnam War are fictional representations, which attempt to reenact the immediacy, the

‘crazed energy,’ and the ‘stylistic roughness,’45 which could also be found in the televised

newsreels during the conflict. Different reasons are furthermore given to explain why these

filmic representations are more fiction than reality. Besides the previously mentioned fact that

they are visual constructs, it is also important to keep in mind that most of the bigger

productions are made a long time after the war ended, starting at the end of the 1970s but

continuing well into the present. This time to reconcile could have contributed to a completer

image but this is not generally the case here. They are merely ‘mediations,’ ‘explications,’ and

thematic inventions of America’s involvement in the war, again without dealing too much

with a lot of the difficult questions coming from it, such as insights into the complexities of

39
Mitchell K. Hall, Crossroads: American popular culture and the Vietnam generation (Lanham 2005)
40
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 2.
41
Ibidem.
42
Ibidem.
43
Ibidem.
44
Ibidem 2-3.
45
Ibidem, 2.

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political and military decisions, or insight into the hearts and minds of the Vietnamese, neither

Southern nor Northern. But this issue will be dealt with more thoroughly in the next chapters.

A third point that is given by Michael Anderegg, as to the complexity of these filmic

representations, is the fact that these films have a so-called ‘art status.’ This does not always

leave enough room for a well informed message about the war and sometimes even puts e.g.

philosophic contemplations ahead of more serious issues. Moreover, Anderegg also goes into

the concept of discourses. He argues that these films represent ‘multiple voices’ reflecting the

different and (ever)changing discourses -or discussions- of the time these films were shot. As

a result of the latter, the writers of Inventing Vietnam make it clear that these Vietnam War

movies can also be seen as “barometers of current attitudes”,46 so they do not necessarily

portray history or memory for that matter.

Furthermore, Thomas J. Slater argues in his essay “Teaching Vietnam: The Politics of

Documentary,”47 that documentary films about the war are no less an invention than their

fictional counterparts. In both cases the actual reality of the war is hard to represent, which is

actually an intrinsic part of representations in general, that is to say you can never get the

entire picture, because reality is much too complex and multi-faceted. Consequently, there can

never be one conclusive or “definitive statement on the war [either].”48 Like Michael

Anderegg concludes in his “Introduction”, this war is represented in very different ways in

various media, such as film; they use very different constructions of the same conflict; and

“[…] no construction of the Vietnam War can be anything more than a highly limited facet of

a many-surfaced object.”49 In other words, these representations only give partial and even

strongly fictionalized accounts of the events that took place. Nevertheless, Anderegg argues

46
Ibidem, 4.
47
Thomas J. Slater, “Teaching Vietnam: The Politics of Documentary,” in: Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) Inventing
Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 269-290.
48
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) “Introduction,” in: Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television
(Philadelphia 1991) 13.
49
Ibidem, 13-14.

18
that the discourses surrounding these various representations, as well as the representations

themselves, can be very interesting when dealing with the reality and myths surrounding this

war.50

Film and history scholar Philip Rosen also states that historical movies generally do not

give an accurate image of historical events. In his book Change Mummified. Cinema,

Historicity, Theory51 it is explained that there is nothing settled among historians. This is

especially true when it comes to portraying historical events in movies, in general, there are

only contradictory claims on what is a true story. As a result, it is also not clear how e.g. the

Vietnam War should be portrayed. In addition, within historical movies itself it is difficult to

maintain the referentiality and indexicality of the images to the historical events without

fictionalizing it too much, which obviously is impossible to avoid entirely. Nevertheless, there

are some ‘tricks’ to increase the historical feel of the movie, for instance by relaying parts of

the film through authentic footage or by stating that it is based on a true story.

When looking at historical films Rosen sees two important elements which seem to be in

continuous conflict, namely the ‘reality-effect’ and the ‘spectacle.’52 The latter of which

typically diminishes the former because it adds a sort of show element to the film, which

contributes to its fictionalization. Examples of this ‘spectacle’ element are excessive action

sequences, huge battle scenes, but also scenes of a smaller scale, all aiming to amaze and

entertain the audience. But although these elements of fiction are an intrinsic part of film, it

does not necessarily mean there is not anything historical about them, because the filmmakers

can also attempt to enhance the ‘reality-effect,’ e.g. with the help of historical advisors.

Furthermore, Rosen makes it clear that historical films can be both indexical as well as adding

to the past, for which he uses the terms ‘preservation’ and ‘restoration,’ in that order.53

50
Ibidem.
51
Philip Rosen, Change Mummified. Cinema, Historicity, Theory (London 2001)
52
Ibidem, 184-196.
53
Ibidem, 43-88.

19
Moreover, he states that they will always have things missing, which he describes as a gap

between likeness and being, diegesis and document. But this is where the spectatorial

knowledge comes in, which Rosen describes as the audience’s ability to understand this gap

between ‘spectacle’ and ‘reality-effect,’ likeness and being, belief and knowledge;54 the image

as diegesis and the image as original document.55 But unfortunately not everyone is as capable

of distinguishing between them. In the case of Vietnam War movies it might even prove to be

especially difficult, because of the many different ways in which the war has been represented

over the years, resulting in the public’s splintered perception of the conflict.

In conclusion, within these representations, there is never one story to be found, not even

in the same year or film for that matter, nor is there a conclusive statement to be made about

the war. With the information of this chapter in mind, the next two chapters will deal with

what led up to the Vietnam War movies and with these movies themselves.

54
Ibidem, 195.
55
Ibidem, 182.

20
Two scenes from SANDS OF IWO JIMA (1949).

D-Day, in THE LONGEST DAY (1962).

The Allied troops, in THE LONGEST DAY (1962).

21
Chapter III: Before the Vietnam War Movies

Ever since the end of the First and Second World War, many movies have been made about

these conflicts. Especially World War II movies have remained incredibly popular all over the

world, and a lot of them have even been elevated to the status of film classic. Think of films

like SANDS OF IWO JIMA (1949), STALAG 17 (1953), THE BRIDGE ON THE RIVER KWAI (1957),

THE LONGEST DAY (1962), THE GREAT ESCAPE (1963), THE BATTLE OF THE BULGE (1965),

PATTON (1970), THE EAGLE HAS LANDED (1976), but also SAVING PRIVATE RYAN (1998),

THE THIN RED LINE (1998), FLAGS OF OUR FATHERS (2006) and LETTERS FROM IWO JIMA

(2006). Obviously filmmakers looked at their success formula(s) when making films about the

Vietnam War; because why would you change something that has proven its value?

With that in mind, this chapter’s primary aim is to uncover the similarities, as well as

the differences, between these mainstream World War II movies and the Vietnam War films

that followed. More specifically, their narrative(structure), characters, themes, and overall

portrayal of these conflicts, will be carefully analyzed and compared.

On the other hand, apart from their representation in films, it is also important to

emphasize the different ways in which these wars are perceived in general, because this

influences these movies just as much as the other way around. Therefore, this more general

issue will be carefully addressed as well. However, the focus will not lie on the more obvious

dissimilarities between the two wars, such as difference in scale, political reasoning, enemies,

and type of warfare. Instead, it will address the issue of mythmaking about World War II and

how this relates to the (representations of) Vietnam War.

The Best War Ever: America and World War II (1993), written by military historian

Michael C.C. Adams, deals with the mythologizing of World War II. Adams tries to show us

that World War II has been depicted as a war which was essentially good versus evil. Good

being the Allied forces, with the United States at its centre, and especially bad being the

22
Nazis, the Italian fascists, and the Japanese aggressor. The Allied forces were saving the

world from this malevolence; they were virtuous, had God on their side, and were victorious

in the end, making the world safe again. This fairytale version of history is obviously

exaggerated and hopefully every clear-thinking person would know not to believe in such a

one-sided and extreme portrayal of the war. Nonetheless, Adams does argue that it has been

portrayed, and subsequently perceived, as ‘a good war’ in popular imagination, especially

catered by different media, such as books, literature, television shows, and of course movies.56

As was argued in the chapter on representation, movies are a very popular way to represent

war and to show its characteristics to the general public, but each representation is also just an

interpretative perspective which can be far from ‘the truth.’ So it is clearly erroneous to get

your understanding of a war primarily from these kinds of depictions, especially when they

persist in an act of mythologizing.

This mythologized portrayal of World War II is what Adams tries to debunk. He

argues it is dangerous to think that war cures America’s social ills and subsequently makes the

country stronger, a message often utilized in these films. According to Adams America was

not the perfect force in the war it wants us –especially Americans- to believe. To make his

case he gives us three main reasons to rethink America’s role in World War II.57 First of all,

he brings forth the fact that the US only entered the war after the Japanese attack on Pearl

Harbor (07-12-1941). Before this attack they tried to stay out of the conflict and even dealt

with Hitler through the politics of appeasement; but in their defense, the latter was done by

other nations as well. Nevertheless, this first example shows a less righteous side of the US,

with a much more reluctant posture towards fighting a malevolent threat to the world.

Secondly, the deterrence of Japan failed just as much. Third of all, it was not that much of a

56
It is important to understand that Adams writes primarily about the way Americans perceive World War II, so
it is not about the European perception of it. His argument is relevant because the movies on the subject were
primarily produced by and for Americans and are subsequently invested with the mythologized imagery.
57
Michael C.C. Adams, The Best War Ever: America and World War II (Baltimore 1994) 1-90.

23
heroic or mobile war as often suggested, e.g. in the movies. Fourthly, the US did not win this

war by themselves, even though they sometimes seem to believe they did. Furthermore, the

US army was not the internally coherent force it was generally thought to be. Instead, army

censorship tried to hide its internal segregation (e.g. racial), among other things. Moreover,

many returning veterans had obtained serious physical and mental injuries, which made it

hard for them to reintegrate into society, but this was generally not the image that was shown

to the outside world. Finally, a lot of (military and political) ‘mistakes’ were made as well,

some of which we would now consider to be war crimes. Most significantly, the

(fire)bombings of many major cities in Germany and Japan, which killed countless innocent

civilians; as well as the nuclear bombs dropped on Nagasaki and Hiroshima. Even with only a

few of these examples in mind, it starts to become clear why World War II was not the great

war Americans were made to believe. On this note Adams also states that:

When nostalgia drives us to depict war as a golden age in our cultural

development, a time of unending cheerful production, team spirit, prosperity,

and patriotism, we trivialize the event by slighting the real suffering that took

place. And we lose sight of the fact that war is inherently destructive - wasteful

of human and natural resources, disruptive of normal social development. We

risk initiating human catastrophes in the questionable belief that history shows

wars will cure our social problems and make us feel strong again.58

After demythologizing the depiction of the Second World War it appears to be more

similar to the overall portrayal of the Vietnam War than was clear before hand; for most

Americans that is. In other words, ‘the good war’ and ‘the bad war’ seem really not that

58
Michael C.C. Adams, The Best War Ever: America and World War II (Baltimore 1994)

24
different from each other, because ‘the good war’ also has some characteristics of ‘a bad war.’

On the other hand, do not all wars look alike in this respect, because which war is all good? Is

it not just ‘reality’ that war is intrinsically horrific? As a result, can we then argue that the

representations of the Vietnam War are less mythologized because they do portray more of

war’s ugly side? Or is the mythologizing just less obvious in their representations? These

particular issues will be dealt with later on; for now the representations of the conflicts will be

compared without paying much attention to mythmaking. As a result both wars will be

analyzed in the form of their -possibly mythologized- filmic representations.

It is a fact that, although these two wars might be similar in some ways, their

representations differ significantly. For example, US soldiers and veterans from the Vietnam

War are generally portrayed with much more ambivalence than their counterparts from World

War II. In addition, they are not necessarily the heroes you might expect when you are used to

the codes and conventions of World War II films. Furthermore, in a fair amount of Vietnam

War movies they do show US atrocities and (war) crimes, although the extent differs from

case to case. Moreover, they also portray the war within a political vacuum, neither depicting

political or military decision making, nor ‘the bigger picture.’ And finally, they generally

reveal more physical plus mental suffering of US soldiers than World War II movies usually

did. On this note, Adams also states the following:

Although we know that many Vietnam War veterans suffer post-traumatic

stress disorder, it is commonly believed that nearly all World War II veterans

adjusted quickly and easily. After all, they fought the Good War. Vietnam was

the bad war, in which American troops caught in an ugly situation, committed

acts that later disturbed them.59

59
Ibidem, xiii-xiv.

25
Again these examples make clear that there are differences between the filmic

representations of these two wars. Nevertheless, the filmmakers also used some codes and

conventions of the World War II movies. They utilized elements like their narrative structure,

stereotypes, and themes, because this was the only way they knew how to successfully

represent a war on the silver screen. Obviously some creativity had to be used to pull this of,

because mainstream Hollywood filmmakers could not produce the same kind of pictures as

they did before, Vietnam seemed to different. They were largely compelled to portray

Vietnam conform its bad war image, which was the dominant discourse and therefore the

public’s main understanding of the conflict. Therefore, they (sometimes) subtly adjusted these

codes and conventions in order to fit the narrative they required. A narrative about a war

which left America with a deeply felt trauma. But which codes and conventions could they

really use? In other words, what was so typical about these World War II movies?

The movies about World War II, that were made during the first couple of decades

after the war, are known to have various characteristics.60 First of all, they generally demonize

the enemy, in this case especially the Nazis and the Japanese. Secondly, they emphasize the

heroics of American soldiers, as was argued before. Thirdly, patriotism is one of the major

elements in most of them; and ‘finally,’ they usually end on a very optimistic note. Clearly

most of these features can be found in films about both wars, although the extent and the way

in which they are utilized are not necessarily the same. Differently put, when representing war

in mainstream films the themes are generally rather similar, only the emphasize on and

explanation of these topics can differ significantly.

In this context, it might not sound coincidental that a great deal of these World War II

movies portray some form of antiwar sentiments or pacifism for that matter. This even goes

60
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 1-12.

26
back to films about the First World War, for instance Lewis Milestone’s ALL QUIET ON THE

WESTERN FRONT (1930). Some of them even go further and do not only give us an ambiguous

perspective on the war –such as pacifism versus the heroics and glory of war- but also show

the horrible nature of war itself, without (m)any heroism or glorifying elements. Furthermore,

they painfully portray the helplessness of the soldiers in combat as well as the hardships they

have to endure, which can result in symptoms like battle fatigue and shell shock.61 So, the

Vietnam War movies do not only borrow codes and conventions which focus on glorifying

the war and its heroics. But, to some extent, they could also expand on the already existing,

though a lot less explicit, negative ideas about war.

Now the question remains where particular images of these wars actually come from.

For example, are the images of World War II rooted in something fundamental, such as

American nationalism or even exceptionalism? Moreover, is this really what the average

American believes about the war, or is it the result of propaganda and (the lack of) access to

information orchestrated by the government? But then, how did the true experience of soldiers

get erased? Why and how are the bad sides of the war forgotten? For instance, was the

wartime experience washed out of America’s memory by nostalgia and euphoria? Is it a result

of the victorious ‘culture’ that emerged afterwards; was there no room for it; or where there

other things going on?

Not all these questions can be answered here. However, it is clear that government

propaganda and censorship played an important role in the mythologizing of World War II,62

while the media –especially television- had a significant part in the public’s understanding of

Vietnam. The former carefully regulated every piece of information, while the latter gave a

more in-your-face and open depiction of the conflict, which subsequently implies fuller access

to what was going on. Their respective influences might have resulted in the different ways in

61
Ibidem, 1-4.
62
Michael C.C. Adams, The Best War Ever: America and World War II (Baltimore 1994) 9-10, 73-75, 130.

27
which these wars were portrayed in movies. For instance, blurring public understanding of

what happened on the battlefront during World War II, especially concerning American

soldiers.

On the other hand, Adams also argues that Americans were not so unaware of what

was ‘really’ going on the battlefront during this war. Therefore, understanding was not

directly the problem, but the ‘language’ of the war was. In other words, the adequate tools

were not available to address the Second World War’s peculiarities. Though with the

availability of such a ‘language’ it would become easier to deal with the battlefront

experiences which soldiers brought back to America. However this ‘language’ only came to

overtly emerge and be actively used during and directly after the Vietnam War. At first only

shell shock was part of the vocabulary (World War I), followed by battle fatigue (World War

II), and then finally by post-traumatic stress disorder or PTSD (Vietnam War), which gave a

completer picture of wartime experiences.63 This evolving discourse made it possible to

address different parts of war giving filmmakers new options. So, generally speaking,

Vietnam War movies were able to use a different ‘language’ or vocabulary to address the

specifics of war, such as the hardships on the battlefield. Things that were more difficult to

portray in World War II movies, also because of ‘the good war’ image linked to them.

Moreover, the fact that the victors write the history books and therefore shape our

understanding of the past as they see fit, gives us another reason why the Vietnam War was

represented differently in movies than World War II. Another reason is the fact that a lot of

propaganda could be used during World War II –helped by the lack of independent media–

which made it easier to portray it as ‘a good war.’64 This was especially different during the

Vietnam War. Of course, the major problem concerning the representation of Vietnam was

the fact it was a lost and unconventional war (guerilla tactics), which made it harder to

63
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 1-4.
64
Ibidem.

28
represent. Though, the real issue was the fact it was televised nationwide, with all its madness,

which helped to make people aware of everything that was wrong with this war. All of which

was not the case with the Second World War, which seemed to have more positive effects on

the nation (e.g. economically), or at least that is what people want(ed) to believe. The latter

might also have been the reason why many World War II movies could be released during the

sixties and most of the seventies, while the studios did not want to burn their hands on direct

representations of the Vietnam War.65

Maybe the government pressured the studios, but it is more likely that they did not

want to risk losing money over something as controversial. Nevertheless, it is clear that the

codes and conventions from World War II movies were used when Vietnam was dealt with

more directly –starting in the late seventies. But as we will see in the following chapter, this

could not be entirely done in the same way as before. Most movies seem to struggle with a

way to portray this very complex and in many ways eventful conflict. Therefore, the

filmmakers had to come up with some ‘new’ themes and characters or adjust some of the old

ones, such as the frontier myth, captivity story, and the western theme, or the wounded-

veterans, supermen, hunter-heroes and survivors.66 They will all be dealt with more

thoroughly in the next chapter.

65
Ibidem, 22.
66
Ibidem, 23-130.

29
A scene from BRIDGE ON THE RIVER KWAI (1957).

Blowing up the bridge, in BRIDGE ON THE RIVER KWAI (1957).

English POWs in BRIDGE ON THE RIVER KWAI (1957).

30
Chapter IV: The Vietnam War Movies

The first mainstream Vietnam War films were made in a time that the US was in the middle

of a popular culture revolution (1950-1980). Back then films generally addressed and

reflected on American social values and issues, inspired by rock ‘n roll, the sexual revolution,

sports, the counterculture, the Civil Rights movements, riots, feminism, environmentalists,

and naturally the Vietnam War itself. They appeared to break through barriers, but

nevertheless attempted to maintain the status quo in society. The latter means that they

addressed the issues but still generally steered clear of (overtly) challenging society’s

previously established norms and values.67

Also, during this time, the youth became the most important economic market;

suspicion of the government rose as a result of Vietnam and the Watergate scandal (1972);

with the coming of blockbusters in the mid-seventies, the movie industry climbed out of a

recession; and finally, new movie genres became mainstream.68 Subsequently, these particular

developments opened up new options for the production and distribution of more

‘controversial’ films. Though, as it was just argued, this happened neither as abrupt as it

might have seemed, nor were these movies truly that controversial in nature. For example,

when talking about the Vietnam War, they still remained evasive of the war’s ‘true’ content.

Even though its representations did become more upfront overtime, and the American public

became more accepting to depict the war as a major (political) mistake, too much negativity

remained largely undesirable.69 In other words, there was a consensus that it had been a

mistake, but it did not go much deeper than that. There was no (public) consensus on what

really went wrong or how this could have happened; so what should be the content of these

Vietnam War movies? How should they represent this conflict?

67
Mitchell K. Hall, Crossroads: American popular culture and the Vietnam generation (Lanham 2005) 204-206.
68
Ibidem, 142-148.
69
Ibidem, 181.

31
Although these movies were not really made with the goal of educating the public in

mind, the lessons of the war do matter, particularly because these are the issues (themes)

filmmakers generally focus on. This is especially the case in Hollywood where they are

experts on making films with morally tinted messages, ranging from highly critical to

valorizing or even redemptive for that matter.

Scholars seem to agree that there are three main levels from which the lessons of

Vietnam can be learned. First of all, the national level, with the so-called Vietnam Syndrome

influencing public opinion as well as policymaking and more. Secondly, the institutional

level, with different sometimes contradicting lessons, for instance within the US military. The

primary question is how to deal with the legacy of the war, which also involves the power of

the presidency and of Congress. And finally, the personal level; approximately 2.5 million

Americans went there and many of those who came back were extremely traumatized (PTSD)

and unable to reintegrate into society. Moreover, it also influenced the people who stayed at

home, such as their families and friends, as well as the society as a whole.70 But this does not

say anything about what the lessons really are and it even seems that consensus on this part of

the issue is still hard to find. For different reasons Hollywood seems to give its own spin to it,

how and why this was done will be the main focus of the remainder of this chapter.

In his foreword in Jeremy M. Devine’s book Vietnam at 24 Frames a Second, Thomas

Schatz gives us a glimpse of how this spin is given. Here he most eloquently poses that:

The war film is utterly unique among movie genres. No other film formula

adheres so closely to “real” historical conditions and events. No other fictional

form intermingles so freely with news, documentary, and other nonfiction

depictions of those same conditions and events. No other form of popular

70
Beerd Beukenhorst (UvA), Lecture on “The Main Lessons of the Vietnam War.” Sources by Vietnam
researcher M.B. Young (Amerikanistendag 2008 University of Nijmegen).

32
entertainment is so patently political and ideological, underscoring

Hollywood’s role as a “national cinema” in representing the collective

consciousness of a people-tangle of beliefs, values, and attitudes that can

compel a nation to wage war. […] In no other genre, in fact, are the nation’s

history and mythology so dynamically fused [emphasis added].71

To come back to the subject of the first chapter, Schatz’s argument is the main reason

why the study of this form of popular culture is so important. It is clear that these films are

closely related to what is going on in the hearts and minds of Americans as well as in society

in general, which they –according to Schatz- combine with familiar imagery from the nation’s

mythology. In addition, looking at these movies is of importance because this war had a

particularly devastating impact on the country at large, namely: “America’s loss of innocence,

its abuse of power on a global scale, and the social divisions that only grew worse in the face

of a national crisis.”72 By analyzing the different filmic expressions of the war, we might get a

better understanding of how the American people ‘processed’ it. The next paragraph will deal

with these questions, regarding the Vietnam War movies made from the late fifties until the

late seventies.

71
Thomas Schatz, “Foreword: The Vietnam War Film: America’s Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder,” in: Jeremy
M. Devine, Vietnam at 24 Frames a Second (University of Texas 1999) vii.
72
Ibidem.

33
The promotional poster for THE GREEN BERETS (1968).

John Wayne in THE GREEN BERETS (1968).

34
From CHINA GATE (1957) to APOCALYPSE NOW (1979)

The Hollywood war film started with a far more optimistic view of America during wartime,

than the quote about its ‘loss of innocence’ in Vietnam seems to imply. As the previous

chapter explained, the films about the two World Wars gave a much more positive image of

America’s endeavors overseas, than movies about Vietnam generally did. During and directly

after World War II, Hollywood got a lot of support from the US government and it basically

became its propaganda machine or ‘propaganda agency,’ producing many films that dealt

with the war. Subsequently these pictures were rather colored in their depiction. So whatever

aspect of it they portrayed, they generally ‘delivered’ the same message: “the nation was a

social and cultural community with a shared history and destiny, and with a populace utterly

unified in its commitment to the war effort.”73 Though with the earlier mentioned side note

that a number of them also represented some mild ambiguity and critique on the tough

‘reality’ of war.

Early movies on Vietnam, like CHINA GATE (1957) and THE QUIET AMERICAN (1958),

portrayed more of this ambivalence, which would become so characteristic of the depiction of

this conflict. These films generally began as optimistic portrayals of the American and French

efforts in Indochina, but were also increasingly critical of their involvement in that area.

However, the sustained use of World War II narratives and themes kept them from getting too

explicit on the matter. For instance, by depicting the political and military situation from a

Cold War perspective,74 these movies resorted to a clear polarization and stereotyping of the

enemy, similarly done by many war films before them. In this way the Americans and the

French were shown being on the side of liberty and good, while communists were represented

as uncivilized, barbaric, or even plain evil. Moreover, these movies argued heavily in favor of

73
Ibidem.
74
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 18.

35
resistance to this communism, and discouraged any neutral attitude towards it. As a result, the

critical note remained mild. Nonetheless, parts of their narratives also seem to argue that

America’s politics regarding Asia was naïve; than again the humanitarianly motivated nature

of it was also frequently emphasized.75 For example, THE QUIET AMERICAN predicted the

failure of American idealism as a result of its misunderstanding of cultures other than their

own. However, it also compliments America on its innocence.76 So again, some ambiguity

about America’s involvement can be found here, but the dominant ideology behind the issue

remained largely untouched.77 Differently put, the filmmakers seemed reluctant to challenge

society’s dominant ideology, which supported America’s fight against communism.

Subsequently, their message was a little bit halfhearted.

Auster and Quart therefore argued in their book How the War Was Remembered that when

these movies had to deal with political acts and ideology, as was likely when dealing directly

with Vietnam, they switched to representations which were “[…] influenced by personal

conflicts, demonstrating the usual Hollywood uneasiness about abstract ideas and explicit

political ideologies.”78 This posture resulted from its fear that any direct portrayal of the latter

could arouse specific groups in American society, which could be bad for business. Moreover,

Hollywood did not believe that any theme or metaphor would be able to depict this war as

they saw fit. Slowly this “inadequacy of any known metaphors”79 to directly represent

Vietnam started to show when practically no film on the subject was produced. But this only

became obvious well after the war had escalated (1965), which is years after the deployment

of American ground troops and the all-out use of the air force.80 Up till that moment,

Hollywood could rest easy with films like CHINA GATE (1957), THE QUIET AMERICAN (1958),

75
Mitchell K. Hall, Crossroads: American popular culture and the Vietnam generation (Lanham 2005) 181.
76
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 20-22.
77
Susan Jeffords, “The Vietnam War in American Cinema,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond
(eds.) Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 281.
78
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 21.
79
Ibidem, 22.
80
Ibidem, 18-19.

36
and THE UGLY AMERICAN (1963), which, sometimes ambiguously, focused on the

communists versus an innocent America fighting for freedom.81

The only major Hollywood film that came out during the war years (1964-1975) and

directly showed the war itself, was a very conservative John Wayne movie, called THE GREEN

BERETS (1968). It was made with some help from the Pentagon and subsequently shown to

the soldiers in Vietnam as a sort of training video. This film dealt with the problem of directly

representing Vietnam by using a kind of World War II narrative combined with another

familiar plot convention. According to Auster and Quart it utilizes a western theme and is

hence situated at an ‘equivalent’ of the American frontier, in this movie the Vietnamese

jungle. Here the green berets figure as cowboys and the Vietcong as violent Indians; the

villains they face in battle.82 In other words, THE GREEN BERETS portrays the conflict in terms

of good and evil as well, with the American soldiers on the side of good and the Vietcong on

the side of evil. As a result a very patriotic but also one-sided and stereotypical story is told

about America’s struggle for freedom and justice in Vietnam. Americans, for example, are the

ones heroically giving their lives to protect Vietnam’s right to democracy; while the Vietcong,

who are fighting for communist domination, are massacring innocent villagers, raping girls,

and torturing prisoners. It must be said that none of this cruelty is explicitly shown in the film,

and it would still take many years before any mainstream movie would dare to do so. Even

though there were some minor B-films that came out during this time, which especially

focused on returning veterans, M*A*S*H (1970) would be the first Hollywood movie since

THE GREEN BERETS that was at all related to the war.83 However, even M*A*S*H did not

dare to speak its name.84

81
Ibidem, 22.
82
Ibidem, 35.
83
Susan Jeffords, “The Vietnam War in American Cinema,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond
(eds.) Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 281.
84
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 35.

37
After 1968, the famous television reporter Walter Cronkite would be one of the people

who helped to make the Vietnam War the first televised war in history.85 Slowly people were

getting the idea that the war was wrong and might not be won at all, resulting in the rise of

anti-war movements. Similar images were then adopted by Hollywood, which changed the

depiction of the war significantly. Although M*A*S*H is said to be about the Korean War, it

is clear that this satire actually targets the war in Vietnam, and more specifically America’s

military bureaucracy. It especially focuses on rules and regulations instead of on people or

casualties for that matter, which are generally portrayed as depersonalized bodies. In addition,

the movie critiques racism and gender discrimination in the American military and asks some

questions on these subjects.86

It seems obvious how a movie like this was influenced by the changing attitudes in

American society. Influences coming from the Civil Rights Movement, the representations in

the media, as well as the counterculture, appear to be likely here. Even more extreme changes

in the war film’s narrative would follow during the second half of the seventies and the early

eighties.

As was stated before, a few minor movies about war veterans would surface during the

early seventies. But movie productions about Vietnam veterans would have a bigger impact

during the second half of the seventies with films like TAXI DRIVER (1976), BLACK SUNDAY

(1976), and HEROES (1977). They portray these veterans as persons with psychological and

physical problems and even show them to be deranged, violent, and dangerous.87 But at times

they are also represented with some sense of social commitment, such as the protagonists in

BILLY JACK (1971) and TAXI DRIVER. The combination of these different psychological traits

85
Susan Jeffords, “The Vietnam War in American Cinema,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond
(eds.) Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 281.
86
Ibidem, 282.
87
Mitchell K. Hall, Crossroads: American popular culture and the Vietnam generation (Lanham 2005) 181-182.

38
especially shows how destructive the impact of the war was on the individual.88 For example,

in Martin Scorsese’s TAXI DRIVER, we follow the mentally unstable and –when triggered-

violent Vietnam War veteran Travis Bickle (Robert De Niro) in his New York taxi cab. In his

own deranged way Bickle wants to better the rotten world he lives in, but with his well

intended actions he accomplishes quite the opposite. Apparently Vietnam has separated him

from American society and it becomes painfully clear that he does not fit there anymore.

Clearly most of these movies struggle with questions about the place of and fear for

these returning veterans. For instance, how should they be perceived, as ‘enemies’ or as

heroes? Could they pose a threat to American society? How should they be dealt with?89

Concerns and questions which directly came from society and were eagerly adapted to fit the

screen. Unfortunately for America, these movies did not come up with any clear answers

either. But what could you expect, the images of what Auster and Quart call the ‘wounded

veteran’ are merely a reflection of American society’s attitude towards these veterans, nothing

more. Moreover, Auster and Quart argue it is created as an early way to portray some socially

visible part of the war, without having to show political or military situations directly related

to the war itself.90 Therefore these ambivalent depictions are also yet another indication of

Hollywood’s own struggle with the war and how to represent it to the public.

Furthermore, this inability to directly represent the war was catered by Hollywood’s

belief that its potential audience was not likely to identify with themes that were more

complex than those about “free world, self-determination, and freedom.”91 However, at the

end of the seventies, when the issue became less controversial to depict and the public

seemingly more willing to deal with it, big Hollywood producers also became less hesitant to

88
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 44.
89
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 5.
90
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988)
91
Ibidem, 18.

39
address Vietnam in an openly fashion.92 The year 1978 is thought to be the breakthrough year

for these movies. It was the time that some very powerful films about the war found their way

onto the screen, and changed the way people understood the whole ordeal. The films that

came out that year were BOYS IN COMPANY C, GO TELL THE SPARTANS, WHO’LL STOP THE

RAIN, COMING HOME, and of course THE DEER HUNTER. The latter of which gave “a riveting

portrayal” of the effects of the war on soldiers, their family, wives, and friends.93 It became

painfully clear that no one in America could possibly escape the effects of this conflict. No

matter what your personal views were, everyone’s life would be affected one way or

another.94

In addition, this break with the representations of the past had more implications than

was just hinted upon. As was argued, before 1978 the war was portrayed in a “glancing and

offhand manner,”95 and veterans were generally considered to be villains or at least crazed

and violent. But starting with THE DEER HUNTER and the powerful APOCALYPSE NOW (1979),

filmic representations of the war would follow which showed more about the conflict itself as

well as its meaning for America. From that time on, the productions would have a “sustained

and deeply felt artistic interrogation of that conflict”96 and –like THE DEER HUNTER and

APOCALYPSE NOW– they would represent it as being bad; either because the war was bad to

begin with or because the US did not commit itself enough to its cause.97 Finally, this shift

would bring about a focus on the individual soldier, who was now portrayed as a victim of

war. Instead of raising questions about military strategies, government leadership or politics,

92
Mitchell K. Hall, Crossroads: American popular culture and the Vietnam generation (Lanham 2005) 181-182.
93
Susan Jeffords, “The Vietnam War in American Cinema,” in: Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 282.
94
Ibidem.
95
Stephen Prince, “Hollywood in the Age of Reagan,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond (eds.)
Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 237.
96
Ibidem.
97
Susan Jeffords, “The Vietnam War in American Cinema,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond
(eds.) Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 283.

40
Michael (Robert De Niro) is forced to play a game of Russian roulette, in THE DEER HUNTER (1978).

The meaning of a hunting changes after Michael comes back from Vietnam, in THE DEER HUNTER (1978).

41
the main focus would be on personal loss, suffering, and pain.98 But even though these filmic

developments took place, their narratives still remained very one-sided and a-political.99

APOCALYPSE NOW perfectly fits this particular profile. It is not about big political

plans, there are no decisive victories, nor are there moral guidelines. The only thing we see is

“[…] the force of individual will in search of meaning in the midst of chaos […]”100 and

insanity. All in all, scholars like Ditmar and Michaud in From Hanoi to Hollywood argue that

these films, as well as Hal Ashby’s COMING HOME (1978), are still more metaphorical than

realistic depictions of the war. Additionally, they pose that these pictures are highly infested

with symbolism of all sorts with the purpose of making it easier for the audience to interpret

them.

The latter is the simplified answer to Hollywood’s reappearing problem with Vietnam,

that is the question how to adequately represent this war without losing the audience’s

attention. In other words, how could they identify themselves with this conflict and everything

surrounding it, while simultaneously steering clear of any political related issues? First of all,

the narratives focused on personal stories, eschewing the bigger picture. Secondly, Hollywood

turned to the codes and conventions of the World War II movies, only to find that they were

not entirely adequate to portray the peculiarities of Vietnam. And as a result, additional

symbols and images had to be found or even ‘invented.’101 They had to be capable of showing

those aspects of Vietnam which filmmakers considered to be typical of it, while playing it

safe at the same time.

During and directly after the war the only recognizable image or symbol was that of

the ‘wounded veteran,’ as the book How the War Was Remembered showed us. In films like

98
Ibidem.
99
Stephen Prince, “Hollywood in the Age of Reagan,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond (eds.)
Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 237.
100
Susan Jeffords, “The Vietnam War in American Cinema,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond
(eds.) Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 283.
101
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 57.

42
THE DEER HUNTER and APOCALYPSE NOW yet another symbol became important, namely the

‘superman character.’102 While the American audience was trying to overcome the national

trauma the war had created, this filmic symbol was used to deal with the war through the

incorporation of its destructiveness and by circumventing the moral defeat of America in both

national and international politics.103 In other words, some ‘real’ aspects of the war were

represented in these films, but tough questions were also carefully circumvented. According

to Auster and Quart this ‘superman character’ (soldier) “preserves the idea of heroism”, is

“accustomed to danger”, and “can ultimately only destroy himself.”104 He is physically and

morally different from the audience105 and seems to be more a symbol of “rage and

alienation” thereby “[…] abstracting the war even further from its social and political

roots.”106

This is clearly the case with Cimino’s THE DEER HUNTER and its ‘superman character’

Michael, played by Robert De Niro. Michael is able to stay focused when tortured, to rescue

his friends under extreme circumstances, and to keep them together as a group. He is the hero

of the story, but unreachable in many ways, which is helped even further along by his

introvert and alienated posture after his return from Vietnam. He tries to give his life meaning

again, only to find that he cannot make everything right. There are things he has to live with,

such as his failure to prevent the death of his friend Nick (Christopher Walken). In the end, it

becomes evident that he can only destroy himself, e.g. through a game of Russian roulette.

His life is literally in his own hands and he can therefore choose to remain estranged or to

rebuild it; decisions which can also be applied to America itself.

From an analytical perspective this sounds like an unrealistic way to deal with the war,

although there are some parts of this film which can be perceived as rather ‘realistic.’ For

102
Ibidem.
103
Ibidem.
104
Ibidem, 58.
105
Ibidem, 71-73.
106
Ibidem, 58.

43
instance, think of the danger, terror, fear, courage, breakdown, and unspeakable violence,107

which soldiers, like Michael, had to go through. Another example would be the

socioeconomic situation of their Russian Orthodox (Polish) community in the Pennsylvania

steel industry district. But even with these examples in mind the fact remains that THE DEER

HUNTER operates “[…] outside political and historical context.”108 The stereotyping of the

Vietnamese ‘Other’ as savage, decadent, demonic, sadistic, evil, and damned, while we are

supposed to identify ourselves with a very loyal group of American friends, does not help to

see it any differently either.109 It only represents the conflict in very simplified and one-sided

terms. Consequently, Auster and Quart describe this film more as a portrayal of the effects the

war had on American soldiers. Again, they argue it is cut of from history and politics,110 with

‘working class supermen’ “[…] to order the war’s madness.”111

APOCALYPSE NOW also uses the ‘superman character’ and, like THE DEER HUNTER,

this movie tries to create its own version of the war. Its director Francis Ford Coppola saw

Vietnam as a “surreal horror show” in which “everyone has become a possible enemy or

victim.”112 Therefore his film shows the chaos, incoherence, pointlessness, absurdity, absolute

craziness, and immorality of this war.113 But it also “[…] universalizes and abstracts the war

by making its terror part of the human condition rather than a result of specific [political] and

social forces [emphasis added].”114 Even more than THE DEER HUNTER tried to do, this

particular representation takes away the responsibility of everything associated with the war

from the military, the politicians, and the American public for that matter. In stead it portrays

the war and all that happened in it as something intrinsically linked to human nature, which

107
Ibidem, 61.
108
Ibidem.
109
Ibidem, 62-63.
110
Ibidem, 64.
111
Ibidem, 65.
112
Ibidem, 67.
113
Ibidem, 66-67.
114
Ibidem, 70.

44
makes its mistakes universal.115 By making the ‘supermen’ in these stories very different from

the audience –both morally and physically- it gave the filmmakers the opportunity to evade

moral and political questions about the war.116 Auster and Quart conclude by arguing that

both the symbols of ‘wounded veterans’ and ‘supermen’ were invented because it is easier to

deal with ‘human corruption’ than with these tough questions.117

Still, this movie had a particularly big influence on the American audience and is

considered the mythmaker about the war.118 On the other hand, my personal opinion on the

matter is that especially the REDUX-version (the 2001 director’s cut) gives us some insight

into the politics and history behind this war. For instance, think about the extended scenes on

the French plantation, as well as the hypocrisy of the US military orders pointed out by col.

Kurtz (Marlon Brando). Therefore, it does not only link the war to the ‘human condition,’ but

also shows some deeper insight into it.

In conclusion, we could argue that although the representation of veterans improved

from these movies onward,119 stereotyping flourished in all facets of them; that even though

the war was now openly addressed, tough questions were still evaded; and that as a result a

‘national catharsis’ remained far from achieved.120 On this note, Auster and Quart uttered the

hope that:

[Future films] would eschew clichés and stereotypes and provide some insights

into the moral and political insignificance of the war, [but unfortunately] it is

precisely clichés, stereotypes, conventions, and evasion and displacement that

are the life and blood of popular culture, particularly the movies.121

115
Ibidem, 71-73.
116
Ibidem, 71-72.
117
Ibidem 72.
118
Ibidem, 71.
119
Ibidem, 77.
120
Ibidem, 78-84.
121
Ibidem, 84.

45
Therefore, the following decades would probably produce similar representations. The next

paragraph will deal with these Vietnam War movies made from the early eighties until the end

of the nineties.

46
The bombing of a Vietnamese village; a scene from APOCALYPSE NOW (1979).

Capt. Willard (Martin Sheen) encounters the madness of the Vietnam War, in APOCALYPSE NOW (1979).

47
From John Rambo to BORN ON THE FOURTH OF JULY (1989)

The 1980s showed an increased polarization in the political discourse between left wing

(liberals) and right wing (conservatives), which also found its way into American cinema.122

Its films “[…] attempt to appeal to a wide political spectrum […]” and therefore address a

large range of this polarization.123 Consequently, this resulted in movies that could have

multiple readings and therefore various interpretations.124 But as always, the personal

preferences of the filmmaker as well as the “historical moment” also define the topics which

can have those various readings.125

The eighties also brought new possibilities and opportunities for the manner in which

movies could be funded and distributed. Moreover, new talent and a better organizational

infrastructure widened the tone and scope of Hollywood films during this time. Within this

changing industry, independent filmmaking also became a greater possibility. Oliver Stone’s

PLATOON (1986), for example, was financed by the independent companies Hemdale and

Vestron, but neither the narrative nor the themes and symbols of these films significantly

changed.126 In other words, the output of movies was rather diverse during the eighties, but

they still did not come up with challenging images of the war, nor did these mainstream

Vietnam War movies subscribe new meaning to the conflict. As a result, the status quo on the

subject was maintained yet again, and subsequently the image of the war remained

‘incomplete.’

One reason why a better understanding of the conflict was obstructed seems to be “the

inability of Americans to conceive of other people as essentially different”127 –both in and

122
A.U., “Introduction,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond (eds.) Contemporary American
Cinema (2006) 227.
123
Ibidem.
124
Ibidem.
125
Ibidem.
126
Ibidem, 235.
127
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 6.

48
outside the realm of film. So, while a more nuanced look on and portrayal of both the

Vietnamese people in general, and the Vietcong in particular, could open up new insights into

the war, the early eighties movies seemed to do quite the opposite. They resorted to

stereotyping, familiar themes, myths, and other tested movie conventions, which obscured

‘better’ representations. However, this does not mean that they did not change in comparison

to their filmic predecessors.

Gordon Arnold, the writer of the book The Afterlife of America’s War in Vietnam:

Changing Visions in Politics and on Screen (2006), argues that the Vietnam films of the late

seventies depict the war as nothing more than ‘savage madness.’ But according to him this

depiction changed during the Reagan years when films like RAMBO: FIRST BLOOD (1982),

UNCOMMON VALOR (1983), and MISSING IN ACTION (1984) portrayed the conflict as ‘a noble

cause.’128 In an internet article on his book he stated the following about these early eighties

movies: “They showed a picture of the war in which America’s leaders undermined the U.S.

military’s heroic efforts. [While] [l]ater that decade, more nuanced and conflicted retellings of

the war appeared in movies […]”, followed by even more diverging interpretations in the

decades to come.129

Auster and Quart agree that these Vietnam movies depict the US leaders and military

as disruptive elements for the people fighting on the front. They also determined that yet

another western theme was introduced into their narrative in order to deal with Hollywood’s

new perspective on the war. This so-called ‘captivity story’ is a narrative theme which gives

the US soldiers (e.g. prisoners of war) and their rescuers the opportunity to show (off) their

bravery and heroics. At the same time, the military and political leaders try to ‘sabotage’ their

efforts, arguably because of their corruptness or evil nature.130

128
Gordon Arnold, “The Strange Afterlife of the Vietnam War” (21-08-2006) on: hnn.us/articles/28641.html
129
Ibidem.
130
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 104-105.

49
English professor John Hellmann elaborates on this in one of his essays in the

anthology Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television.131 He has a more exhaustive

take on the issue and argues that a reversal of the classic western paradigm takes place here.132

More concretely, Hellmann argues that, in FIRST BLOOD (1982), the Vietnam veteran John

Rambo (‘the cowboy’) almost ironically becomes equated with the victims of America’s

imperialism, for instance the Native Americans (the Indians).133 While its sequel FIRST

BLOOD: PART II (1985) shows us an enemy which is not the expected alien ‘Other’ (the

Vietcong), but instead the American “technocrats and bureaucrats” (the government).134 The

latter betrayed an important part of the nation’s mythology, namely America’s traditional

values, and are therefore the country’s enemy. In both cases the conventional roles of the

western theme are completely reversed, subsequently showing us that this war is primarily

fought from within. That is good patriotic Americans versus greedy characterless ones.

Some seventies and eighties conservatives even believed that the war itself was lost as

a result of a stab in the back –the so-called ‘stab-in-the-back-thesis’. They stated that the

American military was heroic and effective, while the politicians, the media, the anti-war

movement, and the anti-war films, were all hostile and weak, causing America’s defeat in the

war.135 This seems to be a little extreme, but, coincidence or not, this idea can be found in

some of the movies of that time, like the first two Rambo movies.

Besides the fact that these movies depict “[…] the Vietnam veteran as victim of a

corrupt bureaucratic government”,136 they also continue to correct the lingering image of them

as deranged men. The Rambo-character, for instance, is both a ‘superman’ and a ‘wounded

veteran’ with a condition of PTSD. He is shown to be highly skilled and capable of being of

131
John Hellmann, “Rambo’s Vietnam and Kennedy’s New Frontier,” in: Michael A. Anderegg (ed.), Inventing
Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 140-152.
132
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.), Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 8.
133
Ibidem.
134
Ibidem, 9.
135
Mitchell K. Hall, Crossroads: American popular culture and the Vietnam generation (Lanham 2005) 183.
136
Ibidem.

50
value to society. Furthermore, it is clear that especially the second Rambo movie is a

symbolic substitute for an American victory in Vietnam, further illustrated by Rambo’s

question: “Sir, do we get to win this time?” Though in this case, Rambo’s actions say more

than his words: by successfully taking on entire platoons of Vietnamese soldiers, he brings

America victory were others painfully failed. Thus you can argue that this movie attempts to

have a cathartic effect on the nation’s Vietnam trauma. However, it is also a very

schizophrenic story, with a violent green beret as the ultimate weapon to redeem America’s

defeat. In the words of Auster and Quart, Rambo is a “homage to psychopathic behavior […]

Transforming a Green Beret into a peacemaker and a symbol of benign power.”137 As a result

history is set aside yet again. So, although Rambo’s violence seems to have a therapeutic goal

for the nation itself, this kind of representation does not learn us much about the war itself.138

On another note, these early eighties movies also continue to use common World War

II conventions, as well as classic American myths. Examples of the former are ‘us-against-

them’ narratives and ‘shoot-them-up’ battle scenes. While instances of the latter are the

captivity stories and symbolic figures, which Auster and Quart call the ‘hunter-heroes’ and

‘survivors.’139 The latter two archetypes were clearly not new to the Vietnam War film. We

have already seen similar representations of them in movies like THE DEER HUNTER (Michael)

and APOCALYPSE NOW (Capt. Willard, played by Martin Sheen), only there they were called

‘superman characters.’ Characters which were just as perseverant and capable of surviving in

the wilderness as their ‘successors’ would be, but which were slightly different nonetheless.

Only the real difference does not truly lie in the characters themselves, but in the version of

the captivity narrative that is used. Auster and Quart state that the eighties movies had a

137
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 94-95.
138
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.), Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 8.
139
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 101-102.

51
‘updated version’ of this particular myth, referring to the previously mentioned narrative

changes.140 Consequently, the characters changed somewhat to fit these adapted stories.

All in all, these reappearing myths and themes remain a very important way to

represent the war, and their use is therefore far from accidental. Of course, fabricating myths

is a way for filmmakers to circumvent the war’s tough questions, although, some myths are

also important in a different way. Like John Hellmann claimed in his essay on the exposure of

the wilderness myth’s failure, they are intrinsically linked to America and its sense of self and

purpose.141 He also stated that America lost its core myths ‘in’ Vietnam, and that they had to

be restored or reinvented in order for the nation to make sense of itself again, and

subsequently for it to move forward.142 Auster and Quart also stress the importance of these

myths, as well as their possible ‘reinvention’ in movies. Arguably the ‘captivity myth’ is one

of them. In short, the original story of this myth and its symbolic figures comes from the time

of the American frontier. An era when its pioneers fought the Native Americans in the

wilderness, supposedly gaining important building blocks for the nation’s identity and

destiny. For example, they argue that the ‘captivity myth’ emphasizes America’s belief in its

“culture’s destiny and virtue”, the expropriation of the wilderness, and the nation’s eventual

“regeneration through violence.”143 In other words, by killing the ‘red man’ the country would

come closer to its manifest destiny. From this ‘red man’ it is only a small step to the ‘Oriental

Other,’ and more specifically the North Vietnamese soldiers or Vietcong.144 In addition,

Auster and Quart pose that the use of this narrative in film had the purpose of reinterpreting

Vietnam’s violence as redemptive for America. Consequently, this helps to give the American

140
Ibidem, 103.
141
John Hellmann, “Vietnam and the Hollywood Genre Film: Inversions of American Mythology in The Deer
Hunter and Apocalypse Now,” in: Michael A. Anderegg (ed.), Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and
Television (Philadelphia 1991) 56-80.
142
Ibidem.
143
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 102.
144
Ibidem.

52
audience a more positive feeling about the war, namely as being just and victorious,145 or even

as “a noble cause.”146 Films like UNCOMMON VALOR (1983) and FIRST BLOOD: PART II (1985)

are ideal examples of this kind of narrative.

On a different note, both these movies also perfectly fitted the political plans of the

Reagan administration.147 Reagan even used quotes from Rambo in his speeches. Though the

question is, if there was any preconceived intent from the side of Hollywood? After the

Vietnam debacle it was very hard to find support for military actions on foreign soil.

Therefore Reagan’s plans to commit troops to Central America particularly needed some

support from the public opinion. Something a powerful medium like film could contribute

to.148 149
Knowing the narratives of these movies, it would seem as if Hollywood reacted to

Reagan’s political needs. However, the reality appears to be a little different.

Immediately after Reagan became president in 1981, Hollywood was not planning on

making many more Vietnam War films. The studios were actually afraid of the political

conservatism that would follow; the economic problems the new policies would create; and

they just witnessed the effects of big Hollywood flops, like Michael Cimino’s extremely

expensive HEAVEN’S GATE (1980).150 Therefore they wanted more “entertainment and

escapism” and less “serious social and political themes” in their pictures. Representing a wide

political spectrum was key, and their primary hope was that their new stance would minimize

the financial risks their movies posed.151 So, although there were some smaller productions

that dared to give a more complex image of the war, oversimplified, action-pumped and

‘cartoon-like’ entertainment such as RAMBO: FIRST BLOOD and UNCOMMON VALOR were

most prominent during this time. With these explanations in mind, it seems like a mere
145
Ibidem, 102-103.
146
Ibidem, 103.
147
Ibidem, 102-103.
148
Ibidem.
149
Stephen Prince, “Hollywood in the Age of Reagan,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond (eds.)
Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 240.
150
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 85.
151
Ibidem.

53
The promotional poster for PLATOON (1986), with the tagline: “The first casualty of war is innocence.”

The crazed Sgt. Bob Barnes (Tom Berenger) threatening to kill an innocent Vietnamese girl, in PLATOON (1986).

54
coincidence that their images fitted Reagan’s rhetoric, or was it also the result of their shared

simplicity and hard-line attitude? Whatever the answer, it would take until the end of the

decade before ‘different’ and arguably more ‘realistic’ productions would see the light of day.

Nevertheless, these new movies of the late eighties were clearly not a clean break with

the films we just discussed. That is to say, they continue to show the jungle warfare the early

eighties movies started with; as well as valorize the heroism and sacrifice of American

soldiers; and remain highly limited in giving political explanations about the conflict.152 In

addition, they also keep on emphasizing America’s violence and wastefulness in the war, as

can be found in pictures like PLATOON (1986) and FULL METAL JACKET (1987). But even with

all these similarities critics still considered them to be more ‘realistic’ than their precursors.

The real question therefore, is what sort of characteristics set them apart and does this really

make them more ‘realistic’? Differently put, do these representations of the war come any

closer to the ‘true’ historical events? For example by maintaining objectivity, by challenging

the dominant discourses, by addressing its numerous facets, or by dealing with its lessons,

etcetera.

According to Judy Lee Kinney, who wrote about the movies HAMBURGER HILL (1987)

and PLATOON (1987) in her essay “Gardens of Stone, Platoon, and Hamburger Hill”,153

Vietnam films from the late eighties especially try to memorialize the war. For instance, they

follow a group of soldiers in the field and attempt to generate some understanding for the

sacrifices they made for their country, while also using this perspective to define the war

itself. Consequently, any sense of ‘realism’ must come from the depiction of these jungle

battle scenes, with their courageous and tough violence. However, Kinney poses that this is

merely a stylistic technique. She is actually rather critical of these films and argues that they

152
Susan Jeffords, “The Vietnam War in American Cinema,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond
(eds.) Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 286.
153
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 153-165.

55
give an incomplete image of the conflict and the experiences of the combatants. She cogently

states that:

[They are inadequately portrayed] as if they took place in a political-cultural

vacuum. This has become one of the primary myths of Vietnam, that the

soldier in the field had no understanding of politics, no sense of why the war

was being fought, no awareness of the complexities the war represented.154

Once more, the hard questions were carefully evaded and no real lessons were presented.155

However, this appears to make these films more comprehensible, identifiable, and familiar to

the audience.

Critical Studies professor Daniel Miller claims this valorizing of a politically innocent

and heroic soldier is “a way of denying or co-opting their “real, full, and complex experience”

[…]”156 Like Kinney, he argues that in these films the war washes away all internal

difficulties American society faces, such as segregation, racism, drug abuse, etcetera. Most of

it is carefully ignored or even turned around to look more optimistic than it truly was. In this

context, the ‘military patriarchy’ supposed to have made the soldiers more heterogeneous,

strengthened their camaraderie, and helped them to act beyond race and ethnicity.157 In all

reality this seems to be similar to the mythmaking in Michael C.C. Adams’ book The Best

War Ever. America and World War II. However, the true reasons behind it remain hard to

find. It could be anything from Hollywood’s tendency to oversimplify complex topics; the

influence of the picture’s historical moment; the filmmaker’s own perspective on the war; or

154
Ibidem, 9.
155
Ibidem.
156
Ibidem, 10.
157
Ibidem.

56
even a combination of these factors, etcetera. Whatever it is, it does not make it very

‘realistic’ in this sense.

William J. Palmer, a specialist in novels and Film Studies, only addresses the film

PLATOON (1986), as a sort of case study. In his essay “Symbolic Nihilism in PLATOON”158 he

poses that it is about confusion in every possible way we can imagine. Moral and existential

confusion, but also “[…] confusion of time, of place, of reality, of sanity, confusion of

intention, confusion of direction […] [etcetera].”159 Palmer argues that every individual action

in it is one of total meaninglessness, which makes PLATOON “[…] a straightforward, slice-of-

life parable of the descent of American optimism into the black hole of utter nihilism and the

destruction of the self.”160 Moreover, it shows us again how America struggled more with

itself than with its communist enemy, the Vietcong. This is epitomized in the scene where

Sgt. Barnes (Tom Berenger) kills Sgt. Elias (Willem Dafoe), who is then killed by the

movie’s protagonist Pvt. Chris Taylor (Charlie Sheen). Palmer sees in this the total

annihilation of meaning, a symbol of the choice for nothingness and nihilism.161 Although the

movie’s ending (Taylor’s voice-over) clearly tries to leave us with the imperative need to

reconstruct meaning in the world,162 Palmer argues that this moralistic message seems rather

forced and out of place with the rest of the film in mind. Moreover, he claims that in general

“[t]he meaning of the Vietnam War is not, like the Viet Cong, merely elusive; in almost every

extant text, it seems to be utterly non-existent.”163 In the end, Palmer appears to agree that

films like this avoid dealing with complex issues; in this particular case, by rendering

everything meaningless.

158
Owen W. Gilman, Jr. and Lorrie Smith (eds.) “Symbolic Nihilism in Platoon,” in: America Rediscovered.
Critical Essays on Literature and Film of the Vietnam War (New York 1990) 256-274.
159
Ibidem, 270.
160
Ibidem, 271.
161
Ibidem.
162
Ibidem, 272
163
Ibidem.

57
English professor Susan White deals with yet another movie from this time, namely

Stanley Kubrick’s FULL METAL JACKET (1988). For her analysis she employed theories that

are commonly used in both Film Studies and Women Studies, such as psycho-analysis.

Consequently, this might give us a more insightful but also different look at films from the

late eighties. However, when she comes to the point, her insights seem not that different from

those of her fellow scholars. For example, she claims that movies like FULL METAL JACKET

are primarily about integrating the individual soldier into a group, such as an army platoon.

She further specifies this claim by arguing that these soldiers were “[…] melting into an

“irrevocably infantilized” group”,164 stripped of their individuality as well as their humanity;

becoming living killing machines as a result. She poses that such a conversion “[…] involves

a form of male bonding that comes about through a repression of homoerotic desire coupled

with a violent ejection of the feminine.”165 It is almost ironic that this negative image of the

feminine is then equated with the ‘Oriental Other,’ and more specifically with the Vietnamese

soldier.166 167
However, in nearly every macho environment –like the military- it is normal to

reject the concept of femininity. It is equated with weakness and in this case even with

perverseness; therefore it is very convenient to assign such qualities to your enemies. But in

the end it only indicates the obvious, namely that movies like FULL METAL JACKET strengthen

the dichotomy of ‘us-against-them.’ The ‘them’ being some stereotyped, entirely rejectable,

enemy; while the ‘us’ is a much more positive representation of the American soldier, or a

group of its soldiers for that matter. Even though, we sometimes catch glimpses of the enemy

as mere casualties of circumstance as well, such images remain exceptional, and thus this kind

of stereotyping continues. Finally, FULL METAL JACKET evades the same questions all the

164
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.), Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 11.
165
Ibidem.
166
Ibidem.
167
Ibidem, 204-230.

58
other movies did, by only focusing on the war’s ambiguity, insanity, and dehumanizing

aspects from an American perspective. In this sense it is really not that ‘realistic’ either.

On the other hand, there are at least some elements that enhance the film’s ‘realism,’

such as the documentary style of particular scenes, as well as Pvt. Joker’s position as a

military journalist. Both of which try to create a degree of authenticity and maybe even

objectivity, but evidently remain part of a fictionalized account. The sequence in which a

camera crew films and later interviews several soldiers also helps to add a sense of validity to

this picture. Though to a lesser extent, this has also been applied to films like APOCALYPSE

NOW and THE DEER HUNTER. For instance, in the former there is also a scene with a camera

crew (prior to the surf sequence with Robert Duvall), while THE DEER HUNTER incorporated

some ostensibly authentic footage of Saigon in its imagery. Therefore, these attempts at

‘realism’ are clearly not new, only somewhat more explicit.

Brian De Palma’s film CASUALTIES OF WAR (1988) is generally considered to be less

‘realistic’ than other films from the late eighties, even though its story is a similar attempt to

depict issues like war crimes and insanity in the US military.168 Like PLATOON it is not much

more than a morality tale about young US soldiers. More specifically, it deals with a squad of

five men, who lose their moral bearings, which results in the kidnapping, rape, and murder of

an innocent Vietnamese girl. One of these five soldiers (PFC. Eriksson, played by Michael J.

Fox) does not want to participate in their preposterous scheme and tries to help the girl.

Though even with his best effort, he cannot compete against four armed men, which are lead

by the uncontrollable and crazy Sgt. Tony Meserve (Sean Penn). Therefore, he files a formal

complaint against them, only to discover that America’s military bureaucracy rather ignores

such incidents within its own ranks. A military trial becomes inevitable and justice prevails in

the end, thereby illustrating that America is capable of dealing with its own problems.

168
Linda Ditmar and Michael Michaud, From Hanoi to Hollywood: the Vietnam War in American Film (New
Brunswick 1990) 9-10.

59
Sgt. Tony Meserve (Sean Penn) in a successful attempt to kidnap an innocent Vietnamese girl;
a scene from CASUALTIES OF WAR (1989).

Sgt. Meserve (Sean Penn) intimidating PFC. Eriksson (Michael J. Fox) to play along in the rape;
another scene from CASUALTIES OF WAR (1989).

Tran Thi Oanh (Thuy Thu Le) totally devastated after being violently abused by US soldiers,
in CASUALTIES OF WAR (1989).

60
On a similar note, this morality tale addresses the issue of group behavior and soldiers’

unquestioned obedience to group dynamics. For example, when the entire group commits a

crime, you do not question their actions, but follow their example instead.

PFC. Eriksson is the only one that dares to stand up for his beliefs, and he hence represents

America’s moral conscious and innocence. He embodies the idea that good responsible people

are needed to deal with the problems coming from the war. In addition, the movie’s final

sequence in which Eriksson sees a well integrated and happy Vietnamese-American girl, who

is the spitting image of the girl that was killed in Vietnam, metaphorically exemplifies

America’s potential to overcome this adversity. It is especially this kind of blatant moralism

and patriotism which weakens any sense of ‘realism’ this narrative might have. Moreover, its

focus on individuals within one small group, and especially on their actions and motivations

-as well as the consequences thereof- downplays the complexities of the conflict yet again.

You can even argue that the war’s mistakes are typified as individual errors resulting from the

lack of moral authority and supervision in the military; consequently exonerating society from

any blame. On the other hand, for the individuals themselves, this lack of supervision makes it

hard to maintain their moral bearings, especially in an unrecognizable and chaotic world like

Vietnam. So the blame should not be solely put on them. In conclusion, this film only gives

halfhearted insights into the war and all its problems. But bear in mind that this is not

exclusive to this particular movie, only very noticeable.

Owen W. Gilman, Jr.’s essay “Vietnam, Chaos, and the Dark Art of Improvisation”169

deals both with the plot of these films and with their actors, scripts, and production

circumstances. But although his focus is a little different than the analysis of films like

CASUALTIES OF WAR, he still comes to the same conclusion. First of all, Gilman states that

most of the Vietnam War movies are “[…] derive[d] from, parallel, comment on, or rework

169
Ibidem, 231-250.

61
themes, motifs, and formal strategies to be found in literary texts inspired by the war.”170 This

points out that these films not only borrow codes and conventions from World War II movies,

but also use literature in a similar way. Secondly, Gilman addresses Barry Levinson’s film

GOOD MORNING VIETNAM (1988). He argues that this picture is primarily about

improvisation, which he perceives as an important aspect of the war itself. According to him

improvisations are made both by the film’s protagonist Adrian Cronauer, during his radio

show “Good Morning Vietnam,” and by the actor playing him (Robin Williams), who the

director gave carte blanche at those moments. This supposedly represents two truths about the

war, namely the idea that this war was fought without much coordination from above,

subsequently resulting in these improvisations. But also the idea that the individual felt lost

within this unrecognizable world, resulting in impulsive and improvised actions.171

Finally, in Thomas Doherty’s essay “Witness to War: Oliver Stone, Ron Kovic, and

BORN ON THE FOURTH OF JULY”172 another analytical observation is repeated. That is the fact

that a lot of Vietnam War movies used the genre conventions of World War II combat movies

and veteran rehabilitation films, but that they could never totally incorporate these

conventions into a narrative about Vietnam. Doherty claims this discrepancy especially comes

from the negative imagery linked to Vietnam, like it was explained in the previous chapter. In

this context Doherty uses the example of Oliver Stone’s PLATOON, which portrays an

equivalent of the My Lai massacre. War crimes like this do not fit the genre conventions of

the World War II films since they clash with concepts like heroics and sacrifice. However, as

argued, borrowing clearly takes place, especially when they represent battle scenes, the

enemy, and the American soldiers in general.173 Thus, soldiers were primarily portrayed like

their counterparts in World War II films, but when it came to the depiction of insanity and

170
Ibidem, 12.
171
Ibidem.
172
Ibidem, 251-268.
173
Ibidem, 12-13.

62
war crimes some creativity was needed. The filmmakers generally circumvented these

difficult issues by ascribing them to the exceptionally extreme circumstances of the war itself,

the weak US government, or mere individual corruption, etcetera.

To conclude, the analysis of these eighties Vietnam films exposes some common

denominators, which can be found in their themes, narratives, and symbols. On the other

hand, the many movies within this genre also show very different images of the war. In his

book Vietnam at 24 Frames a Second,174 the motion picture executive Jeremy M. Devine even

poses that the Vietnam films –especially in the eighties- belong to a genre which is at war

with itself. This is his way of saying that the many mainstream movies have various and

sometimes conflicting ways of representing this conflict. Every film ‘reinvents’ the war to

some extent, therefore you cannot make any general statements about them. Moreover, films

like BORN ON THE FOURTH OF JULY (1989) might seem to give us new insights into the

conflict by “[…] combining combat and protest and in bringing taboo issues to public

attention.”175 But even these filmic representations circumvent “[…] the discourse of meaning

and responsibility.”176 Something most films on the subject have done so far. The next

paragraph will describe what kind of movies the following decades have brought us.

174
Jeremy M. Devine, Vietnam at 24 Frames a Second (University of Texas 1999)
175
Linda Ditmar and Michael Michaud, From Hanoi to Hollywood: the Vietnam War in American Film (New
Brunswick 1990) 10.
176
Ibidem.

63
Pvt. Pyle (Vincent D’Onofrio) totally lost his mind after being dehumanized in army boot camp;
a scene from FULL METAL JACKET (1987).

American soldiers find a mass grave with (political) enemies of the Vietcong, in FULL METAL JACKET (1987).

64
From the Nineties into the 21st Century

In the nineties and the first years of the 21st century the number of Hollywood movies that

directly addressed the Vietnam War was very slim. Most of the films that did incorporate

Vietnam into their narrative did so without directly representing it. Examples of this are

movies like THE WAR (1994) and THE WAR AT HOME (1996), which both focus on the daily

life of Vietnam veterans in America. Even so, there is a prominent movie that does overtly

portray the war, namely Robert Zemeckis’ Academy Award winning picture, FORREST GUMP

(1994). Although it is only a limited part of its narrative, this picture depicts American boot

camp, jungle warfare, but also the wounded veterans, and American anti-war sentiments.

More specifically these particular scenes focus on the heroics of a totally naïve and innocent

American soldier named Forrest Gump (Tom Hanks); his combat injuries and those of his

superior Lt. Dan Taylor (Gary Sinise); as well as their ‘journey’ back into American society.

All of which is extremely successful as a result of Forrest’s ‘can do’ optimism, which is the

ultimate portrayal of the American Dream. On the other hand, you can hardly argue that this

is anything more than a caricature of the conflict and earlier representations of it. In other

words, this kind of narrative evidently does not give us anything more than a highly

romanticized, overtly optimistic, and somewhat humoristic version of events, seen through the

eyes of the very naïve Forrest Gump. Therefore, it does not add much to the discourse on

Vietnam, but it does attempt to provide a redemptive kind of innocence, projected on America

through its protagonist.

There is only one other nineties movie that needs to be mentioned in this context, that

is Oliver Stone’s third film on Vietnam, called HEAVEN AND EARTH (1993). A motion picture

that appears to be largely overlooked by the American public, the explanation for which might

become clear from its content. HEAVEN AND EARTH is based on two memoirs of a Vietnamese

girl named Le Ly Hayslip, and deals with her life before, during, and directly after the

65
Vietnam War. It portrays some of her childhood in a peaceful rural village in Vietnam,

followed by the violence and despair resulting from the war. Moreover, it illustrates that none

of its participants can be considered to be ‘the good guys,’ neither the French, the Americans,

and the South Vietnamese Army, nor the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese Army. All of

them have done their part to devastate the country in general, and Le Ly in particular;

consequently they are all guilty and thus responsible for the tragedies that occurred. This

particular message could be the main reason for the movie’s unpopularity, because most

Americans seem to prefer a more recognizable and optimistic story that is less confronting.

On the other hand, what really makes this film different is the fact that, for the first

time in a mainstream Hollywood movie, the impact of the war is shown from a Vietnamese

perspective. This point of view creates possibilities to hold up a mirror to America and

uncover some of the tough questions about Vietnam. However, this opportunity is only

partially taken by director Oliver Stone. On the positive side, he shows us America through

the eyes of the Vietnamese protagonist, who perceives it as extremely shallow, materialistic,

and even decadent. In contrast, Vietnam is portrayed as a devastated country, which the war

hit so hard that materialism and decadence would almost seem surreal to it. Vietnam clearly

had to cope with a lot, while America lingered on in greed and self-doubt. Under these

circumstances the Vietnamese spirit was shown to be much tougher, especially illustrated by

all the adversity Le Ly overcame. Hence, it could be argued that America could never have

defeated them.

In the end, we could conclude that HEAVEN AND EARTH presents a ‘new’ and arguably

better perspective on the conflict. It exemplifies that America is essentially different from

Vietnam, that its involvement did not (really) help, nor that it was much appreciated by the

rural population. However, one of these issues is never fully addressed, namely the question:

is America to blame for the war’s tragedies? Besides this, there are more critical notes

66
possible. For example, you could argue that the film’s narrative perspective is too narrow and

should have incorporated more than it actually did. More precisely, it remains at the level of

the individual or the village; it does not give us any insight into politics; nor does it explain

much of the (political) beliefs of the different groups involved, etcetera. Another possible

critique is that, although it uses authentic memoirs, the film still portrays an American’s view

on the issue, particularly the vision of its director.177 Even so, it is better to deal with some of

the war’s tough questions than dodging them altogether, as was mostly done in previous

films. Unfortunately, it would take until the next century before new pictures would address

the conflict.

There are a number of explanations for this lack of mainstream Vietnam films during the

nineties. First of all, by that time, a new generation of people was going to the movies; and

this new generation had new interests, new preoccupations, and therefore new film topics

became prominent. Secondly, from Hollywood’s point of view, Vietnam was more than

exhaustively dealt with, from the 1970s until 1989. In addition, new conflicts had taken place

in which America played a part. For instance, its intervention in Somalia (1993), the

conflict(s) on the Balkan (1990s), and of course the Second Gulf War (1991). These media

covered conflicts helped to make Vietnam of less interest to Hollywood as well, even though

they were totally incomparable to it and had far less impact on the nation. Moreover, the

successfully won Gulf War might have been the biggest catharsis for America’s Vietnam

trauma, bringing back its confidence in the military and in its role in the world. Consequently,

films like COURAGE UNDER FIRE (1996) and THREE KINGS (1999) –both about the Gulf War–

became very appealing; while movies dealing with the lessons behind and the meaning of the

Vietnam War seemed not that compelling anymore. Nevertheless, it would take until the 21st

century before we would see more of these kinds of conflicts on the silver screen as well; and

177
Ralph Benner, Review of “Heaven and Earth (1993)” (1995), on: http://www.imdb.com/Reviews/41/4121

67
of course then there would be 9/11 and George W. Bush’s venture into Iraq, which also gave

filmmakers interesting ‘new’ options.

Some recently made movies about these conflicts are WELCOME TO SARAJEVO (1997) and

BEHIND ENEMY LINES (2000), which are both about the conflicts on the Balkan; followed by

BLACK HAWK DOWN (2001), which shows the intervention of American troops in Mogadishu,

Somalia; and finally, THE MANCHURIAN CANDIDATE (2004), JARHEAD (2005), HOME OF THE

BRAVE (2006), IN THE VALLEY OF ELAH (2007), REDACTED (2007), and STOP-LOSS (2008).

The first two of which deal with the Gulf War (1990-1991), while the last four are about the

Iraq War and its consequences (2003-present).

On the other hand, there are also a number of movies from the late nineties and early 21st

century that directly represent World War II, such as SAVING PRIVATE RYAN (1998), THE

THIN RED LINE (1998), PEARL HARBOR (2001), ENEMY AT THE GATES (2001), HART’S WAR

(2002), WINDTALKERS (2002), THE GREAT RAID (2005), FLAGS OF OUR FATHERS (2006), and

LETTERS FROM IWO JIMA (2006). So, the more recent conflicts did not necessarily get the

upper hand. That being said, at almost the same time, new Vietnam films were released as

well, for example TIGERLAND (2000), WE WERE SOLDIERS (2002), PATH TO WAR (2002), and

RESCUE DAWN (2006).

Although it is tempting, it remains very difficult to make any conclusions about the kind

of war movies that were produced and the moment they were released at. Especially, because

there are so many complex factors that have to be taken into consideration. However, when

dealing with Vietnam films, you could argue that after a short period of overkill Hollywood

considered the public to be ready for a new dose of it. But are these pictures truly about

Vietnam or is it just a backdrop for more general themes and narratives, such as heroism and

patriotism? Additionally, does the passing of time make it easier to give a more insightful and

complex look at Vietnam? In other words, do these films dare to ask the tough questions that

68
were avoided for so long or do they merely continue with the use of recognizable myths,

symbols, themes, and stereotypes? Finally, when they do address difficult issues, are they not

actually about current events? For instance, how big is the influence of 9/11 on a film like WE

WERE SOLDIERS (2002)? And what was the impact of the Iraq War (2003-present) on PATH TO

WAR (2002) and RESCUE DAWN (2006)? In theory, they might be even less about the Vietnam

War than the highly fictionalized Rambo movies. On the other hand, which cultural product is

not in some way influenced by the time and ‘environment’ it is produced in? Most of these

questions will be touched upon in the next paragraph and the final chapter.

69
The Promotional poster for HEAVEN AND EARTH (1993).

The war totally changed the idealistic rural live of Le Ly Hayslip (Hiep Thi Le), in HEAVEN AND EARTH (1993).

70
WE WERE SOLDIERS (2002) and PATH TO WAR (2002)

Two movies about Vietnam were released in 2002, one of which was Randall Wallace’s

WE WERE SOLDIERS. This picture tells the story of the war’s first big battle between US and

North Vietnamese troops, which took place in the la Drang Valley, between the fourteenth

and eighteenth of November, 1965.178 More specifically:

In a place soon to be known as The Valley of Death, in a small clearing called

landing zone X-Ray, Lt. Colonel Hal Moore (Mel Gibson) and 400 young

fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons, all troopers from an elite American

combat division, were surrounded by 2,000 North Vietnamese soldiers. The

ensuing battle was one of the most savage in U.S. history. We Were Soldiers

[…] is a tribute to the nobility of those men under fire, their common acts of

uncommon valor, and their loyalty to […] one another.179

In addition, the film is a memorial or tribute to both sides fighting this battle. It

portrays the American soldiers as well as the North Vietnamese forces, with their superior

officers and a few of their families. We discover a little bit more about the North Vietnamese

fighting ethics, their combat tactics, and unwavering determination. In other words, they are

made more human to us. As was argued in the study Asia in Europe, Europe in Asia: “For the

first time in the Hollywood tradition, we see fading shots of dying ‘VC’ and of their widows

reading loved ones’ diaries.”180 But still the main focus clearly remains on the American

soldiers and their families: how they live, train, practice religion, and deal with leaving their

178
A.U. “Battle of la Drang.” On: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Ia_Drang_Valley (2008)
179
John Willis, “Plot Summary for: We Were Soldiers (2002),” on:
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0277434/plotsummary
180
Srilata Ravi, Mario Rutten and Beng-Lan Goh (eds.) Asia in Europe, Europe in Asia (2004) 267-268.

71
families to fight a war in a far away land. First and foremost the movie portrays how these US

soldiers, led by their superior Lt. Col. Hal Moore (Mel Gibson), heroically deal with the

difficult combat situation they find themselves in. However, this is frequently interrupted by

scenes from the home front. More specifically, these are sequences of their wives, who are

waiting, praying, hoping, and finally dealing with a lot of bad news. In contrast, the soldiers’

Vietnamese counterparts are only briefly shown, without much more than a short and simple

glance. Even though there is some cross cutting between the battlefield tactics of Lt. Col. Hal

Moore and his Vietnamese counterpart Lt. Col. Nguyen Huu An (Duong Don), the

American perspective still encompasses more than 95 percent of the film.

On account of its (valorizing) portrayal of the enemy, which was missing in almost

every mainstream Vietnam War film so far, you could argue that this movie adds a new layer

of complexity to the conflict. However, its incomplete depiction of what these soldiers are all

about, as well as the fleeting look at their families, leave the distinct impression of yet another

missed opportunity. A chance to represent a more complex image of the war. On the bright

side, this picture does articulate a very interesting fact about the Vietnamese people and their

perception of the war. It states that they saw the Americans as yet another foreign invader, a

colonial aggressor that needed to be driven out of their homeland, like the Chinese, the

Japanese, and the French before them. A clear lesson from the war, which is also addressed by

Robert Strange McNamara in Errol Norris’ documentary THE FOG OF WAR:

ELEVEN LESSONS FROM THE LIFE OF ROBERT S. MCNAMARA (2003).

This somewhat ambiguous view on the ‘innovativeness’ of WE WERE SOLDIERS can be

additionally clarified by further analyzing the way in which it represents its soldiers. To begin

with, like the eighties movies that gave us the first depictions of jungle warfare in Vietnam, it

valorizes the American soldiers through their sacrifice and heroism, both on and off the

battlefield. It primarily focuses on the individual soldier and how they deal with the war. This

72
means that it shows a very one-sided picture of warfare, which generally lacks any political

insight into the conflict.181 As David Denby wrote in his review of the movie:

The writer-director Randall Wallace stages much of the combat at very close

range, with masses of North Vietnamese infantry hurling themselves against

American riflemen. Recapitulating the many pictures made in the forties and

fifties which portrayed the Americans as good and simple people fighting for a

just cause, Wallace and Gibson have taken Vietnam out of history-essentially,

they have assimilated it into the Second World War.182

Although this particular statement seems to be a little strong, it does bring up some interesting

questions about the sense of patriotism among these soldiers. Traditionally this patriotism is

thought to be about a sentimental and ideological belief in one’s country and culture, which is

then put ahead of the life of the individual, so that the nation can prevail. According to Frank

Joseph Wetta and Martin A. Novelli the war movies of the last decade portray a different sort

of patriotism. In their article “"Now a Major Motion Picture": War Films and Hollywood’s

New Patriotism” they argue that this so-called ‘New Patriotism’ is about the commemoration

of the battle experience, devotion, and survival instinct which these soldiers share with each

other. In essence, the individual motivations of the soldiers are now put ahead of the nation

and its goals. Consequently, this ‘New Patriotism’ perfectly fits the picture of a movie genre

which primarily focuses on the individual soldier, instead of on a wider national or political

perspective.183 In other words, this ‘New Patriotism’ in WE WERE SOLDIERS does not give us

a much better or more insightful view of the Vietnam War either; the big picture remains

181
Stephen Prince, “Hollywood in the Age of Reagan,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond (eds.)
Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 239-240.
182
David Denby, “We Were Soldiers (director: Randall Wallace; 2002)” in: The New Yorker (March 18, 2002).
On: http://www.newyorker.com/arts/reviews/film/we_were_soldiers_wallace
183
Frank Joseph Wetta and Martin A. Novelli, “"Now a Major Motion Picture": War Films and Hollywood’s
New Patriotism,” in: The Journal of Military History. Vol. 67-3 (July 2003) 861-882.

73
unrepresented. However, the other film that came out that year did focus on the political

context of the war. That movie is HBO’s PATH TO WAR (2002).

This television film, directed by John Frankenheimer, does not directly portray the war

on the frontlines, but it does show the politics behind the war from the perspective of

President Lyndon Baines Johnson and his political staff, most significantly Secretary of

Defense Robert S. McNamara. As a result, it gives an interesting and arguably accurate

depiction of the complex decision making process during the war, with all the controversy

involved. The human element is also extensively addressed, especially through the very

intense, and at times emotional, way Johnson and McNamara deal with some impossible

decisions. They seem to know the possibly far reaching implications of their decisions, but

they still have to make them.

In this context, we are made to believe that Johnson was sort of an innocent bystander,

who was forced into the war; subsequently losing the fight for his ‘Great Society,’ which lost

most of its political and financial support. According to various critics, some degree of

fictionalization and simplification can be found in these accounts as well. But even though not

everything this film shows is necessarily true, it does give an interesting look at the political

side of the conflict, from the time LBJ won the elections (1964) until the end of his term in

January 1969.

On the other hand, by only focusing on this short timeframe, this movie neither

portrays the war’s history beyond those years –e.g. what happened under Presidents

Eisenhower and JFK- nor does it give an in-depth look at Hanoi’s politics, their political

history, or convictions. In its defense, you can argue, this is the first mainstream Hollywood

movie that attempts to represent what happened from a White House point of view, while

utilizing historical data. Knowledge of Vietnam’s history, a Vietnamese perspective, or

anything related to it, might actually be the main thing these policymakers missed when

74
making their decisions. In that sense, it would even be historically inaccurate to show both

political perspectives; unless it is done merely to compare both sides, without implying any

understanding from the White House of the Vietnamese people. The latter is also one of the

lessons McNamara addresses in THE FOG OF WAR: ELEVEN LESSONS FROM THE LIFE OF

ROBERT S. MCNAMARA. In this documentary he poses that you always have to “empathize

with your enemy” in order to make well informed decisions; something they neglected to do

during the Vietnam War. On this note, he uttered another interesting lesson from the war:

What makes us omniscient? Have we a record of omniscience? We are the

strongest nation in the world today. I do not believe we should ever apply that

economic, political, or military power unilaterally. If we had followed that rule

in Vietnam, we wouldn’t have been there! None of our allies supported us; not

Japan, not Germany, not Britain or France. If we can’t persuade nations with

comparable values of the merit of our cause, we’d better re-examine our

reasoning.

To conclude, it is clear that PATH TO WAR (2002) does not give us all the answers to

questions generally evaded in the Vietnam War movies, but it does provide a partially better

understanding of America’s political decisions. When this is combined with an insightful

documentary like THE FOG OF WAR (2003) and with films like APOCALYPSE NOW REDUX

(1979), PLATOON (1986), HAMBURGER HILL (1987), and HEAVEN AND EARTH (1993), we

might still get some basic sense of what this war was really about.

Like Susan Jeffords argued in “The Vietnam War in American Cinema”, it is

important to think of all of these movies as shapers of public thinking and understanding,

75
especially in America.184 But even though they deal with the war, they can also tell us

something about the cultural moment of production.185 For example, they might actually

address (1) feminism or gender related stereotyping, in the seventies and eighties; (2) racial

tensions in the military and the society at large; (3) American nationalism; (4) economic and

social divides within America; (5) sexuality; (6) perceptions of the government; and (7) fear

of ‘the Other,’ which can be either racial, ethnic, social, or sexual in nature.186 Unfortunately,

this does not necessarily mean that these films try to challenge the status quo concerning these

issues. As was argued before, most of them only reinforce the existing social situation in

America in stead of directly addressing the problems.187

We can also conclude that there is clearly no single story about the war, neither in

motion pictures nor otherwise. Apparently every mainstream Hollywood movie has a slightly

different and mostly lacking take on the conflict. Even so, there are some common

denominators to be found, among which the idea that America primarily fought itself is

frequently reappearing. Like Thomas Schatz mentioned:

What coalesced in Hollywood’s on-screen representation of the Vietnam War,

whether on the “home front” or “in country,” was a portrait of a nation at war

not with a common enemy but with itself.188

As it was mentioned throughout this chapter, most of these movies also utilize codes and

conventions from older war movies, as well as traditional myths and symbols, which are an

184
Susan Jeffords, “The Vietnam War in American Cinema,” in: Linda Ruth Williams and Michael Hammond
(eds.) Contemporary American Cinema (2006) 287.
185
Ibidem.
186
Ibidem.
187
Mitchell K. Hall, Crossroads: American popular culture and the Vietnam generation (Lanham 2005) 16.
188
Thomas Schatz, “Foreword: The Vietnam War Film: America’s Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder,” in: Jeremy
M. Devine, Vietnam at 24 Frames a Second (University of Texas 1999) ix.

76
intrinsic part of American mythology. These are the most apparent reoccurring features,

unless the next chapter adds something significant to the list.

The final chapter is a short narrative analysis of the last Vietnam War movie that has been

released, namely Werner Herzog’s RESCUE DAWN (2006). The goal of this analysis is to

evaluate if the film is yet another ‘shortsighted’ representation, using the same narrative

devices that have been discussed throughout this chapter, or if it gives a more complete

-and maybe even ‘new’- perspective on the war. In other words, does it continue in the same

promising direction as HEAVEN AND EARTH (1993) and PATH TO WAR (2002)?

77
The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington D.C.; a promotional poster for WE WERE SOLDIERS (2002).

Lt. Col. Hal Moore (Mel Gibson) during the Battle of la Drang; a scene from WE WERE SOLDIERS (2002).

78
Chapter V: RESCUE DAWN (2006), a Short Narrative Analysis

Werner Herzog’s RESCUE DAWN is based on a true story. It tells the tale of a German-

American Air Force pilot named Dieter Dengler (Christian Bale), who was shot down just

over Vietnam’s border with Laos, during the very early stages of the escalation of the

Vietnam War, in 1966. He was captured by the Laotian communists, the so-called Pathēt Lao,

who tortured him, tried to make him officially reject America’s actions in Indochina, and

finally brought him to a prisoner camp in the middle of the jungle. In this desolate place, he

shared a small wooden cabin with a few Americans, Chinese, and Thai civilians, some of

whom had been captured almost two years earlier. We witness their deteriorating physical and

mental state resulting from their prolonged imprisonment, mistreatment, and especially their

extreme malnourishment.

From the beginning it is clear that Dengler does not intend to wait until they are

released or rescued. Even though his fellow prisoners remain skeptic, he conceives of a plan

to escape, fully aware of the even more formidable enemy that would await thereafter: the

jungle. Dengler seems to never lose hope; he shows a relentless determination to take matters

into his own hands throughout the film. However, after outsmarting and killing most of their

guards, Dengler and another American named Duane Martin (Steve Zahn) have been

abandoned by their fellow escapees. In order to survive, they now have to defy the mental and

physical hardships of the jungle on their own. Under these circumstances, Dieter shows a lot

of strength, resolve, bravery, comradeship, and even optimism, but all of this cannot prevent

his friend Duane from dying of utter exhaustion.189 190


From that moment on he does show

some signs of mental and physical breakdown, but still he knows to find his way to freedom.

189
A.U. “Rescue Dawn,” on: http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0462504/synopsis (2008)
190
Kaj Zoelen, “Rescue Dawn,” in: Film Totaal (2007). On:
http://www.filmtotaal.nl/module.php?section=newsDetails&newsID=9601&titel=Rescue_Dawn_%5Brecensie%
5D (22-08-2007)

79
It appears as if this narrative makes similar use of the ‘captivity story’ as movies like

THE DEER HUNTER (1978) and FIRST BLOOD: PART II (1985) did. In other words, its narrative

structure is not that different from earlier mainstream Hollywood films about Vietnam.

Though, there are some differences with these earlier filmic representations. But do they

figure more prominently than the similarities? Or does this picture primarily utilize the same

codes and conventions? In more popular words, how ‘inventive’ and ‘refreshing’ is this

narrative in face of its predecessors?

First of all, when looking at its main character, we already get the sense that this film

reaches back to some very recognizable Hollywood stereotypes. For instance, the movie’s

protagonist Dieter Dengler is portrayed as a soldier who represents America’s innocence,

bravery, resourcefulness, good intentions, and especially its determination in the face of

extreme adversity. All of which are stereotypical qualities that define numerous Hollywood

heroes, and especially those in World War II movies. As argued in previous chapters, the

Vietnam War film uses similar –though sometimes more twisted- characters as well. Dengler

seems to continue this tradition of strong men, fighting for survival in the Vietnam jungle.

Even though, he does not directly appear to be a kind of ‘superman character’ like Michael

(Robert De Niro) in Cimino’s THE DEER HUNTER (1978) or Captain Willard (Martin Sheen)

in Coppola’s surreal APOCALYPSE NOW (1979), his characteristics appear to be stereotypical

in nature.

One of the main differences with his captured ‘predecessors’ is Dengler’s more

rational and human(e) appearance, which are in contrast with some of the violent and at times

even ‘superhuman’ qualities of characters like Michael and John Rambo. In addition, the

more positive characteristics of his personality are emphasized through the actions and

personalities of his fellow captives, especially during the event of their escape. They appear to

be more violent, unreliable, treacherous, and even deranged; although this might also be

80
ascribed to their prolonged incarceration. But whatever the reason, the fact remains that these

particular human qualities are set up perfectly to contrast Dengler’s character against. As a

result, Dengler is similar to the stereotypical hero from earlier war films and subsequently

more identifiable to the audience. From this angle RESCUE DAWN is yet another movie which

does not break with standard Hollywood conventions.

Secondly, although fictionalized, this film claims to be a true story about Dieter

Dengler. Thereby, it once again focuses on the individual (or a small group of individuals),

without showing the big picture. Like the previous argument, this makes it easier to identify

with the events and its protagonist, but it also depoliticizes the conflict. On the other hand, the

lack of a broader perspective can also be ascribed to the somewhat convenient fact (for the

filmmakers) that the story is situated during the early stages of the escalation of the war,

which is in 1966. This is a plausible but rather simple justification for the avoidance of a

larger context.

Thirdly, RESCUE DAWN also applies the much utilized and recognizable convention of

‘us-against-them.’ In its narrative, the ‘Us’ are the prisoners of war (POWs), consisting of

Americans such as Duane Martin and Eugene DeBruin, as well as some Asian civilians.

However, it becomes clear during their shared confinement that this is not a very coherent

group. As the time to escape draws closer, conflict –embodied in Eugene DeBruin- arises

from Dieter’s decisions about food conservation and his way of handling things. Only Duane

and Dengler seem to really bond, and are even abandoned by the rest during their escape

attempt. For that reason, they appear to be the genuine ‘Us’ of this narrative, whereas their

fellow prisoners could also be perceived as ‘Them.’ Even so, the Laotian communists that

captured and guarded them are the more evident examples of ‘Them’ within this dichotomy.

Then again, the enemies that figure most prominently within this story are not people, but the

extremely harsh conditions during their incarceration as well as the jungle itself.

81
In all reality, we do not see much of the communists, their politics, their way of life, or

of their beliefs for that matter. We only parade through one of their peaceful villages and are

presented with a short scene in which Dengler is kindly offered his release. In exchange a

local government official wants him to sign a confession about America’s criminal actions in

Indochina, which he obviously turned down. Additionally, most of the prison guards are

extremely stereotyped as either insane, plain evil or somewhat helpful but retarded. The only

real motivation they seem to have is not that different from their prisoners, they also want to

get food to last another day. This shows us nothing but the fact that they are human beings as

well, though generally immoral human beings. This is nothing more than we have already

seen in most of the mainstream movies about the war, namely a negative representation of the

enemy (the ‘Oriental Other’). Hence, although there are examples that prove otherwise, the

fact remains that the oriental enemy is negatively stereotyped yet again. What makes it less

apparent is the movie’s continuous focus on Dengler’s actions, which does not leave much

room for a direct representation of his enemy.

Fourthly, on a personal and therefore rather subjective note, RESCUE DAWN appears to

be a more ‘realistic’ representation of POWs during their incarceration and directly after their

escape. At least, more ‘realistic’ than movies like THE DEER HUNTER and FIRST BLOOD: PART

II, which also use the ‘captivity story.’ The reason for this seems to lie in the lack of

over-the-top action sequences, extreme violence, obscenity, and even of overly dramatized

moments. The main goal of which is to provide ‘spectacle’ and baffle the audience by

bombarding their senses. So, although RESCUE DAWN uses Hollywood clichés and

fictionalizations like its predecessors, it also proves to be somewhat different. The simple

heroic story of bravery and the fight for survival, for example, appears to be rather basic and

cliché. But instead of being a point of weakness, you could also argue that it makes the

narrative more believable and even ‘realistic.’ By focusing primarily on the main character

82
and his journey to survive, without involving too much narrative complexity, and by

combining this with a naturalistic way of acting, it becomes easier to accept it as a true story.

Then again, stripping a story of its complexities can also be perceived as a negative sign,

because simplifying a very complex thing is also a common strategy to circumvent difficult

questions about it.

Philip Rosen addresses the issue of ‘realism,’ ‘reality-effect,’ and ‘spectacle’ in

historical movies, in his book Change Mummified. Cinema, Historicity, Theory.191 As it was

described in the chapter about representations, historical movies utilize both this ‘reality-

effect’ and ‘spectacle’ in varying degrees. In this way they attempt to approach a measure of

indexicality (of the image) and referentiality (of the object) to the historical event, while

providing visual entertainment (‘spectacle’) at the same time. In other words, a close

resemblance to the historical event is aimed at, but ‘spectacle’ is also strived after. A lavish

stream of bombastic scenes is very common in action movies and can be found in most war

movies as well. However, too much of this ‘spectacle’ can make a movie appear to be less

‘referential’ to the events it represents. To compensate for this effect, Rosen argues that the

knowledge-ability of the audience is pivotal.192 When the audience has a better sense of

history and film conventions, they are more likely to separate spectacular scenes from the

(true) historical events. Thereby assessing the former (e.g. action sequences, explosions, and

thrilling escape attempts) as mere entertainment, rather than as an integral part of the latter.

All in all, the question what is truly ‘realistic’ or referential is almost impossible to answer.

Even so, the actors Christian Bale and Steve Zahn convincingly bring the basic human

survival instincts and determination to the foreground, which at least adds to the film’s

believability.

191
Philip Rosen, Change Mummified. Cinema, Historicity, Theory (London 2001)
192
Ibidem, 195.

83
In a way my personal opinion about the ‘realism’ or ‘reality-effect’ of this film is

supported by the director’s personal view on its content. On the official website of RESCUE

DAWN Herzog tells us the following:

Dieter Dengler embodies everything that I love about America: courage,

perseverance, optimism, self-reliance, frontier spirit, loyalty and joy of life.

[…] [He] came to represent the best of the American spirit.193

On that same website is argued that the film “[…] is ultimately neither about war nor politics.

Dengler […] represented the best of what humanity can be under extreme pressure.”194 In

other words, RESCUE DAWN is primarily about humanity’s ability to overcome extreme

adversity, and more specifically about an American who demonstrates this capability –in this

case even a German born American immigrant.

This is basically part of a very recognizable topic within American culture, which is

epitomized by the question: what defines an American? This issue is addressed in several

national myths, such as the frontier myth, which states that the nation’s spirit was forged on

the American frontier. In short, characteristics like the capability to overcome hardship, and

the ability to gain strength as a result of it, were believed to come from American pioneers,

struggling for their survival in the wilderness. Even though RESCUE DAWN does not blatantly

link this concept of resilience to America, it still appears to refer to its people. In addition,

with the moment of production in mind, we can clearly fit this movie within the discourse

about 9/11 and the war in Iraq. In this context, Dieter Dengler is also the personification of the

American nation, showing similar resilience in the face of extremely difficult events. This

193
A.U. “About the Film,” on: http://rescuedawn.mgm.com/ (2006)
194
Ibidem.

84
valorization of the American spirit is an often recurring aspect of Vietnam War films, which

once again helps to mystify its ‘true’ story.

In summary, the film uses Vietnam merely as a backdrop for its homage to the

American spirit in the light of contemporary events; thereby making it all about America.

Moreover, it reinscribes the dominant ideology about its conflicts instead of challenging it,

seemingly hinting to America’s ability to triumph over anything, even when things get rough.

85
POW Dieter Dengler (Christian Bale) in a heroic attempt to escape from his captors, in RESCUE DAWN (2006).

Duane Martin (Steve Zahn) and Dieter Dengler (Christian Bale) during their escape, in RESCUE DAWN (2006).

86
Conclusion

It is clear that there have been many different mainstream screen versions of the war,

representing a wide scope of ‘interpretative perspectives,’ all of which were a continuous

“battle for the hearts and minds” of the American people.195 Losing the war was a deeply felt

trauma, and different filmmakers wanted to capture its essence even long after it was over.

Though, none of them have come up with a definitive answer as to what this war really was,

for as far as this is possible at all. From CHINA GATE (1957) to RESCUE DAWN (2006) too

many aspects of the war have been left out of the equation; too many times were tough

questions about meaning and responsibility evaded; too often these films reinforced the

existing discourse about the war instead of directly addressing or even challenging it.196 The

filmmakers have clearly found it challenging to represent such a controversial episode in

American history and seemingly decided not to engage in too much controversy themselves.

Not estranging their audience appeared to be the main objective, resulting in very diverse but

recognizable narratives, with which the audience would be able to identify itself. Even though

there is evidently no single representation (image) of the war -which would be almost

impossible when taking its complexity into account- there are still some aspects that most of

these movies share.

First of all, they appear to have a common goal. Like Michael Adams argued, when

discussing the issue of mythmaking: all societies reinvent their past; they use things and

portray it as useful, interesting, and even exciting.197 In the case of World War II, sociologists

would probably argue that this is done to increase a feeling of national pride and boost social

cohesion within society. The mainstream Vietnam War movies are really not that different.

They play an important role in the construction of a collective memory on the conflict, to

195
Ibidem.
196
Mitchell K. Hall, Crossroads: American popular culture and the Vietnam generation (Lanham 2005) 16.
197
Michael C.C. Adams, The Best War Ever: America and World War II (Baltimore 1994)

87
make this traumatic event easier to accept for the American public.198 In their attempt to make

this happen, they generally ignore the tough questions of the war, and use familiar American

myths, codes, and conventions to represent it instead. They try to recapture the essence of

those recognizable images and symbols that are enshrined in American mythology, and

project them on the war;199 all with the intention to boost confidence in the nation. In other

words, as Ditmar and Michaud most eloquently stated:

Applied to the specific case of Vietnam War films, […] [it can be argued that]

most of the films […] work to reaffirm those same beliefs that the war threw

into doubt, and that they do so by obscuring, not illuminating, the painfully

unresolved feelings Americans still have about the war.200

Consequently, combined with the use of familiar myths, codes, and conventions, you could

argue that Vietnam is just as mythologized in film as World War II is to Americans, at least

according to Michael Adams.

Second of all, the Vietnamese in these films are generally portrayed in “stereotyped

roles as villains or victims.”201 For instance, Gordon Arnold argues that “[…] they serve as

foils against which American characters can act out their heroism or cowardice. We learn

little of them as individuals or as a people.”202 The role of the villain in these movies is a little

bit more complex than in an average World War II movie. One of the reasons for this is the

repeated use of corrupt government officials, and “[…] misguided, cowardly, or simply evil

Americans”, which make clear that the Vietcong and North Vietnamese Army are not

198
Ibidem, 179.
199
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 9.
200
Linda Ditmar and Michael Michaud, From Hanoi to Hollywood: the Vietnam War in American Film (New
Brunswick 1990) 7.
201
Gordon Arnold, “The Strange afterlife of the Vietnam War” (21-08-2006) on: hnn.us/articles/28641.html
202
Ibidem.

88
necessarily “the official enemy.”203 This conclusion is shared by the writers of How the War

Was Remembered, as well as by some of the essayists from Inventing Vietnam and From

Hanoi to Hollywood.

It becomes clear that the war in these filmic representations is not only fought between

Americans and the Vietnamese communists, but also between Americans themselves, hinting

to its internal conflict –domestic issues concerning civil rights, poverty, education, and of

course the anti-war movement, to name a few. In this sense the ‘alien’ or the enemy was not

foreign but familiar instead, that is to say: “[…] an internal rather than external version of the

other.”204

The main reason for this particular representation of the war is explained by Gordon

Arnold. He claims that “[i]t was more comforting to believe that the United States had

defeated itself than to believe a small communist nation could inflict such pain on its

superpower adversary.”205 Nevertheless, the filmic representations of the Vietnam War still

try to combine this kind of narrative with the threat of Asian communists (e.g. the Vietcong or

the Pathēt Lao), which makes these movies so ambiguous to begin with.

Besides these particular characteristics, most mainstream Vietnam War films also use

other forms of “narrative and mythic patterns,” such as: the Bildungsroman,206 the captivity

narrative, the feminization of the enemy, the demonizing of the media, the valorization of

patriarchy, and finally Vietnam as a ‘foreign Other’ versus a protagonist with whom the

audience can identify itself.207 This identification with the main character remains important

in most Hollywood films. On the other hand, the protagonist in these movies can also be

intrinsically different from the audience, emphasized by the use of symbols like ‘the wounded

203
Ibidem.
204
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 7.
205
Gordon Arnold, “The Strange afterlife of the Vietnam War” (21-08-2006) on: hnn.us/articles/28641.html
206
The Bildungsroman mostly deals with the moral, intellectual, and emotional development of its protagonist.
207
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 7-8.

89
veteran’ and ‘the superman character,’ which help to distance the spectator from this painful

conflict.208

The use of this personal perspective on the war –down to the level of the individual

soldier– also takes the war out of its wider social, political, and military context. In other

words, it merely shows the ‘micro narrative’ of the war, without any of its ‘grand narrative.’

This also results in the evasion of tough questions about the conflict, though it complicates it

as well, because the actions of the individual cannot always be controlled or accounted for.209

In conclusion, it seems like most Hollywood studios and financers do not want to take a risk

with (controversial) political statements, which could cost them their audience and therefore

their money. Consequently, they rather portray the war by using recognizable codes,

conventions, myths, and symbols, while explaining it through images of human corruption

and total chaos or insanity. According to John Hellmann, this is sometimes done with the

intention to ‘repair’ the core myths that define America.210

In spite of everything, as it is the case with pretty much all historical research, it is

almost impossible to make overarching conclusions or show any trends that have general

value. There are too many films; too many issues they represent; and too many different

filmmakers with their own interpretation of the conflict. Subsequently, when you add an ever-

changing production context and diverse socio-economic circumstances, you can understand

the analytical difficulties it poses. The fact that the interpretation of these films differs from

person to person, and is also influenced by time and circumstance(s), complicates it even

further.

Moreover, these films will never give a true representation of the war –assuming that

this is even possible- not even when they deal with all the critique on their shortsightedness.

208
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 23-74.
209
Willem Wagenaar (memory expert), on: “The Memory of Conflicts,” in: Pauw & Witteman (Ned.3 20/03/08)
210
John Hellmann, “Vietnam and the Hollywood Genre Film: Inversions of American Mythology in The Deer
Hunter and Apocalypse Now,” in: Michael A. Anderegg (ed.), Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and
Television (Philadelphia 1991) 56-80.

90
As was argued in the essay “Teaching Vietnam: The Politics of Documentary,”211 there is a

current and past filmic representation of the war, but also a reality of the conflict. There

remains an unclosable gap between the two, even though you would expect that the time is

ripe to come up with a more definitive statement on the war. In essence, all representations of

Vietnam are just “[…] a highly limited facet of a many surfaced object.”212

If anything, the latter also implies that a good depiction of the war is one of versatility,

including multiple perspectives, images, and meanings within its narrative. It should be a

filmic representation with political and psychological imagination; a painful reality,

portraying both the good and the bad; giving us a detailed history of, and look at, both sides of

the conflict; showing their beliefs and attitudes; and asking questions about mistakes,

responsibility, and the lessons coming from it. However, even when Vietnam films do not

show such a detailed or accurate picture of the war, they still have a lot to say about American

society through its symbols and metaphors, which suggest “[…] a great deal about the

American ethos”213 and the moment of production. Therefore, analyzing them will never be a

total waste of time.

In summary, many different Hollywood movies appear to say something about the

Vietnam War and its meaning. However, after close reading, most of their messages could

either apply to war in general –e.g. that it is extremely complex– or they are overtly symbolic,

encompassing the kind of (subtle) optimism Hollywood considers to be appropriate. We

almost never get a direct and plain portrayal, separated from the customary Hollywood codes

and conventions. On the other hand, we might be asking for something that just does not

belong in the realm of mainstream Hollywood, but more within the art house scene. Once

more the main issue seems to be ideological directly linked to a financial factor. In other

211
Thomas J. Slater, “Teaching Vietnam: The Politics of Documentary,” in: Michael A. Anderegg (ed.)
Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 269-290.
212
Michael A. Anderegg (ed.) Inventing Vietnam. The War in Film and Television (Philadelphia 1991) 13-14.
213
Auster and Quart, How the War Was Remembered (New York 1988) 2.

91
words, the Hollywood studios put a lot of money in these movies and are therefore very

reluctant to risk alienating the audience as a result of controversial narratives. So, playing it

safe –by reinscribing society’s dominant ideology- remains their motto.

With this in mind, hoping for better mainstream Hollywood films is probably idle,

consequently leaving us the more alternative and independent American films, and of course

world cinema. Both of which are more likely to challenge the status quo, because of the more

autonomous position of their filmmakers. But whatever cinema might bring, America’s

current involvement in Iraq makes it painfully clear that there is still enough to be learned

from the Vietnam War, and future films can help to do that.

92
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Rosenstone, Robert A. Visions of the Past. The Challenge of Film to Our Idea of History

(Cambridge 1995)

Tricht, Bart van. “Rendering Whiteness Strange.” Essay for: Topics in American Diversity

(Utrecht University 19-02-2007)

Tricht, Bart van. “Take-Home Exam; question 3.” Essay for: Introduction to American

Studies (Utrecht University 08-11-2006)

Wetta, Frank Joseph and Martin A. Novelli. “"Now a Major Motion Picture": War Films and

Hollywood’s New Patriotism.” In: The Journal of Military History. Vol. 67-3 (July 2003)

861-882.

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Vietnam War Movies (sorted by year)

Fuller, Samuel. CHINA GATE (1957)

Logan, Joshua. SOUTH PACIFIC (1958)

Mankiewicz, Joseph L. THE QUIET AMERICAN (1958)

Englund, George. THE UGLY AMERICAN (1963)

Wayne, John and Ray Kellogg. THE GREEN BERETS (1968)

Altman, Robert. M*A*S*H (1970)

Laughlin, Tom. BILLY JACK (1971)

Compton, Richard. WELCOME HOME, SOLDIER BOYS (1972)

Jaglom, Henry. TRACKS (1976)

Scorsese, Martin. TAXI DRIVER (1976)

Frankenheim, John. BLACK SUNDAY (1977)

Kagan, Jeremy. HEROES (1977)

Reisz, Karel. WHO’LL STOP THE RAIN (1978)

Cimino, Michael. THE DEER HUNTER (1978)

Ashby, Hal. COMING HOME (1978)

Furie, Sydney J. THE BOYS IN COMPANY C (1978)

Post, Ted. GO TELL THE SPARTANS (1978)

Coppola, Francis Ford. APOCALYPSE NOW (1979) (2001: REDUX version)

Kotcheff, Ted. RAMBO: FIRST BLOOD (1982)

Kotcheff, Ted. UNCOMMON VALOR (1983)

Zito, Joseph. MISSING IN ACTION (1984)

Cosmatos, George P. RAMBO: FIRST BLOOD PART II (1985)

Stone, Oliver. PLATOON (1986)

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Irvin, John. HAMBURGER HILL (1987)

Kubrick, Stanley. FULL METAL JACKET (1987)

Levinson, Barry. GOOD MORNING VIETNAM (1988)

Stone, Oliver. BORN ON THE FOURTH OF JULY (1989)

De Palma, Brian. CASUALTIES OF WAR (1989)

Stone, Oliver. HEAVEN AND EARTH (1993)

Zemeckis, Robert. FORREST GUMP (1994)

Schumacher, Joel. TIGERLAND (2000)

Wallace, Randall. WE WERE SOLDIERS (2002)

Frankenheimer, John. PATH TO WAR (2002)

Herzog, Werner. RESCUE DAWN (2006)

Documentaries

Lohaus, Dan (dir.) VPRO’s Import: WHEN I CAME HOME (documentary; USA 2006)

Norris, Errol (dir.) THE FOG OF WAR: ELEVEN LESSONS FROM THE LIFE OF ROBERT S.

MCNAMARA (2003)

Television Programs

Wagenaar, Willem (memory expert). On: “The Memory of Conflicts.” In: PAUW &

WITTEMAN (Ned.3 Thursday 20/03/08)

98
Internet Sources

A.U. “About the Film.” On: http://rescuedawn.mgm.com/ (2006)

A.U. “Battle of la Drang.” On: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Ia_Drang_Valley

(2008)

A.U. “Internet Movie Database.” On: http://www.imdb.com (2008)

A.U., “Representation (arts).” On: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Representation_%28arts%29

(2008)

A.U. “Rescue Dawn.” On: http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0462504/synopsis (2008)

A.U. “The Vietnam War.” On: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnam_War (2008)

Arnold, Gordon. “The Strange Afterlife of the Vietnam War” (21-08-2006). On:

hnn.us/articles/28641.html

Benner, Ralph. Review of “Heaven and Earth (1993)” (1995). On:

http://www.imdb.com/Reviews/41/4121

Denby, David. “We Were Soldiers (director: Randall Wallace; 2002).” In: The New Yorker

(March 18, 2002). On:

http://www.newyorker.com/arts/reviews/film/we_were_soldiers_wallace

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Willis, John. “Plot Summary for: We Were Soldiers (2002).” On:

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0277434/plotsummary

Zoelen, Kaj. “Rescue Dawn.” In: Film Totaal (2007). On:

http://www.filmtotaal.nl/module.php?section=newsDetails&newsID=9601&titel=Rescue_Da

wn_%5Brecensie%5D (22-08-2007)

The images that are used in this master thesis are screenshots and posters from various websites.©

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